Bridging the gaps: Citizens, Organisations and Dissociation

8/4/2019 Bridging the gaps: Citizens, Organisations and Dissociation

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Bridging the gaps:

Citizens, organisations and dissociationCivil Society Index summary report: 2008-2011


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Published August 2011 by CIVICUS: World Alliance or Citizen Participation, Johannesburg, South

Arica. Any reproduction in ull or in part o this publication must mention the title and credit the

above-mentioned publisher as the copyright owner

2011 CIVICUS. All rights reserved.

Photo credits:

Cover - Nasser Nouri

Page 24 - International Rivers Network

Page 30 and 40 - Tristan Brand

Page 36 - Sokwanele, Zimbabwe

Bridging the gaps: Citizens, organisations and dissociation


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Contents

Foreword ........................................................................................................... 4

1. Introduction .................................................................................................. 6

Summary ........................................................................................................................................................................6

About the Civil Society Index .................................................................................................................................. 7

A comprehensive but introspective take on civil society ............................................................................. 8

About this report ......................................................................................................................................................... 8

2. Volatile civil society space and dicult relations with the state .............. 9

Attacks on civil society .............................................................................................................................................. 9Civil society government relations ..................................................................................................................12

New space and its drivers .......................................................................................................................................13

CSOs at a crossroads?...............................................................................................................................................15

Key conclusions .........................................................................................................................................................16

3. Resource challenges or CSOs .................................................................... 17

Financial resources....................................................................................................................................................17

Human resources ......................................................................................................................................................20

Key conclusions .........................................................................................................................................................23

4. Are CSOs modelling the values they espouse? ........................................ 24

Labour rights ...............................................................................................................................................................24

Womens participation ............................................................................................................................................25

Champions o democracy? ....................................................................................................................................26

Driving progressive values? ...................................................................................................................................27

Concern or the environment? .............................................................................................................................29

Key conclusions .........................................................................................................................................................29

5. How important are networks? ................................................................... 30

International connections ......................................................................................................................................33

The location o civil society....................................................................................................................................33

Partnerships with the private sector ..................................................................................................................34

Key conclusions .........................................................................................................................................................35

6. Are we witnessing civil society impact? .................................................... 36

Key conclusions .........................................................................................................................................................39

7. Are CSOs and citizens connecting? ........................................................... 40

Trends in volunteering and unorganised action ...........................................................................................45

How representative and progressive is participation? ................................................................................48

8. New pathways or participation ................................................................ 50

Acknowledgements........................................................................................ 53

CSI dimension scores by country................................................................... 54

Civil Society Index summary report: 2008-2011


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Foreword

Within every border, across every country, exists a multitude o separate silenced voices. Those

are the words on the poster above my desk at CIVICUS. They serve as a daily reminder o the

daunting scale, the stupendous opportunity and the stark simplicity o the task that conronts

civil society.

The term civil society has grown increasingly popular in recent times. It is bandied about by world

leaders and business barons, philanthrocapitalists and anarchists, academics and revolutionaries,

and pops up with ever greater requency on social networks, blogs and in traditional media alike.

Many denitions have been proposed, but, at its essence, civil society is our species response to

the basic human need to come together in pursuit o common goals. Throughout human history,

in every culture, on every continent, humans have elt impelled to transcend individual interests

to seek common cause. Neuroscientists, anthropologists and behavioural scientists have all

shown that the impulse to altruism and community are innate human instincts.

From pre-historic groups o women pooling their resources or the benet

o the tribe and its children, or medieval artisans collaborating to enhance

and protect the ruits o their labour, civil society today is a vast ocean o

human action encompassing neighbourhood groups, trades unions and

aith-inspired initiatives through to ormal non-governmental organisations

and global alliances seeking solidarity, justice and reedom or all humanityand the very survival o our planetary ecosystem.

Each great advance in human rights and reedoms the abolition o slavery, votes or women,

protection or minorities, children, workers and the disabled against discrimination, exploitation

and abuse, and the rights to inormation, reedom o expression and to representation, even

the international co-operation necessary to acilitate trade, commerce, transportation,

communication, the prevention and control o pandemics and crime-ghting has been the

result o small groups o individual humans putting collective goals ahead o their own narrow

interests.

The ends o collective action are not always benign, however. From the exploitation o the

powerless, ethnic cleansing and terrorism to genocide the arena o collective action has

oten been exploited to cruel and inhuman ends. Those ends have necessitated and justied

the monitoring and regulation o civil society by governments. Predictably, governments have

abused these powers to co-opt, control and direct civil society to achieve political ends.

As citizens have demonstrated their growing capacity to mobilise against repression, corruption,

exploitation and discrimination, powerul elites political, economic, social and cultural whose

continued dominance these movements have challenged, have struck back. Over the past

decade in particular, the so-called global war on terror has been used by governments around

the world to roll back civil society reedoms through legislative, scal, technological and extra-

judicial measures including abduction, kidnapping, torture, assassination or other orms o state

violence.

Since the nancial implosion o 2008, arguably itsel caused by the capture o state power by elite

interest groups, economic pressures have urther threatened civil society reedoms. Cutbacks

Civil society is our speciesresponse to the basichuman need to cometogether in pursuit o

common goals.



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in unding, especially or work whose outcomes are not easily measured in the short term,

the erosion o political support or the interests o the other ethnic minorities, immigrants,

oreigners and the socially excluded and the prioritisation o economic interests over human

rights and political reedoms in national policies and international relations, as well as the seismic

shit in geo-political equations, have all provided excuses to renege oncommitments and to turn a blind eye towards violations.

CIVICUS Civil Society Index has, rom the completion o its rst pilot phase

in 2002, been the preerred measure o the health and vitality o this

amorphous and eclectic sector. It combines academic rigour with a unique

participative approach that endows it with unparalleled authority and

legitimacy. This summary o the CSI ndings rom the 2008-2011 global phase, drawing on over

2,000 pages o analysis produced by CIVICUS civil society members and partners, could not come

at a better time. The paradigms that shaped denitions o and relations between state, market,

media and civil society in the late 20th century have all come into question, social contracts

are being re-negotiated overtly and covertly on every continent, the concept o nationalsovereignty has never been more fuid, and global governance mechanisms are threatened with

obsolescence by rapidly changing power dynamics. Countries which have been described as

established democracies, those that achieved democracy more recently as well as authoritarian

regimes that make little pretence to democratic values are all witnessing challenges to the status

quo rom peoples movements o varied hue, united by their quest to gain or reclaim an active say

in governance. Our understanding o what civil society is has to be challenged and become more

fuid in response to these changing times. Excitingly, a resh look at what civil society is and does

reveals as yet under-explored potential or association, participation

and activism.

The key nding o this global phase o CSI is that there exists anoticeable disconnect between established civil society organisations

and the increasing number o citizens involved in both new and

traditional orms o activism. We need all these orms o civil society,

and they all need each other. I we are to ensure constructive and

sustainable pathways to participation and progressive change - rather

than a series o feeting moments o mass-based protest, prone to capture and cooptation by

elite interests committed only to preserving the status quo - then an investment in rebuilding

these connections between organised and less ormal civil society is now essential. Whether

donors, governments or civil society organisations, I would urge all those re-evaluating how best

to support civil society in these extraordinary times to take note o the key ndings summarised

in the pages that ollow, based on perhaps the most comprehensive picture o contemporary

civil society currently available.

As the sectors premier mechanism to assess and shape itsel, CIVICUS Civil Society Index will

continue to evolve to encompass the changing landscape, to meet the needs o its many

stakeholders and, in doing so, to provide one leading barometer o that human impulse to

reedom, justice and collective endeavour.

Ingrid Srinath

Secretary General, CIVICUS: World Alliance or Citizen Participation

Our understanding owhat civil society is has tobe challenged and becomemore uid in response tothese changing times.

There exists a noticeabledisconnect between

established civil societyorganisations and theincreasing number o citizensinvolved in both new andtraditional orms o activism.



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1. IntroduCtIon

summary

In many countries around the world, civil society organisations (CSOs) exist in a state o heightened

volatility and fux. The conditions or CSOs include low levels o popular trust in public institutions,

which bring correspondingly low levels o public participation in ormal processes, and persistent

structural weaknesses o CSOs, including in nancial and human resources. These problems are

exacerbated by newly challenging economic and political conditions, which emerged over thecourse o this study and which continue to play out. Such conditions inhibit the ability o CSOs to

serve the public, achieve infuence over policy and even sustain their operations.

Despite this, people at large retain their desire to associate. They also continue

to believe in the broad concept o civil society, even i they may not always

understand the orms o association in which they take part as being captured

adequately by the term civil society. In this oten unstructured participation,

and in the new orms o participation enabled by technology, lie the key to the

sectors survival and renewal.

These are among the key conclusions o the recently concluded CIVICUS Civil Society Index (CSI)2008-2011 project, rom which this report draws.

This report begins by setting out the aims and areas o ocus o the CSI, beore going on to

describe some o the key ndings that emerge rom an analysis o the various CSI Analytical

Country Reports. These include the ndings that:

Civilsocietyspaceisvolatileandchanging

Statecivilsocietyrelationsarelimitedandmostlyunsatisfactory

Financial and human resource challenges for CSOs are continuing and in some cases

worsening

ThereisoftenagapbetweenCSOsarticulationofvaluesandtheirinternalpracticeofthem,

as expressed through the application o labour and gender rights and internal decision-

making processes

Networking oers a strengthbut isstill insucient,withsignicantgaps ininternational

connections and civil societyprivate sector partnerships

In many countriesaround the world, civilsociety organisationsexist in a state oheightened volatilityand ux.



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CSOsachievegreaterimpactinthesocialspherethanininuencingpolicy,andthereisagap

between high levels o activity and medium levels o impact

Thereiscontinuingpublictrustincivil societyasanideabutlowlevelsofinvolvementin

ormal civil society activities compared to higher levels o non-ormal participation.

The report concludes by suggesting that as a ollow-up to these ndings, the understanding bygovernments and donors o the civil society sector needs to expand to encompass non-ormal

movements, including both traditional orms o participation and online activism; and that new

processes need to be instigated which better connect ormal CSOs with these under-explored

formsofparticipation,oeringcitizensnewpathwaysforeectivecivicactivism.

aboutthe CIvIl soCIety Index

The CSI is a participatory action-research project which aims to assess and improve the state o

civil society in a range o countries around the world. It exists to create a knowledge base and

momentum or civil society strengthening. It does this through encouraging civil society sel-refection and analysis in a process which includes a broad sweep o civil society stakeholders.

The CSI is initiated and implemented by CIVICUS: World Alliance or Citizen Participation

(CIVICUS), in partnership with CSOs at the national level. It brings together a range o CSOs

and enables them to conduct sel-assessments on an array o key indicators which build up a

picture o the strength o and constraints against civil society in ve key areas: civic engagement;

level o organisation; practice o values; perception o impact; and the external environment.

The views o the population as a whole, as well as those o knowledgeable external experts,

are also assessed alongside those o CSO representatives in order to arrive at a comprehensive

understanding o civil societys role, health and challenges. Together, the ndings o the CSI can

be said to represent the views o thousands o people over 30,000 members o the public, over4,000 CSO representatives and over 1,000 experts on civil society.1

One o the values o the CSI lies in this participatory and consultative methodology, which

helps, through the inclusive national level processes o civil society-led sel-assessment and

refection, to build new connections and social capital within the civil society sector, thereby

strengthening it. For example, the CSI in Cyprus brought together civil society rom both sides o

theGreenLine(theUnitedNationsbuerzonethatpartitionsthedividedcountry)tocompare

their respective strengths, weaknesses and ways o working, to critique the

current workings o the peace process and, on that basis, ormulate joint

plans and platorms or action. In Kosovo, the CSI created a space or an

emerging consciousness o Kosovar civil society at a critical moment in theyoung nations history. In countries with changing and challenging political

situations,suchasGuinea,theCSIoeredasafeandrelativelypolitically

neutral space or discussion on civil societys role.

The CSI process also enables civil society across a range o countries to compare regional notes,

pinpoint shared challenges and strategise on ways to address these. The six Latin American CSI

partners, or example, worked regionally to compare and analyse trends between their contexts

in order to build up a comprehensive picture o the current state o Latin American civil society

and, as a result, new connections have been developed in the region.

The CSI helps to build new

connections and socialcapital within the civilsociety sector, and therebystrengthen it.


1 For a detailed description o the thinking behind the CSI and its methodology, see the CIVICUS document

Assessing and Strengthening the State o Civil Society Worldwide: an updated programme description o

the CIVICUS Civil Society Index Phase 2008-2010, available at www.civicus.org.


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The CSI studies encompass great diversity, covering countries in Latin America, East and South

Europe, Central, East and South East Asia, the Middle East and North and Sub-Saharan Arica. The

CSI provides new inormation on highly wealthy, developed countries such as Italy, and some o

the worlds poorest such as Liberia; huge expanses o land such as Kazakhstan and small islands

such as Malta; long-sovereign countries such as Mexico and fedgling nations such as Kosovo.

a ComprehensIvebutIntrospeCtIvetakeonCIvIlsoCIety

TheCSIoersa valuable,one-o opportunity to take the temperatureof civil societyacross

a wide range o countries. For countries that have already undertaken CSI studies in previous

phases, there is the added opportunity to spot and track trends.

Because the CSI encourages civil society refection and sel-analysis, it should be acknowledged

that the ndings tend to be mostly internally-ocussed. They tend to examine what civil society

eels it needs to do itsel to enhance its capacity and make the best o whatever opportunities

maybeavailableto it, giventhatcivil society isinmanycountries operatingwithin dicult

contexts, including conditions o restrictive and changing space, as well as low political status,

as we shall see below.

This introspection necessarily infuences the nature o the recommendations

that emerge. The Venezuela CSI report captures this tendency when it notes,

It was noticed that proposals or internal strengthening were raised very

easily,whilegreaterdicultywasexperiencedinthedesignofactionsto

infuence civic culture and public policies. This observation ought to become

a guideline to deepen refection about the role o CSOs as change actors.

Also it should be clear that, as discussed below, while a sense emerges rom the CSI o the richnessand changing nature o civil society, as refected in the broad-reaching denition the CSI adopts

o civil society, as the arena, outside o the amily, the state and the market, which is created

by individual and collective actions, organisations and institutions to advance shared interests,

the process is led by a particular segment o civil society, the CSO, and as such it tends to ocus

on the roles, needs and challenges o CSOs. Nevertheless, as we shall see, the research prompts

challenges to existing thinking and denitions about what civil society is and means.

aboutthIsreport

This report is one o the many outputs o the 2008-2011 CSI project. Other key outputs o the CSI arethe Analytical Country Reports (ACR), comprehensive country level civil society sel-assessments.

Some 29 o these were published by CIVICUS and its national CSI partners in the rst hal o 2011,

with two more orthcoming, and many o these were accompanied by a recommendations-

ocussed Policy Action Brie, specially commissioned case studies and other nationally specic

outputs. Put together, the ACRs add up to a vast and potentially bewildering amount o resh

knowledge, running into over 2,000 pages o new intelligence. This current report does not

attempt to capture the whole CSI analysis, but rather ocuses on aspects o the CSI ndings that

connect to core CIVICUS concerns and values. It draws its material mostly rom the ACRs, rom

which all quoted text is taken. In doing so it seeks to bring out some highlights rom the ACRs and

attempts wherever possible to use the words o the civil society partners to refect and respect

their own assessment o their reality and the value o locally-owned knowledge. The CSI analysis

combines quantitative and qualitative data, and this report draws mostly rom the qualitative data.

A companion paper, Cutting the Diamonds, analyses in more depth the quantitative data, while

the qualitative indicator database, included here in a short summary orm, will also be published in

more detail to allow independent analysis o other CSI aspects.

The research promptschallenges to existingthinking and defnitionsabout what civil society isand means.



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2. volatIleCIvIlsoCIetyspaCe

anddIFFICultrelatIonswIth

thestate

When it comes to the operating conditions or civil society today, the picture that emerges is

distinctly mixed.

attaCksonCIvIlsoCIety

While many o the countries surveyed are recognised as democracies, with legal provisions or

civil society operations, the CSI reveals that almost hal o CSOs surveyed, 47%, nd the legal

environment or civil society either somewhat or highly limited. Further, 21% o CSO surveyed

report that they have at some time experienced restrictions on their activities or direct attacks by

central or local government.2

As an example o this, the Nicaraguan CSI report describes the uses o law to restrict space:

Laws areconsideredrestrictiveduetodiculties inobtaining legal status,and

discriminatory scal control methods are used according toparty aliation of

CSOs. One third o CSOs surveyed said they had been the victims o aggression

by the local or national government over the last 10 years, including abuse o

power, restrictions on strikes and mobilisations, aggression and deprivation o

liberty, injury and libel, the closure o legal spheres o participation and violations

o human and civil rights. The study, covering the period o 2008 to 2010, captures

2 The particular challenges human rights deenders ace, including trends in government attacks on their

work and the conditions o their work, are well captured in the annual reports o the UN Special Rapporteur

on the Situation o Human Rights Deenders. See www2.ohchr.org/english/issues/deenders/annual.htm.

For another recent overview o the trends on civil society space, which provides a range o case studies

rom non-CSI countries, see also the February 2011 report o the ACT Alliance, Changing Political Space

o Civil Society Organisations, available at www.actalliance.org/resources/publications/ACT_enabling_

environment_shrinking_policy_brie.pd/view.



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how the situation has worsened since the arrival o a new administration in 2007

that has implemented a system to exclude social organisations and that has limited

rightsofassociation,expressionandcooperationofnon-aliatedCSOs.

In Venezuela, the picture includes attacks on civil society using political rhetoric and attempts tocriminalise what used to be seen as legitimate areas o civil society activity, including through

extension o libel and slander laws.3 The Venezuelan CSI report also notes growing polarisation

o political debate or and against the ruling party, in which civil society struggles to assert its

neutrality outside party politics, and to maintain the value o the middle ground. They observe,

Venezuelan society is made up o two blocs: one in avour o the revolutionary project and one

against.Betweenthesetwopoles,mostcivilsocietyorganisations(CSOs)areequallyaectedby

a model in which autonomous intermediate organisations are not considered by authorities as

legitimate interlocutors.

ThedicultiesofoperatingwithinconditionsofpoliticalpolarisationareechoedinSenegal:It

isstillratherdicultforcivilsocietytobecomeautonomousandtoecientlycontrolpolitical

3 For more on recent developments in civil society law, see the quarterly reports on NGO law, Global Trends

in NGO Law, provided by the International Centre or Not-or-Prot Law (ICNL), available at www.icnl.org/

knowledge/globaltrends/index.htm. The December 2010 issue provides an overview o new and proposed

laws which particularly seek to restrict the international unding o Venezuelan civil society.

You believe that your country's regulations and laws or civil society are

Has your organisation ever aced any illegitimate restriction or attack

by local or central government?

Source: CSI Organisational Surveys


Highlyrestrictive

11%

Quite limiting36%

Moderatelyenabling

45%

Fully enabling8%

Yes

21%

No

79%


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leaders, mainly because o corruption, distrust, political manipulation and other actors.

In Jordan, while a greater political openness and the relative stabilisation o parliamentary lie are

noted as encouraging developments, it is also observed that:

Jordanstillneedstoadopteectivepoliciestobuildasustaineddemocracy,andthese include proound reorms o the laws regulating the rights o organisation,

assembly and expression, in addition to an election law that secures a air

representationofthepopulationandgeneratesaneectiveparliamentthatistruly

representative.

In Kazakhstan, a connection is drawn between low levels o participation and a restrictive

ramework or civil society:

Whileitispossiblethatpoliticalapathyistheconsequenceofcitizensindierence

to socio-economic concerns, it seems ar more likely that the limited legal

ramework or political activism and competitiveness is seriously inhibiting the

depth, diversity and extent o political engagement. These ndings o the CSI

study reinorce and provide evidence or serious and emerging concerns about the

democraticdecitinKazakhstan,andsuggestthatitwillbediculttobuildan

active citizenry without rst opening up space or genuine political engagement,

competition and contestation.

Beyond the legal and political sphere, the Jordan CSI report also highlights ingrained conservative

orces as a continuing barrier: The general environment CSOs operate in is believed to be

politically conservative andbiased in favourof thestates interventionistrole in theiraairs,

which in turn weakens impact.

While the CSI survey questions only enquire about restrictions rom government on civil society

space, other actors that inhibit space should also be acknowledged. For example, in Mexico, the

growing insecurity caused by organised crime is also recognised as a challenge to CSO operations,

with the report noting the deterioration perceived as a result o growing corruption, impunity

and insecurity in Mexico. This critical situation is daily conronting the essential values promoted

by CSOs. Furthermore, the normalisation o violent situations never beore seen in Mexico, and

urther boosted by the media, is a phenomenon that undermines the sectors work.The trade-

obetweensecurityandlibertyofoperationsisrarelyaneasyone.4


4 As well as its own primary data, CSI also draws rom a range o existing secondary data sources in developing

its quantitative indicators. One o these is the Freedom House Freedom in the World annual assessments

o the state o political and civil liberties, which ranks countries on a scale o 1 (ully ree) to 7 (not ree). The

average score o the 2010 survey or the 29 CSI countries which produced ACRs is 3.3, which is classied by

Freedom House as partly ree. Nineteen o the CSI countries were classied as partly ree or not ree. See

http://reedomhouse.org/template.cm?page=15 or more results o this survey.

Restrictions and attacks on civil society

A core concern o CIVICUS is deending civil society space against the kind o threats and restrictionsidentied above. Its 2010 report, Civil Society Space: the Clampdown is Real, sets out some o the

major recent limitations on civil society space, which include legal and policy restrictions, repressive

uses o the police and army, imprisonment and violence. CIVICUS Civil Society Watch project enables

people on an ongoing basis to monitor, report on and disseminate inormation about new threats

to civil society, civic activists and human rights deenders around the world, while the Eurasia IDEA

Network aims to promote awareness o and international solidarity around human rights abuses in

ormer Soviet Union countries. 2011 saw the launch o the new CIVICUS Civil Society Watch Online

Platorm www.cswatch.org. CIVICUS also runs the Every Human has Rights Campaign to promote

greater awareness o the Universal Declaration o Human Rights as one o the building blocks o

supporting human rights deenders - ww.everyhumanhasrights.org.


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CIvIlsoCIety governmentrelatIons

The Kosovar CSI report underlines the special challenges and compromises a fedgling country

may ace in developing the trust needed or a critical relationship between civil society and

government to grow:

It is a general perception... that processes through which Kosovo has passed in

recent years have damaged the culture o criticism and participation in decision-

making, on the grounds that any reaction will harm the process o state building

and international recognition. International presences and donors have not

supported organisations that adopted non-conventional approaches to processes.

Above all, civil society has applied sel-censorship out o ear o losing unds.

Even where the state moves to establish space or civil society, issues remain about the quality

and value o the space, and the danger o civil society being seen to coner legitimacy by

participating in processes that all short o true inclusiveness.

For example, the Turkish CSI report describes a somewhat selective attitude by the state when

it comes to civil society engagement, with government unding being used as a controlling

mechanism:

In terms o dialogue, the majority o CSOs believe that the state only engages with

a selective group o CSOs on a needs-only basis. Regarding public support to CSOs,

97% describe the range o CSOs that benet rom such support to be limited or very

limited... In comparison with the previous CSI study, the dialogue and cooperation

levels remain the same while there has been a signicant worsening o the CSO

perception o autonomy. This might be due to the ailure to ully implement legal

reorms.

Georgia describes a similar situation, with avouritism compounded by the existence o red lines

on statecivil society dialogue:

On the one hand, the government does not hesitate to give certain civil society

groups a ree hand in dealing with some unimportant issues, both on the legislative

and practical levels, in exchange or their ull loyalty. On the other hand, however,

once political or economic power sharing (such as civilian oversight o security and

police structures, transparency o the budgeting process, or decentralisation o

government) is suggested, it reuses to even discuss such a possibility.

The Slovenian CSI report, meanwhile, describes a situation o:

merely ormal inclusion, which is mainly justied as meeting the criteria or the

legitimisation o policies, and contrasts civil societys lack o useul contribution

(given structural weaknesses and under-development o civil society) with the

strong role o the state and the hierarchic and legalistic state bureaucracy. The

governments distorted motivation (with arms-length evidence and creation o

invited spaces), the passive population (with low levels o civic engagement ater

the transition to a liberal democratic regime) and questionable practices on the part

o civil society (with a relatively low image o CSOs in public opinion surveys) oten

result in the sectors neutralisation, notwithstanding a ew positive exceptions.

The Senegalese CSI report puts it simply: When selecting CSOs it will talk to, the state obviously

preers the ones unlikely to criticise it, while in Russia a typical distinction between socially-

oriented and more politically challenging CSOs is highlighted:Government is still distrustul and



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suspicious in relation to politically active CSOs. It is necessary to continue intensively trying to

orm spaces or real rather than ormal processes o interaction, dialogue and eedback on issues

which arise rom modernisation, including on matters o policy.

Further challenges in the relationship between civil society and the state include ears o co-

option due to state unding dependency. For example, the Uruguay CSI report points to:

the existence o a signicant number o NGOs and other CSOs that have entered

into agreements with several state bodies with this being, to a large extent, their

main source o nancing. Thus, CSOs rank as employees or organisations hired by

the state and this generates some tension due to the employer-employee double

unction.

Further, some countries, such as Zambia, report the use o obsolete, sometimes colonial era

legislation, or unnecessarily unwieldy and bureaucratically centralised laws, as in the case o

Uruguay, that make it harder to instigate new civil society actions, or example by making the

processofCSO registration cumbersome and dicult.For example, inSenegal only 39% ofCSOs surveyed said CSO registration was simple and ast; in Rwanda only 32% said it was ast. In

Tanzania this gure was as low as 25%.

Manycountriesreporthighlevelsofpublicagencycorruption,whichmakeitmoredicultfor

CSOs to operate in the manner they would wish. For example, the Armenia report states: The

external environment within which Armenian civil society operates continues to be hindered by

corruption and by a lack o adherence to the rule o law.5

newspaCeandItsdrIvers

In other contexts there are drivers, oten outside national boundaries, that can be seen to

be enlarging space, albeit sometimes in an instrumental and top-down way. The process o

European Union accession is one example o this, and with several o the CSI partner countries

being recent or would-be members o the regional bloc, this phase o the CSI presents a valuable

opportunity to ocus on an example o how regional integration can change the civil society

dynamic. Presumably, the perceived economic benets o regional integration, including the

Civil society and conict

Several o the CSI countries have experienced or are experiencing various orms o conict and can be

classied as being conict or post-conict countries. Conict cuts across and blocks other initiatives to

promote development and uphold human rights. CSOs can play a positive role in helping to overcome

conict and promote reconciliation, but conict and violence can threaten, impact on and polarise

civil society. In 2011 CIVICUS, with the Open Forum or CSO Development Eectiveness, published

a study on Civil Society Organisations in Situations o Conict and its implications or development

eectiveness. In 2012, the rst o a series o books based on the CSI ndings will be published, on the

theme o civil society and conict, ocussing on selected CSI countries such as Kosovo and Liberia and

key themes in conict such as transitional justice, the uses o violence by civil society and the impact

o security measures on civil society space.

5 Another external data source rom which the CSI draws is the Transparency International Corruption

Perceptions Index, which assesses levels o public sector corruption in 178 countries. The average score othe 29 CSI countries which produced ACRs on the 2010 Corruption Perception Index is 3.8, on a scale o 0 to

10 where 10 indicates no corruption; 24 o the CSI countries all below the threshold o 5 out o 10, which

indicates a serious corruption problem. There is also a striking correlation between low political reedom

scores and high corruption scores or the CSI countries. For more inormation, see www.transparency.org/

policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2010.



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14

nancial support made available by the core EU agencies, may outweigh qualms governments

might have about enlarging civil society space as a precondition o entry.

In this regard the Bulgaria CSI reports new arenas being created, through a top-down process, by

its recent EU membership, as does Croatia:

with sustainable programmes o nancing and EU programmes o civil society

support being introduced, it is reasonable to expect some improvements in the

near uture. Indeed, Croatias accession to the EU has also created a real opportunity

or CSOs to participate in new regional processes. However, their capacity to

engage in these processes may be limited.

Turkey, meanwhile, identies a similar useul but mixed externally driven experience:

The EU accession process also kept its positive perception despite its ups and

downs. It was ound to be benecial in terms o legal rameworks, dialogue with

the state, and nancial resources, as well as support or social movements. There

were only concerns regarding nancial resources on the terms that they create

dependency on oreign aid.

There are other opportunities created by political changes. In Uruguay, or example, the CSI

report suggests that recent political shits in the light o elections have created new opportunity

or civil society, albeit not without some disappointments:

CSOs that took part in regional surveys consider that the government o the

2005 to 2009 period encouraged several political reorms that have had a positive

impact on the generation o social movements and that room has been created

that enables participation, even though results have not been as expected in all

cases.

Argentina records a similar recent experience, noting, ...a wider acknowledgment o the sector

by state actors, which is refected in the creation o several governmental areas, the specic

mission o which includes the strengthening o civil society and its organisations, and improving

relationships with the government that avour the ormulation o joint initiatives. However, it

also tells us that, ...limitations include a high level o distrust between the state and civil society

representatives, lack o continuity o civil society-related policies, and a tendency to relegate

the sector to implementation or consultation activities rather than to the real design o specic

policies.

Similarlyaverydierentcountry,Albania,reports, There is currently an upward trend in stateactors willingness to cooperate with CSOs, although oten driven by a pro-orma approach.

The Georgia CSI, meanwhile, reports that new possibilities at governmental level are rustrated

by amiliar capacity problems:

A positive tendency that has recently emerged in Georgia is that in the wake

o the governments alling credibility, authorities have given a clear signal that

they would like to cooperate more with civil society groups on numerous issues.

Unortunately, civil society... has been substantially weakened in the last seven

years and is thus no longer able to respond adequately to new challenges most o

the time.

Further, new opportunities can bring with them increased potential or avouritism and

corruption, i resh money is expected to fow through inadequate systems. Returning to the



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15

example o EU expansion, in Bulgaria a particular key concern was expressed:

Despitetheundeniablepositiveeconomicandpoliticaleectsofmembership,

various issues surround Bulgarias integration. EU structural unds are a public

resource earmarked or development and are the main nancial tools o EU

cohesion policy. They have considerable impact on national public policy. Forthis impact to be positive, however, a change in the way resources are allocated is

needed in order to ensure transparency and eliminate any management capacity

issues The procedures or application and selection o beneciaries under the

Operational Programmes are open to serious criticism due to their centralisation

withintheadministration,strongbureaucracyandineectiveness.

This is echoed rom an EU candidate country, Macedonia: European Union integration

processes oerpositive potential for the development of civil society by promoting values

such as participatory democracy, inclusion, transparency and accountability. However, present

corruption in the public sector eeds ears o abuse o the incoming larger EU unds.

Throughout the CSI consultations, the ears o co-option through participation and o being seen

to legitimise limited structures through engagement, and worries about the lack o capacity to

meet the challenge o participation, are ever present. The tension between CSOs proving their

worth as responsible deliverers o services and as aggressive agents o change is also requently

raised. The challenge or CSOs in such a context can be stated as: how can they take advantage

o opportunities that are created, especially when they do not themselves create them, without

compromising their independence? And when those opportunities are driven by external orces,

such as donors, as we shall discuss urther below, how can CSOs respond without being seen as

overly-opportunistic or externally-driven, a requently expressed actor in limiting public trust in

and peoples participation within CSOs, and do work which will still have a ootprint once donor

ashions have turned their attention elsewhere?

Part o the response to this is surely or civil society to take charge o dening its own space and

its own identity, on its own terms. In this regard, the Chile CSI makes a call to, create a training

space to help civil society leaders and representatives dene themselves and the sector as a third

party, deserving o conditions equal to those o the state and the private sphere.

Finding a greater range o ways to orge stronger, collective, identities remains a key challenge

or civil society within this context.

Csos

at

a

Crossroads

?A growing sense emerges rom the CSI reports that CSOs are acing both a crisis and an

opportunity, and stand at a historical crossroads. For example, the Turkey CSI tells us that: Civil

society in Turkey aces a major turning point: it will either use its strengths to deepen its role as

an indispensable actor in social and political lie in Turkey; or it will enter a period o stagnation.

ThisisechoedfromtheverydierentcontextofJapan:

Although the CSI project has revealed many weaknesses o Japanese civil society,

it was ound that there are already CSOs working on those areas that need

strengthening. Hence, those movements within civil society show that Japanese

civil society is still progressing. However, there remain concerns about nancialsustainability or lack o human capital. Additionally, there are CSOs that violate the

law. Hence, Japanese civil society today can be said to be very much standing at a

crossroads, and it is uncertain whether it will develop urther or stagnate.



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16

Georgia, meanwhile, suggests that a stark choice now aces their society:

The optimistic scenario oretells an empowerment o democratic institutions

within Georgia and the ormation o a sustainable basis or the stable development

o democratic institutions through international support and mobilisation o society

as a whole. The pessimistic scenario however suggests urther consolidations o

authoritarian rule in Georgia as a potential threat, in conjunction with a deteriorating

economy, high emigration, domination o police structures and increasing power

o international criminal cartels (or example, drug and weapons smuggling). CSOs

believe that only the support o urther developments o the civil society sector

may lead to the achievement o the optimistic scenario.

keyConClusIons

Thespaceforcivilsocietyoperationsisvolatile,contested,oftenlimitedand,evenwhereit

has improved, there are resulting challenges o managing civil societys role, status, integrity,the expectations placed in it and any new unding opportunities that arise.

In many countries at least some CSOs feel that the legal environment is restrictive or

cumbersome or their operations and that there is avouritism in civil societystate

relationships or limitations on what it is permissible to challenge.

SomeCSOs feel that the sectoris ata historicalmomentwhereit faceseitherdeclineor

renewal, depending on what actions are taken next.



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17

3. resourCeChallengesFor

Csos

What are some o the consistent challenges that the CSI tells us CSOs ace?

FInanCIalresourCes

In a world continuing to experience the implications o the global economic crisis, it is no surprise

that nancial issues for civil society loom large. Many CSI partners report dicult funding

regimes or civil society, with a large number o CSOs experiencing reduced levels o unding

rom previous years. This can be presumed as only likely to get worse as time-lagged unding

cyclesareaected.TheoverallCSIguresshowthatwhile40%ofCSOssurveyedreportthattheir

revenues increased over the two years covered by their research, this is outweighed by the 54%

which saw their expenses increase rom one year to the next.6

6 These ndings are supported by a UN-commissioned study, published by the NGO Committee or Social

Development, Friedrich Ebert Stitung, Sisters o Charity Federation and Marianists International, published

in February 2010 and available at http://ngosocdev.les.wordpress.com/2010/01/ull-study-on-impact-o-

global-crises-on-csos-2-25-10.pd. Surveying 640 CSOs in 2009, they ound that many reported budget

decreases, with the ratio o those reporting decreases compared to increases roughly two to one.

CSO expense changes (compared to previous year)


Increased54%

Stayed thesame27%

Decreased19%


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18

Increased40%

Stayed thesame29%

Decreased31%

For example, in Zambia only 50% o organisations are judged to have a sustainable nancial

resource base; in Slovenia it was ound that while the number o CSOs multiplied more than

twoold between 1996 and 2008, their income as a share o GDP grew rom only 1.92% to 1.99%,

implying a stretching thin o resources between CSOs; in Venezuela, more than hal o CSOs

surveyed had seen their income reduce rom one year to the next.

Beyond this, the CSI reports remind us that many CSOs already operate on minimal budgets in

any case. For example, Nicaragua records that 38% o CSOs operate on less than USD$10,000

per year, Macedonia reports that 85% o associations and oundations have an annual budget

o under US$2,300, while in Japan 15% o specied non-prot corporations (SNACs) report their

income to be zero. The implications o this or the human resourcing o civil society in Japan areclear:abouthalfofSNACscannotaordtoemployevenoneyoung,full-timeworker.

The Mexico CSI report establishes a threshold o US$50,000 o annual CSO income, above which

CSOs seem capable o having national presence and impact:

These organisations tend to have a larger paid sta, greater possibilities of

membership in a network or ederation o organisations and tend to exchange

more inormation with other CSOs... those with budgets under US$50,000 tend

nottohaveformalcollectivegovernanceentitiesand fewerpaidsta.Theyalso

exchange less inormation and receive a smaller amount o government unds.

Further, CSI reports overwhelmingly tell us that donor dependency, and the correspondingdanger o unsustainable and arbitrarily reduced unding, remains high. Even when unding is

assured, the implications o this on civil society independence need to be considered.

For example, the Armenian CSI summarises the challenge:

A signicant percentage o the interviewed CSOs, despite having stably secured

their budgets in 2007 and 2008, either totally or extensively relied on oreign

donors. Such extensive dependency on a single source o revenue, even i stably

secured, jeopardises the independent unctioning and long-term security o an

organisation, which becomes more susceptible to donor priority shits, reduced

resources or unavailability o donor unds.

The Albanian CSI report, meanwhile, ears the consequences o loss o donor attention:

Having built up the needed inrastructure (communication, experience and

support networks) in the past two decades o generous support rom oreign

CSO revenue changes (compared to previous year)




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19

donors, Albanian CSOs must now adapt their strategies to an environment that is

experiencing donor withdrawal.

These ears, along with a concern or the quality o donor-driven work, nd an echo in Kosovo:

Large scale nancial and technical support rom international donors resulted in amassive growth in the number o CSOs, which was not necessarily ollowed by the

increased quality o their work. Easy to get unds, combined with the dependence

on oreign donations, created many donor-driven NGOs as well as hibernating ones

which become active only upon available unds. From more than 6,000 registered

NGOs in 2010, less than 10% are estimated to be still active or partially active. The

report adds, Ater a decade o huge international unding or civil society, many

donors have started to shit their geographical ocus and withdraw rom Kosovo.

The Georgia CSI, meanwhile, underlines a concern echoed in many o the reports, that chasing

donor unding amidst the lack o alternative sources o support causes CSOs to make uneasy

compromises: in view o their limited resources, CSOs obediently accepted all priorities laid outby donor organisations, implementing projects even in areas outside their sphere o competence,

provided they are ranked high among donor priorities, in order to secure donor unding. For

example, gender organisations are oten orced to deal with environmental problems.This is

supported by the perspective rom Kazakhstan: Financial survival oten demands that values be

sacriced, particularly when aced with securing unds either rom oreign donors or rom a state

which discourages political competitiveness.

The Morocco report calls attention to the loss o energy that chasing resources entails, and the

distortion o CSO priorities it can bring:

The lack o nancial resources that characterises the situation in most CSOs

results in considerable diversion o energy onto organisational matters rather than

topics related to organisations, strategies and implementation o missions. Some

consulted people say there is at some point a switch between the organisations

objectives and missions: CSOs no longer exist with the aim o accomplishing their

missions, but instead slip towards searching or nancing to maintain themselves.

The challenges this presents or CSO legitimacy and popular support are summarised by the

Kosovar CSI report:

Most o the sector remains highly dependent on international unding. Adding

to this the continuous increase o the European Union proportion in civil society

unds, bureaucratic application procedures and airly high minimum grant amountsexclude most organisations rom beneting rom these unds, as they are too small

to apply or absorb such gures, thus increasing the division between large and

small CSOs. Trying to survive in this situation, the priorities o civil society in most

cases have refected the priorities o the donors, meaning that many civil society

initiatives were not driven by the interest o the community. This has weakened

the connection between CSOs and their constituencies, calling into question the

legitimacy o their actions. This leads to a situation where, in Kosovo, ndings

revealaverylowlevelofcorrelationbetweenocialmissionsofCSOsandthe

elds o work they are involved in. 71.7 % o surveyed CSOs think that most CSOs

apply or unds outside the eld o their mission...

A connected concern emerges about sel-perpetuating elites o CSOs that enjoy access to unding.

Morocco reports, Funding seems limited to closed circles, with hal o CSOs not receiving any

state support and over 90% not receiving unding rom oreign donors.



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20

While diversication o unding sources is clearly a necessary part o the response to this, this

entails a human resources challenge, as the Russia CSI records:

Opportunities or accessing other sources o unding are underused. Oten the

barrierwouldseemtobeaninsucientlyhighskilllevelonthepartofemployees

andheadsofCSOs.Only17%oftheheadsofCSOsreportedthattheyoergoodopportunities to increase the qualications o employees in elds such as strategic

and nancial management, bookkeeping and undraising. This can be assumed to

lead to an inability to convince potential partners, the public and mass media o

the importance o their activities and an inability to attract new human, material

and nancial resources.

humanresourCes

While access to technological resources does not emerge as a strong issue, with 84% o CSOs

surveyed reporting that they have adequate access to technology, beyond even their nancialchallenges, the CSOs surveyed suggest that the most pressing resource problem they ace is

that o human resources. These are o course connected, as the Chile CSI indicates, identiying

a negative cycle...in which CSOs have to hire external consulting rms to develop competitive

projects which will attract public unding. I material and human capital is not developed within

CSOs,itisverydiculttocompeteforfunding.

TheCSImeasuresthepercentageofCSOswheretheproportionofvoluntarytopaidstaisless

than25%ofthetotalstacomplement.AcrossalltheCSIcountries,only19%ofCSOshave

suchahighlevelofpaidsta.Incontrast,35%globallyhavenopaidstaatall.Inverydierent

countries,CSOsreportalackofpaidsta.Forexample,inMorocco62%ofCSOsdonothave

any paid employees; in Jordan 48% have two or ewer; in Cyprus, on the southern part o theisland42%ofCSOshavenopaidsta,whileinthenorthernpartoftheislandthegureisas

high as 64%. Even in countries considered to have a more developed civil society, such as in Latin

America,mostCSOshavelowlevelsofpaidsta:inNicaragua59%ofCSOshavefewerthan10

paidsta,whileinMexico35%havenopaidstaatall.Consistentlyapictureemergesofvery

weakhumanresourcebases,witharelianceonvolunteersinsteadofpaidsta.While,aswewill

discuss urther below, volunteering is a valuable social asset and a potential source o renewal or

CSOs, it also begs questions o sustainability, given volunteer turnover. There are also challenges

aboutthequalityof thevolunteeringexperienceCSOsoer,andthesubstantialhiddencosts

that CSOs can entail rom engaging volunteers.

Share o CSOs with no paid sta


43%

32%

18%

25%

33%

37%

35%

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50%

Latin America

East and South Europe

Sub-Saharan Africa

East and South East Asia

Middle East and North Africa

Former Soviet Union/CIS

Global average


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21

Turkey reports a widespread perception o inadequate human resources within civil society:

Insucienthumanresourcesbeitvolunteersorprofessionalsisacoreweaknesswithmulti-

dimensional results. 85% o those that employ proessionals and 71% o those that benet rom

volunteersndtheirhumanresourcesinsucienttorealisetheirgoals.

The Croatia CSI again connects nancial and human resources challenges:

Unsustainable and poor human resources were assessed as being one hindrance

to the greater proessional development o CSOs. At the same time, irregular and

limited nancing or CSOs continues to pose a threat or the stability o humanresources and or the sustained employment o young, educated proessionals. The

CSI study ound that this was a problem even or more developed organisations.

The Armenia report has similar ndings, while also discussing some o the issues around reliance

on volunteers: Volunteer input is a dening actor in an Armenian non-prot sector which relies

extensivelyonvolunteereorts.Yetvolunteerinput,howevervaluableitis,presentsproblems

o its own. Volunteers oten lack the necessary work experience to ensure adequate quality o

CSO human resources. On the other hand, those Armenian CSOs which do employ qualied

personnelarecontinuallyexposedtoinsucientnancialresourcesandinstabilityofprojects.

Sincemanyorganisationsarenotsustainableandsurvivefromgranttogrant,theynditdicult

toretainprofessionalqualiedstainongoingpositions. Similar ndings could be cited romalmost any ACR.

Project-based unding, which allows CSOs to conduct specic activities, but does not enable

themtodevelopasustainablepersonnelbase,isaparticularlyrecurringissuehere,thataects

the employment conditions o CSOs. Again, there are many examples that could be cited. The

Bulgaria CSI tells us that, Giventheproject-basedoperationofmostCSOs,alargeportionofsta

are employed under temporary contracts or do work or multiple organisations. Employment

in the civil society sector is characterised by instability and a variable workload, which can be

directly linked to the problematic unding o the sector.

This is also captured by the Philippines CSI:

Many CSOs are constrained rom putting their employees on a more regular

ooting since there is no certainty that the organisation will be able to obtain uture

grants with which it could implement projects and pay salaries. Thus, it is important

Share o volunteers within CSOs



46%

53%

63%

66%

38%

55%

53%

24%

15%

14%

13%

12%

16%

17%

9%

10%

10%

4%

8%

7%

8%

22%

21%

13%

16%

42%

22%

22%

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

Latin America


Sub-Saharan Africa




Global average

0-10 11-20 21-30 31 and more


22/56


23/56

23

The implications o the ndings on unding are also worrying when thinking about the uture

unding o civil society. The 2008-2011 CSI phase captures the experience o civil society in many

formerSovietandformerYugoslaviancountriesaftertheeuphoriaofcivicrevolutionhasturned

sour. They report time and again an experience o a civil society being shaped by donor priorities,

struggling as a result to root itsel locally and being vulnerable to change in unding ashionsand the projectisation o their missions. As the 2008-2011 CSI project came to completion, a

new wave o civic revolutions, or attempts at them, were witnessed in the Middle East and North

Arica. One o the key questions or civil society must surely be how it can be assured that the

donor mistakes made in the past in supporting civil society, as captured in the CSI reports rom

ormer communist countries, can be prevented rom being repeated in another part o the world.

keyConClusIons

There isasenseamongstCSOsthat thenancialclimateworsenedoverthecourseof the

study and that CSOs are very vulnerable to nancial shits.

ManyCSOsfeelthattheyseverelylackadequatehumanresources,arepronetolossofstato

other sectors and rely strongly on volunteerism.

CSOactivitiescontinuetobeveryproject-oriented,implyingalackofcontinuityofoperations

and vision and risking a potential loss o values, mission and public support.



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24

4. are CsosmodellIngthe

valuestheyespouse?

While, as we have seen, the CSI reports that CSOs ace key challenges o external origin, it also

sheds light on some major internally-located challenges that CSOs have reported, and that CSOs

believe they need to ocus greater attention on addressing.

labourrIghts

One internal challenge linked to the human resource problems described above is the very low

emphasis CSOs are placing on labour rights, according to CSI reports. The CSI shows consistently

low levels o ormal CSO policies or equal opportunities and equal pay or women and men

(48% o all CSOs surveyed), and o policies on labour standards (45%). It also shows low levels o

labourrightstrainings(39%)andverylowratesofunionmembership(12%)forCSOsta.Onall

indicators or labour rights, globally CSOs scored lower than 50%.

The Slovenia CSI reports one key reason or this, and the contradiction this implies: Practice

has seen violations o rules, and oten o labour regulations, sometimes even with employees

consent. The reason or this is the general shortage o labour and nance in the sector. Financial

survival oten demands that CSOs sacrice their values.Chile tells us that, Work relationships are

inormal, verbal contracts are predominant, and there are ew workers with health and retirement

provisions.

To a large extent this pattern can o course be explained by the actors discussed above: by the

relianceonvolunteeringandonshort-term,contract-basedsta,whichitselfhasanoriginin

unders reluctance to support core and ongoing costs and the project-based nature o much

CSO unding and activity.

The danger is that this apparent disconnect between something values-based CSOs mightreasonably be expected to endorse the deence o labour rights and equal employment rights

and their own practice risks weakening the external legitimacy o CSOs and their ability to

speak with authority on issues such as decent work and gender equality. The Mexico CSI report



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25

captures this dilemma: CSOs in Mexico ace a complex situation since in general they deend the

rights granted by the Federal Labour Law but on the other hand they are hardly able to grant

their employees convenient labour conditions.

A connected question that emerges rom the CSI is whether there are strong connections

betweenNGOsasonepartofcivilsocietyandtradeunions,aratherdierentcomponentof

civil society, on the other. The answer is usually not. This is exemplied in the Italy CSI report,

which tells us that, the special status and strength o trade unions in political, institutional

and social lie makes it impossible to compare them with other CSOs, and the Slovenian CSI,

which reports that, ...tradeunionsoccupyaspecialplace(oftendieringfromtheconventional

perspective o a CSO) in the social, political and economic development o Slovenian society.

This suggests that closer and more structured collaboration between these two sectors o civil

society could enhance an adherence to labour rights standards within CSOs in uture, without

compromising on the resources available to CSOs.

womenspartICIpatIon

On womens participation, the picture is mixed. As discussed above, under hal o all CSOs

surveyed, 48%, have a ormal gender equity policy, albeit this scores higher than the existence o

any other CSO labour policy.

However, some notable positive examples also emerge o the role CSOs can play in redressing

genderinequalityinsocietyatlarge,byoeringroutesforparticipationandpromotingastronger

roleofwomeninleadership.InArgentina,forexample,57%ofthestaofCSOssurveyedare

women. Similarly, in Uruguay, CSOs seem to be a sphere with a strong presence o women, who

outnumberthemalesta.Onaverage,womenalsoexceedmeninnumberinthepositionsof

executive committees, whilst in Russia, a society where traditional gender roles persist, 46% o

members o collective management bodies are women.Mexico urther notes that,Women have

greater participation than men in political organisations... 67% o humanitarian CSO members

and 60% o environmental CSO members are women.

The role CSOs can play in developing womens leadership is also emphasised in the context o

Rwanda, which reports that:

Existence o gender equity policies in CSOs


55%

58%

24%

41%

73%

50%

52%

45%

42%

76%

59%

27%

50%

48%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Latin America


Sub-Saharan Africa




Global average

No Yes



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26

CSOshaveoeredaveryfavourableenvironmentforthedevelopmentofwomen;

through CSOs women are able to speak in public more readily, they have their

own incomes, and they are oten part o the decision-making authorities o CSOs.

Empowerment o women is one o the most remarkable impacts o CSOs.

ChampIonsoFdemoCraCy?

CSOs report consistently high levels o awareness o internal democracy, and in most cases

strongly practise the mechanisms o internal democracy. Globally, the CSI data tells us that 64% o

CSOs practise some orm o democratic decision-making They also show widespread willingness

to condemn violence: 65% o CSOs believe the sector plays an active role in the promotion o

non-violence and peace This suggests there is an opportunity to promote CSOs as belonging to

a distinct sector that practises and encourages democracy and progressive values.

Nevertheless, the question inevitably remains as to how ar ormal guarantees o internal

democracy play out in practice. Many ACRs fag concerns here, with Armenia expressing a typical

view: Advisory Committee members raised concerns that many CSOs create boards or report to

boards either to show they abide by the law or to attract oreign grants. In reality, the unctioning

o many such boards does not go beyond these ormalities.

Uruguay tells us that:

Even though the percentage o organisations with steering committees or

executive committees exceeds 90% due to high ormality levels, internal democratic

decision-making seems relatively low. In 42% o CSOs, decisions are made by

a democratic method such as by members, an elected steering committee or

executivecommittee,orsta.However,mostdecision-makinginCSOsinUruguayis entrusted to appointed executives.

The Philippines CSI reports,There have been anecdotal studies that show that, in many instances,

board members have not been empowered or empowered themselves in order to judiciously

oversee the operations o civil society groups, while the Jordan CSI tells us, Experience shows

there is a tendency by administrative bodies to authorise the chairperson to assume the task

o managing day-to-day CSO activities, and the Liberia report describes a public relations

whitewash given the overbearing infuence and authoritative manner in which the executive

directors run their organisations.The geographical spread o these concerns suggests a wide-

ranging challenge or CSOs to demonstrate that they are practising internally the democracy

they oten claim to be the key guarantors o in the socio-political sphere.

Connected to this, the reliance o many CSOs on long-serving charismatic leadership, as well as

enduringleadershipsuccessionissues,oerafrequentlyexpressedsourceofconcernforthe

durability o the sector and its ability to renew itsel, as recorded in Armenia:

The one-man show is still a classic pattern o internal governance or many CSOs,

where the activities, procedures and even the very existence o organisations are

dependent on a single leader. Another problem that arises is that leaders o such

organisations tend to have very long terms at the head o the organisation, thus

limiting the opportunities or rotating leadership.

Morocco echoes this: The issue o the rotation o organisational executives must also bediscussed. Today, organisational executives are generally in the 45 to 55 year-old age group and

renewal is oten made through co-option. While there is a high level o participation o young

people in civil society the question remains: what possible pathways do they have to power?



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27

The Georgia CSI report, meanwhile, points out that CSOs can, in trying to improve their

eectivenessindicultconditions,concentratetheirpowerinwaythatironicallyechotheform

o the orces they are trying to change: Ater 2004 the constitution was repeatedly amended

to expand presidential powers. As a result, some o the very CSOs that opposed authoritarian

tendencies in the government opted or a rather authoritarian model o internal governance

themselves.

Beyond the welcome emphasis on internal democracy, and the willing sel-criticism on this

ront, civil society is being challenged to live and act out its values. This is what citizens seem

to expect o CSOs. While the picture is complex, people surveyed as part o the CSI research, aswe will discuss urther below, seem to have high expectations o civil society as a concept, but a

range o responses to how CSOs work in practice. These responses include disappointment over

unmet expectations, worries about corrupt and sel-serving behaviours and a widespread lack o

understanding and knowledge o the sector.

drIvIngprogressIvevalues?

CSOs should, according to many advocates o civil society, serve as a orce or the generation

o social capital. It is oten assumed that people who work in or who are members o CSOs are

drivers and incubators o progressive values in society to help advance social change. This, aterall, is the thinking behind much o the unding or CSOs. I this is the case, one should see that

people active in civil society espouse more progressive values than those outside CSO structures,

or example, when it comes to issues such as tolerance o minorities and marginalised groups,

andwillingnesstotakeastanceonanti-socialattitudesandacts.YettheCSIresearchhaslargely

suggestedthat this isnothappening,withdata showingminimalornodierence invalues

betweenthoseinsideCSOsandthosenot(amere6%dierenceintrustlevels,an8%dierence

intolerancelevelsanda5%dierenceinpublicspiritedness).ManyoftheCSIpartnersnotethis.

For example, in Armenia,Membership in Armenian civil society does not translate into enhanced

social capital both civil society members and non-members are almost equally distrustul and

intolerant, sharing a low level o public spiritedness. Bulgaria, meanwhile, reports the same:

Thereislittledierenceinattitudesbetweenpeoplewhoarepartofcivilsocietyandthosewho

are not, and CSOs have limited abilities to infuence the practice o these values.

The risks CSOs are running here seem clear, i there is a gap between the values they are

expected to uphold and their own practice o them. This is captured by the Venezuela CSI: It is


Location o decision-making powers in CSOs


45%

35%

40%

34%

10%

33%

36%

5%

3%

5%

5%

10%

3%

4%

38%

20%

43%

47%

74%

59%

51%

12%

7%

12%

13%

7%

5%

9%

0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%

Latin America


Sub-Saharan Africa




Global average

appointer leader/board staff elected leader/board members


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remarkable that a high degree o CSOs legitimacy... co-exists with an empty practice o values

and outstanding ragilities.

This surely calls or a urther examination o what motivates those who seek to work in CSOs. Two

theses could be advanced or additional investigation. First, could it be that those who choose

to work in CSOs are less motivated by a concern with advancing the public good and seeking

to redress social justice, as we might want to believe, than by something less idealistic, such as

careerism?Givenwhatwashighlightedaboutstaturnoverearlier,arepeoplepassingthrough

CSOs as an employment route into more lucrative arenas? To put it bluntly, is civil society simply

something or the CV? The Kosovo CSI might suggest so, as it tells us:

A number o civil society activists tend to show a high level o economic and

political opportunism. In this regard, civic engagement through civil society is seen

as a well-paid job or a trampoline to a political position rather than a contribution

or change in society. This has also a direct impact on the public image o individuals

working in the civil society sector.

Analternativepropositioncouldbeadvanced,giventhe lackofdierencein valuesbetween

CSOs and the population as a whole, as outlined above. In some cases, are people coming into the

civilsocietysectorbecausetheirparticularCSOsoerabaseforthedefenceofnarrowsectional

or group interests, rather than broader social benet? I we look back to the CSI denition o civil

society, as an arena in which competing interests are advanced and may compete and clash,

there is no apparent contradiction in joining a CSO to advance a narrow sectional interest that

does not correspond to advancement o the public good.

This idea o civil society as an arena o competition is strongly supported by the CSI ndings as

a whole, which draws attention to the diversity within civil society, as is discussed urther below.

What this implies or CSOs that exist to urther progressive values, such as democracy, humanrights and social justice, is that they need to embody, actively promote and prove the worth

o their values. In short, they need to be seen to live their values and be seen to ght or them.

Currently, it seems a gap is being described between what the public expect o progressive CSOs

and the behaviours and attitudes o the people working in them. How can people working in

CSOs demonstrate that they connect with citizens concerns and serve the public good? And

urther, how can CSOs recapture public imagination and reconnect better with their publics?

Any response to this latter question must surely include strengthening connections between

CSOs and media, which emerge time and again in the CSI reports as weak or non-existent.

Further, while CSOs in many countries report that they play a positive role in the promotion o

non-violence and peace, a particularly depressing eature o the CSI is that time and again, in

country ater country, people report high levels o intolerance. This is especially the case when it

comes to acceptance o sexual minorities and people with HIV/AIDS and there is generally very

littledierencebetweeninactiveandactivecitizensontheseissues.CSOsneedtobeurgedto

Addressing legitimacy, transparency and accountability challenges

CSOs are requently challenged, including by governments and donors, to demonstrate that they are

accountable and transparent and that they are have a legitimate basis or their actions and objectives.

One o the major ndings o the previous CSI phase rom 2003 to 2006 was that there were large

gaps in the legitimacy, transparency and accountability (LTA) practices o CSOs and, in the light o

this, it subsequently became a special ocus or CIVICUS work, with an emphasis on the generation

o knowledge and awareness and the promotion o cross-learning on LTA. The current CSI tells us thatthere are still gaps, but CSOs are prepared to be admirably sel-critical, and awareness o the issues

is larger. As well as greater awareness, recent years have seen a growth in CSOs specically working

on this issue, and progress is demonstrated by the institution o the International Non-Governmental

Organisations (INGO) Accountability Charter, which promises to make key INGOs stronger and more

public in their accountability. CIVICUS is a ounder and signatory o the Accountability Charter.



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do more to play a leadership role in challenging such social attitudes, even when that runs the

risk o taking unpopular stances and alienating organisations more conservative support bases.

ConCernFortheenvIronment?

A positive development in the arena o values, compared to the last phase o CSI, can be seen

in an increased environmental awareness o CSOs, with several countries that have previously

implemented the CSI reporting that more CSOs now have environmental policies in place. What

progress there is, however, clearly comes rom a low starting point, with only 34% o all CSOs

surveyed reporting the existence o publicly available environmental standards.

Further, the application o environmental policies in practice is questioned by many involved in

the CSI process. At the same time, in some countries, environmental CSOs, while seen as successul

in mobilising people and raising awareness through imaginative campaigns, are perceived as a

somewhat specialist branch o civil society, disconnected rom other civil society sectors, as in

the example o Georgia, which reports, these organisations are perceived to orm a separate

communitywhichisdistancedfromotherCSOswhichoperateindierentspheres.

How can connections be strengthened within civil society or the sharing o sound environmental

practice rom environmental CSOs? How can environmental concerns be mainstreamed as a parto core, active civil society values that take us beyond greenwashing? The Philippines CSI report

outlines some key challenges here: Despite the general awareness o CSOs on environmental

issues, there is still a lack o knowledge on how to codiy environmental norms. Many technologies

necessary to improve waste reduction are still prohibitive in terms o costs.

keyConClusIons

CSOs areoftenneglectful ofapplyingkey labour rights, including recognitionofgender

equality, which is at odds with the values many CSOs promote outside the sector, and this

can erode their credibility.

MostCSOsrecognisethevalueofinternaldemocracyandembodyitinsomeway,butthere

is still a tendency towards centralising power, oten in a long-serving leader.

CSOpersonnelandactivemembersareinthemainnotseentobestrongerchampionsof

progressive values than the public at large.


Location o decision-making powers in CSOs


60%

70%

54%

72%

67%

71%

66%

40%

30%

46%

28%

33%

29%

34%

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%

Latin America


Sub-Saharan Africa




Global average

No Yes


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5. howImportantare

networks?

One o the strengths the CSI reports is the widespread existence o national level CSO networks,

with networks in most CSI countries having a high level o membership and the exchange o

inormation between similar CSOs being requent. Globally, 53% o all CSOs surveyed are

members o an umbrella organisation, while 73% had held meetings with other CSOs and 70%

had shared inormation with them within a three month period. This suggests that CSOs are

showing themselves to be committed to networking with other CSOs to achieve common goals,

particularly in their immediate areas o expertise or thematic interests. Interestingly here, Cutting

the Diamonds, the analysis o the CSI quantitative data, also nds a positive connection between

the existence o networks and the tendency or CSOs to involve themselves in lobbying.8

This is an area that would seem, according to the CSI countries that are able to compare with

the previous phase, to be expanding. For example, Armeni

Documents

Bridging the gaps: Citizens, Organisations and Dissociation