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WORKING PAPER 0209 THE THREE "C's" OF MOTIVATION IN LEAN PRODUCTION: COMMITMENT, COMPLIANCE, OR CONFLICT? Suzanne de Treville And John Antonakis

3C Lean Motivation

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Page 1: 3C Lean Motivation

WORKING PAPER 0209

THE THREE "C's" OF MOTIVATION IN LEAN

PRODUCTION:

COMMITMENT, COMPLIANCE, OR

CONFLICT?

Suzanne de Treville

And

John Antonakis

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THE THREE "C's" OF MOTIVATION IN LEAN PRODUCTION:

COMMITMENT, COMPLIANCE, OR CONFLICT?

Suzanne de Treville1 & John Antonakis

Ecole des Hautes Etudes Commerciales

University of Lausanne

1Corresponding author: Suzanne de Treville Ecole des Hautes Etudes Commerciales University of Lausanne 616 – BFSH-1 1015 Lausanne, Switzerland Telephone: +41 21 692 3448 E-mail: [email protected]

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Abstract

Is lean production motivating? Over twenty years after the arrival of lean production, this

question has not been resolved. In this paper, we develop a model to theoretically explain the

relationship between job characteristics and motivational outcomes in lean production,

demonstrating that intrinsic motivation under a complete implementation of lean production is

theoretically possible; however, it is bounded by limited self-determination and excessive

leanness , which could lead to compliance or even resistance.

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Lean production (LP) is a manufacturing strategy that emphasizes flow, elimination of waste, and

respect for workers. Early adopters of LP changed the nature of competition in repetitive

manufacturing industries as a result of increased productivity, quality, and rate of learning. The

impact of LP on competitiveness was so profound that for several years after its arrival, the

competitive strategy of companies not using LP in those industries was reduced to catching up

with early implementers (Adler & Cole, 1993; Hayes, Wheelwright, & Clark, 1988; Porter, 1996;

Schonberger, 1982; Womack, Jones, & Roos, 1990).

Toyota’s success with LP, for example, led to a substantial transfer of market share away

from U.S. manufacturers (Hall, 1983; Hayes et al., 1988; Schonberger, 1982; Womack et al.,

1990). Consequently, the decade of the 1980s was marked by shock, protectionism against

Japanese imports, and a radical reassessment of the role of operations in competitive strategy

(Hayes et al., 1988). LP critics Rinehart, Huxley, and Robertson (1997: 2) noted, “If there is one

non-debatable proposition in the early literature, it surely must be the claim that lean production

will be the standard manufacturing mode of the twenty-first century.”

Whereas it is generally agreed that LP has had a substantial positive effect on firm

competitiveness, the impact of LP on worker motivation remains at best paradoxical and at worst

poorly understood. Although jobs under LP bear considerable resemblance to those under

“scientific management,” which is generally thought of as being stifling to self-determined

motivation, the apparent paradox is that a by-product of LP has been worker behavior whose

form, direction, intensity, and duration has indicated motivation, broadly defined. It remains

unclear, however, how much of this motivated behavior results from intrinsic task motivation,

reflected, for example, in increased commitment to the task for its own sake (Brief & Aldag,

1977) rather than from an increase in compliance due to heightened management control (e.g.,

Rinehart, Huxley & Robertson, 1997; Sewell & Wilkinson, 1992).

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Efforts to use generally accepted models of job design such as the socio-technical systems

approach (STS, e.g. Niepce & Molleman, 1998) or the Job Characteristics Model (JCM,

Hackman & Oldham, 1980) have not resulted in consistent explanations regarding the type of

motivation found in LP contexts (e.g., Adler & Cole, 1993; Berggren, 1994). Scholars such as

Adler and Cole (1993), Dankbaar (1997), Niepce and Molleman (1996, 1998), and Manz and

Stewart (1997) have analyzed the differences between LP and socio-technical systems theory and

discussed ways to improve LP by including principles inherent to STS. However, as we discuss

later, STS and in particular the JCM cannot be used to explain motivational outcomes under LP.

Our major purpose was to examine worker motivation under LP. Following Brief and

Aldag (1977), we define work motivation as a cognitive state experienced by individuals that

reflects inferences and attributions that individuals make about the origins of their actions.

Motivation results in an action or a behavioral outcome. Intrinsic motivation reflects a self-

fulfilling experience resulting from self -regulated value-congruent action that is largely

independent of external influence, causing commitment to performing a given task. Extrinsic

motivation reflects an instrumental experience resulting from a value-congruent or incongruent

action that is externally regulated, causing compliance to performing a given task. Finally, to

account for a fuller range of motivation, we add demotivation to behavioral outcomes that

individuals may demonstrate. Demotivation reflects dysfunctional behavior—unplanned for by

the formal organizational system—resulting from attempts to undermine externally -controlled

origins of one’s actions that are value-incongruent, causing conflict or resistance to performing a

given task (see Argyris, 1957). Unless otherwise specified, when referring to "motivation" or

"motivated behavior" we refer to both intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. "Motivational

outcomes" refer to both motivation and demotivation. Motivational outcomes are hypothesized to

be independent latent variables that occur in various degrees.

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We propose a model of LP that theoretically accounts for motivational outcomes. This

model is partly based on the LP principles applied at NUMMI—the joint venture between GM

and Toyota—and on Hackman and Lawler's (1971) position that much of the variance in intrinsic

motivation can be explained by job design. When we refer to LP, we refer to a complete

implementation of LP and the overall main effect of job-design variables on motivation. A

complete implementation of LP is a sine qua non for the emergence of LP outcomes because the

LP job design variables are interrelated and reinforcing and—theoretically—have a combined,

cross-level configural effect on motivational outcomes (see Meyer, Tsui, & Hinings, 1993 for a

discussion of configural theory). By using configural theory, we explain the main effect of a

configuration of LP on motivational outcomes and not the independent main effects and partial

interactions of the various job-design elements comprising LP. Much of the disagreement in the

LP literature concerning motivation has resulted from comparisons between full and partial

implementations of LP. Hence, our goal is to use a configuration of LP in a gestalt or holistic

form to analyze how job design theoretically causes motivational outcomes.

Our objective was thus to explain a configuration of LP that results in motivation and to

determine the conditions under which workers would be committed to, comply, or conflict with

organizational objectives. We also examined the unique contextual factors that characterize LP

settings from other settings, and sought to explain why traditional industrial motivational models

may not be particularly suitable for the LP context. As will be evident, our model indicates that

when completely implemented, LP can theoretically cause sufficient motivation to reduce worker

alienation and resistance, which were the original goals of job enrichment programs (e.g.,

Hackman & Oldham, 1976). However, the potential of LP job design to cause motivation is

limited by excessive "leanness" and systematic underinvestment in worker self -determination that

may lead to worker resistance.

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Motivation Under LP

Although the work performed under LP resembles that under scientific management,

implementation of LP changes several key dimensions of the job. When completely

implemented, employees under LP have, for example, an increased possibility to participate in

development of procedures and in problem solving. They receive more and better feedback

concerning their performance, become part of a team, and are more likely to have the training and

equipment needed to perform their jobs. Furthermore, job rotation and cross training allows for

an increase in task variety and task identity, and reduces the probability of repetitive strain

injuries (e.g., Adler 1993a; c.f. Adler, 1997).

As mentioned, such changes to job design under LP have been generally considered by

the operations management community to substantially increase motivation among workers, even

in the highly alienating environment of automobile assembly (e.g., Adler 1993a, 1993b, 1999;

Adler & Cole, 1993; de Treville, 1987; Hall, 1983; Hayes et al. , 1988; Kenney & Florida, 1988;

Imai, 1986; Monden, 1983; Schonberger, 1982; Suzaki, 1987, 1993; Womack et al., 1990). For

example, Groebner and Merz (1994) found that worker attitudes toward their jobs slightly

improved after implementation of JIT. Scott, Macomber, and Ettkin (1992) found an increase in

job satisfaction among workers with implementation of JIT. Haasen (1996) documented

increased motivation with LP implementation at the Opel Eisenach factory in the former German

Democratic Republic.

The majority of sociologists studying LP (e.g., Graham, 1993; Milkman, 1997; Rinehart

et al. , 1997; Sewell & Wilkinson, 1992) have disagreed with these conclusions. Whereas

acknowledging that workers under LP work harder and produce better quality than workers under

scientific management, these authors argue that much of the behavior indicative of motivation

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observed under LP could stem from compliance or coercion rather than commitment. These

authors regard LP as perfected Taylorism that (a) maximizes management control over workers,

while (b) deceptively asserting that workers are empowered, (c) resulting in excessive stress and

worker injuries. Barker (1993) suggested that concertive control by team members forced

compliance with management goa ls such as a fast line speed more effectively than bureaucratic

controls , hence observed motivation would be extrinsic (see also Graham, 1993).

Babson (1993), Graham (1993), Milkman (1997), and Rinehart et al., (1997) described the

implementation of LP at three automobile assembly plants in North America. In these plants,

workers began with high motivation and expressed a belief that the changes occurring under LP

would make their jobs more interesting and rewarding. However, over time they became

alienated and reverted to resistance of management efforts. The above authors acknowledged that

many key aspects of lean production expected to make jobs more interesting—such as the ability

to make suggestions or stop the line if a problem occurred—were incompletely and inconsistently

implemented. Rinehart et al. (1997), however, suggested that the reduced motivation, resistance,

and alienation they observed under LP were caused by excessive leanness rather than from

incomplete implementation of LP. In these cases, implementation of LP resulted in an

excessively fast work pace, causing stress and repetitive strain injuries, thereby reducing worker

motivation and increasing demotivation (e.g., Adler, 1997; Babson, 1993; Landsbergis, Cahill, &

Schnall, 1999; Rinehart et al., 1997). Finally, motivation was negatively affected by poor general

work conditions and equity (e.g., salary) and employment security issues (c.f. , Herzberg, 1987).

The most commonly cited evidence of motivation under LP is the case of NUMMI (see

Adler, 1993a, 1993b; Adler & Cole, 1993). NUMMI was created at the former GM Fremont

plant, which had been closed because of quality and productivity problems. The same workers

rehired under NUMMI demonstrated high levels of work quality and productivity, and the great

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majority expressed high job satisfaction. Even those workers who had specific complaints

concerning LP stated clearly that they preferred work under LP to the traditional automobile

assembly line production that LP replaced. Self-esteem and self-efficacy beliefs increased and

workers indicated an increased sense of meaningfulness and responsibility.

In a later article, Adler (1997) described how implementation problems with a new

automobile model introduction at the NUMMI plant resulted in increased production pressure.

This pressure affected job characteristics such as job rotation, and resulted in stress, an increased

rate of injuries, reduced worker commitment, and worker resistance, consistent with the position

that stress and injuries are common in LP implementations (e.g., Landsbergis et al., 1999).

In cases where LP has been partially implemented, or in which LP principles were put

into place but not maintained (e.g., because of poor support from first line supervisors, etc.),

workers demonstrated an increase in behavior indicating intrinsic motivation, and then a

subsequent decrease in such behavior (e.g., Adler, 1997; Graham, 1993; Milkman, 1997;

Rinehart et al. , 1997). When LP implementation had deteriorated workers were observed to revert

to resistance through activism and collective line stoppages, and to become more alienated (e.g.,

Adler, 1997; Graham, 1993; Milkman, 1997; Rinehart et al. , 1997). In other cases of incomplete

LP implementation, workers did increase their performance; however, this increase was because

of increased controls rather than increased intrinsic motivation (Rinehart et al. , 1997).

Proposition 1: Complete implementation (the ideal configuration of which is discussed

below) of LP will be positively related to worker motivation.

Proposition 2: Incomplete implementation of LP will be unrelated or negatively related to

intrinsic worker motivation and will be unrelated or positively related to extrinsic worker

motivation.

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Proposition 3: Excessive leanness will be negatively related to worker motivation and

positively related to worker demotivation and worker injuries/stress.

An Interpretive Model of Motivation

The JCM and its underlying Job Diagnostic Survey (Hackman & Lawler, 1971; Hackman

& Oldham, 1975) are freque ntly used to explain worker perceptions of job characteristics and the

motivating potential in a given job (Dunham, Aldag, & Brief, 1977; Steers & Mowday, 1977).

According to JCM theory (Hackman & Oldham (1975, 1976, 1980), changes in worker

perceptions of certain job characteristics (i.e., skill variety, task identity, task significance,

autonomy, and feedback) theoretically cause intrinsic worker motivation and related outcomes.

The following three critical psychological states theoretically mediate the relation between

worker perceptions of job characteristics and work motivation: (a) experienced meaningfulness,

which is caused by skill variety, task identity, and task significance; (b) experienced

responsibility, which is caused by autonomy (defined as freedom concerning choice of procedure

and timing); and (c) knowledge of the results of the work, caused by feedback. These causal

relationships are hypothesized to be moderated by the growth need strength of individuals

(Hackman & Oldham, 1980).

Whereas worker perceptions of job characteristics are expected to impact intrinsic

motivation, the JCM does not explain the causal relationship between job design and motivation

in the LP context for several reasons:

1. The JCM does not account for the interpretive systems which mediate how

workers translate perceived job characteristics into intrinsic task motivation (Thomas &

Velthouse, 1990; see also Adler, 1993a and Salancik & Pfeffer, 1978 for a discussion of the

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impact of social mechanisms on the causal relationship between job characteristics and

motivation).

2. The JCM assumes that job characteristics impact motivation independently rather

than configurally (see Meyer et al., 1993).

3. The JCM does not include competence or self-efficacy belief—generally

recognized as important to intrinsic motivation (see Conger & Kanungo, 1988)—as a mediating

state (Thomas & Velthouse, 1990). Apart from being an important element of motivation (see

Bandura, 1977), self-efficacy is strongly linked to job performance and job satisfaction (Judge &

Bono, 2001; Stajkovic & Luthans, 1998), and may shield individuals from physical and

psychological job-related strain (Jex & Bliese, 1999).

4. The definition of intermediate outcomes as critical psychological states rather than

task assessments difficulties with measurement and linking the JCM theory to other relevant

literatures (Steers & Mowday, 1977; Thomas & Velthouse, 1990).

5. The job characteristics included in the JCM do not completely account for job

characteristics causally related to motivation in different contexts (see Dunham et al. , 1977;

Taber & Taylor, 1990).

6. The JCM does not explain the causal link between objective and perceived

changes to job characteristics (Thomas & Velthouse, 1990).

7. The individual differences assumed to moderate the effect of perceived job

characteristics on the intermediate outcomes may not apply to LP because LP can be

characterized as a "strong situation," that is, there are rigid behavioral and performance

norms/scripts, which may inhibit the predictive power of individual difference because of range

restriction (Mischel, 1977; Kenrick & Funder, 1988; Rousseau & Fried, 2001; Schneider, 1987).

8. The JCM does not consider the possibility that perceived job characteristics might

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result in extrinsic motivation as well as intrinsic motivation.

9. Finally, the JCM has received mixed empirical support regarding the dimensions that

comprise it, the hypothesized mediating states, and prediction of performance outcomes, and the

multiplicative formula for job motivation potential (see Fried & Ferris, 1987; Griffin, 1991;

Kelly, 1992; Renn & Swiercz, 1993).

Thomas and Velthouse (1990) addressed many of the above issues in their interpretive

model of intrinsic motivation. In this model, objective interventions in a work situation affect

employee perceptions concerning environmental variables, including, but not limited to, job

design, reward systems, and leadership. Employee perceptions are translated into four task

assessments, also referred to as dimensions of motivation (Spreitzer, 1995): (a) meaning, which

refers to the fit between the purpose of the work and the individual's ideals, standards, beliefs,

and values; (b) competence, which refers to the individual's self-efficacy beliefs concerning the

task; (c) self-determination, which refers to the individual's perception that he or she has a choice

concerning some aspect of performance of the task; and (d) impact, which refers to the ability of

the individual to influence organizational outcomes.

According to the Thomas and Velthouse (1990) model, changes in motivational outcomes

are expected to result in changes to behavior concerning activity, concentration, initiative,

resiliency in the face of obstacles, and flexibility. Spreitzer, Kizilos, and Nason (1997) added job-

related strain—closely related to stress—as a possible outcome of increased intrinsic motivation

in their empirical testing of the Thomas and Velthouse model. The objective interventions are

assumed to affect not only employee perceptions concerning environmental variables, but also

the interpretive styles used by individuals to make task assessments and refer to causal

attributions, inferences, and the abilities of workers to envision successes rather than obstacles.

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Our model is based on the Thomas and Velthouse model, but is adjusted for the context of

LP (see Figure 1). As discussed by Rousseau and Fried (2001), context operates as a boundary

condition for theoretical models. Doerr, Mitchell, Schriesheim, Freed, & Zhou (2002) noted that

focusing on a specific context facilitates the challenging task of integrating operations

management literature on flow lines with organizational behavior literature on motivation.

[insert Figure 1 about here]

A Model of LP

A Review of LP

LP arose out of the Toyota Production System, the manufacturing strategy developed by

Toyota in response to the inappropriateness of traditional automobile manufacturing practices to

the Japanese manufacturing environment (Monden, 1983). As a manufacturing strategy, LP

differs from scientific management in three primary ways: (a) in LP, the emphasis is on flow

rather than on output, which requires observing the operation holistically rather than as a set of

subsystems (Hopp & Spearman, 2000); (b) in LP, management shows respect toward workers

and their knowledge and skills; and (c) in LP, the emphasis is on being "lean," implying

increased efficiencies. In all other respects, LP closely resembles scientific management.

Workers under complete implementations of LP have been observed to change their

behavior , demonstrating such outcomes as increases in activity, flexibility, concentration,

initiative, and resiliency in the face of obstacles (e.g., Adler, 1993a, 1997; Hall, 1983; Hayes et

al. 1988; Monden, 1983; Schonberger, 1982; Suzaki, 1987; Womack et al., 1990). Increases in

activity and concentration could result from either intrinsic or extrinsic motivation, but initiative,

resiliency, and flexibility are expected to arise only from intrinsic motivation (see Thomas &

Velthouse, 1990), which as we argue below requires full implementation of LP.

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Objective Changes to Production Systems Under LP

Improving flow. Rather than holding inventories to buffer against processing variability,

LP emphasizes the elimination of such variability to permit work to flow smoothly through the

factory (Hopp & Spearman, 2000; Monden, 1983; Womack et al., 1990). As quality problems,

machine downtime, long setup times, and line imbalances are eliminated, fewer buffer

inventories are required to maintain a given level of output. Much of the reduction in variability

stems from management, rather than from worker initiative, for example, managing the quality of

incoming materials from suppliers, increasing the manufacturability of the product design, and

leveling the production schedule. Such management actions are usually experienced as

empowering by workers (Adler, 1993a).

Workers having trouble completing work within a production cycle have access to an

“andon” cord they can pull to obtain immediate help from the supervisor or team leader.

Information on the number of andon pulls originating at each workstation gives management

information concerning bottlenecks and other production problems. When the andon is pulled an

attempt is made to resolve the problem before the end of the production cycle, otherwise, the

production line stops as long as is required to permit problem resolution. Paradoxically, giving

workers authority to stop the line has long term positive effect on flow.

One of the radical concepts of LP inventory reduction concerns reducing inventories so

that production problems are exposed (Hall, 1983; Schonberger, 1982), for example, by trading

output for process feedback both for workers and management (Suri & de Treville, 1986). Such

increased feedback results from the increased interdependencies between workers. This increased

feedback is generally expected to increase motivation (e.g., Monden, 1983; Schonberger, 1982),

but the increased interdependencies are expected to reduce motivation due to reduced autonomy

(e.g., Klein, 1989).

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The emphasis on flow also requires a move from a process to a product layout. A product

layout facilitates teamwork and increases the ability of workers to see how their task fits into the

complete product. Because a product layout means that subsequent operations are located next to

each other, the down stream operation is considered as the customer of the upstream operation,

increasing both feedback and interdependency, which as we discuss later have positive

psychological benefits for workers.

A key aspect of variability reduction concerns standardization. Standardization under LP

requires that jobs be performed according to standard operating procedures (SOPs). The objective

of standardization is to reduce process variability and to enhance learning (Edelson & Bennett,

1998). The relationship between standardization and motivation has been controversial, as we

discuss later.

Proposition 4: Flow-based production is positively related to production efficiencies and

worker interdependencies.

Respect for workers. LP recognizes the importance of worker skill and knowledge to

competitiveness. This recognition is demonstrated by willingness to invest in developing workers'

capabilities and by showing respect for workers. Workers are given the right to participate in

development of procedures and in resolving production problems, and are given responsibility for

quality and preventive maintenance in a radical departure from scientific management. Respect

has also been demonstrated by providing parking lots and cafeterias shared by management and

workers, by management wearing the same uniforms as workers, providing business cards for

workers, and so forth (Adler, 1993a; Graham, 1993; Monden, 1983). As discussed previously,

lack of equity in the work environment can be demotivating, following a well-established line of

findings in equity theory (see Ambrose & Kulik, 1999). Thus, respect for workers should increase

worker commitment to organizational goals.

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Proposition 5: Respect for workers will be positively correlated to intrinsic task

motivation.

Leanness. The objective of LP is to improve flow while continuously reducing the

resources required for production. Production areas are frequently understaffed. It is typical in LP

to make fewer resources available than required to encourage creativity and problem-solving

behavior. Lean production proponents claim that limiting resources creates challenging goals,

which increases worker motivation. This is consistent with a human relations view of motivation,

suggesting that staffing should be slightly less than the amount required so that employees are

exposed to opportunities to utilize not only their motoric, but also their cognitive and conative

skills (Argyris, 1964).

Lean production opponents disagree with the above reasoning, noting that insufficient

resources limit workers' capacity to engage in problem-solving activities, and claiming that the

resulting production pressure causes stress, control, and compliance. As noted, excessive leanness

has been observed to result in increased injuries, resistance in the form of collective andon pulls,

and severe limitations on worker freedom.

Behavioral economists would refer to such a continual reduction of resources as a

reduction in organizational slack (Cyert & March, 1992; Simon, 1976)—slack referring to extra

resources maintained in the organization that support flexibility and creativity. The existence of

organizational slack has an apparently contradictory effect on motivation and creativity. Whereas

slack is required for creativity, its presence serves as a relaxing agent in the process of searching

for new ideas, encouraging individuals to reduce the effort that they put into the search process

(Bourgeois, 1981; Simon, 1976). This contradictory effect is observed in LP. The continual

reduction of resources and understaffing causes intensive search behavior, but the excessive

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scarcity of resources implies that workers do not have the time or energy to invest in creative

problem-solving (Lawson, 2001).

The concept of double-loop learning (Argyris, 1994) is useful in explaining part of the

apparent contradiction. Lean organizations are forced to be very efficient in searching for faster

and leaner ways to get a given task done (i.e., single-loop learning), but they have little capacity

for double-loop learning (i.e., examining the governing variables of a system). Much of the

learning required of workers under lean production is expected to be single loop, which is

appropriate for repetitive and simple situations. However, double -loop learning is required for the

organization to be able to adapt to a changing environment. Thus, excessive leanness would be

expected to reduce the organization's adaptive ability, as well as the workers' ability to truly

participate in the development of the organization over time. Leanness, therefore, is expected to

result in an efficient but potentially inflexible organization and lack of organizational slack, in

restricting workers to single-loop learning, might be expected to limit intrinsic motivation.

Proposition 6: Removal of organizational slack will be positively related to worker

creativity and intrinsic motivation.

Proposition 7: Excessive leanness will be negatively related to worker learning and

organizational adaptation.

A challenge resulting from the above is determining the point at which an organization

becomes excessively lean. Obviously, it would be difficult to propose a “point of optimization”

given the unique contextual factors that would be present in various organizations. However, it is

clear that the workers and supervisors would have to determine the “points of optimization” in

the various organizational functions by engaging in frequent and open discussions, questioning

current practices, and suggesting improvements, which are all principles associated with LP.

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Changes to Worker Perceptions of Job Characteristics Under LP

The objective changes to the production environment occurring under LP affect worker

perceptions of the characteristics of their job. We chose to be inclusive rather than parsimonious

in specifying perceived job characteristics at this stage of model development. Because we are

proposing a holistic implementation of LP, we do not draw specific (i.e., independent main

effects) propositions.

Task significance and task identity. Individual tasks in automobile assembly are seldom

very meaningful. With cycle times of 60 seconds, tasks tend to be routine and repetitive. Under

LP, however, the emphasis on flow makes it easier for an employee to relate his or her 60

seconds of input to the whole car. This is demonstrated in Adler's (1993a) description of

NUMMI, in which an employee refers to himself as a "grunt," yet indicates considerable pride in

his participation in having built a high quality car. In their empirical study of motivation under

LP, Groebner and Merz (1994) found an increase in task identity after implementation of LP.

Specific LP principles that cause increases in task significance and identity include inventory

removal, lot size reduction, product layout, and—somewhat surprisingly—order and cleanliness

(e.g., Flynn, Sakakibara & Schroeder, 1995; Hayes, 1981).

Challenge (including skill variety). Workers are cross-trained and rotate between jobs

under complete implementation of LP. LP enthusiasts (e.g., Womack et al., 1990) refer to such

cross training as multiskilling, whereas LP critics (e.g., Rinehart et al., 1997) use the term multi-

tasking to indicate that the new skills remain tedious and repetitive, and that cycle times remain

short. It appears from practice that the main benefit of job rotation, resulting from cross training,

is safety-related. Job rotation has been clearly demonstrated to reduce repetitive strain injuries

(e.g., Landsbergis et al., 1999). There is little evidence that cross training makes the job itself

more challenging.

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There is, however, evidence even from LP critics that jobs under LP require a higher level

of problem-solving ability, related, for example, to participation, and to responsibility for quality

and preventive maintenance. This problem solving has been observed by LP enthusiasts and

critics alike (e.g., Adler, 1993a; Monden, 1983; Rinehart et al., 1997; Womack et al. 1990) to

make the job more challenging and intellectually stimulating, although to a smaller degree than

under STS.

One source of challenge concerns keeping up with the production line. Under scientific

management, goals are output-based rather than flow-based, with historically little emphasis on

quality. Under LP, however, the goal of the worker is to complete his or her tasks according to

specifications while the piece being worked is in the worker's station. This goal is not only

specific but also challenging, hence should increase motivation (Locke & Latham, 2002), as we

discuss below. The reduction of inventory means that missing this goal results in stopping the

line (Schultz, Juran, Boudreau, McClain, and Thomas, 1998). If the worker has difficulties in

meeting this goal, he or she can use the andon system to request assistance, hence worker

acceptance of the goal of completing the task might be expected to increase. If a workstation is

consistently a bottleneck, then LP calls for tasks to be reassigned—often by the group of workers

themselves—so that no worker will be facing an impossible task (Doerr et al., 2002). The

possibility of obtaining assistance or of redistributing tasks increases the ability of the worker to

estimate the level of challenge in a given goal, increasing worker acceptance of goals (Latham &

Yukl, 1975). If, however, the speed of the line is excessive, or if inventory is removed from the

production line at a rate that results in excessive line stoppages, then worker acceptance of the

goal of completing the task within the cycle should decrease.

Therefore, although the task itself does not increase substantially in challenge, the overall

job of the worker can become more challenging as a result of the increased problem-solving and

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the specific, challenging goals combined with the support systems to bring goals just within reach

of the employee. However, if the speed of the line or the rate of buffer inventory removal is

excessive (i.e., excessive leanness), or if the worker does not participate in problem-solving

because of lack of time, lack of training, or lack of management commitment to worker

involvement, then compliance rather than commitment is expected to result.

Feedback. Line stoppages resulting from inventory reductions, andon systems, quality

and downtime tracking systems, responses to worker suggestions, and increased support all

represent sources of feedback for workers and management that are unavailable under scientific

management. Apart from the motivation benefits discussed below, this feedback helps regulate

the level of leanness appropriate to the organization.

Feedback arises from the process itself, as a result of interdependencies between workers,

and from teamwork. This feedback is primarily competence-related rather than evaluative (Deci

& Ryan, 2000). LP is designed to maximize the worker’s ability to self -monitor, which,

following Manz’s propositions (1986), should shift the locus of control inward, which in turn

encourages internalization of company goals, objectives, and procedures (Deci & Ryan, 2000).

Workers receiving feedback—preferably through self-monitoring, but also from other

sources—are thus expected to have a better understanding of their level of competence, which

leads to self-efficacy when competence is high, and to improvement efforts and eventual

increased self-efficacy when deficiencies in competence are revealed. Feedback has been found

to influence self-efficacy when it is related to absolute versus relative performance (Johnson,

Turban, Pieper, & Ng, 1996). Feedback concerning the process being used has been found to

have a greater impact on performance and other outcomes than simple outcome feedback (Earley,

Northcraft, & Lee, 1990).

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Locke (1968) found that goals mediated the relationship between feedback and

motivation, hence the specific, challenging goals generated by LP discussed in the previous

section would be expected to increase the impact of LP feedback on motivation. However,

feedback systems can increase management control, resulting in compliance rather than

commitment if there is lack of trust between management and workers (e.g., Argyris, 1957).

Self-determination. Some level of self-determination is required for intrinsic motivation

(deCharms, 1968). When workers feel that they have some choice in initiating and regulating

their actions on the job they may perceive that their job is characterized by self-determination.

Note that a limited choice—as in the context of LP—has been found to be more motivating than a

great amount of choice (see Iyengar & Lepper, 2000). Job design theory has traditionally focused

on autonomy rather than on self-determination. Autonomy has been defined as freedom regarding

timing and procedures used to carry the task (Hackman & Oldham, 1975), which traditionally is

seen as lacking in LP. As is evident, autonomy and self-determination are both restricted under

LP; however, we do not see the former as defined by Hackman and Oldham as necessary

conditions for motivation and do see ample opportunities for the latter in LP.

In the operations management literature, a different definition of autonomy than that in

the job design literature is used, and includes elements such as discretion, decision-making

authority, and responsibility (e.g., Chase, Acquilano, and Jacobs, 2001; Cheser, 1998;

Rungtusanatham, 2001). Merriam-Webster (1995) defined autonomy as “the quality or state of

being self-governing; especially: the right of self-government; self -directing freedom and

especially moral independence.” The philosopher Kant saw autonomy as self-government

stemming from morality, with morality arising from knowledge and self-discipline (Schneewind,

1998). Conger and Kanungo (1988) noted that an appropriate level of authority, discretion,

formalization, and rule structure is a requirement for worker empowerment, which we see as

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consistent with the concept of self-government. Adler (1993b, 1996) suggested that bureaucracy,

standardization, and formalization could be either enabling (i.e., empowering) or controlling.

Following SOPs is not incompatible with self-government. A worker who is committed to

developing and following SOPs may earn the right of self-government and experience greater

freedom from supervision. Furthermore, as is discussed in the following section, participation in

improving outcomes and designing SOPs can be viewed as self-governing behavior. Therefore,

we suggest that standardization and self-determination are not mutually exclusive.

There are many ways to give a worker a sense of choice outside of task procedures. Deci,

Connell, and Ryan (1989) found that managers who listened to and acknowledged subordinates'

concerns, provided feedback as appropriate and encouraged subordinates to actively participate in

problem-solving, substantially increased the subordinates perception of self-determination in

spite of the fact that subordinates were limited in demonstrating behavior. Other examples

include giving workers some degree of choice concerning their work environment (Davenport,

Thomas, & Cantrell, 2002), giving workers a budget to make improvements in their workplace

(Adler, 1993a), and allowing teams of workers to find ways of reallocating tasks to make the

work more comfortable (Rinehart et al., 1997).

If management, however, uses the above initiatives merely to reduce the headcount and

increase workload, strong employee resistance and reduced sense of self-determination could

result. One common complaint among workers under LP is that much of the gains of worker

improvement suggestions are reaped by management (Graham, 1993; Rinehart et al. 1997; see

also Argyris, 1964). Other areas of self-determination mentioned by workers in the LP literature

include freedom to take care of personal needs, for example, the ability to take washroom breaks,

work breaks, and receive telephone messages during working hours. Finally, LP literature

suggests that workers under LP tend to lack self-determination concerning safety and ergonomics

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(Adler, 1997; Landsbergis et al., 1999). Whereas it appears that some level of self-determination

is feasible under LP, much of the LP literature indicates a systematic underinvestment in self -

determination in the areas mentioned.

Interdependence. Inventory reduction and the emphasis on flow mean a high level of

interdependence between workers under LP. Such interdependence is generally considered to

reduce motivation due to reduction in autonomy by theories such as STS and the JCM. Under

STS, for example, buffer inventories are held between workstations and teams to minimize

interdependence. Whether interdependence is interpreted as intrinsically motivating because it

supports responsibility and feedback that can be used to improve the production process and

request support from management, or whether interdependence is interpreted as an increase in

control, depends to a large extent on the interpretation systems used by the workers, as discussed

later in the paper.

Task and goal clarity. Conger and Kanungo (1988) noted that lack of task and goal

clarity limits worker empowerment. The emphasis on flow under LP, combined with the

requirement that workers perform their tasks according to SOPs, results in a substantial increase

in task and goal clarity. Whereas under scientific management tasks are decoupled, under LP the

task and goal of each worker is to maintain the flow.

Participation. Lack of worker participation in decisions impacting job performance

hinders worker empowerment (Conger & Kanungo, 1988). Although workers under LP have no

freedom to choose the procedures for a task, they are expected to participate in the development

and revision of such procedures and in resolving problems that arise (Imai, 1986). Also, SOPs are

most effective when created and maintained by workers (Edelson & Bennett, 1998). Participation

in task design may compensate for reduced freedom in task execution (Klein, 1989, 1991), reduce

worker alienation (Adler, 1993a), and increase self -determination.

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Much worker involvement under LP comes through suggestion systems. Management is

expected to train workers in how to make suggestions, respond rapidly to suggestions, implement

as many suggestions as possible, and reward suggestions that are implemented (Imai, 1986;

Monden, 1983). Most suggestions are made by teams, rather than by individual workers (Imai,

1986). Monden (1983) stated that in 1980, 48,757 Toyota workers made 859,039 suggestions ,

94% of which were implemented. Adler and Cole (1993) observed 90% participation in the

suggestion program at NUMMI in 1991, with an average of 5 suggestions per worker, and an

acceptance rate of over 80%.

Partial implementations of LP have been observed to demonstrate considerably lower

rates of suggestions and acceptance (Milkman, 1997; Rinehart et al., 1997). Hackman and

Wageman (1995) agreed that giving workers a chance to participate in the development of SOPs

could compensate for loss of freedom in how to perform the task, but expressed concern that in

their experience, few employees appeared to have a chance to participate in teams making the

suggestions.

Support. Conger and Kanungo (1988) suggest that lack of training, technical support, and

provision of necessary resources hinders worker empowerment. Under LP, the emphasis on flow

appears to increase the amount of support available to workers. When flow is impeded, LP calls

for elimination of the impedance, which implies that when a worker faces an obstacle to meeting

his or her flow-based goals, the support and resources required to eliminate such obstacles are

readily available (see Adler, 1993a). LP principles leading to a worker perception of support

include authority to stop the production line through the andon system, leveling of the production

schedule, design for manufacturing and assembly, supplier management, and—somewhat

paradoxically—standardization, as will be discussed below. There are several examples in the LP

literature where schedule variability, design problems, or supplier problems disrupted production,

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apparently causing a decrease in motivation among employees (e.g., Adler, 1997; Milkman,

1997; Rinehart et al. 1997).

The andon cord has generally been considered as a source of support, although some LP

critics (e.g., Sewell & Wilkinson, 1992) see the andon system as a way to publicly embarrass

workers not able to complete their work before the end of the cycle and to collect information

concerning the number of andon pulls to increase management control (Graham, 1993). Most

complaints about the andon cord, though, stem from supervisors discouraging its use (Milkman,

1997) , suggesting an incomplete implementation of LP.

Standardization. Although job design theory sees standardization only in terms of

management control, LP theory suggests that the access to reliable SOPs that comes from

standardization is empowering to workers (Adler, 1993a, 1993b; Imai, 1986; Monden, 1983;

Suzaki, 1987). Deci et al. (1989) attempted to measure “perceived freedom on the job” in an

empirical study of self-determination, but the internal consistency of the factor was inadequate

because some respondents interpreted the items from that factor as autonomy, whereas others

perceived them as lack of support. Berggren (1994) described lack of accurate SOPs as a lack of

support. Barker (1993) described teams requiring their members to follow SOPs. Adler and Cole

(1993) referred to lack of accurate SOPs as abandonment rather than empowerment. Other

authors have observed an increase in empowerment—implying self-efficacy and intrinsic

motivation—in companies standardizing processes in the context of ISO 9000 certification (Rao,

Ragu-Nathan & Solis, 1997). SOPs would also imply improving means-efficacy, which has

positive implications to performance and motivation (see Eden & Sulimani, 2002).

Responsibility. Under LP, workers are given responsibility for quality and preventive

maintenance. This increased responsibility is generally considered by LP proponents and critics

alike to increase worker commitment.

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A Configuration of LP Job Characteristics

According to traditional work motivation theories such as the JCM, job characteristics

have independent main effects—and are tested as such—on motivation, although some

interaction between the job characteristics is implicitly assumed. Following Meyer et al. (1993),

our model assumes that job characteristics have a configural effect on motivational outcomes,

which should increase the predictive power of the model (for an example of increasing predictive

power see Smith & Foti, 1998). As an example, task significanc e, goal clarity, challenge,

feedback, and responsibility would independently be expected to increase commitment. If,

however, the level of challenge is too high—as in cases of extreme leanness—then the

significance of the task, the clarity of the goal, the feedback, and the responsibility might

combine with the excessive challenge to cause resistance. Likewise, the effect of interdependence

on motivational outcomes is undergirded by job characteristics such as support, and as mentioned

earlier, whether standardization is motivating depends on worker participation in development of

standards. As is evident, the characteristics are tightly interwoven and cannot have positive

motivational effects in isolation. Their reciprocal positive interaction cannot be dismantled. When

the characteristics are used configurally, they will theoretically have a powerful motivational

effect on workers. (See also Shah & Ward, in press).

Changes to Interpretive Systems Under LP

Following Thomas and Velthouse (1990), interpretive styles play an important role in

transforming data from interventions and external events into intrinsic, extrinsic , or demotivation.

Interpretive systems refer to causal attributions and inferences made by employees, how

employees evaluate their performance, and how they envision future events. This perspective

complements the literature on social cognition regarding the effect of expectations on information

processing, and the resulting inferences and attributions that are made about events (see Fiske &

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Taylor, 1991; Gilbert & Malone, 1995). Thus, whether several of the objective changes to the

production system made under LP are perceived by workers as empowering or controlling

depends on the interpretive systems used by the workers.

Under LP, management is often observed to actively attempt to influence workers'

interpretive systems. Implementation of the concept of kaizen—the continuous improvement

philosophy that is foundational to LP—requires a fundamental shift in interpretive systems.

Training in kaizen emphasizes that problems usually arise from production obstacles rather than

worker error. Instead of assigning blame, common to scientific management, the response of LP

to an error is to attempt to eliminate the root cause (see Imai, 1986). LP implementation usually

entails substantial training in the kaizen philosophy. Successful implementation of the kaizen

philosophy causes workers to make external, transient, and local attributions concerning

production problems. The concept of continuous improvement moves employees away from

absolutistic standards: success, apart from improving self-efficacy beliefs (see Bandura, 1977),

inspires employees to continually set higher goals, and failure inspires employees to eliminate the

abovementioned root cause.

A second influence on interpretive systems comes from the social identification that is

encouraged under LP. Ashforth and Mael (1989: 26) suggested that social identification with a

group would be expected to increase support for and commitment to that group, and might

encourage “internalization of, and adherence to, group values and norms,” thus triggering

behavior relevant to the reinforcement of the desired identity. Salancik & Pfeffer (1978) argued

that social mechanisms mediate the causal relationship between job characteristics and

motivation (see also Adler, 1993a). In other words, identification with the company, plant, or

team might be expected to increase the likelihood that LP job characteristics would result in

commitment rather than compliance or conflict.

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Under LP, workers receive extensive training to understand the objectives of lean

production and their positive effect on job characteristics (Graham, 1993; Milkman, 1997;

Rinehart et al. , 1997). This training is often designed to give workers a vision of themselves as

important players in a successful company. Other LP principles that result in social identity

include the interaction with others that arises from teamwork, a product layout, transfer of

responsibility for quality and preventive maintenance, and participation. Treating workers in a

dignified and respectful way by providing parking lots and cafeterias shared by management and

workers, by management wearing the same uniforms as workers, providing business cards for

workers appear to cause an increase in social identity, and a reduction in divisions between

workers and managers—in complete implementations of LP (Adler, 1993b)—but were not able

to maintain social identity in cases where LP was only partially implemented (Milkman, 1997;

Rinehart et al. 1997).

Whereas such efforts to change interpretive systems do appear to impact task assessments,

such an impact only succeeds if the promises are backed up by actual changes to job

characteristics rather than unmet promises, thus requiring the full backing of management (see

Rogers, Hunter, & Rogers, 1993). Again, total implementation of lean production is required,

otherwise workers may see management as being manipulative and untrustworthy (Graham,

1993; Milkman, 1997; Rinehart et al., 1997).

Motivational Outcomes Under Lean Production

When the complete constellation of LP job characteristics is in place, an increase in each

of the four task assessments—competence, impact, self-determination, and meaning—is

theoretically possible. Many of the job characteristics, however, can result in lower task

assessments due to a perception of increased management control of worker behavior resulting in

extrinsic or demotivation. Whether LP job characteristics are seen as intrinsically or extrinsically

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motivating is substantially influenced by the interpretive systems used by employees. Hence, the

major investment in training and social identity commonly observed in LP may play a key role in

the motivational outcomes. Even in cases where interpretive systems have been changed to

reflect the LP philosophy, it is likely that some employees will continue to perceive certain LP

job characteristics as controlling.

In cases where LP has been completely implemented and interpretive systems have been

adjusted, intrinsic and extrinsic motivation might be limited by excessive leanness. Whereas

removal of organizational slack is expected to increase activity, concentration, and initiative

concerning simple and repetitive problems, too little slack is expected to hinder initiative

concerning complex and non-routine problems. Too little slack would especially limit the

organization’s ability to adapt to a changing environment, as well as resilience and flexibility.

Excessive leanness has also been observed in practice to result in problems concerning safety,

ergonomics, and basic personal freedoms of the worker, causing a reduction in self-

determination. Thus, as depicted in the model, excessive leanness is expected to moderate the

relation between task assessments and motivational outcomes.

Conclusions and Suggestions for Future Research

Is LP motivating? Over two decades after the arrival of LP, this question has not been

resolved. Following the insights of Hackman and Lawler (1971), and Hackman and Oldham

(1975) that job characteristics explain much of work motivation, we have explored the

relationship between job characteristics and motivation in the context of lean production. Various

scholars, for example, Steers and Mowday (1977), Brief and Aldag (1978), Dunham et al. ,

(1977), Thomas and Velthouse (1990), and Meyer et al. (1993) have indicated that the JCM in its

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original form might not explain all types of motivation in all contexts, suggesting several

adjustments to the model.

In order to examine the phenomenon of motivation in LP, we extended the JCM, and the

Thomas and Velthouse interpretive model of intrinsic motivation, to include objective

interventions and changes to interpretive systems occurring under LP. We extended the set of

JCM job characteristics to include job characteristics that had been observed to potentially affect

motivation under LP. Rather than the independent main effects assumed by the JCM, we

proposed that the job characteristics affect a range of motivational outcomes configurally.

We demonstrated that a complete constellation of LP job characteristics, when combined

with LP interpretive systems , is theoretically capable of causing intrinsic motivation. The model

also gives insights, however, into some of the limitations concerning motivation in LP. First, the

emphasis on leanness reduces organizational slack, which then might limit double-loop learning

while encouraging single-loop learning. Double-loop learning is required if workers are to have

real impact on the company, hence leanness itself might create an upper bound on the ability of

LP job design to intrinsically motivate workers (see Rinehart et al. , 1997). Second, the lack of

provision within LP job design for worker self -determination may cause workers to perceive that

they have inadequate choice in their jobs. We have defined safety, ergonomics, the possibility to

share in the gains of improvement efforts, and rights concerning personal breaks as dimensions of

self-determination, suggesting that provision for these items might increase the total effect of LP

job design on intrinsic motivation. Finally, the job characteristics can be perceived as either

intrinsically motivating or extrinsically motivating/controlling. Even when interpretive systems

are functioning “well,” there will be workers who perceive themselves in conflict or as being

controlled rather than being committed.

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Context, which includes organizational characteristics, type of work performed, external

factors, and so forth, affects what range of variability can potentially be observed (Rousseau &

Fried, 2001). How a phenomenon is explained, and the relations between sets of independent and

dependent factors depends on context. For this reason, we have limited our model to the context

of LP.

The model suggests data gathering at the individual, group, and at the plant level of

analysis (Klein, Dansereau & Hall, 1994). At the individual level, validation of the model

suggests linking individual perceptions of job characteristics and task assessments to individual-

level performance. In the event that job-characteristic effects are largely homogenous, group-

based job-characteristic perceptions could be linked to group-based outcomes measures. The

effects of job characteristics should be tested at the plant level of analysis regarding the degree to

which the job characteristics lead to plant performance and hence plant competitiveness.

The impact of leader behavior on worker motivation was not explicitly discussed as it was

beyond the scope of this paper. As mentioned by Conger and Kanungo (1988) and Thomas and

Velthouse (1990), leader behavior plays an important role in worker mot ivation. Apart from

direct motivational effects, a leader’s behavior compensates for deficiencies in formal

organizational systems (Antonakis & Atwater, 2002). Thus, including linkages to leader behavior

may enhance the predictive power of the model.

Finally, we realize that our model of motivation may be bounded by the cultural context

under which it has been investigated. For example, self-determination or empowerment needs

differ as a function of the degree of collectivism and power differentials in a culture (see Iyengar

& Lepper, 1999; Hofstede, 2001; Robert, Probst, Martocchio, Drasgow & Lawler, 2000). Thus,

future testing of the model should take into account national culture factors that may moderate

the causal relations of the model.

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Figure 1: A model of LP motivational outcomes

Objective changes under LP

Inte

pret

ive

styl

es

Job

char

acte

risi

tcs

Intrinsic motivation

Commitment

Extrinsic motivation

Compliance

Demotivation

Conflict

ExcessiveLeanness

Env

iron

men

tal E

vent

sBehavioral Outcomes

•Activity•Concentration•Initiative•Resiliency•Flexibility•Stress•Resistance

Task

ass

essm

ents