,

Italian Art and International Astrology in the Palazzo Schifanoia, Ferrara (1912)

The lecture that follows represents only a provisional sketch for a forthcoming, detailed publication that will contain an iconological study of the sources of the fresco cycle in the Palazzo Schifanoia .

T o us, as art historians, the Roman world of Italian High Renaissance art represents the successful conclusion of a long process in which artistic genius emancipated itself from its medieval illustrative servitude. And so some justification is required if I appear here, in Rome, and before an audience so expert in artistic matters, to speak of astrology - that dangerous enemy to all creative invention - and of its significance in the stylistic evolution of Italian

. . pamtmg. Such a justification will emerge, I hope, in the course of this paper, from

the very nature of the problem whose curious ramifications have compelled me - very much against my own initial inclination, which aspired to lovelier things - to enter the shadmV)' nether regions of astral superstition.

This problem is the following : What does the influence of the ancient world signify for the artistic culture of the early Renaissance?

In Florence, some twenty-four years ago, I realized that the influence of antiquity manifested itself in Quattrocento secular painting - and specifically in that of Botticelli and Filippino Lippi th rough a change in the depiction of human figures - an increased mobility of the body and of its draperies, in-spired by antique visual art and poetry. Later, I saw that authentic antique extremes of gesture were present as a stylizing influence in the muscle-rhetoric of Pollaiuolo; and, above all, that even the mythological world of the young Durer (from the Death of Orpheus to the Large Jealousy) owed its dramatic force of expression to the surviving-and inherently Greek - "emotive for-mulas" tha t had reached him by way of N orthern Italy)

The intrusion of this Italian and antique style of mobility into Northern European art does not mean that the N orth entirely lacked first-hand knowl-edge of pagan and antique subject matter. On the contrary, as I studied mid-fifteenth-century inventories of secular art, it became clear to me that Flemish tapestries and "painted clo ths" {panni dipinti } had brought characters from pagan antiquity in realistic contemporary costume-alia franzese - even onto the walls of Italian palaces.

563

~~-------------------------------------------------------,

Warb u rg

A closer look at pagan iconography in Northern European book illustra-tion, taking text and pictures together, convinced me that these unclassical trappings - so distracting to us - did not in the least divert a contemporary eye from its primary concern: the earnest, all-too-literal-minded pursuit of an authentic visua lization of antiquity.

So deep was this idiosyncratic Northern interest in classical learning that, even in the early Middle Ages, illustrated mythological manuals of a SOrt were compiled for the two groups of readers who needed them most: painters and astrologers. One of these Northern products was that standard Latin treatise on the depiction of the gods, De deo rum imaginibus {ihelltls, ascribed to an Eng-lish monk by the name of Albericus2 who cannot have lived any later than the twelfth century. H is illustrated mythology, with its iconographic descriptions of twenty-three renowned pagan deities, exerted a hitherto unremarked influence on later mythological literature- notably in France, where, from the turn of the fourteenth century, those same pagan fugitives found refuge in versified

t French pa raphrases and moralistic Latin commentaries on the works of Ovid. In Southern Germany an assembly of the Olympians in the style of Alberi-

cus made its appearance as early as the twelfth century.3 And, as I showed in front of the chimneypiece at Landshur in 1909, his mythological teach ing can still be traced in the representation of seven pagan deities as late as 1541. These survivors at Landshut a re, of course, the seven planets: those Greek gods who, under Oriental influence, assumed the rulership of the heavenly bodies named after them. Of all the Olympians, these seven reta ined the greatest vitality: for they did not depend on learned recollection alone but on the attraction of their own intact astra l-religious identities.

It was believed that the seven planets governed the solar year in aU its sub-divisions-the months, days, and hours of human des tiny - in accordance with pseudomathematical laws. The most accessible of these doctrines, that of thei r rule of the months, guaranteed the exiled gods a safe haven in the medieval illuminated almanacs, as painted by Southern German artists at the beginning of the fifteenth century. Typically, these almanacs follow Hellenistic and Arab tradition in showing seven planetary images, which- although they present the life of the pagan gods in the innocuous guise of a set of contem-porary genre scenes-seemed to the astrological believers of the day like the fateful hieroglyphs of an oracular book.

Such a tradition, whereby figures from Greek myth assumed the mystic powers of astral daemons, naturally formed one of the main channels through which, in the fifteenth century, pagan gods in Northern costume gained inter-nationa l currency - which they did all the more readily by availing themselves of the rapid conveyances supplied by that Northern invention, the art of print-ing. Among the very earliest examples of pictorial printing, the block books, there are descriptions and images of the seven planets and of their respect ive human "ch ildren." In their adherence to tradition and thei r physical immedi-acy, such images made a contribution of thei r own to the Renaissance of the ancient world in Italy.

564

Italian Art and Internati onal Astro logy in th e Pala zzo Schifano i a

For some time now, I have been convinced that a close iconological analy-sis of the Palazzo Schifanoia frescoes would bring to light this same twofold medieval tradition o~ the imagery of the ancient gods. This is source materia l whereby we may trace the influence both of a systematic O lympian theology -as transmitted by the learned mythographers of medieval Western Europe-and of an astral theology, preserved intact in the words and images of practi-cal astrology.

The mural cycle in the Palazzo Schifanoia, in Ferrara, consisted of repre-sentations of the twelve months of the year, seven of which have been restored since they were discovered beneath a coat of whitewash in 1840. Each month is represented by three parallel registers, one above the other, each with its own independent pictorial space and approximately half-life-size figures. In the highest zone, the Olympian deities ride past in triumphal chariots; the lowest shows the worldly activities of the court of Duke Borsa, who can be seen attending to official business or cheerfully riding out to hunt. The inter-vening zone belongs to the astral world, as would in any case be apparent from the zodiacal sign that appears in the center of each field, attended by three mysterious figures.

The complicated and fantastic symbolism of these figures has hitherto resisted all attempts at interpretation; by extending the purview of the inves-tigation to the East, I shall show them to be survivals of astral images of the Greek pantheon. They are, in fact, symbols for the fixed stars-although over the centuries, in thei r wanderings through Asia Minor, Egypt, Mesopotamia, Arabia, and Spain, they have lost their Grecian clarity of outline.

On this occasion, as it is impossible to supply an interp retation of the whole cycle in the time allotted to me, I shall confine myself to three of the months, and, within those, to the twO upper registers of the walls, which are set aside for the gods.

I shall begin with the first month, March (which opens the year in tradi-tional Italian chronology). T his is ruled by Pallas among the Olympian deities, and by the zodiacal sign of Aries. I shall then turn to the second month, April, ruled by Venus and by Taurus; finally, I shall take the month of July, because in that section a less-powerful artistic personality reveals the scholarly pro-gram most clearly. Finally, with a passing reference to Botticelli, I shall attempt a stylistic interpretation of the Ferrara pantheon as a transitional type between international Middle Ages and Italian Renaissance.

However, before proceeding to analyze the degree of recall of the ancient gods that is manifes ted in the Palazzo Schifanoia, I must attempt to outline, however summarily, the tools and techniques of astrology in the ancient world.

The principal tool of astrological interpretation consists in the nomencla-ture of the heavenly bodies, which are distinguished, accord ing to the nature of their apparent motion, into two classes: the planets, with their irregular courses, and the fixed stars, which hold their relative positions, and which form constellations that become visible at sunrise or sunset according to the posicion of the sun in relation to them.

565

Warburg

From these states of visibility, and from the relative positions of the heav-enly bodies, true observational astrology deduced the nature of celestial influ-ences on human life. By the later Middle Ages, however, direct observation tended to give way to a primitive cult of star names. Ult imately, astrology is

'1- no more than a form of onomastic fe tishism, projected ontO the future. A per-son born in April, under Venus, will tend, in accordance with Venus's mythi-cal qualities, to devore his life to love and the easy pleasures of life; and a person born under the zodiacal sign of Aries is highly likely-as witness the

::- well-known fact that the Ram has a woolly fleece - to become a weaver. By the same token, the Ram's allotted month would also be an auspicious one for the conclusion of deals in the wool trade. This kind of fa llacious, pseudo-mathematical thinking has held sway over people 's minds for centuries on end, and sti ll does so to this day.

As predictive astrology became ever more mechanical, there evolved - to meet practical requirements- an illustrated manual of astrology to cover every day in the year. The planets fa iled to supply enough variety for 360 days -which was how the year was reckoned -and in the end they were supplanted by an expanded form of the astrology of fixed stars.

The map of the fixed stars devised by Aratus (around 300 B.C. ) remains the primary aid to astronomy. In it, a rigorous Greek science has intellectual-ized the animate creations of the religious imagination and reduced them to functioning mathematical points. However, not even this teeming throng of human figures, animals, and fa bulous monsters could supply enough hiero-

* glyphs of fate for the daily predictive needs of Hellenistic astrology; and there arose a retrogressive tendency to produce new, polytheistic creations. By the early centuries of our era, these had led to the system of fi-xed stars known as the Sphaera barbarica, devised, probably in Asia Minor, by a certa in Teucer. This is simply a description of the fixed stars of the heavens, incorporating the Egyptian, Babylonian, and Anatolian nomenclature of the constellations and runs to almost three times the length of Aratus's catalog. in his book Sphaera (1912), Franz Boll has reconstructed th is work with great ingenuity; and -an achievement of the greatest significance for modern art history - he has traced the principal stages in its seemingly fabul ous migration to the Orient and back to Europe: for example, to a little printed book adorned with woodcuts, which enshrines just such an astrological almanac from Asia Minor. First published in an ed ition by a German scholar, Engel (Augsburg: Ratdolt, 1488), the Astrolabium magnllm4 was compiled by a celebrated Italian, Pietro d' Abano, the Faust of fourteenth-century Padua, who was a contemporary of Dante and Giotto.

Teucer's Sphaera barbarica also survived -in an alternative system, where-by, in keeping with the extant portions of his Greek text, the annual cycle was divided into decans, each representing one-third of a month, or ten degrees of the zodiac. This type passed into medieval Europe through the star catalogs and lapidaries of the Arabs. Thus, the "Great Introduction" {Introductorium majus} of Abu Ma'sar (died 886), who was the principal authority in medieval

566

I ta l ian Art and Interna tional Astrology in the Pa lazzo Schi f ano i a

astrology, contains a triple synoptic table of apparently arbitrary fixed con-stellations, of differing ethnic origins; it is clear, on close analysis, that all of these derive from the Greek Sphaera, as augmented by the barbarian Teucer.

It is this very work by Abu Ma'sar that enables us to trace their migration through to Pierro d'Aban-o. H aving traveled from Asia Minor by way of Egypt to India, the Sphaera found its way, probably via Persia, into Abu Ma'sar's lntroductorium majus. This, in turn, was translated into Hebrew, in Spain, by a Spanish Jew, Ibn Ezra (died 1167). His translation was retranslated into French by one H agins, a Jewish scholar, at the behest of an Englishman, Henry Bates, at Malines in 1273. This French text, in its turn, formed the basis of the Latin version made in 1293 by none other than Pietro d' Abano. This was printed several times, notably in Venice in 1507 [first printed Venice: Erhard Ratdolt, 1485].

The books known as lapidaries, which describe the magical influence of the decan star groups on particular gemstones, reached Spain by a similar route, via India and Arabia . In Toledo, at the court of King Alfonso the Wise, the Hellenistic natural philosophy underwent a curious rebirth: Spanish illu-minated manuscripts, translated from the Arabic, resurrected those Greek authors who were to make the H ermetic, therapeutic, or oracular astrology of Alexandria into a shared and baneful European heritage.

Boll has yet to extend his study to embrace the most monumental version of Pietro d 'Abano's Astroiabium. The walls of the Salone in Padua are like immense folio pages from an almanac of day-to-day astrological predictions, inspired by Pietro d'Abano in the spirit of the Sphaera barbarica. Reserving t an art-historical commentary on this unique monumentS for a later publica-tion, I shall refer only to one page of the Astrolabium (fig. 106); and this, at last, will lead us on to the frescoes in Ferrara.

In the lower part of the page we see two small figures, each enclosed in an astrological chart. The man with a sickle and a crossbow, who is said to appear at the first degree of Aries, is none other than Perseus, whose constel-lation does indeed rise with Aries, and whose falch ion has here transformed itself into a sickle. Above, in Latin, is the following legend: "In the first degree of Aries a man arises holding a sickle in his right hand and a crossbow in his left." And belmv, as a prophecy for one born under this sign: "Sometimes he labors; sometimes he goes to war." Nothing, in fact, but the stalest onomastic fetishism, applied to the future.

Above are three figures, known in the language of astrology as decans.6 Three of these decans are assigned to each zodiacal sign, making thirty-six in all. As a system, this originated in ancient Egypt, although the forms of the decan figures themselves clearly reveal, for instance, that the man with the cap and falchion is once more Perseus. Here, however, as the prima facies of the sign, he rules not merely the first degree but the first ten degrees of Aries. A * glance at the authentic antique Perseus in the Germanicus manuscript in Leiden (fig. 108 ) conclusively proves that the curved sword and turban of Pictro d'Abano's first deean figure represent Perseus's falchion and Phrygian capJ

567

Warburg

-,:>limll facies Ilrierr i mllr liot e faaes auolloe:foztv rnbini5 :alnrnbini6:1 inuc:~ reclInoic.

Secunba facies ell folis t ell nobilitatl:llltitubinis: fC:l)lli" magni "ominij.

rercia facies ell "tncris c:t ell fubtilitatis in o~c:t man fuettlbinis:1l1bo;::gaubio;: 1'limpibationllm.

-

--

3.fn plimo gra~)U ariens lUceNt virbenera tencs falcc: 'I: finifirBmllnu blllifbm.

(l'bomoaliquabo Illbolllt:llli'~ quanbo vero beUa c):ercct.

))1

""',

~I

Fig. 106. Decans of Aries

aries 1- 2

from AstroJabium magnum, ed. Engel (Augsburg, 1488) (see p. 567)

568

V :I

'bomocumcapirec:anino be:r' tera fila enrnfa:'t in finiftra biZ-' culllm I)abentclil. (I'bomo lirigioftUl ait erinui-

bus vt canis.

:til 11\,4

~I

,

It alian Art and International Astrology in th e Palazzo Schifanoia

A marble astrological tablet of imperial Roman times, the famous Plalli-sphaerium Bianchini, was found on the Aventine in Rome in 1705 by Francesco * Bianchini (1662-1729), who presented it to the French Academy (now in the Louvre, it is 58 em square, exactly 2 Roman feet). This shows the Egyptian decans in authentically Egyptian, stylized form; and the first decan of Aries carries a double ax (fig. 109). Medieval fidelity to tradition even preserved rhis double-ax version of the firsr decan of Aries: in the lapidary of Alfonso rhe \Vise of Castile, he is shown as a dark-skinned man who wears an apron girt for sacrifice and wields a double ax. 8 *

But it is a third version of the decan series, that of the Arab Abu Ma'sar, that brings us at las t to the mysterious figures in the i.n termediate zone in the Palazzo Schifanoia . In the relevant chapter of his Introductoriu111 maju5, Abu Ma'sar gives a synopsis of three different codifications of the fixed stars: the current, Arabian system; the Ptolemaic system; and finally the Indian system.

One's initial response, on being confronted with this latter series of Indian decans, is to suppose that these are genuine products of the Oriental imagina-tion (for, in all this work of critical iconology, we can unveil the Greek arche-type only by stripping away layer upon layer of unintelligible accretions). By the time we have subjected the "Indian" decans to close scrutiny, it comes as no surprise to find that Indian trappings have obscured what were originally authentic Greek astral symbols.

The sixth-century Indian author Varahamihira - whose Brihat jdtaka was * Abu Ma'sar's unacknowledged source - quite correctly lists, under the first decan of Aries, a man with a double ax:

The first Drekkana of sign Aries is a man with a white cloth tied round his loins, black, fac ing a person as if able to protect him, of fearful appearance and of red eyes and holding an ax in his hand. This Drekkana is of the shape of a man and is armed. Mars [BhaumaJ is its lord.9

Abu Ma'sar (Boll, Sphaera, 497) writes:

The Indians say that in this decan a black man arises with red eyes, a man of pow-erful stature, courage, and greatness of mind; he wears a vo luminous whi te gar-ment, tied around his midriff with a cord; he is wrathful, stands crect, guards, and observes.

The figures thus agree w ith tradition, except that for the Arab writer this decan has lost his ax and reta ins only the garment tied with a cord. >I-

Four years ago, when I read Abu Ma'sar's text in the German translation that Dyroff, most commendably, has appended to Boll 's book,iO I was sud-denly put in mind of those mysterious figures in Ferrara, so often and so vainly scrutinized for so many years; and, 10 and behold, they revealed them-selves, one after the other, II as the Indian decans of Abu Ma'sar. The firs t figure in the middle register of the March fresco now stands unmasked: this

569

Wa r bu rg

Fig. 107. Synoptic Sphaera Showing the rul ers of the months according to Manilius and the Greek astrologers (see pp. 573, 582f. )

570

,

Fig. 108. Perseus From the Germanicus Ms. l eiden, Universiteitsbibliotheek Ms. Voss. lat. 40. 79, fol. 40' (see p. 567)

I ta lian Art and Inte rnat iona l Astrology In the Pala zzo Sch ifa noia

\

,

"

-,

..

-

.. '

-

C

.

rrVR S.ARVM ET DRACONIS :CO: NECNON XllASTERTSMIS BOREAfJBVS CHALrut.E

TEBMJ".NIS AEGYPTfIS V~,I P LANETARVM

., .

. ~ ).

. -. - - ... . . - ,1 "

"_ . _, - .... 1 AVRNTI (i)I.. -'A N NO ' , M EFFOSSYM IN lIWNTR

-

=-'! : .09. Planis phaerium Bianchini -:irS _ouvre (see p. 569)

571

\ .

~"--- --" . -

Warbu r g

is the erect, watchful, wrathful black man, gripping the cord that ties his gar-ment (figs. 110, 111 ).

The entire astral system of the middle register can now be analyzed with certainty. The firmament as described by the Greeks was the base stratum on which the Egyptian cult system of decans was es tablished; this, in turn, was overlaid by a layer of Indian mythologica l adaptation before finding its way, probably by way of Persia, into Arab culture. Clouded still further by trans-lation in to Hebrew and thence into French, the Grecian firmament found its way into Pietro d ' Abano's Latin version of Abu Ma'sar and, ultimately, into the monumental cosmology of the Italian early Renaissance, in the form of ~, those thirty-six mysterious figures in the middle register of the frescoes in

Ferra ra. We now turn to the upper register, with its procession of dei ties.

* A number of artists of widely varying abilities worked on the fresco series as a whole. Fritz H arck 12 and Adolfo Venturi lJ have done the ha rd ground-work of stylistic analysis; and Venturi has also given us the one and only doc-ument that proves Francesco Cossa to have been the artist of the first three monthly divisions (i\tlarch, April, and May) . This document is an informative and absorbing autograph letter from Cossa himself, dated 25 March 1470.

Above (fig . 110), on a triumphal car drawn by unicorns, its hangings flut-tering in the breeze, we see the damaged - but clearly identifiable - fi gure of Pallas Athena, spear in hand, wearing the gorgoneion on her breast. To the left we see Athena's votaries: physicians, poets, lawyers (who might possibly be identified, on closer study, as contemporary figures from the university of Padua). To the right, by contrast, we find ourselves looking in on a kind of Ferrarese needlework bee. In the foreground are three women knitting; behind them are three weavers at their loom, watched by a cluster of elegant ladies. To believers in astrology, this apparently unremarka ble group was a sign of the prediction anciently associated with the subjects of Aries: that anyone born in March, under the sign of the Ram, would show a talent for artistry with wool.

Thus, Manilius, in his verse treatise on astrology - the only coherent mon-ument of gnostic astrology in the Latin poetry of imperial Rome - described the menta l and vocationa l aptitudes of those born under Aries as fo llows:

... et m ille per artes ueUera diuersos ex se parientia quaestus: WalC glomerare rudis, 1II1t1C nasus solHere /allas, mUlC tenuare lelti (ilo, nllll e ducere telas, mlllC emere et uarias ill qI/aestwn llendere Hestes. 14

... and by a thousand crafts The fleece produces from itself different kinds of profit: Now they heap up the raw wool, now card, Now draw it out in a fine thread, now weave the th reads on the loom, Now buy and sell for gain various kinds of garmen ts.

572

I ta li an Ar t an d Inte r na t ional As trolog y i n t he Pa l azzo Schi f anoia

This agreement with Manilius - a point that has eluded previous invest iga-tors - is no coincidence. Since 1417 the Astronomica of Manil ius had been numbered among those classics that were rediscovered and revived with loving enthusiasm by the learned Ita lian humanists.l5 In a celebrated passage, Manilius lists the rulers of the months as fo llows:

lanigeTllm Pallas, taUTll11l Cytherea tlletll r, {ormosos Phoebus gemillos; Cyi/ellie, CaIlCTllm, Iupiter et Cllm matre deu11'/ regis ipse leollem, spici{era est uirgo Cereris. fa bricataqtte libra Vulcani, pugnax Mallorti scorpios haeret; uenantem Diana lliTllm, sed partis equinae. atqtte angusta {ouet capricorn i sidera Ves ta. et louis adllerso flm onis aquarius astrllnJ est. agnoscitqlle SilOS N epttmus in aeqtlore pisces. 16

Pallas Athena protects the Ram, Venus the Bull, Apollo the handsome Twins; you, Mcrcury, rule the Crab; And you, Jupiter, the Lion, with the Mother of the Gods; The Maid with her sheaf of corn be longs to Ceres; the Balance Is Vulcan's; the warlikc Scorpion clings to Mars; Diana cherishes the Hunrer-a man, but pardy a horse -And Vesta the cramped stars of the Goat; Opposite Jupiter is juno's sign, the Water Bearer, And Neptune in the deep acknowledges his Fishes.

The seven deities in the still -extant triumphal cars exactly correspond - as we shall see in more deta il from a second example- to this sequence, which is not found in any other writer. Pallas is the patroness of March, the month of Aries; Venus, of Taurus and April; Apollo, of Gemini and May; Mercury, of Cancer and its month of June. Jupiter and Cybele together-a distinctive com-bination nOt found elsewhere- have the sign of Leo and the month of July; Ceres, Virgo and August; and Vulcan, the September sign of Libra. T here can thus be no doubt as to the lirerary sources of the conceptual outline of the cycle. In the twilit regions below, Hellenistic astral daemons hold sway in an inter-national medieval disguise; above, the gods enlist the Latin poet's aid in return-ing to their time-honored home in the loftier atmosphere of the Greek Olympus. .:-

Let us now turn to April, ruled by Ta urus and Venus (fig. 110). Skimming the waves in her swan-drawn barge, its draperies flying so bravcly in the breeze, this goddess betrays no superficial trace of a Grecian style. At first sight, only her costume, her loose hai r, and her garland of roses distinguish her from the inmates of the two Gardens of Love, who pursue their concerns in so worldly a fashion to her left and right.

If we now look at the group of Mars and Venus on her car, we see a trou-badour, swan -borne and festooned with chains, languishing on his knees

573

I ,

,

,

I

Fig. 110. April (Venus) and March (Pallas) Ferrara, Palazzo Schifanoia (see pp. 572, 573f.)

- I

,

5 7 5

/' War bu rg

Fig. 111. First Decan of Aries Detail of March Ferrara, Palazzo Schifanoia (see p. 569 t.)

576

Italian Art and Internationa l Astrology in the Pala zzo Schifanoia

before his lady. All this evokes a very Northern, Lohengrinesque mood-not unlike that of, say, a Netherlandish miniature painted to illustrate the family legend of the House of Cleves (see the " Chevalier au Cygne" (Knight of the Swan) in Ms. Gall. 19, Hof- und Staatsbibliothek, Munich). The court of t Ferrara took a great interest in the gallicized culture of chivalry, and is likely to have appreciated Northern fashions in sentiment.

Nonetheless, Francesco Cossa has depicted his Venus in stricc accordance with the dictates of Latin mythography. In his iconographic manual of the gods, Albcricus, already mentioned, gives the following characterization of Venus, which I can show you in an Italian illustrated manuscript (fig. 112 ).17 Translated from the Latin, it reads roughly as follows:

Venus holds the fifth place among the planets. She was accord ingly re presented fifth. Venus was painted as a beautiful maiden, naked and swimming in on the sea; [in her right hand she held a seashe ll,] her head was adorned with a garland of white and red roses, and doves fluttered around her. Vulcan, the god of fire, rugged and hideous, was her husband and stood on her right. Before her stood three li ttle naked maidens, known as the three Graces; rwo of them faced toward t us, and the third showed her back view. Her son Cupid, winged and blind, also stood by, shooting an arrow from his bow at Apollo, whereupon [fearing the wrath of the gods 1 he fled {Q the bosom of his mother, who stretched out her left hand to him.

Let us now look back at Cossa's Aphrodite. The garland of red and white roses; the doves that flutter around the goddess as she floats along; Cupid, depicted on his mother's girdle as he aims his bow and arrows at a loving cou-ple; and above all the three Graces, who are certainly copied from an antique original, prove the artist's intention of supplying an authentic reconstruction of antiquity.

It takes only a little capacity for abstraction to identify this late fourteenth-century French miniature (fig. 113) as the Anadyomene of Albericus, en route through medieval France. She is shown here as the Ovide mora lise describes her, rising from the sea .IS The situation and the attributes are clear: true, Cupid has transformed himself into a winged king on a throne, and the foam-born goddess appears co have picked up a duck from her pond instead of a seashell; but for the rest the mythic rudiments are obvious. White and red roses t float on the water; three doves flutter; and one of the three Graces is even try-ing to follow instructions by facing the other way.

This Alberican Olympus held its own in French book illustration as late as the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, as it did in the so-called Mantegna Taroeehi, engraved in Northern Italy around 1465.

Let us now turn to the Olympians as planetary daemons, as they survive in picture almanacs. Look, for example, at the Children of Venus as depicted in a Burgundian block book, probably derived from German sources and printed around 1460.19 Nothing alarmingly daemonic is going on here: the foam- born

577

Warburg

Cyprian Goddess has been converted into the proprietress of a very agreeable pJeasure garden. Music plays, as loving couples bathe and disport themselves in a flowery meadow. Were it not for the naked female figure who floats on the clouds, flanked by her two zodiacal signs, with a mirror in her right hand and flowers in her left, the figures below would never be taken for what they are: astrologica lly sound pictorial scholia on the mythical attributes of that cosmic Venus who annually reawakens the joy of life in nature and in humankind.

In Ferrara, planetary astrology recedes into the background, and the twelve Olympians of Manilius usurp the places of the planets. There is no ignoring the fact that the Garden of Love-musicians and all -in Cossa's fresco is in-spired by the traditional imagery of the Children of Venus; but Cossa's strik-

ing sense of realiry (of which the Vatican Gallery holds so incomparab le an example, in his predella with scenes from the li fe of Saint Vincent Ferrer) has prevailed over the inartistic, literary influence that is all toO evident in the depictions of the months in the Palazzo Schifanoia frescoes, where a weaker artistic personality fails to breathe life into the dry program.

One such weaker personality is the painter of the July fresco. According to >} Manilius, this month stands under the dual patronage of Jupiter and Cybele.

According to the planetary theory of late antiquity, on the other hand, the ruler of July and of the zodiacal sign of Leo is Sol or Apollo.

In the upper right-hand corner of the fresco (fig_ 114), we see monks kneel-ing in prayer before an altarpiece. This is an image that has found its way into the scheme (otherwise based on Manitius's system of twelve gods) from the cycle of planetary Children of SoL As such, these pious personages are re-corded in Southern Germany as early as 1445.20 A German block book account of the planets has the line: " Vo r mitten tag sie dynen gate vii, dornoch sy leben wie man wil." (Before noon they serve God; afterwards they live as they please.)

Apart from th is incursion from the planetary realm of Sol, however, the Leo month of July is ru led by the two deities specified by Manilius: Jupiter and Cybele with her mural crown, who peaceably share the throne of their tri-umphal car. The artist's keen pursuit of mythological authenticity becomes more apparent in the figures on the right. In the background-as required by the barbarian myth of Cybele - is the recumbent figure of Artis . \Vhat is more, the priests in Christian vestments, who play on cymbals, timbrels, and drums, are intended to be seen as the Galli, and the armored youths in the background as sword-swinging Corybants. All this is proved by the three vacant seats in the foreground: a chair with arms on the left, twO three-legged stools on the right. There can be no doubt that these items of contemporary furn iture are so prominently shown because they are the symbols of an au-thentic ancient mystery: for these are the empty thrones of Cybele, which

t Augustine mentions with explicit reference to Varra}' -The Cybele myth figures in Albericus in all its barbaric detail - though with-

out the recondite p ictorial scholium on the thrones-and appears , together

578

It ali an Ar t and Intern at ional Astro logy In t he Pa lazz o Schi f ano ia

,

-

,

.-

( ' ., .,"

","'0 . \ . . l \ 't

/ . . . " / .. ( .I

Fig. 112. Venus

-

,- ' -

. " -r- .-- . . ',

-/ 't-x-.t. / -_..;.;~

From Libel/us de deorum imaginibus

.. ,

" , ,,,

Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vat icana, Cod. Vat. Reg. lat. 1290, fol. 2r (see p. 577)

,

579

,

,

,

. j "

. -

Fig. 113. Venus From Ovide mora/ise Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale. Ms. fran(f. 373. fol. 207v (see p. 577)

r

Warburg

Fig. 114. July (Jupiter-eybe/e) Ferrara, Pa lazzo Schifanoia (see p. 578)

580

-

,

Itali an Art and In ter nat io nal Astrology in the Palazzo Schifanoia

with other highly curious pagan figures, on a detached leaf from a twelfth-century Regensburg manuscript: here, Cybele rides in her chariot behind her team of lions, and behind her are twO Corybants with drawn swords.22 In matters of substance, at least, the so-called medieval mind was quite capable of pursuing archaeological accuracy.

The painter of this July fresco, whose power of design-un like Cossa's lively figuration -is not such as to make us forget the illustrative basis of the whole, was a late representative of a medieval artistic mentali ty that was ripe for extinction. The nuptial scene on the left is said to represent the wedding of one of Borsa 's daughters, Bi anca d'Este, to Ga leotto della Mirandola; and a * brother of that same Galeotto was Pico della Mirandola, an early and intrepid enemy of astrological superstition, who devoted a whole chapter to the de-nunciation of the absurd Arabian doctrine of the decans. It is understandable that a Renaissance man, on finding these astrological specters walking abroad in his own family circle, should have taken up arms against so barbaric a combination of idolatry and fatalism (another sworn foe of astrology, Savo-narola, a lso came from Ferrara). But it is all the more symptomatic of the con-tinuing strength of late antique and medieval ideas and practices at the Este court that, as late as 1470, the process of restoring the aue artistic face of the .olympian gods had not progressed beyond the firs t step: namely, the replace-ment of the planetary gods by the twelve-god scheme of Manilius.

\Vho can have been the scholarly deviser of the program? Astrology was highly important at the Este court. It is said of Leonello d'Este that on the seven days of every week, like the Sabian Magi of old, he dressed in the seven appropriate planetary colors.23 Pietro Bono Avogaro, one of the court astrol- ,~ ogers, wrote prognostications for every year; while a certain Carlo da San ~ giorgio was a practitioner of geomancy, that last degenerate survival of the astrological divination of ant iqu ity.24 However, the frescoes of the months in the Palazzo Schifanoia were not devised by Avogaro but by his fellow profes-sor of mathematics at the University of Ferrara, Pellegrino Prisciani , librarian and historiographer to the Este court.

We know this from circumstantial evidence. Both Avogaro and Prisciani repeatedly cited Abu Ma'sar in their prognostications; but on ly Prisciani 25 (whose portrait we possess on the title page of his OrthopascaJ in the Biblio-teca Estense, Modena) answered an astrological inquiry by citing the very same curious triad of au thorities named above as prime sources for the fres-coes: Manilius, Abu Ma'sa r, and Pietro d'Abano. For a transcription of this previously unknown and, in my view, highly important document, l owe a deb t of gratitude to the Archivist of Modena, Mr. Dallari.26

Leonora of Aragon, consort to Duke Ercole d'Este, had consulted Prisciani, the family's astrological adviser, as to the best planetary configurat ion to ensure the certa in fulfillment of a wish. He was delighted to report that this very configuration was currently present: Jupiter conjunct the Dragon's H ead, >I-with the moon well aspected, in the sign of Aquarius. In his expert opinion, which I publish in an appendix [p. 586], he referred back to Abu Ma',ar 's

581

Warburg

aphorisms, and to the Conciliator of Pietro d'Abano, before giving the last word to Manilius (4.570-71):

Quod si quem sanctwnqlle lIelis castwnque probllmqueJ Hie libi nascetllr, cum primus aquarius exit.

But if you should want a man who is pious, pu re, and good, He will be born, you will find, wirh Aquarius rising.

This piece of circumstantial evidence is resoundingly confirmed, in my view, by a second document. The letter from Francesco Cossa, mentioned above,27 is a complaint about his treatment by the duke's artistic superinten-dent, directed over the latter's head to Duke Borsa in person; and it transpires that the artistic superintendent in the Palazzo Schifanoia was none other than Pellegrino Prisciani. Francesco claimed to be writing direcdy to the duke only in order to avoid making things difficu lt for Prisciani - "non voglio esser quello if quale et a pellegrino de prisciano et a aftri vegna a fastidio" (I do not want to be a nuisance to Pellegrino de Prisciano or to any other person}- but it is clear from the context that he was going over his learned superior's head for no other reason than that Prisciani was trying to pay him, Francesco Cossa, at the same rate as the other painters of the Months cycle-to whom, with understandable although ineffectual indignation, he refers as "i piu tristi gar-zani di Ferrara" (the most miserable journeymen in Ferrara).

I believe I do no injustice to Pellegrino's memory if I surmise that the rea-son why he valued the other painters at least as highly as Cossa was that they had so clearly set forth all the learned subtleties of his program. \X'e must not forget, however, that - despite the inartistic fragmentation created by its over-whelming mass of detail- the basic structure of Prisciani's program reveals the hand of a conceptual architect weU able to appreciate the profoundest harmonies of the Greek cosmology_ If we use a rough diagram to retranslate the whole Ferrara cycle into terms of a spherical cosmology, the three registers in the Palazzo Schifanoia clearly emerge as a two-dimensional transposition of a spherical system that conjoins the spheres as defined by Manilius with those of the Bianchini tablet (fig. 115) .

The innermost sphere, that of the earth, is symbolized by Duke Borsa's pictOrial court calendar. In the uppermost zone, the twelve Olympian Gods hold sway as patrons of the months, as described by Manilius: those still ex-tant in Ferrara are Pallas, Venus, Apollo, Mercury, JupiterlCybele, Ceres, and Vulcan. It was Manilius who installed and revered the twelve Olympians as rulers of the months in place of the planets; and in Ferrara this basic cosmo-logical theory is retained. Only at a few isolated points do fragments of the old medieval planetary astrology obtrude themselves. The minute overelabo-ration of the backgrounds stems from the learned tradition of descriptive mythography, and notably from Albericus.

The zodiaca l level is common ground between Manilius, the Bianchini

582

,

I t ali an Ar t and Interna t ional Astro logy i n the Pa lazzo Schifano i a

1

fig. 115. Diagram of the arrangement of the frescoes at e Palazzo Schifanoia, Ferrara

sa2 p. 582)

583

I

Warburg

pianisphere, and the Palazzo Schifanoia cycle. The added elaboration of the decao system - inserted by the Bianchini tablet as a distinct region between fixed stars and planets-reveals a close kinship between the Bianchini cosmos and that of Prisciani. Beneath the manifold traces of their wanderings from age ro age and from nation to nation, the Indian decans of Abu Ma'sar, rulers of the middle register in the Palazzo Schifanoia, reveal on careful auscultation that a Grecian heart still beats within them.

Regrettably, Cosima Tura's paintings for the library of Pico della Mirandola are known to us only through descript ions. They might well have revealed the first stirr ings, within contemporaneous Ferrarese painting, of the principal stylistic event that separates the early from the High Renaissance: the recov-

* ery of a more elevated, idealized, quasi-antique style in the depiction of the great figures of ancient myth and history.

And yet an unbridgeable gulf seems to separate this humanistic ideal from the Palazzo Schifanoia. There, in 1470, as we have seen, the Cybele myth per-formed its illustrative function in the prosaic medieval guise of a street pro-cession-for Mantegna had yet to show how the !v10ther of the Gods should

* be borne aloft at the solemn pace of the procession on a Roman triumphal arch. Nor, indeed, does Cossa's Venus show any sign of preparedness to soar from the prosaic depths of realistic costume aUa franzese into the ethereal regions inhabited by the Venere aviatica of the Villa Farnesina .

There does, however, exist an intermed iate sphere between Cos sa and Raphael: that of Sandro Botticelli. For Botticelli, tOO, had to begin by freeing his goddess from the medieval literalism of prosaic genre art (alia franzese) , illustrative serv itude, and astrological practice.

Some years ago,28 I sought to show that the engravings in the so-called Baldini almanac are a youthful work of Botticelli's; be that as it may, they certainly reflect his visual conception of antiquity. That almanac is of interest in the present context for two reasons: its text and its manner of representa-~. tion. The text is a practical manual for believers in planetary astrology; but on

closer examination it reveals itself as a veritable compendium of Hellenistic applied cosmology-mediated, once more, by Abu M,a'sa r. The manner of representation is revealing, for the apparently trivial reason that the almanac also exists in a later edition; for there a single formal nuance enables us to observe the birth of a new stylistic principle, that of the idealized, quasi-antique rendering of motion.

T he first edition of the almanac, published around 1465 (fig. 22), exactly follows the types used in the Northern European planetary series. Among the Children of Venus, one little female dancer stands rather stimy: a woman in

* Burgundian costume, with the unmistakable French hennin and wimple on her head. Her whole appearance proves that Baldini or Boniceili must have been following a Burgundian version of the Northern European source.

The direction and nature of the stylistic transformation that took place

584

-

,

.

Ital i an Art and In t ern at ion a l Ast r ol ogy in t he Palazzo Schifan oia

in the Florentine early Renaissance is revealed by the second edition of the same engraving, produced a few years late r (fig. 23). From the tight Bur-gundian cocoon springs the Florentine butterfly, the " nymph," decked in the winged headdress and fluttering skirts of the Greek maenad or of the Roman >j. Victoria .

In the present context it becomes clear that both of Botticelli's paintings of Venus, the Birth of Venus and the so-called Spring, were attempts to emanci-pate the goddess from her twofold medieval bondage- mythographic and astrological - and to restore her to her Olympian freedom. In a cloud of roses, an unhusked Venus Anadyomene skims the waters on her shell. Her compan M ions, the three Graces, still attend her in that other Venus painting, to which, years ago, I gave the title of the Realm of Venus; today 1 would like to propose a slightly different nuance of the same interpretation, one that would have conveyed to a Quanrocento viewer versed in astrology the essence of the god-dess of beauty, mistress of the reawakening of nature: Venere Pianeta (plane-tary Venus), appearing in the month of April, of which she is the ruler.

Simonetta Vespucci - ro whose memorial cult, in my opinion, both paint- >} ings belong - died on 26 April 1476.

Botticelli thus took his material from existing tradi tion, but he used it in an entirely ideal and individual human creation. He owed his new style to the revival of Greek and Latin antiquity - to the Homeric Hymn, to Lucretius, and to Ovid (as interpreted for him, not by some monkish moralist, but by Poliziano) - and above all to the sculpture of antiquity itself, which had shown him how the gods of Greece dance to Plato's tune in higher spheres.

My fellow students: I need hard ly say tha t this lecture has not been about solving a pictorial riddle for its own sake - especially since it cannot here be illuminated at leisure, but only caught in a cinematographic spotlight.

The isolated and highly provisional experiment that I have undertaken here is intended as a plea for an extension of the methodological borders of our study of art, in both material and spatia l terms.

Until now, a lack of adequate general evolutionary categories has impeded art history in placing its materials at the disposal of the - still unwritten -"historical psychology of human expression." By adopting either an unduly materialistic or an unduly mystical stance, our young discip line blocks its own panoramic view of history. It gropes toward an evolutionary theory of its own, somewhere between the schematisms of political history and the dogmatic faith in genius. In attempting to elucidate the frescoes in the Palazzo Schifanoia in Ferrara, I hope to have shown how an iconological analysis that can range freely, with no fear of border guards, and can treat the an M cient, medieval, and modern worlds as a coherent historical unity-an analy-sis that can scrutinize the purest and the most utilitarian of arts as equivalent documents of expression - how such a method, by taking pains to illumi-nate one single obscurity, can cast light on great and universal evolutionary

585

I

Warbu rg

processes in aU their interconnectedness. I have nOt tried to find a neat solution so much as ro present a new problem, which I would formulate as follows: "To what extent can the stylistic shift in the presentation of human beings in Italian art be regarded as parr of an international process of dialec-tical engagement with the surviving imagery of Eastern Mediterranean pagan culture?"

Our sense of wonder at the inexplicable fact of supreme artistic achieve-ment can only be enhanced by the awareness that genius is both a gift of grace and a conscious dia lectical energy. The grandeur of the new art, as given to us by the genius of Iraly, had its roots in a shared determination to str ip the humanist heritage of Greece of all its accretions of tradit ional "practice," whether medieval, Oriental, or Latin. It was with this desire ro restore the ancient world that "the good European" began his batrle for enl ightenment, in that age of internationally migrating images that we-a shade roo mysti-cally-cali the Age of the Renaissance.

Appendix Letter from Pellegrino de' Prisciani, in Mantua, to the duchess [Leonora} of Ferrara, 26 Ocrober 148729

Illustrissima Madama Mia! Racordandomi spesse (iate del ragionamento hebbi adi passati cum vostra Excel/entia per quello debbo (are ala mia ritornata a casa: etc, Et mettendossi hora a puncta: cossa molto notabile e maravelgiosa: et grandemente af proposito de V. Sia se bene mi renda certo da qualche altro lato: sij stato porta a quella non dimeno per ogni mia debita denlonstratione: non ho dubitato hora per mio messo a posta scriverli: et aprirli if tuto: nOll tacendo che (orsi la oltra ancora: poteria per qualch uno esser presQ qualche poco di errore come anche si faceva in questa terra da Ie brigate.

Nel tempo qua di sopto annotato: corre quella cOl1stellatione de cui non tanto Ii doctor; moderni: rna Ii antiqui ancora: (ana (esta: et la qual da mi da molti anni in qua: come credo ancora da molti altri: e stato CHm grandissimo desiderio expectata. Et if quella de la qual scrive uno notabilissimo doctare chiamato Almansore3o neli soi aphorism; al110: et dice.

Si quis postulaverit aliqu;d a Deo: Capite existente in medio c~li CHm Jove: et hma eunte ad eum nOll praeteribit qUnt adipiscatur breviter qur:s;tum: Et queUa ancora di cui parla if Conciliatore31 et prima a la difa 113 dove scrive queste parole.

Quo etiam modo quis potest (ortunari attt in(orttmari ad bona (ortunf: honores: Scientiam: etc. unde invocationem ad Deum per me (actant: per-cepi ad Scientiam con(erre: capite cum Jove in medio celi existe1lte: et luna eunte ad ips urn: Quod et Reges grecorum cllm valebant suis petitionibus exaudiri observabant: albu. in Sadan. Et anco ra ala dif a 154 dicendo in questa modo,

Praeterea similiter et astronomi~ oratione placantur: et in subsidium con-citantur nostrum ut orationum epilogus insinuat planetarum: zmde albumasar

586

Italian Ar t and International As t r olo gy in the Palazzo Schi fano ia

in Sadam: Reges graecorum cum volebant obsecrare deum propter aliquod negotium: ponebant caput Draconis in media qdi cum j ove aut aspectum ab eo figura amicabili. et lunam conjullctam jovi: aut recedentem ab ipso et con-junctionem cum domino ascendentis petentem: adhuc autem et cum capite

.

amicabili figura: Tunc qui dicebant ipsorum petitionem audiri unde almansor in aphorismis: Si quid postulaverit aliquod a deo etc. Et ego quidem in Imitts Orbis revolutione quandoque configuratione scientiam petens apprime visus sum in illa proficere.32

Et perche jllma Madama mia alami qualche volte soleHo in questo tempo fare sculpire in argenta on alCllno metaUo la situatione del cielo in queUo tempo: per 11011 nli parere necessaria: piu presto ho ordinato certe parole molto al proposito pre vie ala Oratione: Ie quale pari modo mando ad V. Excelia fa qual se dignara narrare il tllto allo mio Ilima Sigre suo consorte: et monstrarli ogni cossa dicendoli: che non mi ha parso scrivere a Sua Celsitudine: a cio Ie lettere non vadano per Ii banchi de/a Cancellaria: et la Cossa trans cora per bocha de molti quali come homini grossi de tal mirabile facto fa biasemariano piu presto:

Vostra jUma Sigia adollche: a dui di de novembre proximo futuro che sera de Venere di: la sira sonate Ie vintiquatro hare et tri quarti posta in su bona devotione et loco apto: ingenochiata incomenciara la Oratione sua dicendo:

Omnipotens et Eterne Deus qui de nihilo cuncta visibilia et illvisibilia creasti: et celos ipsos tam miro ordille collocatis: errantibus et fixis stellis sic mirabiliter decorasti: radios insuper: lumina: motus: potestatem: et vim earn illis tribuens: quam tibi libuit: et quos intelligentijs separatis et angelis sanctis tuis animasti: Quique nos homines ad imaginem tuam (licet de limo terrae) plasmasti: tit et ex celis ipsis plurimos etiam fru ctus: commoditates et benefi-cia (pietate tua intercedente) consequeremur: Te supplex adeo: devoteque sempiternam maiestatem tuam deprecor: et si non ea qua debeo: saltern qua possum animi contritione ad immensam misericordiam et miram benigni-tatem tuam humiliter eonfugiens: Ut postpositis defictis illscipienti~ et pravi-tatis mefI: pietate tua exaudire me digneris: Et sieut mirabili stella illa praevia et ductrice: Guaspar: Melchior: et Baldasar: ah oriente disceden tes ad opta-tum praesepe Dontin; nostri Jhesu christi filij tui pervenerunt: Ita nunc Stella j ovis cum capite draconis in medio celi existente et luna ad eum accedente: ministris qllidem tuis cum sanctis angelis suis mihi aHxiliantibus et ducibus. Oratio haec mea ad te pervenire possit: Et mihi eoncedere: et largiri digneris etc. et quivi dica la V. S. la gratia che la desidera da ipso aeterno Dio: Et stag; cusi reiterando la O ratione insino chel sonera una hora di nocte: Et tenga per fermo che non passaran troppo giorni vedera per effecto haver cOl1sequito fa adimandata gratia. Et habbi certo che questa Constellatione non venira in tanta bontate ad grandissimo tempo: perche si fa in 10 signo de aquario; El quale e proprio signo de tal sanctitate: et in tanto che quando tlno homo nasce et vene in questa mondo ascendendo ipso signo de aquario quellui e homo sancto et tuto da bene: Dove Marco Manilio non dubito scrivere in

587

Warburg

questa modo: Quod si quem sanctum esse velis: castumque probumque. H ie tibi nascetur: cum primus Aquarius exit. Et sic va/eat et exaudiatur ]I/mll D. tua ali pedi di fa quale per mille lJolte me racomando - Mantue die 26 octo-bris 1487.

Eiusdem Ducalis Donzinationis Vestrae Fidelis et devotHs Servitor: Peregrinlfs PriscianHs.

Ala Mia I1lustrissima Madama Madama fa Dltcessa de Ferrara

Ferrarie Subito

My most honored Lady, I often recall to mind the conversations I had of late with Your Excellency concerning what I should do on my rerum, etc. And as there now impends an event both remarkable and wonderful in itself and entirely favorable to Your Highness's intentions - and, while it convinces me from all other viewpoints whatever, my every due method of veri fication leads to the same conclusion-I am now in no doubt that it is my duty to write to you and to tell you all , without concealing that someone might still detect some minor error, as happened in this country as a result of ptevious intrigues.

At the time described below, the configuration of the stars is one that in our own day, as in ancient times, is highly esteemed by the learned. It has been awaited for many years past by myself and, I bel ieve, by many others, with the keenest antic ipation. This is the conjunction of which a celebrated astrologer named Almansor wrote in his 110th aphorism:

If someone has asked God for something: When the IDragon's} Head is at Mid-heaven with Jupiter, and the Moon is moving toward him, it will not pass unnoticed when in a lirtle while he attains what he sought.

It is also the conjunction of which the Conciliator speaks, first of all under Difference 113, where he writes:

Also, how someone can be fortunate or unfortunate with regard to the goods of fortune, marks of esteem, knowledge, etc. From this I understood that my appeal to God pertained to Knowledge: when the {Dragon's} Head was with Jupiter at Mid-heaven and the Moon moving toward him. The kings of the Greeks also observed this when they wanted their petitions to be heard with favor. Albumasar in Sadan .

And again under Di fference 154, as follows:

Furthermore, the P} of astrology are similarly placated by prayer, and they are influenced to aid us as the peroration of our prayers makes its way into the I?} of the planets. Whence Al bumasa r ;n Sadam: When the kings of the Greeks wanted to sup-plica te God about some concern, they would posir the Dragon's Head at Midheaven

588

,

I ta lian Art and International Astrology in the Palazzo Schifanoia

with Jupiter or in a favorable aspect to him, and the Moon conjunct Jupi ter, or sep-arating from him and applying to conjunction with the Lord of the Ascendant, bu t still remaining in a favorable aspect with the Head: some sa id tha t then thei r peti-(ions were heard with favor. Whence Almansor ill aphorismis: If someone has asked God for something, etc. Indeed, in the revolutions of thi s Earth I, too, have some-times seemed to do espec ially well with that configuration when seek ing knowledge.

Sometimes, my Lady, persons cause the configuration of the heavens at the time concerned to be engraved on si lver or on another metal; but as I do nor consider this to be necessary, I have laid down certain highly appropriate words to be spoken before the Orison; and I now forward these words to Your Excellency, with the request that you do me the honor of communicat-ing them to my Lord your husband. Please show him everything, and tell him that I did not think it wise to write to His H ighness; I had no wish for my let-ters to pass through the chancery. The news would have spread like wildfire; and men full of such extraordinary news would have been qu ick to lay blame upon him.

Therefore, most honored Lady, on November 2 next, which will be a Friday, at three-quarters of an hour past midnight, kneel in a suitable place for your devotions and begin your prayers with these words:

Almighty and Eternal God, you who from nothing have created all things visible and invisible and so marvelously decorated the heavens themselves with wandering and fixed stars arranged in such splendid order-giving them in addition rays of light, brilliance, movement, dominion, and whatever power it pleased you to bestow - and which you have animated by means of distinct in telligences and your holy angels; and you who have formed us human beings in your own image (although from the clay of the earth), so that from the heavens themselves we might obtain the most fruits in advantages and benefits (if your mercy intercedes): I humbly and faithfully implore your eter-nal majesty (even if not as I ought to, at least with what contri tion of mind I can, humbly taking refuge in your boundless compassion and awesome benev-olence) to put aside my offenses of folly and wickedness and hear my prayer out of your own mercy. And, just as when, with yonder wondrous star going before and leading the way, Caspar, Melchior, and Balthazar left the East and came to the manger that they sought, that of our Lord Jesus Christ your son, so now, when the planet Jupi ter is with the Dragon's Head at Midheaven and the !vIoon is approaching Jupiter~you r servants indeed with their holy angels helping and leading me-may this prayer of mine have the power to reach you, and may you deign to grant my prayer and bestow upon me: . ..

And here Your H ighness will name the boon that you desire to request from Eternat God. And remain there, kneeling, repeating the prayer, until one o'clock strikes. Then rest assured that not too many days wi ll pass before you receive the boon that you have requested. And rest assured that it will be a tong time before this configuration returns in so favorable a guise: it here fa lls in Aquarius, which is the sign proper to such sacred acts-so much so, indeed,

589

,

Warbu rg

that if a man is born and comes into this world when the sign of Aquarius is in the ascendant, that man will be a holy and righteous person. For which rea-son Marcus Manilius did not hesitate to write as follows : "Bur if you should want a man who is pious, pure, and good, He will be born, you will find, with Aquarius rising."

And so may your Highness prosper, and may your prayer be heard: I lay my humble duty at your feet.

Mantua, 26 October 1487.

Your Ducal Highness's fa ithful and devoted servant, Pellegrino de' Prisciani.

To My Most Honored Lady, the Duchess of Ferrara.

Urgent.

Notes 1. See "Botticelli's Birth of Ve11llS and Spring" (1893 ) [our pp. 104ff., 120 H.] and

" Durer and Italian Antiquity," Verhandlungen der 48. Versammbmg deutscher Phi/o-logen in Hamburg (1905) [our pp. 553 ff. }; a lso Jahrbllch der Preussischen KlI1tstsamm -illngen (1902 ) [our p. 2811.

2. See now R. Raschke, De Alberico 1n)'thologo (Bres lau, 1913 ). 3. See pp. 578 ff. 4. Other editions, 1494 and 1502 (Venice). 5. It is impossible to understand, given the admirable zeal and enetgy of the Italian

photographers, why so few of the frescoes in the Salone have been photographed: an insurmountable barrier to the comparative study that sti ll remains to be attempted! [See now Barzan, I deli e la loro influenza negli affreschi del Salone in Padova (Padua, 1924).]

6. In addi tion to Boll, Sphaera (1912), see the fu ndamenta l work by Bouche-Leclercq, L'astrologie grecqlle (1899).

'* 7. I intend to supply equivalent evidence for the o ther decans: thus, the seated woman playing a lute is Cassiopeia. See il lustration in Thiele, Alltike Himmelsbilder (1898), 104.

8. See illustration in Lapidario del Rey Alfonso (1879) and Bollinote 6}, 433 . 9. Thibaut, Grundriss der lndo-Arischen Phi/ologie 3.9:66, led me to the English

translation by Chidambaram Iyer (Madras, 1885 ), a copy of which is in the Oppert col-lection, bequeathed to the Stadtbibliorhek, H amburg. A German version was kindly suppl ied by Dr. Wilhelm Printz. {Translator's note. English text from Madras, 1926, edition; see addenda.}

10. Boll {sec note 6}, 482-539. A complete edition of Abu M a'sar's works, with translation, is one of the most pressing requi rements of cultural h istory.

11. Of thi s mo re in the forthcoming publication. [See addenda , pp. 734 ff.] 12. Jahrbttch der Preussischell KUllstsammlzmge'l 5 (1884): 99 H. 13. Atti e memarie di staria patria della R omagna (1885): 381 ff.

590

-- --- ----

Ita lian Art and International Astrology in the Palazzo Schifanoia

14. M anili us, Astrollomica 4.1 28-36, ed. Breiter (1908). 15. Sabbadini, Le scoperte de; codici latini e greci ne' secoli X IV e XV (1905), 80;

and B. Soldati, La poes;a astrologica ne! QltattTocento (1906). 16. Manilius 2.439-47. 17. Rome, Vat. reg. lat. 1290, written in Northern Italy around 1420. 18. This poem was written by an unknown French cleric before 1307; see Gaston

Paris, La litteratllre frmlfaise all moyen-age, 4th ed. (1909), 84. The illustration comes from Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, Ms. 373 (anc. 6986), fo1. 207v

19. See Lippmann, Die sieben Planeten (1895), pI. 105. 20. Kaurzsch, "Planetendarstellungen aus demJahre 1445," Repertorium fih Kunst-

wissenschaft 1897: 32 [ff., esp. 3 7}. 21. D e civitate dei 7.24: "quod sedes fingalltllr circa eam, ClIm omnia moveantllr,

ipsam non movere" (she is shown seated {see addendum, pp. 753 f.} to signify (hat she herself remains unmoved, though all things move around her).

22. Swarzenski, Die Regellsbllrger Buchmalerei des X. Itnd Xl. Jahrhunderts (1901), 172, has described the highly interesting leaf of Ms. M o n. Lat. 14271 (fol. lP'; see our p. 535), to which my attention was drawn by Dr. Fritz Saxl; I intend to illustrate and discuss this in my forthcoming publication.

23. Gardner, Dukes and Poets in Ferrara (1904), 46, gives a reference to Decem-brio, Politiae litterariae (1540), fol. 1: "Nam in veste non decorem et opttlentiam soiwtl, qua caeteri principes honestari solent, sed mirum dixeris pro ratione plane-tarunl. et dierum ordine. colorum quoque coaptationem excogitauit." (For in his attire he did not think only of propriety and opulence, by w hich other princes are acc ustomed to be distingui shed, but also - as you wou ld be amazed to hear - devised a scheme of colors according to the planets and the order of days. )

24. See the report written by him in 1469 in A. Cappelli, "Congiura contro il duca Borsa d'Esre," Atti e memorie de; reah departament; di storia patria per Ie provincie modenesi e pannellsi 2 (1864); 377 ff.

25. On him see Bertoni, La Biblioteca Estense (1903) [esp. 194 ff.] and Massera, Archivio Mltratoriano (1911 ).

26. [See append ix.} Reale Archivio d i Stato , Modena- Cancellcri a Ducale-Archivi per materie: Letterati - Prisciani Pe llegrino.

27. Adolfo Venturi {see note H), 384-85. 28. "Imprese amorose nelle piiJ antiche incisioni fiorentine ... ," Rivista d'arte (july,

1905). [See " lmprese amorose .. . ," our pp. 169 ff.] 29. Reale Archi vio di Stato, Modena -Cancellaria Ducale-Archivi per materie:

Letterati . I was set on the track of this letter by Berton i {see note 25), 172. Pellegrino Prisciani gave a very similar prophecy to Isabella d 'Este-Gonzaga in

1509; see Luzio and Renier, Coltura e reJazioni letterarie d'Isabella d'Este, 222 ff. 30. Almansor, Propositio 108 (cd . Basel, 1533), 98. 31. Conciliator Petri Aponensis medici ac philosophi celeberrimi Liber Conciliator

differentiarum philosophorum precipueque medicorum appellatus . .. In the 1509 ed. the differentiae referred to here a re nos. 113 and 156, fo l. 158", 20l v.

32. On Sadan, see Boll {note 61. 421; the passage is based on the Conciliator {see nore 31}.

591