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1 0 T H E A M E R I C A N S P E C T AT O R A p r i l 2 0 1 4

W Dr. Benjamin

Rush described John Adams and Tom-as Jefferson as theNorth and Southpoles of the Ameri-

can Revolution, he was drawing attentionto the cultural gap between Adamss fastid-ious New England and Jeffersons romanticVirginia.

Over time, this gap has been partiallybridged. Te south pole has tugged in mil-lions of northerners, thanks to the blackhole of Washington, D.C., leaving Virginiaamong the most culturally divided states in

the nation. Electoral maps reveal a largelyred state wearing a cerulean skullcap: theoutskirts of Washington, of course. But thedensity of liberal voters in the growing sub-urbs and exurbs has been enough to cause apolitical shift thats pushed Democrats intoall of Virginias statewide elected offices andturned this former Republican strongholdinto a presidential toss-up.

All this makes Ed Gillespies Senate can-didacy seem well timed. Gillespie lives inNorthern Virginia and, like most NorthernVirginians, isnt a native of the state. He grewup in New Jersey, attended college in Wash-ington, and worked in Republican politicsfor three decades. His rst campaign officeis opening in Lorton, just south of the Belt- way. When we meet to talk, its at a preservedhouse in Old own Alexandria, once a keyslaving port, now a yuppie playground.

Conservatives need a candidate who will

take their principles to every community

in Virginia, Gillespie tells me. And forhim, that begins in Arlington, and FallsChurch, and ysons Cornerenemy ter-ritory, perhaps, but captured by a Repub-lican governor, Bob McDonnell, as recent-ly as 2009. If Gillespie can make inroadsamong his fellow suburbanites, it might just be enough to win a Senate race.

Gillespies opponent is Senator Mark Warner, the statesformer governor andkeynote speaker at the2008 Democratic Na-tional Convention. Re-porters stock descrip-

tions of Warner rangefrom very popularto mind-bogglinglypopular, but thats nottechnically true any-more. Warner enjoyedastronomically highapproval ratings asgovernor and polled at57 percent as recentlyas last September. Buta Roanoke College survey taken in Januaryfound that Warners approval rating hadplummeted to 47 percentthe same frac-tion of Virginians who like the job PresidentObama is doing.

Its not an easily winnable race, but itsa very winnable race, Gillespie tells me. While Roanoke College has Gillespie los-ing to Warner by 29 points, 75 percent ofVirginians said they dont know enough

about him to have an opinion. How seri-ously should we take Ed Gillespie? askedpolitical analyst Sean rende in January.Te answer is: very seriously. Republicans

may have found a unique conuence ofpolitical currentsa candidate based incontentious Northern Virginia, gatheringanti-incumbent sentiment, and a senatortied to an unpopular president with crash-ing approval numbers.

Warners popularity is weighed down byObamacare, such a burdensome politicalanvil that it nearly sank now-Governor er-

ry McAuliffe in the twi-light days of Virginias2013 campaign. Tisisnt lost on Gillespie; when I ask him how he would cut spending, he

immediately veers intothe health care law.Weve now seen thecost estimates, whichhave at least doubledif not tripled since thebill was rst passed,and Im sure thats onlythe beginning, he says.He promises to helprepeal Obamacare and

replace it with something that wont ex-plode the national debt.

Gillespie is quick to note that his oppo-nent not only voted for Obamacare, buthelped whip his fellow freshman Demo-crats into supporting it. Its a symptom ofsomething curious about Warner: Where-as Warners former Democratic colleague,Senator Jim Webb, would have hurled him-self off the jetty at Virginia Beach to divert

attention from a controversial vote, Warnerhas been upfront about supporting liberalcauses. He was one of only a handful ofadvocates for cap-and-trade legislation in

An Old Name in the Old DominionCan Ed Gillespie turn Virginia red again?

i n t h e C O L O S S E U M

by M AT T P U R P L E

Matt Purple is assistant managing editor ofTe American Spectator.

{ If Gillespie canmake inroads

among his fellowsuburbanites ,

it might just beenough to win a

Senate race. {

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the Senate. He voted for the stimulus andagainst stopping the EPA from regulatingcarbon dioxide as a greenhouse gas.

Warners aggressive environmentalismclearly presents an opening for Gilles-pie, especially in the states southwestcoal-country. Mark Warner stood next toBarbara Boxer and John Kerry to unveilcap and trade policies that would deci-mate the coal sector in southwest Virgin-ia. Just decimate it, Gillespie says. Its agood line, but theres authenticitybehind it. According to reporterPeter Baker, when several quivering

Bush administration advisors werepreparing to sign on to cap-and-trade legislation, it was Gillespie,then an aide to the president, whosquelched the idea.

T presentshimself as squarely in theconservative mainstream:comfortable with the movementslibertarian turn, in favor of cut-ting spending and a balanced bud-get amendment, curious about pro-privacy reforms like allowingadversarial public advocates in theNSA-authorizing FISA courtroom.But a message of belt-tightening is ahard sell in Virginia, which receivesthe second-most federal money ofany state and is home to the largestnumber of military contractors in

the country. Gillespie searches fora middle ground here, saying theres waste at the Pentagon that shouldbe rooted out, but condemning theObama administrations recentlyannounced downsizing of the mili-tary. Its not quite a punt, but it doesspeak to the difficulties of libertarianism in astate where legislators are expected to bringhome the bacon, and lots of it.

Even if Gillespie spends the rest of thecampaign swinging for scal conservatism,

ea Partiers are likely to approach him withcaution. He spent most of the aughts in thecastle keep of establishment politics, rston the Bush 2000 campaign, then as chair-man of the Republican National Commit-tee, then in the White House. Will conser-vatives, contemptuous of Washington and wary of anything Bush, get behind some-one like Gillespie?

Tere were clearly times when we hadcontrol as Republicans of the House,the Senate, and the White House when we spent too much money, he tells me,

adding that he wished President Bush hadbeen more aggressive on the budget. Asfor his Washington background, Gillespiedoesnt shy away from it, talking enthu-siastically about his history in politics,casually dropping terms like Boll Wee-vil Democrats and exas Six-Pack. Attimes, the old RNC politico emerges.Riffing on his opponents declining sup-port, Gillespie points out that if you lookat the last four public polls, he is at 50

percent, 51 percent, 50 percent, and 44percent, rattling off the numbers withoutbreaking a sweat.

For a political consultant running for of-ce, this seems like the most effective strate-gy: embrace your past, dont pretend youresomething youre not, and demonstrate toskeptics that an establishment career andconservative principles can co-exist.

If there is such a thing as a meritocrat-ic rise in Washington, then Gillespie hasachieved it. His parents were Irish immi-grants, he attended the Catholic Universityof America rather than Georgetown, and he

got his start in politics as a Senate parkingattendant. He later scored an internship inthe office of Congressman Andy Ireland ofFloridaits here that Boll Weevil Demo-

crat comes in, meaning a southern Dem-ocrat who supported Ronald Reagan andvoted with Republicans. Ireland was a Boll Weevil until he nally left the DemocraticParty in 1984, bringing Gillespie with him.

I got to grow up to be counselor to thepresident of the United States of Ameri-ca, Gillespie says. And that is the Amer-ican dream: to go from an immigrant jan-itor to the West Wing of the White House working in the Oval Office in two gener-

ations time. And then from the White House

to the V circuit, where Gillespie

frequently appeared on programssuch as Meet the Press . Its hard toimagine a talking head connecting

with voters on the campaign trail; watch enough cable news and youbegin wondering if political com-mentators are actually Disney-styleanimatronics, who might lapseinto robotic movements and Itsa Small World at any time. ButGillespie doesnt seem pinched atall; nor is he the opposite extreme,an obnoxious schmoozer like erryMcAuliffe. Instead hes comfort-able, gregarious, even a little dorky

when he gets going on politics. Hehas a folksy charm that seems com-patible with rural Virginia.

With Obamacare workingagainst them, Democrats will al-most certainly attack Gillespie on

social issues, soberly explainingthat hes a rabid misogynist who wants to plunge the Old Domin-ion back into the early Middle

Ages. Asked how hell respond towar on women accusations, lev-eled so effectively against guber-

natorial hopeful Ken Cuccinelli last year,Gillespie brings up the damage that liberaleconomic policies have done to working women, and pledges not to sell the houseon social issues.

I am pro-life, he says. I know a lotof men and women who dont agree withme on that issue. I respect that difference.Im not going to abandon my principlesin that regard.

Tats a message hell need to broadcastloudly to Republicans and Virginians. IfGillespie can show voters that hes not ahack or a weathervane, if he can leverage

Obamacare and stand up for his beliefs without scaring off Arlington, then maybethe Old Dominions old Republican poli-tics can make a comeback. I l l u

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