Ardhanarishvara: What we know and don't know

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Religion Compass 2 (2008): 10.1111/j.1749-8171.2008.00066.x

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Blackwell Publishing LtdOxford, UKRECOReligion Compass1749-81711749-8171 2008 The AuthorJournal Compilation 2008 Blackwell Publishing Ltd06610.1111/j.1749-8171.2008.00066.xFebruary 2008001???15???Original ArticlesArdhanarisvara: What We Know and What WeDo notEllen Goldberg

Ardhanarisvara: What We Know and

What We Do not

Ellen Goldberg*Queens University

Abstract

Ardhanarisvara is an expression of male brahmanicalorthodox discourse; yet, this

fact does not dismiss or negate the primary role that Ardhanarisvara plays as asymbol of wholeness and liberation within Indian religion. We know by lookingat the image of Ardhanarisvara that although Parvati is placed on the left handside, she constitutes no less than half ofSivas body. In other words, Ardhanarisvarais as much female as he or she is male. Consequently, even though we see theanthropomorphic body of Ardhanarisvara idealized by the patriarchal norms ofsacred iconographic convention, we also recognize profound attempts at symmetry,complementarity, and wholeness. In this state-of-the-field review, we look at bothof these areas to establish what we know, and what we do not know, aboutArdhanarisvara.

1 Introduction

Ardhanarisvara (translated as the lord who is half woman) belongs toa rich and highly stylized pantheon of Indian sacred art. There arevarious textual accounts of Ardhanarisvara from the silpa sastras (textson temple architecture including Visnudharmamottara, Silparatna, and

Sritattvanidhi), puranas (ancient stories including Linga, Siva, Skanda,Matsya, and Markandeya), yoga treatises, and bhakti(devotional) literature(e.g. the Ardhanarisvara stotra, see Goldberg 2002a). Until recently,most scholarly studies of Ardhanarisvara have focused primarily on themythological and iconographical details of the image (murti) as oneform (rupa) ofSiva (see, for example, Rao 1914; Kramrisch 1922, 1924;Zimmer 1955; Banerjea 1956; Krishnamurthi & Ramachandran 1960,1964; Agrawala 1966; Adiceam 1967; Bose 1974; Sivaramamurti 1984;Chandra 1985; Pal 1988; Srinivasan 1997; Yadav 2001). These studies,along with the various canons of Indian iconography, provide briefformulaic descriptions of Ardhanarisvara. In this essay, I summarize thecurrent state-of-the field and go beyond current iconographical analysisin order to review what we know, and what we do not know, aboutArdhanarisvara.

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2 Ardhanarisvara in Indian Iconography

At present, the broadly conceived typology of Ardhanarisvara iconographycompiled from silpa texts on the ancient Indian arts of image-making(pratimalaksana) and from extensive research on the various ways Ardhanarisvarahas been depicted iconographically in India, Nepal, and Kashmir since themid-first century ce, indicates that the single most important diagnosticfeature is the division of a bipolar body along a central vertical axis(brahmasutra) or line of demarcation that runs from the crown of the headdownwards dividing the body into right side male and left side female(see Figure 1). This vertical line of measurement is evident, though

imperceptible, on all deities. In the instance of Ardhanarisvara, it carriesthe ancillary function of visibly demarcating the body into an androgynousform. Although there are some canonical variations, the male right sidetypically displays the following stock diagnostic features (see Figure 2): anelaboratejatamakuta or usnisa (crown of matted hair worn by ascetics and yogis)at times ornamented with snakes, crescent moon, thunderbolt, the goddessGanga flowing from the top and/or jewels; smaller right eye; broader rightshoulder, wider waist, virile chest, and more massive thigh; male styleearrings (kundala); draped garments such as dhoti or tiger skin usually coveringthe body from the waist to the knees; and, belts and accessories charac-teristically associated with Siva including a garland (mala) made from skullsorrudraksa beads. One distinct diagnostic feature found exclusively on someNorth Indian images of Ardhanarisvara is the halfurdhvareta (ithyphallic)feature on the right male side (see Goldberg 2002a).

Fig. 1. Kushana stele, mid-first century CE. Courtesy of the American Institute of IndianStudies, Gurgaon, India.


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Ardhanarisvara: What We Know and What We Do not 3

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Most iconographical accounts that we have refer to the left-female sideof Ardhanarisvara as Uma, Siva, or Gauri, although most often she isidentified as Parvati (orSakti). The left side is distinguished from the rightside by what I call female indicators (Goldberg 2002a,b). These includea traditional braided hairstyle ornamented with precious gems (karandamakuta ordhamilla), earrings, nose ornamentation (vesara), though this isa later custom, draped clothing to the ankles, and red henna ( lac) on the

foot or hand (Goldberg 2002a). The shape of the female waist is usuallysmaller and the hip is fuller than the right male half. However, the mostimportant female indicator distinguishing all standing and seated imagesof Ardhanarisvara is a round and well-developed womans breast on theleft side.

As a composite figure, Ardhanarisvara displays several diagnostic featuresshared jointly by the male and female sides. They include ornamentation,such as necklaces (haras), rings, and belts (mekhala). Often we see a haloof light orprabhamandala illuminating the deity from behind the head,though in certain instances the shape and size of the right and left halvesmight vary, for example, theprabhamandala is sometimes larger on the rightside. Also, a sacred thread (yajopavita) worn by the upper castes (dvijatisor twice born) can be seen on some Ardhanarisvara images from theGupta period (ca. 320600 ce) onwards (Goldberg 2002a). Typically,

Fig. 2. Elephanta Caves, sixth century. Courtesy of the American Institute of Indian Studies,

Gurgaon, India.


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Ardhanarisvara has one face though the shape of the eyes and the mouthdoes vary on the right and left sides. More important is the placement ofa third eye (trinetra). Here we see several variations such as a shared fullthird eye in the middle of the forehead, or a half third eye on the male

right side and a dot (bindu or tilaka) on the left female side (Goldberg2002a). We know that Ardhanarisvara is typically seen standing (sthanas)in one of three different poses referred to as tribhanga, meaning three bendsin the hips, shoulders, and head; samapada (balanced feet) suggesting aperfect distribution of body proportions on each side of the central axisor brahmasutra; and ardhansamapada (half balanced feet). Seated images ofArdhanarisvara are also common, as are busts. In the latter, we find thatthe distinguishing features of the male and female sides are earrings and,to a lesser extent, hairstyle.

A significant feature of any Indian deity is the number of arms. Typically,Ardhanarisvara is depicted with two, four, or three arms. We know thattwo-armed images were the earliest representations (see Figure 1). In thispose, the male right half holds his hand outstretched toward the devoteein a gesture of fearlessness called abhaya mudra. The left female handsometimes holds a mirror (darpana, see Hoeveler 1990; Goldberg 2002b).If there are four arms, probably a later development, they are usuallydivided at the elbows. As stated, the front right male hand is held in thegesture of fearlessness or protection, whereas the rear right hand holds

either a small axe (parasu) or a trident (trisula). However, we also see a fewcanonical variations, such as club (khatvanga), thunderbolt (vajra), skull(kapala), or noose (pasa) sometimes in the form of a snake. The left femaleside can also be seen holding a lotus flower (nilotpala), water pot (kamandalu),a stringed musical instrument called a vina, drum (damaru), or a small parrotperched on the left wrist (Adiceam 1967; Yadav 2001; Goldberg 2002a).On four-armed images, the front left arm sometimes can be seen restingon Nandin (Sivas bull vehicle) in the posture of ease (katyavalambita mudra)or in the flower holding gesture (kataka mudra). A primary function of the

mudras in Indian iconography is that they give voice through symbol toseemingly silent images (Goldberg 2002a). To fully appreciate the extensivesystem of poses and gestures (mudras) used in Indian iconography, technicalbackground in Indian classical dance is helpful. As Anne-Marie Gaston(1982) shows, the parallels and correspondences between iconographicalmotifs and gestures in Indian classical dance are mutually informing, sincethe postures of classical dance derive their origins from the iconographicstyles in Indian temple art.

We see from this typology that descriptions of deities in the sastratradition represent a compilation of formulas or recipes derived fromolder texts that have been lost or destroyed over the centuries (Kramrisch1924; Dagens 1987; Kalidos 1993; Srinivasan 1997; Goldberg 2002a). Inother words, formulaic descriptions of Ardhanarisvara, or any deity, forthat matter, are not only extrapolated from pre-existing texts, but also

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from pre-existing monuments. Thus, it seems more than likely, as BrunoDagens (1989) and others maintain, that image precedes text. The sastratradition basically provides little more than a guide for the silpin or imagemaker (Dagens 1989). Silpa texts list only the compulsory or stock diagnostic

identifiers required for constructing, maintaining, and identifying a particulargod or goddess. As such, the silpin tradition becomes an integral link intransmitting what R. N. Misra (1989) calls the concretized or canonicalform (murti, rupa) of the unmanifest (nirguna) deity but, we also see thatprescriptive accounts as maintained in the sastra tradition function primarilyto preserve an orthodox tradition ofbrahmanicaltheology and philosophy(see Dahmen-Dallapiccola 1989; Srinivasan 1997; Goldberg 2002a).

Building on this central idea, T. S. Maxwell (1989) raises several importantissues in his research regarding the overall function of iconography in

India. He states that most icons are used primarily as objects of worship,and although the style of practice might vary to some extent throughoutthe Indian subcontinent, the use of images is pan-Indian. The image ormurti[understood here as pertaining to the manifest orsaguna (with qualities)aspect of the deity] becomes defined by these codified and prescriptivecanonical accounts. John Mostellers (1988) research, like Maxwells, showsthat the sastras maintain a system of correct proportion and measurement,and strict adherence to rules of form is central to maintaining the orthodoxtradition of sacred images. Consequently, following precise protocols and

mnemonic techniques necessary for artistic reconstruction, includingmemorization of forms, stock diagnostic indicators, repetitive drawing exercisesor lines and points, not only ensures continuity across time and place, butalso the programmatic transmission of orthodox meaning. Hence, Maxwellspoint is well taken that the silpin tradition basically operates as a storehouseof legitimated cultural and textual norms under the power and supervisionof its priestly-male guardians (Maxwell 1989, p. 15; Goldberg 2002a, p. 19).

Therefore, Maxwell demonstrates, and rightly so, that studying anydeity on the basis of textual and iconographic descriptions alone will

provide only a partial understanding. Iconographic formulas and tersedescriptive language used in iconographic treatises, as we see in the specificexample of Ardhanarisvara above, represents only part of the making ofan image. One also sees in the sastrictradition on Indian arts in general,and from accounts of Ardhanarisvara in particular, the legitimation,preservation, and perpetuation of brahmanicalorthodoxy (Maxwell 1989;Goldberg 2002a). While it is true that the correlation between iconographyand Indian culture is philosophical and theological, we also see that it issocial, economic, political, and legal. The aphoristic style of the silpintradition certainly enabled memorization and easy transmission from onegeneration to the next, but as Maxwells research proves, images are informedby more than just the canons of Indian iconography. The orthodox idealthat an image such as Ardhanarisvara represents within the tradition iscommunicated and reinforced repeatedly through multiple avenues of


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culture including law codes, family values, social convention, gender roles,and spiritual practice, such as yoga and tantra, to name just a few. Consequently,attempts to understand Indian iconography from the perspective of thesastra tradition alone, as Maxwell warns, is ultimately doomed to failure

(Maxwell 1989, p. 10).However, it is clear that Ardhanarisvara is neither human nor mortal.As Maxwell shows, iconic forms, such as Ardhanarisvara, are employedprimarily in a religious or sacred context and, for this reason, it is importantnot to completely collapse them into mundane or secular terms (Goldberg2002a). Nevertheless, given the pioneer research of Maxwell, Srinivasan,Kalidos, Dagens and others, we also know that it would be nave not toquestion the message(s) being conveyed by a tradition that has usedsacred images, including composite and androgynous deities, to legitimate,

regulate, and preserve orthodox (i.e. patriarchal) brahmanicalvalues overtime and place.

3 Mythology

What we do know is that Ardhanarisvara is integral to a sacred traditionof syncretic or composite images in Indian culture as far back as the earlyVedic period. Wendy Donigers provocative analysis, entitled Women,

Androgynes, and Other Mythical Beasts (1980), established new ground by

offering the first comparative taxonomy of the androgyne motif in Hindumythology based on extensive accounts from the vast corpus of Hindu

puranas (ancient stories). In this study, Doniger tracks the development of theandrogyne motif in Indian mythology, rather than Indian iconography, asfar back as the early Rg Veda with examples such as Dyava-Prthivi (Sky-Earth),Visvarupa, the Asura bull-cow, and Indra the alternating androgyne.Doris Meth Srinivasan (1997, p. 57) claims, not unlike Doniger, that theandrogyne motif found in Vedic literature prepares the way for what shecalls an overall understanding of the advent of the Saiva Ardhanarisvara

concept and form.Doniger cleverly develops extensive comparative categories of androgynes,

such as good and bad androgynes, vertical and horizontal androgynes,and two-in-one androgynes, to name just a few examples, as a way todistinguish, classify, and categorize cross-cultural tales of androgyny inIndian and Greek narrative. Using Donigers own typology, Ardhanarisvarais classified as a vertical, two-in-one, and/or fused androgyne, identifiedas positive and good within Indian tradition. Another name for thetwo-in-one androgyne is hieros gamos referring to the sacred marriagebetween two deities. Perceived in this way, Ardhanarisvara has a positiveor good effect on normative male and female social behavior, that is tosay, Ardhanarisvara participates in legitmating, regulating, and preservingorthodox (patriarchal) brahmanical values over time and place (Doniger1980; Maxwell 1989; Goldberg 2002a).


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Throughout the extensive corpus of Hindu puranas, we find numerousexamples of Ardhanarisvara involved in creation. In various accounts (see,for example, Linga Purana 1.70.325, 1.41.79, 1.5.2; Visnu Purana 1.7.1213;Kurma Purana 1.11.23; and Siva Purana 2.1.15.5556), the female principle

emerges from the two-in-one androgyne to generate the universe. For thesake of creation and the generation of the womankind, the androgynesplits by distinguishing his female nature. Hence, by assuming the role ofprimordial parent, Ardhanarisvara plays a key cosmogenic function inHindu mythology.

4 Gender

Whether this two-in-one androgynous image of Ardhanarisvara conveys

an egalitarian model or whether the diagnostic indicators used to identifyArdhanarisvara reflect a repository of ambivalent and referential genderconstructions that typically privilege the male half, is also a crucial, timely,and (potentially) controversial question that is explored in my feministanalysis of Ardhanarisvara titled The Lord Who Is Half Woman (Goldberg2002a). As we have shown, scholars, such as Maxwell, Dagens, Misra, andothers, argue that normative values, that is to say, patriarchal brahmanicalvalues, are concretized and encoded in Indian sacred art including thetypology of Ardhanarisvara images from the sastra tradition. More specifically,

the consistent placement of right-male and left-female that we see as theessential defining diagnostic feature on all Ardhanarisvara images conferslower status to the left-female side. Raju Kalidos (1993) and P. Kandasamy(1994) advanced this controversial understanding in their respective pioneerstudies of Ardhanari images from South India. Kalidos argues, for example,that the left-hand position is associated with something low, not worthyof being accorded a commendable status of equality, weakness, basenessand degradation (Kalidos 1993, p. 287). Kandasamy claims that Indiantradition is well aware of the subordinate status associated with the left

side, and that by assigning it to Parvati in the Ardhanarisvara model adeliberate attempt is made to denigrate the female half (Kandasamy1994, p. 494). According to R. J. Z. Werblowsky (1982, pp. 1234), thisdesignation is completely normative since everyone knows that practicallyall cultures . . . are male cultures, and symbols of the feminine . . . are malesymbols, that is, they are concerned with male attitudes, fears, complexes,and interests.

We also see asymmetry or privileging demonstrated in the Chola imageof Ardhanarisvara from South Arcot District, Siva Vallabesvara Temple(see Figure 3). What this image of Ardhanarisvara shows so clearly is thatdiscernible diagnostic indicators can depict asymmetry as well as symmetrybetween the right and left, male and female, halves of the deity creatingambivalence in meaning and gender status. For the most part, thisparticular image of Ardhanarisvara displays all of the stock iconographical

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representations including the central vertical axis line of gender demarcation

(brahmasutra), full third eye (trinetra) located directly in the middle of theforehead indicating shared divine status, full female breast on the left,different style earrings on the left and right, tribanga pose, more massiveright shoulder, joint headdresses, necklaces, bracelets, and so on clearlyreflecting the vertical demarcation into male and female typical of allstanding Ardhanarisvara images. A sacred thread (yajopavita) lies across theleft and right sides indicating equal twice born status. As well, the left andright sides have their respective identifying hairstyles and ornamentation.However, the explicit three-armed diagnostic feature privileges and

polarizes the male right half by its absence of symmetry on the femaleside. This absence of symmetry signals the ambivalence of Parvatis statusas both woman (nari) and goddess (devi). Sivas status is never in doubt heis always the lord (isvara) who is half woman (ardha-nari).

One could argue that this apparent absence of symmetry places thepower of the deity on the right-male side, particularly in an iconographicaltradition where the number of arms is understood as a sign of divinity.Srinivasans research probes what she calls the multiplicity convention,that is, the religious significance of divine images in India that exhibitmultiple organs, limbs, heads, and arms. For Srinivasan, multiplicity is themost pervasive iconographic feature in Indian art (1997, p. 3). As such,the lack of symmetry evident in the Chola image only reinforces theseparate claims offered by both Kalidos and Kamasamy that the left-handfemale side is accorded a lower status. This is a concretized example that

Fig. 3. Chola Period, Tiruvankadu. Courtesy of the French Institute of Pondicherry.

FPO

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there is a deliberate attempt on the part of the brahmanical tradition todenigrate or subdue the left-hand placement, which, in this case, isfemale identified.

For this reason, a feminist analysis of Ardhanarisvara is appropriate. In

my comparative study ofThe Lord Who Is Half Woman (Goldberg 2002a),I offer two perspectives on androgyny, that is, I look at the image ofArdhanarisvara within the context of sacred Indian images, while alsotracking the debate on androgyny in Western feminist theory as analternative model for gender stereotypes. Western models of androgynyderiving from Greek classical thought, Hebrew creation myths, medievalalchemical traditions, Jungian archetypes, and fictional literary sources, toname just a few, offer profound cross-cultural similarities as well as differences.First wave Western feminists argued that androgyny (as it was seen in the

West) offered a model of psychological and philosophical wholeness, but,second wave feminism challenged this claim asserting that androgyny isunshakably embedded in patriarchal meta-narratives that displace the femalein subtle ways (see, Heilbrun 1973; Rich 1976; Singer 1976; Daly 1978;as well as critiques by Daly 1985; Irigaray 1985; Hoeveler 1990; Weil1992). In other words, models of androgyny intended as an alternativeto hierarchical and heterosexist logic were exposed as essentialist andandrocentric. Although I examine this debate in Western feminism, I alsoargue that Ardhanarisvara is more complex because of its multivalent

message and the praxis-oriented traditions of non-duality that speak directlyto a living religious tradition. This complex dialogue provides a useful wayto view two disparate cross-cultural theories/traditions of androgyny, withArdhanarisvara placed at the center of the discourse.

What is remarkable is that we also find several reverse images ofArdhanari (half woman) in South India. In his research, Kalidos drawsour attention to several rare images from the early ninth century ce,Chola period. In these examples, the well-developed female breastappears only on the right side (see Figure 5). Kalidos maintains that this

variation is a clear deviation from the brahmanicalor orthodox norm.More importantly, it shows that there are alternative expressions thatreflect the perceived power of the female divine within Indian tradition.Kalidos argues that due to the process of Sanskritization, goddess (devi)images were assimilated over time with Siva in the form and figure ofArdhanarisvara. This process of syncretization served as an effectivemethod of acculturation and social fusion, whereby the brahmanicaleliteabsorbed crucial aspects of matrifocal society (see Kalidos 1993; also seeKosambi 1981). Kalidos also claims that the association of left-right inIndian tradition is reversed in these rare images, so that the power andprivilege once accorded to Devi or the female divine is now offered toSiva. What this tells us is that both versions of the image are productsof human culture and, as such, gender norms can be reinterpreted andreclaimed on these terms.

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5 Yoga

We also see numerous examples of four-armed images of Ardhanarisvara.For example, images of Ardhanarisvara from tenth-century Nepal andeleventh-century Rajasthan currently housed in the Los Angeles CountyMuseum, as well as samples of contemporary Indian poster art (see Figure 4),demonstrate that Ardhanarisvara, as one of the most celebrated syncreticmotifs in Indian iconography, also tends toward an expression of unity(yoga), totality, and non-duality (advaita). Indeed, we know that as a potentsymbol or blueprint for mapping the subtle transformation of humanconsciousness within Indian traditions ofyoga, Ardhanarisvara represents asymbolic form that encodes male and female gender norms into a standardanthropomorphic model for the sake of yoga realization or non-duality

Fig. 4. Contemporary Poster Art, Mumbai, India. (Apparently this does not require copy rights,according to SUNY).

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(for a more extensive discussion, see Goldberg 2002a). However, as we haveseen, these complex and multifaceted issues must be interpreted, includingany gender assumptions, possible sectarianism, and the potential asymmetryof power, authority, and privilege that is deeply embedded in this imagery.

In the Indian Saiva traditions of yoga, Siva-Sakti (another name forArdhanarisvara) presents a symbol encoding subtle (evolutionary) processesexperienced by the adept in the higher stages of yoga practice (sadhana).As such, Ardhanarisvara represents a profound metaphysical guide foryogisand yoginis, illuminating in symbolic terms the dynamics of spiritual

Fig. 5. Ardhanari Vedopusisvara Temple, Thanjavur District, Tiruvedikudi, Madras, ninethcentury. Courtesy of the American Institute of Indian Studies, Gurgaon, India.

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practice, and offering a powerful metaphor based on a complex homologousuniverse that points the way to totality and transcendental liberation(moksa, mukti). Understood in this way, yoga refers both to a spiritualpath and to the attainment of wholeness that is represented in symbolic

terms in Indian iconography by the androgynous image of Ardhana

ris

vara(Goldberg 2002a). The (so-called) pairs of opposites, such as activepassive,hotcold, lightdark, sunmoon, daynight, rightleft, malefemale, idapingala,ignorance and the cessation of ignorance are concretized, to use Misrasterm, via the stock diagnostic indicators associated with Ardhanarisvara, but,once again, this raises the question as to whether the ideal of non-dualityand complementarity that is potentially experienced by the liberated yogioryogini is fully realized in Indian iconography by an androgynous formthat at times places power (arms) and privilege (right side) on the male

side? Rather, one question we need to raise is what, if any, alternativemotifs are available to capture in codified language the subtle states ofwholeness that the tradition claims arise in the higher stages ofyoga or isthis state of consciousness.

6 What We Do Not Know

Here, I offer only preliminary observations, speculating on three areas thatmight be useful to future studies of Ardhanarisvara. What has become

clear from my own research and this brief review is that more sustainedstudies of Ardhanarisvara are necessary, in particular studies that focus onthe possible influence of Ardhanarisvara as a nuptial ideal in specific areas,such as family law and economics. For example, the community continuouslyre-enacts the Ardhanarisvara myth insofar as married Hindu couples oftenembody the Ardhanarisvara ideal as a living social unit (see Wadley &

Jacobson 1992). However, as the nineteenth-century Hindu reformerRammohun Roy points out, the Ardhanarisvara nuptial ideal historicallyprivileges the male half. He writes: although a woman is recognized as

being half of her husband, she is in fact treated as worse than inferioranimals, and is made to do the work of a slave in the house (Roycited in Karlekar 1993, pp. 467). Consequently, critical studies analyzingthe social, legal, and economic implications (past and present) of anandrogynous nuptial ideal that models itself on the mythic model of thehieros gamos ofSiva and Parvati is needed. If the androgynous model, asmany feminists argue, traditionally denies independence to the female halfand posits woman as the property of her male family, then the female ispotentially constrained in a divinely sanctioned paradigm of economicdisparagement rather than economic well-being. Amartya Sen (1992) explainsthat there are systemic gender arrangements specific to South Asia thatindeed disparages the female in parallel social and economic arrangements.At present, we do not know the broader implications that this patriarchalmodel has on the economic well-being of Hindu women.

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Another area for further study is the reverse Ardhanari image. Kalidosinsightful discussion of several rare right-side female Ardhanari images, asmentioned above, speaks directly to the critical issue of the culturalconstruction and historicity of sacred symbols. These symbols are powerful

religious images for men and women. Therefore, a more sustained analysisof the shifting cultural message(s) implied by alternative expressions of maleand female power needs to be investigated, including legitimating thesymbolic avenues associated with female agency within the context of Indiansociety. Scant research beyond Kalidos preliminary study identifying theseimages of Ardhanari exists. Consequently, further research into accompanyingmyths, etc., related to reverse androgynous images could possibly provebeyond a doubt, as Kalidos speculates, that the Ardhanarisvara motifactually has its base in Devi images of South India. Presently, the earliest

image we have is first century ce, and it is right side male (see Figure 1).A third possible area is to analyze Ardhanarisvara from the perspectiveof cognitive science and/or cognitive theories of religion. Although wellbeyond the scope of this particular essay, here I am suggesting that anapplication of various approaches within cognitive science, such asneuroscience, could provide a useful methodological model for studyingArdhanarisvara. As I mentioned earlier, Ardhanarisvara offers an extensivemap or blueprint of sabiia samadhi in Indian yoga traditions. As such,a sustained investigation of the formulaic representations conceptualized

by the androgynous image of Ardhanarisvara and an explanation as to theirunderlying biological structures could be most beneficial. More specifically,Ardhanarisvara offers not only a conceptual template to explain the humanof enlightenment, but adept yogis and yogini are understood as livingembodiments of Ardhanarisvara. As such, technologies in cognitive sciencecan be useful for understanding the deeper neurological processes goingon in the higher stages of meditation or states of consciousness experiencedby adepts. A cognitive analysis could yield empirical data that correspondto the coded systems articulated in the seemingly esoteric language of

yogas theoretical assumptions, and it offers a new way of studying andexplaining this central metaphor in Indian tradition.

Short Biography

Ellen Goldberg holds a PhD in Religious Studies from the Universityof Toronto and is Associate Professor of Comparative Religion in theDepartment of Religious Studies at Queens University, Canada. Her currentresearch focuses on a dialogue among cognitive science and Hindu andBuddhist meditation practice. She has published two articles in thisarea for Zygon (2006) and Studying Hinduism: Key Concepts and Methods(Routledge, 2007), as well as several articles on Buddhism in the West.She is currently working on a book titled Cognitive Sciences and the HigherTeachings of Hindu and Buddhist Yoga.


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Notes

* Correspondence address: Ellen Goldberg, Department of Religious Studies, Theological Hall414, Queens University, Kingston, Ontario, Canada K7L 3N6. Email: [email protected].

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Ardhanarinatesvara Stotra, 1976, Sanskrit, Chowkhamba Orientalis, Varanasi, Inida.Banerjea, JN, 1956, The Development of Hindu Iconography, University of Calcutta, Calcutta,

India.Bhattacharrya, DC, 1991, Pratimalaksana of the Visnudharmottara, Harman Publishing, New

Delhi, India.Boner, A, 1962, Principles of Composition in Hindu Sculpture, E.J. Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands.Dagens, B, 1989, Iconography in Sivagamas: Description or Prescription?, in Anna Libera

Dahmen-Dallapiccola (ed.), Shastric Traditions in Indian Arts, vol. 1, pp. 1514, Steiner Verlag,Wiesbaden, Stuttgart, Germany.

Dahmen-Dallapiccola, AL, ed. 1989, in Anna Libera Dahmen-Dallapiccola (ed.), Shastric Traditionsin Indian Arts, vol. 1, Steiner Verlag, Wiesbaden, Stuttgart, Germany.

Daly, M, 1978, Gyn/Ecology: The Metaethics of Radical Feminism, Beacon Press, Boston, MA., 1985, Beyond God the Father: Twoard A Philosophy of Womens Liberation , Beacon Press,

Boston, MA.Doniger, W (see Wendy Doniger OFlaherty), 1980, Women, androgynes, and Other Mythical

Beasts, University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL.Gaston, A-M, 1982, Siva in Dance, Myth and Iconography, Oxford University Press, Delhi, India.Goldberg, E, 1999, Ardhanarisvara in Indian Iconography: A New Interpretation, East and

West. vol. 49, no. 14, pp. 17589., 2002a, The Lord Who Is Half Woman: Ardhanarisvara in Indian and Feminist Traditions, State

University of New York Press, Albany, NY., 2002b, Parvvati Through the Looking Glass, Acta Orientalia, vol. 63, pp. 7192.Heilbrun, CG, 1973, Towards a Recognition of Androgyny, Knopf, New York, NY.Hoeveler, DL, 1990, Romantic Androgyny: The Woman Within, Pennsylvania State University

Press, University Park, PA.Irigaray, L, 1985, Speculum and the Other. Translated by Gillian C. Gill. Cornell University Press,

Ithaca, NY.Kalidos, R, 1993, The Twain-Face of Ardhanari, Acta Orientale, vol. 54, pp. 68106.Kandasamy, P, 1994, Ardhanarisvara: Samples of Cola Masterpieces, East and West, vol. 44,

nos. 24, pp. 4916.Kosambi, DD, 1981, The Culture and Civilization of Ancient India in Historical Outline. Reprint1970. Vikas, New Delhi, India.

Kramrisch, S, 1922, The Vishnudharmottaram. Part 111: A Treatise on Indian Painting and Image-Making, Calcutta University Press, Calcutta, India.

, 1924, The Vishnudharmottaram, Calcutta Review, vol. X, pp. 33186., 1988, The Presence ofSiva, Motilal, Reprint, Delhi. 1981.Krishnamurthi, C, & Ramachandran, KS, 1960, Ardhanarisvara in South Indian Sculpture,

Indian Historical Quarterly, vol. 36, pp. 6974., 1964, Hermaphroditism and Early Ardhanarisvara Figures in India, Vishveshvaranand

Indological Journal, vol. 2, pp. 1235.

Markandeya Purana, 1969, English and Sanskrit, Translated with notes by F. Eden Pargiter.Indological Book House, Delhi, India.Maxwell, TS, 1989, Silpa vs. Sastra, in Anna Libera Dahmen-Dallapiccola (ed.), Shastric

Traditions in Indian Arts, vol. 1, pp. 516, Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden, Stuttgart, Germany.Misra, RN, 1989, Indian Silpa Tradition, Silpi and Aesthetics: A Study of Correspondence,

in Anna Libera Dahmen-Dallapiccola (ed.), Shastric Traditions in Indian Arts, vol. 1, pp. 17586,Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden, Stuttgart, Germany.

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Mosteller, JF, 1988, The Study of Indian Iconometry in Historical Perspective, Journal of theAmerican Oriental Society, vol. 108, no. 1, pp. 99110.

OFlaherty, WD (see also Wendy Doniger), 1980, Women, Androgynes, and Other Mythical Beasts,University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL.

Pal, P, 1988, Indian Sculpture, vol. 2. Los Angeles County Museum and University of CaliforniaPress, Berkeley, CA.

Rao, TAG, 1968 [1914], Elements of Hindu Iconography, vol. II, part I. Paragon Book ReprintCorp, New York, NY.

Rich, A, 1976, Of Woman Born: Motherhood and Experience and Institution, Norton, New York,NY.

Sen, A, 1992, Inequality Reexamined, Oxford University Press, Delhi, India.Singer, J, 1976. Androgyny: The Opposites Within, Sigo Press, Boston, MA.Srinivasan, DM, 1997, Many Heads, Arms, and Eyes: Origin, Meaning, and Form of Multiplicity in

Indian Art, Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands.Wadley, S, & Jacobson, D, 1992, Women in India: Two Perspectives, South Asia Publications,

Columbia, MO.Weil, K, 1992,Androgyny and the Denial of Difference, University of Virginia Press, Charlottesville,

VA.Yadav, N, 2001, Ardhanarisvara in Indian Art and Literature, D. K. Printworld, Delhi, India.Zimmer, H, 1955, The Art of Indian Asia: Its Mythology and Transformations, Bollingen Foundation,

New York, NY.

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Ardhanarishvara: What we know and don't know