Assessment of Issues Facing Refugee Families

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    A s s e s s m e n t of I s sue sFac ing Immigrant andRefugee Fami l i e sUm a A. Segal and Nazneen S. MayadasThis article identifies the different problems immi-grants and refugees face in the United States, especiallysocioeconomic and psychosocial concerns that oftenrelate to the experience of migration . Traditional familialroles and responsibilities are frequently challenged,exacerbated by sociocultural differences and inadequateunderstandings between the new arrivals and the hostcountry. Essential in assessmen ts of imm igran t andrefugee families is evaluating resources for social,economic, and cultural integration; discriminatingbetw een realistic and unrealistic expectations; evaluat-ing families' problem-solving abilities; exploring familyfunctioning within the context of heritage; identifyingthe transferability of work skills; and gauging families'learning capabilities and motivation for adaptation.

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    I mmigrants, refugees, and asylum seekers flock to the shores,airports, and borders of the United States armually, and inincreasing num bers . Con trary to po pu lar perception, they donot automatically adopt U.S. culture as they cross the border.Practitioners w orking w ith new arrivals m ust focus not only onimmigrants' time in this country but also on their reasons forleaving their homeland, their experience of migration, theirresou rces to function in unfamiliar environm ents, and the recep-tiveness of the new hos t coun try (both politically an d socially) totheir presence. Furthe rmo re, practitioners should rem ember tha timmigrants, regardless of their longevity in the United States,are frequently faced w ith a dua lity of cultures and m us t functionwith norm s and expectations tha t often conflict. Figure 1 providesa framework for the salient factors in the immigration process,regardless of country of origin or destination.The pervasive tendency is to grou p imm igrants an d refugees

    together. Although refugees are immigrants and, after a yearof residence in the United S tates, can adjust their official sta tus toimmigrant, the psychosocial profile of a large proportion of therefugee pop ulation h as little in common w ith that of most immi-grants. Regardless of the visa under which they comeif theyhave a visa at all imm igrants arrive on their own volition. Theyare pulled by the attractiveness of living in the United S tates, andthey usually plan their entry carefully, selectively bring ing som eassets while relinquishing much at home. Regardless of the economic,civil, or political impetus to leave, the alternative of life in the U nitedStates may appear preferable, although the move may be danger-ous or traumatic, as it is for many un docum ented imm igrants.Refugees, on the other han d, are pushed from their homelands,and , heretofore, m ost have no t come directly to the Un ited States,instead arriving at the borders of countries that neighbor theirhomeland and serve as first countries of asylum. Refugees are

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    FIGURE 1Framework for the Immigrant Experience

    C o n d i t io n s in H o m e C o u n t r y S t a t u s in H o m e C o u n t r y E x p e r ie n c e in H o m e C o u n t r y

    R e a s o n s fo r L e a v in g H o m e C o u n t ry

    T r a n s i t io n t o C o u n t ry o f I m m i g r a t io n

    E m ig r a t io n Im m ig r a t io n

    R e s p o n s e t o t i i e im m i g r a t io n P r o c e s s

    I m m i g r a n t 's r e s o u r c e s f o r i m m i g r a ti o n Read i n e s s o f r e c e i v i n g c o u n t r y

    A d j u s t m e n t t o t h e R e c e i v in g C o u n t ry 's L i fe s t y le a n d C u l t u re

    i m p l i c a t i o n s f o r S o c i a i W o r i < p r a c t i c e

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    unwillingly, and m any w ou ld p robably prefer to retu rn if safetyperm itted. They leave hom e w ith little or no p lann ing ; flee w ithfew, if any, tang ible belo ngings; suffer inconceivable a trocities inthe form of persecution, deg radation , and violation; and witnessthe destruction of their fundam ental rights and lifestyle. The mostsignificant distinction, how ever, is a political one: refugee sta tusas granted by the United Nations High Comm ission for Refugees(UNHCR). According to the definition presented in the 1951United Nations Convention and the 1967 protocol that establishedthe man da te for the UNHCR, a refugee is

    any person w^ho, ow^ing to a w^ell-founded fear of beingpersecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, orpolitical opinion, is outside the country of h is /h er national-ity and is unable or, owing to such fear or for reasons otherthan personal convenience, is imwilling to avail himself/herself of the protection of tha t country." (UNHCR, 1995)This definition is accepted by U.S. Citizenship and ImmigrationServicesa division of the Office of Hom elan d Security and origi-nally know n as the U.S. Imm igration and N aturalization Serviceas stated in the am ended Refugee Act of 1980, which governs thepresent policy ad m itting refugees into the Un ited S tates (U.S. De-pa rtm en t of Justice, 1999).In recent years, disprop ortionately large nu m bers of en tran tsto the United S tates have been ethnic m inorities from Asia, Africa,and South America, and an overwhelming majority makes thisnation its permanent residence. Nevertheless, adjustment to adifferent society raises particular difficulties for many newAm ericans, and xenop hobia, endem ic among hu m an beings, isprevalent among the U.S. citizenry as well. Disparity in percep tionsof immigrants from different parts of the world (Short, 2004)exacerbates conflicts for newcomers.

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    migration laws, however, most imm igrants and refugees have en-countered discrimination and oppression at some time. They havebeen historically denied opp ortun ities because of the color of theirskin, the accent with which they speak, or the clothing they wear.Despite difficulties, overt and institutionalized discrimination,and sometimes, few apparent resources, most immigrants to theUnited States stay, establish a living, and raise children in thiscountry. Despite cultural conflicts, language barriers, or margin-alization, most immigran ts continue to find that the United Statesis still a land w ith more opportimity an d freedom than their home-lands, and they dra w on all their tangible and intangible resourcesto survive here.Cultural CompetencyIn w orking w ith imm igrant populations, service providers m ustun de rstand both the culture of the indiv idu al's cou ntry of originand the immigration experience (Chan, 2003). Within this con-text, practitioners need to identify the circumstances und er whichthe individuals left their homelands and what resources theybroug ht. Second, they m ust recognize that almost all w ho cometo the United States, either willingly or not, leave behind muchtha t is familiarculture, lan gua ge, enviro nm ent, climate, family,friends, social system, and norms of behavior. Women, in par-ticular, may leave careers to follow hu sb an ds , having to re-estab-lish their social and professional networks to a greater degreethan their spouses (Salaff & Greve, 2004). Third, practitioners m ustacknow ledge that, regardless of U.S. willingness to accept thesenew arrivals (ongoing immigration debates indicate substantialdivisions), m uch th at the nation has to offer im m igran ts and refu-gees is strange an d bew ildering, an d, for most, their traditionalsup po rt system s are now inaccessible.

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    of the emigration-im migration process is culture shock in an alienenvironment; language, social structures, norms, expectations,and va lues substantially differ from those that have been elem en-tal to the imm igrants' un ders tand ing of themselves. In the U nitedStates, well-understood roles and relationships can change andestablished patterns of interaction may be questioned. Whenimm igrants have the psychological capability of coping with theseand other stresses of relocating to an unfamiliar cultu re, they aremore likely to adjust and control the direction of their lives. On theother hand , they may experience post-traum atic stress disorder, asdo many refugees. Without sufficient and appropriate social andemotional support, including possible therapy, they may fail tofind the inunigration experience satisfactory, rem aining unh appy,resenting their lives in the new^ land, pining for their familiarhomeland and culture, and, occasionally, engaging in sociallyinappropriate and dysfunctional behaviors (Segal, 2002). The prac-titioner, therefore, not only needs social vv^ork skills and culturalcompetence, but also must und erstand the bread th and the de pthof the immigration experience.

    Lum (2003) identified four components for cultural compe-tence: cultural aw areness, know ledge acquisition, skill develop-ment, and inductive learning. He suggests that cultural awarenessis awareness of one's ow n life experiences related to culture a ndcontact w^ith other cultures, with a conscious assessment of howthose experiences formed personal prejudices. Know ledge acquisitioninvolves learning about other diverse groups, focusing on theirdem ograph ic characteristics, their culture an d experience of op-pression, and their unique strengths, and then critically evaluat-ing that knowledg e. Skill development requires tempering patternsof social work intervention with knowledge about cultural di-versity and self-assessment. Practitioners may need to developnontraditiona l skills couched in un de rstand ing a client's culture.

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    practitioners can take their und erstan ding s bey ond clients to ed u-cate others in cultural competency.Developing the Professional RelationshipSeveral issues confound effective service provision and interven-tion w hen working w ith new com ers. Resistance, comm unicationbarriers, personal and family background, and ethnic commu-nity identity (Lum, 1992) are exacerbated by the experience ofmany immigrants and refugees, who closely guard informationbecause of fear of exposure, past experience with oppression, andmistrust of authority. A num ber of immigrants and m ost refugeesarrive from natio ns in wh ich they do not have freedom of speechor choice. Their mistrust of authority, coup led w ith the possibil-ity of dep ortatio n (made more real with the enactm ent of the 2001Patriot Act), can erect formidable barriers against probes into lives,experiences, and feelings. In additio n to ameliora ting these fearsthrou gh good rapp ort, service provid ers m ust establish credibil-ity and expert authority, effectively using directiveness and ap-propriate self-disclosure (Figure 2).Whether healthcare professionals, social service workers, or pro-fessionals in law and finance, practitioners must be aware of condi-tions that can hinde r working relationships with many imm igrantsand refugees. To develop rapp ort, educa tion abou t both generaland specific immigrant experiences, adjustment to the United States,and the community culture is essential. Interventions, services, andresources must be offered with awareness of their implicationsfor other cu ltures. Service provid ers need to explain processes inthe context of the client's cultural norm s. Only wh en service pro -viders establish credibility, rapport, and sensitivity will immi-grants and refugees pro vide sufficient information or comply withthe guidelines of intervention. Self-disclosure must be used to

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    FIGURE 2Working with Immigrants and Refugees

    Immigrant/Refugee

    C u l tu r a l u n a c c e p t a b i li t yo f u s e o f s t ra n g e r ' s h e l p :s h a m e o r g u i l tL a n g u a g e d i ff e re n c e s

    V a r y i n g n o n v e r b a i c u e sT a b o o t o p i c s

    V a i u e o f p r i v a c yo f th e f a m i iyM i s tr u s t o f a u t h o r i ty

    F e a r o f e x p o s u r eE x p e r i e n c e w i t h o p p r e s s i o n

    R e s i s t a n c e C o m m u n i c a t i o nb a r r i e r s S i le n c e a b o u tf a m i i y m a t t e r s N o n d i s c l o s u r e

    E s t a b l i s h m e n to fr a p p o r t

    U n d e r s t a n d i n go f t h ec o m m u n i t yc u i t u r e

    D e v e l o p m e n to fr e l a t i o n s h i pa n d t r u s t

    K n o w le d g e o fi m m i g r a t i o na n d r e f u g e ee x p e r i e n c e s

    D i r e c t i v e n e s s P r o f e s s i o n a is e l f - d i s c l o s u r e

    A w a r e n e s so f s e r v i c e sa n dr e s o u r c e s

    S e l e c t i o n o fe m b e d d e do r c a m o u f la g e dm e t h o d s

    P r o f e s s i o n a ls k i i l sR e s e a r c h

    t o o l s

    Service Provider

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    Although many immigrants and refugees fear authority andseek to avoid it, individuals from many nondemocratic, non-Occidental cu ltures are socialized to respect an d obey it. Despitethe emphasis in the United States on allowing people to maketheir own decisions, several other cultures expect a clear direc-tive once rap po rt and tru st have been established betw een prac-titioners and clients, considering it the most effective means ofresolving problems. Many non-Occidental imm igrant grou ps tra-ditionally use p ersonal netw orks to resolve issues, only seekingoutside help wh en they have exhausted their ow n resources. Eventhen, the client may no t offer personal information. Research hasfound, for exam ple, that lack of comm unication about dom esticviolence correlates with im m igrant status an d lack of direct ques-tioning by the clinician (Rodriguez, Sheldon, Bauer, & Perez-Stable, 2001). The relationship betwee n the social wo rker an d theimm igrant is not perceived as an equal pa rtners hip by the latter.Imm igrants rega rd social worke rs as the ones with authority, sta-tus, and know ledge w ho can help provide answ ers; thus, direct-ness, advice, and instruction can be most appropriate (Allen &Nim m agadda, 1999; Nim m agadda & Balgopal, 2000).

    The barriers confronting those working with immigrants andrefugees are substantially greater w ith new er arrivals to the UnitedStates; however, these issues may persist throu gh the lives of thefirst-generation immigrant. The culture of privacy and silence ispervasive am ong most immigrants. Barring perh aps those influ-enced by the Western European tradition, most who seek assis-tance look for an authority with the know ledge and skills to guid ethem. As such, a directive approach may be the most effective.Sharing personal experiences similar to those of the clients sho uldbe done prudently. Self-disclosure that focuses on the prac titione r'scredentials and w ork w ith similar clients helps establish credibil-ity and authority. A focus on personal experiences that imply an

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    struggling with similar issues and may not be in the best posi-tion to pro vid e direction. Those w ho hav e avoid ed difficultiesby anticipating them usually are considered better guides.Although service providers must establish rapport andtrust before the immigrant and refugee population will con-template accepting assistance, the challenge is that traditionalsocial wo rk approac hes m ay be inap prop riate. There has longbeen discussion about the need to link theory and practice.Educators and theoreticians have written m uch abou t culturaldiversity, the need to be ethnically sensitive, and services con-sistent with the sociocultural norms of clients. When practi-tione rs recognize cultu ral v ariat ion s, draw^ on client resourc es,and attempt to present options in a manner consistent withclient norms, cultural dissonance can be reduced and the like-lihood of service utilization m ay increase. Practice mo dels m ustprovide guidelines to integrate cultural aw areness w ith W estern-style interventionssynthesizing approaches that are of thegreatest relevance to the cl ient , yet in harmony with thepractitioner's professional principles.Problem Ident if icat ion and AssessmentEven whe n resistance is lowered an d a healthy rap po rt is estab-lished, identification of problem s can be complex. Consistent withthe social work mandate to be client-focused, practitioners' firstintervention explorations should determ ine wh ether the difficul-ties emanate from individuals' issues or are the residual effectsof organizationa l or societal problem s. Factors contributing to thedevelopment and maintenance of the problems may be bi-opsychosocial or socioeconomic; how^ever, they may also be in-fluenced by a num ber of environm ental factors. Laza rus' m odelof concep tualization (Lazarus, 1976; 1989) provides a tool to un -

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    Behavior: observable actions, wh ether they app ear volun-tary or not. Affect: felt or rep or ted feelings an d em otions . Sensation: feelings associated with the five senses as wellas other physical sensations (possibly related to health). Imagery: fantasies or imagined experiences. Cognition: thou ghts and beliefs that often guide behaviorand feelings. Interpersonal relationships: reported or observable relations. Drug s: the biochemical dim ension of the individ ual inadd ition to the use or misuse of psychotropic substances;may be effective to dissect and un de rsta nd the in dividu alat one level.An ecological perspective is necessary for a more completepicture of clients' experiences. Significant individuals, familymembers, the community, social and formal organizations, and

    the larger society affect ind ivid ua ls in a variety of way s (Zastrow& Kirst-Ashman, 2004). Each factor in Lazarus' m ode l as well asthe social environment should be explored w ithin both the UnitedStates context and the immigration, cultural, and cross-culturalexperience. As behaviors are assessed for appropriateness, it isnecessary to determine whether "appropriateness" is culturallybound. Level of family and community involvement may alsovary by culture, with high levels representing healthy interde-pendence or dysfunction.Certainly, some behaviors are universally unacceptable (e.g.,stealing ano ther person's property), but others are idiosyncratic tothe United States (e.g., mainta ining poor eye contact). The respon-sibility of the w orker, then, is to (1) observe the behavior, (2) un -derstand it in light of the client's cultural norm s, (3) determine if itis essential to change the behav ior for the client to survive in theUnited States, (4) help the client understand why the change is

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    thermore, problems m ay be universal (depression, ill-health, pov -erty), em ana te from the imm igration experience, or reflect a cross-cultural dilemma. Immigration research often identifies depres-sion that is associated with acculturative stresses (Miller &Chandler, 2002), yet immigrants rarely present it as a problembecause several cultures consider it a "nonissue" (Segal, 2002).Despite a "person-in-environment" perspective, which isbased on the belief that individuals both affect and are affectedby their external en viron m en ts (Lew in, 1951), the tendency is toadd ress im m igrant an d refugee issues from a microperspective,wh ich is based prim arily on an individ ual's psychosocial func-tioning (Goldenberg, 1987). This tendency reinforces a UnitedStates-centric focus. Service providers must assess whetherchanges are nee ded in organization s to better serve these p op u-lations by increasing outreach efforts, as well as in the ethniccomm unity, which m ay hav e the willingness bu t not the abilityto help. Organizational cultural sensitivity should be coupledwith accessibility and attractiveness for refugees and immi-grants, but providers should also mobilize immigrant commu-nities to address their members' concerns by developing com-munity service programs (rather than only social and culturalprog ram s [Segal, 2002]).At the societal or macro level, which focuses on the infra-structure of society (Goldenberg, 1987), other public policiesshould consider the ne eds of these pop ulatio ns. Policies on so-cial and family welfare policies, housin g, edu cation, general andmental health, and criminal justice all substantially color thedaily lives of imm igrants, as they do for all Am ericans. The goalsof particular policies and eligibility requirements may have im-plications for imm igrants an d refugees th at may preclu de themfrom particip ating , as recent changes to Social Security benefitsand welfare have shown. Or policies may be so complex that

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    Service UtilizationExtant literature suggests that immigrants underutilize socialservices (Bemak, Chun g, & Bornemann, 1996; Chen, Jo,& Donnell,2004). M ost refugees move aw ay from public assistance once theyfeel they can sup po rt them selv es (Balgopal, 2000). After initialstruggles in adjustment, many immigrants and refugees estab-lish an acceptable pat tern a nd quality of life for them selves. Sub-sequent crises begin w hen family expectations and interculturaland intergenerational differences question long-established tra-ditions and norms (Tummala-Narra, 2004). Frequent areas of so-ciocultural change (particularly gender role relationships) startem erging early in the im migrant experience, bu t families attem ptto add ress these by themselves. Social service provide rs tend toperceiv e this "self-sufficiency" as an indic ation of perso na lstrengths an d high levels of adjustmen t, although this may m erelyreflect a culture of familial p rivacy (Segal, 2002).

    One in flve U.S. children is in an im migrant family, and imm i-grant families tend to lack health coverage. In addition, aboutone-third of the nation's low-income and unin sured children areof immigrant families, with linguistic, cultural, legal, and socio-economic circumstances posing particular challenges for thehealthcare field (Packard Foundation, 2003). The national disper-sion of these families exacerbates this problem. Because thesefamilies va ry su bstantially in culture, langua ge, and experience,training of service provide rs canno t concentrate on region or im-migration experience.

    Immigrants usually come to the atten tion of social service pro-viders w hen school officials or healthcare practitioners make refer-rals. Most often, immigrant and refugee parents do not seek helpfor their ch ildren un til difficulties becom e so significant that som e-one outside the family indicates concern for the situation. Other

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    1993); thus, immigrant families may be willing to use servicesthemselves once contact has been made and rapp ort established.The literature indicates that issues facing children of immi-grants and refugees are numerous (Lim &Wieling, 2004). Oftencaught in conflicting bicultura l expectations, these children chal-lenge parental authority and deride parental perceptions andbehavior (Choudhry, Jandu, M ahal, Singh, Sohi-Pabla, & Mutta,2002; Michel, 2004), setting in motion parental behaviors thatmay n ot have appeared in the native hom eland and m ay be un-acceptable in the United States. In addition, traumas caused bythe refugee experience may correlate with higher rates of men-tal health problems among children (Fazel & Stein, 2003) andadults (Mollica, Sarajlic, Chernoff, Lavelle, Sarajlic Vukovic, &M assagli, 2001).Loneliness and depression may plague immigrants and refugeesin their early years in the United States and can persist even longer.Ponizovsky and Ritsner (2004) suggest that service providersshould consider immigrants' loneliness both as a condition itselfand in relation to other conditions. They found that lonelinesscould be distin guished as distress related or distress free. This isparticularly significant for child welfare since parental isolationis frequently connected to child maltreatment (Chan, 1994;Harrington & Dubowitz, 1999).Assessment and InterventionUnderstanding immigrant and refugee experiences and culturalcompetence are essential in the assessment process. Throughassessment, service providers must evaluate immigrant andrefugee families' resources for social, economic, and cultural inte-gration; discriminate between realistic and unrealistic immigrantand refugee expectations; evaluate families' problem -solving abili-

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    transferability of w ork skills; and most importantly, gaug e fami-lies' learning capabilities and m otivation for a dap tation.Resources for social, economic, and cultural integration areclosely tied to English language facihty, literacy (even in the nativelanguage), socioeconomic status in the homeland, and extent ofexposure to Western social and cultural patterns. The greatestbarrier to integration is low English proficiency, hence the increas-ing number of English as a Second Language (ESL) programs(notwithstanding that while several immigrants may not speakEnglish, they are frequently m ultilingual). Literacy in the hom e-land indicates the tools that can be used to learn ano ther w rittenlanguage are present. When ind ividua ls come from agrarian soci-eties where literacy is considered less necessary, adapting to asociety that is gro un ded in the ability to read is more formidable.

    The United States is still viewed as the "land of milk andhon ey" by m any outside of its borders. Although may be m oreattainable in this country than in many others, and most indi-viduals arrive with the knowledge that they must "work hard"to achieve the American Dream, many imm igrants commonly pre-sum e that their presence in the country means entitlemen t to itsbenefits. Thus, imm igran ts' goals and expectations m ust be evalu-ated to ensure they are realistic (Potocky-Tripodi, 2002) and arebased on the resources brought, the willingness for adaptation,and the opportunities available.Adaptability and adequate functioning in one's hom eland maybe good predictors of adjustment in a new environment. Problem-solving abilities, strong and healthy family relationships, and ad-equate support networks in the imm igrant community may increaseadap tation. Many recent imm igrants to the United States, particu-larly those from the developing world and from the Eastern hemi-sphere, have a hierarchical familial pow er s tructure w ith clear roledefinitions (Mayadas & Segal, 2000). Authority is gender-based, with

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    in the United States. In addition, in schools, children move tow ardthe process of "Americanization," which shatters the family equi-librium as the children become the "cultural brokers."An evaluation of the skills the immigrant or refugee hasbroug ht to the United States is essential. Many im migrants a nd avast majority of refugees have skills tha t are no t directly transfer-able to Western industry, business, and technology ; they lack thecom petencies necessary to adjust to life in fast-paced, com puter-oriented societies (Segal, 2004). Any assessment, therefore, m ustclosely evaluate both evident workforce skills as well as gaugeaptitudes (e.g., ease of learning, persistence, attitude) that areobscured by sociocultural differences.ConclusionAs practitioners begin towork with particular immigrant and refu-gee groups, they mu st deve lop an appreciation of the immigrationexperience, hone their assessment skills to recognize the uniqueexperiences of these populations, and identify appropriate inter-vention techniques in delivering services. Factors in appreciatingthe imm igrant and refugee experience involve the conceptual ex-plora tion of the following:

    The experience of moving from hom e country to life in theUnited States. Awareness of the phases in the immigrant and refugee crisis

    Sociocultural heritage. Problems and issues encou ntered by m igrants while relo-

    cating. Sensitivity tow ard psychosocial issues. Policies, laws, and pro gram s of U.S. Citizenship and Im-migration Services. Differences and similarities between refugees and immi-

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    Assessm ent m ust involve these factors: The level of im m igran ts' and refugees' sociocultural inte-gration. Their abilities to discrim inate betw een realistic and unre -alistic expectation s. Problem -solving abilities, past and present. Family functioning w ithin the context of the im m igran ts'heritage. Evaluation of the transferability of w ork skills. Refugee's learning capabilities and motivation for adaptation.Intervention must work with immigrants and refugees onthese skills and benefits: Economic self-sufficiency and asset bu ild ing. Equitable functioning in society. Civic and political partic ipation. Empowerment. Discussion and supp ort groups. Com mu nity organization. Educational program s. Individ ual counseling arou nd tangible issues.A close inspection of 2000 Census data, available atww w.census.gov, should be m ade by any social wo rker interestedin immigrants and refugees. W hat is abu ndantly clear is that there

    is no single profile of an imm igrant or a refugee. They range in agefrom infancy to well into old age. They may be single, married,divorced, or widow ed; they m ay come w ith families, withou t fami-lies, or as part of an extended family. They may be white, black,brown, yellow, red, or any other color under which the humanspecies is categorized. They m ay be living in the United States le-gally or illegally. They may be highly professional and skilled work-ers, or they m ay hav e skills that cannot be transferred to the U.S.economy. They m ay be extremely w ealthy or very poor. They may

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    They may be illiterate even in their own language. They may befrom cultures that are highly hierarchical and autocratic, or theymay be from cultures where there is greater equality. They mayneed the assistance of social welfare providers, or they may not.

    Immigrants and refugees constitute a population that is sodiverse that to attempt to provide guidelines for w orking w ith themis highly p resum ptuous . If we do not, however, social welfare ser-vices may continue to skirt this group. Underlying difficulties inworking with immigrants and refugees starts with xenophobiaboth of the imm igra nts a nd by them . Assessing who should beresponsible for crossing this bridge is difficultis it the host, orthe self-invited newcomer? Should the host country accommo-date imm igrants an d refugees for who m it has policies and pro-grams for entry, or should immigrants and refugees adapt? Orshould it be both?A nation that has immigration policies for the entry of peoplewho may not have the necessary tools for survival in this societymust take responsibility for providing services, training, financialassistance, and other supportive program s through the adjustmentprocess. These programs must be sensitive to the realization thatadjustment occurs over a period of time, often taking several years.Needs, issues, and problem s may enierge at different poin ts in anindividu al's life and m ay relate to that pe rson's physical and psy-chological health, financial and business security, bicultural expe-rience and the raising of children, or a variety of other areas.Although federal and private sector programs such as the Refu-gee Resettlement Program must be lauded for their aims in assist-ing refugees, they also prov ide too little for too short a time. Suchprograms mu st be supplemented on a consistent basis. A country'sreadiness to accept newcomers should be reflected not only in itsimmigration and refugee policies, but also in its newcomer pro-gram s and services, and in the training for service prov iders who

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    ors. Imm igrants and the host nation m ust m ake a conscious levelto ada pt to and accomm odate each otherit is neither the exclu-sive responsibility of the host nation, no r of the imm igrant. ReferencesAheam, F. L., Jr., & Athey, J. L. (1991). Refugee children: Theory, research, and services.

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