Pedro Manuel Castro Snchez

The Indian Buddhist The Indian Buddhist The Indian Buddhist The Indian Buddhist DhDhDhDhrararara: : : : An Introduction to its History, Meanings and FunctionsAn Introduction to its History, Meanings and FunctionsAn Introduction to its History, Meanings and FunctionsAn Introduction to its History, Meanings and Functions

MA Buddhist Studies, June 2011

University of SunderlandUniversity of SunderlandUniversity of SunderlandUniversity of Sunderland

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AcknowledgementsAcknowledgementsAcknowledgementsAcknowledgements

First and foremost, I am indebted to my supervisor, Professor Peter Harvey for

his unconditional and patient guidance, for kindly sharing with me several papers quite useful for this dissertation, and above all, for backing from the start my project and raising his always thought-provoking questions. I thank my MA mates Penelope Davis, Indro Marcantonio, Adam Henderson, Brett Morris, and Arjuna Ranatunga for their useful comments and words of warm support. I am quite grateful to Dr. Tony K. Lin (Mantra Publishings chief editor), and Dr. Wing Yeung for their very generous donations that made it possible for me to enjoy the perusal of The New Edition of All Mantras in Mahpiaka. I am very gratetul to Dr. Lokesh Chandra for his wise words of advice and encouragement during our personal meeting at New Delhi, and for his gracious donation of an old dhra collection edited by him and now out of print. A number of Professors and Doctors have been very kind and generous sharing their dissertations, books, and papers on mantras and dhras, whether in printed or electronic formats, or even in photocopies, they are: Richard McBride II, Jacob Dalton, Tibor Porci, Christina Scherrer-Schaub, Kate Crosby, Yael Bentor, Jaan Braarvig, J. F. M. DesJardins, Gergely Hidas, South Coblin, Neil Schmid, Jrgen Hanneder, Shingo Einoo, Dorji Wangchuk, Asko Parpola, Peter Bisschop, Jacqueline Filliozat, Robert A. Yelle, and Lambert Schmithausen. Thanks to their sound scholarship, a large part of the contents and scope of this dissertation had improved in a significant way that I would not hoped to envisage at its initial stage; I am very grateful to all of them, indeed. I am very grateful to the Shingon bhiku Rev. Mysh Taniguchi, who had the generosity, patience, and courage to collect, scan and photocopy a large amount of very hard to find papers and books on dhras, through her contacts with the Kyasan Universitys Library staff. I also thank to the Librariess staffs of the Nava Nland University (Nland, India), and that of the Indira Gandhi National Centre for Arts (New Delhi, India), for their help in finding key materials for this dissertation. I thank Ramn Lpez Soriano for his efforts in getting a hard to find book on the Atharvavedas Pariias in India, and I thank Juan Carlos Torices for generously sharing his Tibetan canonical materials on dhras. A special thank is due to Debra Beatty, who kindly read the whole dissertation and corrected the English. And last but not least, I am greatly thankful to Jose Luis Moreno who helped me in many ways, generously providing his time, skillfulness and resources on behalf of this dissertation, and to Elena Madroal, who quietly supported all my struggles and had been a true dhra for me along the way.

Finally, I acknowledge that the responsibility for any errors of fact or interpretation are solely mine.

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Table of ContentsTable of ContentsTable of ContentsTable of Contents Charts 5 Abstract 6 Abbreviations 7 Introduction 13 Chapter 1. History: Doctrinal and Chronological Development of Dhras 15 1.1. Non-Buddhist Factors for the Emergence of Dhras 15 1.1.1. Vedic Tradition 15

1.1.1.1. Early Vedic Mantras 16 1.1.1.2. The Atharvaveda Pariias Mantras 16 1.1.1.3. Upaniads Phonetical Correspondences 17 1.1.1.4. The Truth Act (satyakriy) 18 1.1.2. Tantric Tradition 18

1.1.2.1. aiva Pre-Mantramrgic Mantras 19 1.1.2.2. aiva Mantramrgic Mantras 20

1.2. Buddhist Factors for the Emergence of Dhras 21 1.2.1. Mainstream Buddhism 21

1.2.1.1. Early Mainstream Buddhist Attitudes towards Mantras 21 1.2.1.2. Parittas, Mahstras, and Mtiks/Mtks 22

1.2.2. Mahyna Buddhism 26 1.2.2.1. Acceptance of the Soteriological Validity of Language and Mantras 26 1.2.2.2. Dhra Scriptures 28

1.2.3. Vajrayna Buddhism 32 Chapter 2. Meanings: Traditional Definitions and Classifications of Dhras 34 2.1. Primary Definitions 34 2.1.1. Meanings of the Term Dhra 34 2.1.2. Synonyms and Compound Terms 35

2.1.2.1. Mantra-pada, Dhra-mantra-pada 35 2.1.2.2. Vidy, Vidy-mantra, Mah-vidy, Vidyraj, Vidy-dhra 36 2.1.2.3. Hdaya, Hdaya-dhra 37

2.1.2.4. Vajra-pada, Dhra-vajra-pada 37 2.1.3. Dhra paired to other Dharma Qualities 38

2.1.3.1. Dhra-mukha and Samdhi-mukha 38 2.1.3.2. Dhra and Pratibhna 39

2.2. Indian Mahyna Definitions and Classifications 40 2.2.1. In Stras 40 2.2.2. In Treatises (stras) 42

2.3. Indo-Tibetan Vajrayna Definitions and Classifications 44 2.4. East Asian Vajrayna Definitions and Classifications 47 2.4.1. In China 47 2.4.2. In Japan 49

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Chapter 3. Functions: Dhras in Practice 51 3.1. Some Premises on Dhra Practice 51 3.1.1 Ethical Foundations 51 3.1.2. Non-ritual and Ritual Approaches 52 3.1.3. Mundane and Supramundane Accomplishments 55 3.2. Mundane Dhra Practices 56 3.2.1. Protection 56 3.2.2. Increase 57 3.2.3. Defence 58 3.3. Supramundane Dhra Practices 59 3.3.1. Depositing Dhras in Stpas 59 3.3.2. Karmic Purification 61 3.3.3. Attaining Enlightenment 62

Conclusions 65 Appendix A: Early Vedic Mantras within Buddhist Dhras 68 Appendix B: Analysis of two Dhra Typologies 70

B-1: Formulaic Dhras 70 B-2: Syllabic Dhras 75 Appendix C: Formulaic and Syllabic Dhras in Mainstream Buddhist Schools 78 Appendix D: Dhras within Mahyna Stras 81 Appendix E: References 84

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ChartsChartsChartsCharts

Chart 1: The Formulaic Dhra Pattern 71

Chart 2: The Arapacana Syllabary 77

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AbstractAbstractAbstractAbstract

This dissertation deals with the Buddhist dhra, mainly understood as the term selected by Indian Buddhism to assimilate the non-Buddhist notion of mantra. In the Introduction the two major categories of dhras are defined, i.e., the formulaic and syllabic dhras. In Chapter 1 the two sources for the emergence of dhras are studied: the non-Buddhist source being focused on the non-Vedic, Vedic and aiva Tantric factors, and the Buddhist one being focused on several mainstream Buddhist and Mahyna factors. It continues with a study on the Dhra Scriptures emergence and their inclusion within Vajrayna Tantras. Chapter 2 provides a detailed summary on the traditional definitions of the dhra term, its synonyms, compound terms, and its pairing with other Dharma qualities. It is followed by a survey on how the dhra term is defined and classified according to key Indian Mahyna Stras and stras, and the Indo-Tibetan and East Asian Vajrayna traditions. Chapter 3 is focused on the dhra practice, first dealing with its ethical basis, its non-ritual and ritual approaches, and its mundane and supramundane accomplishments, and then the main dhra practices are analysed intended for worldly and soteriological purposes. The dissertation closes with five Appendices including a study on a set of early Vedic mantras appearing within the Buddhist dhras, an analysis of the formulaic and syllabic dhras, a survey on mantras/dhras accepted by several mainstream Buddhist schools, and another one on mantras/dhras within Mahyna Scriptures, and finally, a References list providing a comprehensive and updated bibliography in several Western languages mainly focused on Buddhist mantras/dhras.

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AbbreviationsAbbreviationsAbbreviationsAbbreviations ka surkalpa AM. The New Edition of All Mantras in Mahpiaka: References to

volume, and mantra(s) number(s); eg. AM.12.6866. Amog Amoghapa-hdaya-dhra ga rya-sarvabuddhgavat-nma-dhra Anir Anantamukha-nirhra-dhra-stra Aa Aashasrikprajpramit: References to chapter(s) and page(s)

number(s). AV Atharvaveda: References to book, section(s) and verse(s)

number(s). Avat Avatasaka-stra yu Aparamityu-stra Bala rya Mahbala-Nma-Mahynastra: References to page(s), and

line(s) number(s). BCE Before the Christian Era Ben Benkenmitsunikyron Bhadra Bhadramykra-vykaraa: References to paragraph number. BHSD Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar and Dictionary Bodhi Vajraekharayognuttarasamyaksambodhicittotpda-stra Bonji Bonji shittan jimo narabi ni shakugi Braj Brahmajla-sutta BU Bhadrayaka Upaniad: References to chapter, section(s) and

verse(s) number(s). Bubh Buddhabhmyupadea c. circa. CBD ik Samuccaya: A Compendium of Buddhist Doctrine

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CBSM Catalogue of Buddhist Sanskrit Manuscripts in the Possession of the Royal Asiatic Society (Hodgson Collection)

CCBT A Catalogue of the Chinese Translation of the Buddhist Tripitaka:

References to Scripture number. CE Christian Era Ch. Chinese CU Chndogya Upaniad: References to chapter, section(s) and

verse(s) number(s). Cund Cunddev-dhra-stra DBDh Chinese-Sanskrit Sanskrit-Chinese Dictionary of Words and Phrases as

Used in Buddhist Dhra DBI Dictionary of Buddhist Iconography: References to volume and

page(s) number(s). DEB Dictionnaire encyclopdique du Bouddhisme Dhasa Dharmasagraha Divy The Divyvadna, a Collection of Early Buddhist Legends DMT Dictionary of Early Buddhist Monastic Terms DN Dgha Nikya: References to Sutta and paragraph(s) number(s). DUK Dakshimrtis Uddhra-koa Durga Sarvadurgatipariodhana-tantra Ekk Bhagavat-prajpramit-sarva-tathgata-mt-ekkar-nma Fj D fj tulun jng Gaa Gaapati-hdaya Gorin Gorinkujimyhimitsushaku Guhya Sarvatathgatdhihna-hdaya-guhyadhtu-karaamudr-

dhra-stra Gusa Guhyasamja-tantra HBG Hbgirin: References to volume, and page(s) number(s).

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Hiz Hizhyaku HT Hevajra Tantra: References to part, chapter and verse number(s). IMT Inventaire des Manuscripts tibtains de Touen-houang: References to

volume, manuscript, and text number; eg. IMT.I.6/3. Jap. Japanese JUB Jiminya Upaniad Brhmaa: References to chapter, section(s)

and verse(s) number(s). Kan Analyse du Kandjour Kpa Kyapaparivarta-stra: References to volume and chapter

number. Kru ryvalokitevara-shasrikabhujalocana-

nirmavistarapariprsaga-mahkruika-dhra Koa Abhidharmakoa-bhya: References to chapter(s), section(s)

number(s), and letter(s) in original text. KU Kaha Upaniad: References to chapter, section(s) and verse(s)

number(s). Lak Saddharmalakvatra-stram: References to chapter and page(s)

number(s). Mapa Mahparinirva-stra: References to volume and page(s)

number(s). Mta Mtag Stra My Mahmyr-vidyrj-stra MDPL Materials for a Dictionary of the Prajpramit Literature MM The Mantra Mahodadhi of Mahidhara: References to chapter

(taraga) and verse number(s). MN Majjhima Nikya:References to Sutta and paragraph(s) number(s). Mns Majurnmasagti: References to page(s) and verse(s)

number(s). MP Milindapaha: Reference to page(s) number(s) in original text. Mpp Mahprajpramit-stra: References to volume and page(s)

number(s).

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Mps Mahprjpramit-stra MS Mahstras: References to volume and page(s) number(s). Msa Mahynasagraha: References to volume and page(s)

number(s). Mslb Mahynastrlakra-bhya: References to chapter and verse

number(s). MU Mkya Upaniad: References to chapter, section(s) and

verse(s) number(s). Mk Mlamadhyamakakrik: References to chapter and verse

number(s). P Pli PED Pali-English Dictionary Pph Prajpramithdaya-stra: References to section number. Prati Mahpratisar-mahvidyrj Pratyu Pratyutpannabuddhasamukhvasthitasamdhi-stra: References

to chapter number and paragraph letter. Pua Saddharmapuarka-stram: References to chapter and page(s)

number(s). Pvr Pupatavratam: References to section(s) and verse(s) number(s). PWE(-V)(-S) The Perfection of Wisdom in Eight Thousand Lines & its Verse

Summary: References to Verse Part (PWE-V) include chapter and verse number(s) in original text; references to Stra Part (PWE-S) include chapter, and page number(s) in original text.

Rag Ratnaguasacaya-gth: References to chapter(s) and verse

number(s). Ragot Ratnagotravibhga Mahynttaratantra-stra Ratna Mahratnaka-stra RCB Rpertoire du canon bouddhique sino-japonais Rgyud Rgyud sde spyii rnam par gag pa rgyas par brjod am amukh-dhra

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Sash Sang shki B atapatha Brmaa: References to Knda, Adhyya, and Brmana

number(s) in original text. SBLN The Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal SED A Sanskrit-English Dictionary Sgol The Stra of Golden Light: Being a translation of the

Suvarabhsottamastra Shes Shes bya mdzod: References to book and page(s) number(s). Shji Shjijissgi Shmo Shrai mokuroku ik ik Samuccaya: References to chapter and page(s) number(s). Skt. Sanskrit Sit rya-sarvatathgatoasittapatr-nmaparjitapratyagirmah-

vidyraj SN Sayutta Nikya: References to Part and page(s) number(s) in

original text. rs ragama-stra: References to volume and page(s) number(s). Susi Susiddhikra-stra Suvar Suvaraprabhsa-stra rsam ragamasamdhi-stra T Taish Tripiaka (CBETA): References to fascicle number, page,

register (a, b, or c), and line number(s); eg., T 1060 105c8-111c19. TB Dictionaries of Tantra stra or The Tantrbhidhnam TAK Tantrikbhidhnakoa: References to volume and page(s)

number(s). TED A Tibetan-English Dictionary with Sanskrit Synonyms Tib. Tibetan

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TMD Tibetan Tantric Manuscripts from Dunhuang: References to manuscript and text number from the India Office Library; eg. TMD: 103/2 (In the original text referenced as IOL Tib J 103/2).

TP Tibskrit Philology Tri Triaraasaptati: References to verse number(s). TU Taittirya Upaniad: References to chapter, section(s) and verse(s)

number(s). Ugra Ugraparipcch-stra Uka Ucchumakalpa: References to section(s) and verse(s) number(s). Un Unjigi Upka Upyakaualya-stra: References to paragraph(s) number(s). U Uavijay-dhra-stra Vai-s Vairocanbhisabodhi-stra Vai-ta Mahvairocanbhisabodhi-tantra: References to part, chapter

and section number(s) in original text. Vk Vkyapadiyam-Brahmaka: References to verse number(s). Varat rvajraratiru-nma-dhra Vaek Vajraekhara-stra VC A Vedic Concordance Zabao Za bao zang jing Zong Zongshi tuoluoni jing

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IntroductionIntroductionIntroductionIntroduction

According to the Japanese scholar H. Yoshimura, the word dhra was selected among many Buddhist technical terms to absorb the non-Buddhist idea of mantra (1987: 8). Taking this assertion as a starting point, the leitmotiv of the present dissertation will be to investigate and eventually corroborate its accuracy through its matching with related historical, doctrinal, and textual data. Despite the fact that dhras were described and catalogued in the West for the first time by Brian H. Hodgson in 1828 (CBSM: 39, 41-43, 49-50; SBLN: xli-xlii; Davidson, 2009: 99-100), the dhra remained for almost two centuries on the sidelines of Western Buddhist studies, and only very recently has the dhra received the scholarly attention it deserves. Although a few excellent monographs on specific dhras have appeared, as well as a few papers focused on the dhras meanings in Western languages, yet there is no work covering this topic in a more comprehensive way. Therefore, the foremost aim of this dissertation is to provide, it is believed for the first time, a preliminary overview of the dhra covering its history, meanings, and functions. Since the dissertations author is quite aware of his heavy limitations to carry out this project, this dissertation should be viewed as what in fact is, just a first intent drawing a rough picture on a quite complex and rich subject in need of further refinements. As the first part of its title suggests, this dissertation will focus exclusively on the dhra as was conceived by Indian Buddhism and its spread through Central Asian, Northern, East Asian and Southern Buddhisms. The dhra term is understood here in a quite specific way, including two typologies recognized by the dissertations author with the names of formulaic and syllabic dhras. A formulaic dhra consists of a linguistic pattern in prose, sonic or written, regarded as promulgated by Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and/or any deity accepted by Buddhism and endowed with their spiritual support (Skt. adhihna), composed by one or more formulas of certain Indic languages, that pledges (Skt. samaya) the attainment of its mundane and/or supramundane goals if the prescriptions established by her/his promulgator are followed. Occasionally, the synonymic expressions of dhra formula or mantra/dhra will be used to refer to the same meaning as the formulaic dhra does. By syllabic dhra a list of syllables is understood, each of which is linked to a particular statement or word that embodies a key aspect of Buddhist doctrine. There are syllabic dhras issued from a particular arrangement of syllables following Buddhist topics, and there is another type in which the standard Sanskrit syllabary (Skt. varapha) is used to convey a set of Buddhist doctrinal terms. Occasionally, the synonymic expressions of arapacana syllabary, or just syllabary will be used, to refer to the same meaning as the syllabic dhra does. This dissertation is divided into three chapters, each one being focused on one of the three subjects referred to within the dissertations title: the dhras history, meanings, and funcions. Chapter 1 gives answers to why the dhra appeared and how it was included within the Buddhist doctrinal/practical corpus, analysing the non-Buddhist and Buddhist factors for the emergence of dhras. The non-Buddhist factors include a set of early Vedic mantras, the Atharvaveda Pariias mantras, the Upaniads phonetical correspondences, the truth act (Skt. satyakriy), and the Tantric aiva Pre-Mantramrgic and Mantramrgic mantras, that were assimilated by Indian Buddhism to propitiate protection, the communication and identification with cosmic/divine entities, and the condensation and memorizing of teachings. The

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Buddhist factors include an early acceptance of mantras within several mainstream Buddhist Vinayas, followed by the elaboration of specific texts reconcilable with the mantric perspective as the Theravda parittas, the Sarvstivda and Mlasarvstivda Mahstras, and the Abhidharmas mtks. In the same vein, the Mahyna accepted Sanskrit as a suitable language to convey its doctrines and simultaneously considered language and mantras as means conducive to enlightenment. This favourable context stimulated, on the one hand, the inclusion of non-Buddhist mantras and the Sanskrit syllabary within Mahyna Scriptures, and on the other hand, the creation of Buddhist syllabaries and dhra formulas inspired by non-Buddhist patterns, that later would give rise to the Dhra Scriptures and their inclusion within the Vajrayna Tantras. Chapter 2 answers the questions of what is the dhras nature, what are its key definitions and classifications, and in what sense could it be considered Buddhist. Therefore, this chapter provides a detailed summary on the traditional definitions of the dhra term, its synonyms, compound terms, and its pairing with other Dharma qualities. It is followed by a survey on how the dhra term is defined and classified according to key Indian Mahyna Stras and stras, and the Indo-Tibetan and East Asian Vajrayna traditions. Chapter 3 answers the question of how dhras are seen to work, first dealing with their ethical basis, their non-ritual and ritual approaches, and their mundane and supramundane accomplishments, and then the main dhra practices intended for worldly and soteriological purposes are summarized. This dissertation closes with five Appendices where topics basically outlined within the dissertations body are analysed. They include a study on a set of early Vedic mantras assimilated within Buddhist dhras, an analysis of the formulaic and syllabic dhras, a survey on mantras/dhras within several mainstream Buddhist schools, and another one on mantras/dhras within Mahyna Scriptures, and finally, a References list mainly focused on Buddhist mantras/dhras.

Given that this dissertation delineates a preliminary overview on dhras, it is mainly emphasizing a descriptive approach, drawing any interpretation from the dhra sources themselves, alongside other documentary evidences (archaeological, historical, living practice, etc.). In the same vein, this dissertation will also address a number of misunderstandings and biased views on dhras, again taking into account those same dhra sources to avoid as much as possible any arbitrary speculation on the topic. Lastly, this dissertation pays special attention to citing sources, so as to gather an updated bibliography on the Buddhist mantras/dhras in some Western languages, that would supplement H. P. Alpers bibliography on mantras (1989: 327-530), which scarcely makes any references to the dhras.

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Chapter 1Chapter 1Chapter 1Chapter 1

History: Doctrinal and Chronological Development of History: Doctrinal and Chronological Development of History: Doctrinal and Chronological Development of History: Doctrinal and Chronological Development of DhDhDhDhrarararassss 1.1. Non1.1. Non1.1. Non1.1. Non----Buddhist Factors for the EmeBuddhist Factors for the EmeBuddhist Factors for the EmeBuddhist Factors for the Emergence of rgence of rgence of rgence of DhDhDhDhrarararassss

1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1.1. Vedic Tradition Vedic Tradition Vedic Tradition Vedic Tradition

The Vedic tradition finds in the word (Skt. vc) its unifying factor (BU.2.4.11). The term vc encompases all its modalities, from natural sounds, of inanimate objects, of animals, of humans and of supernatural beings, to the absolute reality (Skt. brahman) as sound (Skt. abda) (Pingle, 2005: xvi, 262-263; BU.1.3.21; SED: 936). This twofold nature of language as being simultaneously a mundane reality and a spiritual one, is reflected into the notion of syllable (Skt. akara), understood as the primary and indivisible phonic unity. According to its traditional etymology, besides meaning syllable, akara also means na karati or na kyate is that which does not flow out or perish, hence the imperishable, the indestructible, the eternal (Padoux, 1990: 13; JUB.I.24.1-2; Buitenen, 1959: 179; SED: 3).1

The mundane and spiritual nature of vc is made manifest mainly in two ways, as cosmogony and as Vedic revelation. Prajpati, the all-maker god (Skt. vivakarm), created everything through naming every part of the whole cosmos with the great utterances (mahvyhtis) (B.II.1.4.11). The Vedas are considered eternal and as revealed (Skt. ruti) by the gods to the seers (Skt. is) through a supernatural inspiration, and the is, who were endowed with a spiritual vision (Skt. dh) able to perceive the Vedic knowledge, transformed it into language (Padoux, 1990: xiv; Gonda, 1963a: 64; 1963b: 269, 273-274). Just like Prajpati did, the is are seen to have identified their discovery of language with the faculty of naming, for the first time, everything, establishing in this way an ontological correspondence between words and objects. According to this correspondence, the name of a given thing is expressing the nature or essence of the thing named, thus, naming is not just a conventional labelling, but it is pointing out to the individual or specific nature of the being/thing named. Therefore, naming implies calling up or evoking this same nature inherent in the being/thing itself. It is precisely this same correspondence between words and objects that, on the one hand, is seen to bestow effectiveness to mantras, and on the other hand, allows one to draw conclusions regarding the nature of things based on their names, i.e., according to their etymology (Bronkhorst, 1999: 8-10).2

Indian Buddhism did not remain impermeable before this Vedic cosmovision centered around vc and its influence was so significant that Indian Buddhism ended up assimilating those factors of vc reconcilable with its tenets. Here, three of them will be emphasized: (1) a set of early Vedic mantras, and especially those from some Atharvaveda Pariias, (2) the Upaniads phonetical correspondences, and (3) the act

1 On the Mahyna and Vajrayna interpretations of akara, see sections 2.2.1 and 2.3. 2 On the close relationship between the terms name (nma) and mantra, see next section. On the application of the Vedic words/objects correspondence to dhras, see Appendix B-1 and section 3.2.1., and on its application by Kkai, see section 2.4.2.

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of truth (Skt. satyakriy). These factors will be studied below according to their original premises.

1.1.1.1. Early Vedic1.1.1.1. Early Vedic1.1.1.1. Early Vedic1.1.1.1. Early Vedic Mantra Mantra Mantra Mantras s s s The traditional Indian definition of mantra is that which saves (tr- to save, rescue) the one who, in thought, formulates it, meditates upon it (man-). According to its etymology, however, the term mantra is derived from the root man and is related to the Skt. manas meaning mind in a generic sense as mental and psychical powers, and within a Vedic context, man also means evoking, calling up, and is frequently associated to the noun name (nma). And the ending tra, indicates instrumentality, and also faculty or function. Hence, a literal translation of mantra would be that of an instrument of thought, emphasizing its pragmatic function (Yelle, 2003: 11). Within a Vedic context though, mantra refers to words endowed with power to evoke cosmic/divine forces to carry them into concrete actions, mainly those of a ritual order (Gonda, 1963b: 248-250, 255, 257).

On a formal level, a Vedic mantra consists of an utterance shaped as a verse (Skt. c) (from the gveda), a chant or melody (Skt. sman) (from the Smaveda), and a muttered formula (Skt. yajus) or one spoken aloud (Skt. nigada) (both from the Yajurveda) (Staal, 1989: 48). To each Vedic mantra is assigned the i who revealed it, its meter (Skt. chandas), its presiding deity (Skt. devat), and the application or purpose for which it is used (Skt. viniyoga). The knowledge of these four factors turns out to be indispensable for a proper use of Vedic mantras (Hanneder, 1998: 153). The reason for this is that if the practitioner understands and applies those four factors, she/he would reproduce through a sonic mimesis act the original model which constituted the mantra (Burchett, 2008: 836), participating in the fundamental vision originating the mantra, and of its effectiveness pledged (Skt. samaya) by its promulgator (Eltschinger, 2001: 22-27).3 However, Indian Buddhism discarded those Vedic mantras of a poetic nature and preferred instead, to assimilate those non-discursive mantric utterances of an imperative and evocative nature, able to propitiate protection, the communication and identification with cosmic/divine entities, and the condensation and memorizing of teachings. Here, those Vedic mantric utterances which appear most frequently in Buddhist dhras are expressions such as O, Hu, Pha, Svh, and in some less frequent cases, the mahvyhtis are found as well.4

1.1.1.2. The 1.1.1.2. The 1.1.1.2. The 1.1.1.2. The Atharvaveda PariiAtharvaveda PariiAtharvaveda PariiAtharvaveda Pariiaaaassss MantraMantraMantraMantrassss

Unlike the gveda that revolves around sacrifice rituals, the Atharvaveda is focused on mantras intended for drastically practical purposes (Modak, 1993: 2), which turned it into a favourable receptacle to assimilate Indian local cults (Staal, 2008: 73). The Atharvaveda Pariias consist of appendices complementing and

3 On a similar process in the Buddhist dhras, see sections 1.2.2.2. paragraph (a) and Appendix B-1. 4 For a study of those mantras, see Appendix A. Those same mantras are located at the beginning and/or at the end of the dhra formulas and denote specific functions, see Appendix B-1.

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expanding topics concisely treated in the Atharvaveda.5 Directly related to the present dissertation are the Pariias surkalpa (ka) and Ucchumakalpa (Uka), because their mantras formal pattern show a striking similarity with Buddhist dhra formulas. Several authors already pointed out such similarity: La Valle Poussin recognized in the Atharvanamantras the prototype of the dhra collections (1895: 436), Goudriaan described as dhras the mantras appearing in Uka.9 (1978: 227), and Sanderson noticed that the archaic style of the Ucchumakalpas mantras was strongly reminiscent of those from the Mah-myr-vidyrj-stra (2007: 199-200, n. 14). According to the research developed here, the influence of the surkalpa and Ucchumakalpas mantras on Buddhist dhra formulas can be seen in that those Pariias mantras provide a basic formal pattern to be assimilated and developed later by the formulaic dhras.6

Besides taking such pattern though, Indian Mahyna also assimilated the deities invoked in those Pariias mantras. surkalpas mantras are dedicated to the god Rudra, which is the early form of iva, and those of the Ucchumakalpa to Ucchuma, again a modality of Rudra (TAK.I: 225). Likewise, some early formulaic dhras invoke Ucchuma, other modalities of Rudra, and several non-Vedic goddesses, as is the case with some early Tantric aiva mantras (Sanderson, 2007: 200). This indicates that the likely formulaic dhras origin can be found within a substratum where the Pariias mantras assimilated a non-Vedic mantric lore that in turn was assimilated by an early aiva tradition and a Mahyna in transition to the Vajrayna.7 1.1.1.3. 1.1.1.3. 1.1.1.3. 1.1.1.3. UpaniUpaniUpaniUpaniadadadadssss Phonetical Correspondences Phonetical Correspondences Phonetical Correspondences Phonetical Correspondences

In some Upaniads phonetical correspondences are established between certain syllables and Vedic terms beginning with those syllables. Prajpati taught the syllable da and his disciples extracted the notions of restraint (dmyata), bounty (datta), and compassion (dayadhvam) (BU.5.2.1-3). In other Upaniad are indicated the phonetical correspondences of the sevenfold Sman chant: the sound hu is identical to the interjection Hi, pra is identified with the term Introductory Praise (pra.stva), the sound with the Opening (.di), ud with the High Chant (ud.gtha), prati with the Response (prati.hra), upa with the Finale (upa.drava), and the sound ni is the Concluding Chant (ni.dhana) (CU.2.8.1-3).

The functioning of these phonetical correspondences is quite analogous to that of mantras, because mantras establish a linkage (Skt. bandhu) between cosmic forces and ritual elements that make it a real and efficient one (Wheelock, 1989: 108), and simultaneously, those linkages serve, on the one hand, as a mnemonic guide to remember the sequential procedure (Skt. itikartavyat) of ritual, and on the other hand, as a medium of knowledge (Skt. prama) of its meaning (Taber, 1989: 149, n. 15). Likewise, and as the quoted example shows, the phonetical correspondences serve as a mnemonic guide to perform the Sman chant because the term Sman

5 The Pariias include seventy two texts dealing with topics as ritual, magic, astrology, religious observances, phonetics, etc., and were composed between the second century BCE to the fifth century CE (Modak, 1993: 191, 473). 6 On this formulaic dhra pattern, see Appendix B-1 and Chart 1. 7 See section 1.1.2.1.

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establishes linkages between the parts of the cosmos and human beings, and these linkages in turn, propitiate benefits such as mundane power and wealth (CU.1.6.1-8; 1.7.1-9). Despite the fact that those Upaniads phonetical correspondences are not reproducing the alphabetical pattern shown by the syllabic dhras and that there is no evidence of any historical link between both of them, nevertheless, the Upaniads give evidence of the earliest instance of phonetical correspondences used as mnemonic and spiritual device that would be reflected upon the Buddhist syllabic dhras (HBG.VI.571a).8 1.1.1.4. The Truth Act (1.1.1.4. The Truth Act (1.1.1.4. The Truth Act (1.1.1.4. The Truth Act (SatyakriySatyakriySatyakriySatyakriy)))) Being defined as: A formal declaration of fact, accompanied by a command or resolution or prayer that the purpose of the agent shall be accomplished (Burlingame, 1917: 429), the truth act (satyakriy) finds its origin in the Vedas.9 Thus, to avoid a premature birth, it is declared: As this great earth receives the embryos of existences, so let thine embryo be maintained, in order to birth [i.e., to be born] after pregnancy (AV.VI.17.1). Satyakriy extracts its effectiveness from the complete tuning of the proclaimer with the same reality/truth (satya) that constitutes the cosmic order (Skt. ta). If Vedic gods are satyadharman, that is, having Truth as their basic law or principle, likewise, a human being realizing to perfection his duty within the cosmos will embody a divine power enabling him to bend cosmic forces to his will (Brown, 1968: 172-174).

This cosmic power is communicated through a true language of a superhuman nature (Wayman, 1984a: 392), because according to the Vedas, to speak the truth is identical to expressing the universal Law (Dharma) (BU.1.4.14). She/he who may utter the truth is protected by the truth itself, as that man who was falsely accused of robbery and was left immune from the ordeal by uttering the truth and covering himself with the truth (CU.6.16.1-2). Satyakriy also implies an utterance of a ritual nature, because another meaning of kriy is that of rite, hence, satyakriy can be translated as rite of truth, too (Wayman, 1984a: 392-393). Within a Buddhist context, however, the Theravda parittas originally grounded their efficiency on the sole declaration of truth (saccakiriy) (first century BCE), to which a ritual framework was added later (fifth century CE) (Silva, 1991: 141-142).10

1.1.2.1.1.2.1.1.2.1.1.2. Tantric Tradition Tantric Tradition Tantric Tradition Tantric Tradition

While Vedic mantras serve as the mediators between cosmic/divine forces and the ritual process, Tantric mantras manifest the identity between practitioner and deity instead (Wheelock, 1989: 119). Tantric mantras depart from the Vedic ones in their linguistic structure too, replacing the Vedic poetic forms for sets of terms

8 On the syllabic dhras, see Appendices B-2, C, and D section (b). 9 It should be noted, however, that satyakriy term does not appear in the Vedas as such, but with synonyms as true speech (satya-vc) or truth-command (satydhishhna). Satyakriy (P saccakiriy) term and its synonyms appear only in later Buddhist texts such as the Jtakas, the Milindapaha, or the Divyvadna (SED: 1136; Burlingame, 1917: 434). 10 On the parittas, see section 1.2.1.2.

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(frequently injunctions) related to syllables and phonemes that, leaving aside their semantic meaning or lack of it, only make sense within a ritual context (Hanneder, 1998: 150). The two main modalities of aiva Tantric mantras will be analyzed below, pre-Mantramrgic and Mantramrgic ones, which Buddhist assimilation approximately coincides with the two Tantric assimilation stages within Buddhism: the first stage centered around the incantation and ritual of a standard Mahyna (c. third century CE), and the second one during the Vajrayna systematization (c. seventh and eighth century CE) (Kapstein, 2001: 245).11

1.1.2.1. aiva Pre1.1.2.1. aiva Pre1.1.2.1. aiva Pre1.1.2.1. aiva Pre----MantramMantramMantramMantramrgic rgic rgic rgic MantraMantraMantraMantrassss

As it was indicated before, the surkalpa and Ucchumakalpa Pariias mantras invoke the power of Rudra, or one of his variants as Ucchuma (Desiccating [Fire]). Within the aiva exorcist tradition, Ucchumarudra is invoked as a protector against evil beings with mantras quite similar to those Pariias mantras mentioned before, and his main role is that of removing impure substances (Sanderson, 2007: 197-200). Moreover, according to certain aiva Tantras, Ucchuma is the first of a series of ten Rudras: Ucchuma, avara, Caa, Mataga, Ghora, Yama, Ugra, Halahala, Krodhin, and Huluhulu (TAK.I: 225).

It is highly significant the correspondence shown between these ten Rudras (and their female counterparts) as they appear in the aiva mantras and their parallels in Buddhist dhras. The aiva Mahgaapatividy includes a long mantra invoking Ucchuma and the female consorts of Caa (Cali), Mataga (Matag), and the goddesses Pukkas and Cmud (Sanderson, 2007: 199-200, n. 16). And in certain dhras invoking Ucchumakrodha Mahbala, that is the Buddhist equivalent of Ucchuma, the non-Vedic goddesses abari, Matag, and Cali are also invoked (Bala: 53.2-3). Likewise, in numerous protective (Skt. raka) and dhra formulas appear invocations to a common set of five non-Vedic goddesses: Gauri, Gandhri, Cali, Matag, and Pukkas (Skilling, 1992: 155; MS.I: 678-679).12 In all likelihood, seemingly unintelligible expressions such as hala hala and hulu hulu appearing in a number of mantras/dhras (MS.I: 687; Harrison/Coblin, 1999: 156; Filliozat, 2004: 500), were originally invocations to the Rudras Halahala and Huluhulu, that later were assigned to the Buddhist Hlhala Avalokitevara, whose iconography includes distinctive features of Rudra/iva (Bhattacharyya, 1958: 132-133).13 These data give

11 The term pre-Mantramrgic refers to the early ascetic tradition focused on iva as Rudra Paupati intended for exclusively soteriological goals, and the Mantramrgic one (lit. path of mantras) refers to a later tradition open to ascetics and laypeople alike including mundane goals, too (Sanderson, 1988: 664-668). 12 See (with variants) AM.1.220, 257; AM.2.450; AM.3.1352; AM.4.1453, 1473; AM.5.2285; AM.7.3310, 3320; AM.8.3662, 3775, 3790, 3800, 3817; AM.10.5336; AM.12.6872; AM.13.7462; AM.14.7879, 8223, 8225; AM.15.8355; AM.16.9989, 10133. The names of those goddesses denote untouchable Indian tribal castes and occupations (hunting, cleaning, corpse handling, etc.) (Shaw, 2006: 397-398). On the continuity of those tribal castes and the Buddhist Vajrayna accomplished ones (siddhas), see Davidson, 2002: 224-233. On the goddess Matag within a aiva context, see Kinsley, 1997: 209-222. On the conversion of the mahvidydhar Matag, see Appendix C. 13 In the influential ryvalokitevara-mahkruika-dhra, Avalokitevara is venerated with a number of iva epithets and the exclamation hulu hulu (Chandra, 1979: 14-16).

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support to the theory described before on the Buddhist origins of formulaic dhras, whose pattern arose from a substratum made up of a non-Vedic mantric lore assimilated by the Atharvaveda Pariias, and assimilated in turn and almost simultaneously by the Pre-Mantramrgic aivism and a proto-Tantric Mahyna.14 1.1.2.2. aiva Mantramrgic1.1.2.2. aiva Mantramrgic1.1.2.2. aiva Mantramrgic1.1.2.2. aiva Mantramrgic Mantra Mantra Mantra Mantrassss

Considered as specific modalities of the words energy (Skt. vkakti), Tantric mantras are characterized as being the phonic, expressing (vcaka), form of a deity, its subtle form, its essence, its efficient aspect (Padoux, 1990: 378-380). This characteristic is usually identified with their seed syllable (Skt. bja) because, save rare exceptions, a Tantric mantra is defined by its bja (Hanneder, 1998: 149, n. 8). According to a traditional definition: All mantras consist of phonemes and their nature is that of energy, O dear One. Know, however, that this energy (akti) is the mtk, whose nature is that of iva (tr. in Padoux, 1990: 374). In this sense, mtk in singular, lit. little mother, designates the matrix-energy, the generative power that simultaneously creates and holds the mantras and the universe. In plural, the mtks are the fifty phonemes of the Sanskrit syllable system (Skt. varapha), understood as the basis of all mantras (Padoux, 1990: 147, n. 170, 151-153). Hence, to know the mtks nature and their akti is equal to know the absolute itself, especially in its twofold aspect as the worlds manifestation/reabsortion (Padoux, 1990: 78, 152-153, n. 186).15

Besides assigning the seer, the meter (in fact, an inner rhythm), the deity, and the application as the Vedic mantras, every Tantric mantra includes a ritual of mantric imposition (Skt. nysa) and a deitys visualization (Skt. dhyna), where the mantra syllables are imposed ritually on specific parts of the bodys practitioner, and then he/she visualizes herself/himself as identical to the deity (MM.II.3-6; Bhnemann, 1991: 292-293; Padoux, 1978: 67-68; 1980: 59-61). Moreover, usually every Tantric mantra is subdivided into three parts: (a) an initial part, its bja, (b) a middle part, its akti, and (c) a final part, its wedge (klaka) (Bhnemann, 1991: 293). According to other sources, the klaka part can be subdivided again into five types of mantras: heart-essence (hdaya), wedge (klaka), weapon (astra), cuirass (kavaca), and supreme mantra (paramo mantra) (Hanneder, 1998: 153-154). The idea lying behind those divisions and subdivisions, namely, that from the concrete mtks of a given mantra can arise more mantras, will be assimilated by the Buddhist dhras according to their own models.16 Lastly, another significant aspect of Tantric mantras is that they hold a specific gender. According to several Tantras, mantras are divided into male ones (pumantra)

14 The presence of this non-Vedic mantric lore within Buddhist dhras is also noticed by references to formulas in Dravidian language (drmi mantrapad) (My: 379, 389, 439) and to the dhra of [the deity] Dravia (Bala: 50.19), see also Appendix C. 15 On the notion of mtk (P mtik) in the Theravda Abhidhamma, see section 1.2.1.2., on the varapha in the Mahyna and the Vajrayna, see section 1.2.2.1. and Appendix D section (b). 16 See section 2.3. The mantras akti (b) indicates the part expressing what is to be effected (sdhya) for such mantra and is equivalent to the central part of a dhra, see Appendix B-1, n. 171.

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with ending expressions such as hu and pha, and being used in rites of subduing, female ones (strmantra), also called vidy, with endings in svh and used in rites of eradication of disease, or neuter ones, ending in nama (obeisance) and used in other rituals (Wayman, 1984b: 418-420; Bhnemann, 1991: 304). This mantra classification based on gender would be assimilated by Buddhist dhras, as well.17 1.1.1.1.2. Buddhist Factors for the Emergence of 2. Buddhist Factors for the Emergence of 2. Buddhist Factors for the Emergence of 2. Buddhist Factors for the Emergence of DhDhDhDhrarararassss 1.2.1. Mainstream Buddhism1.2.1. Mainstream Buddhism1.2.1. Mainstream Buddhism1.2.1. Mainstream Buddhism Overall, it can be asserted that mainstream Buddhism initially rejected mantras and only assimilated them later, first within their Vinayas and then within special collections called Vidydhara-piakas or Dhra-piakas. It is a question of a complex process that will be studied from three approaches: (1) the early mainstream Buddhist attitudes of rejection and acceptance of mantras, (2) the emphasis on Buddhist protective texts based on the act of truth (saccakiriy) as the Theravda parittas, and those based on mantras as the Sarvstivda and Mlasarvstivda Mahstras, and the role played by the Abhidharmas mtks as the forerunners of the syllabic dhras, and (3) the acceptance of mantras/dhras within Southern Buddhism and their systematization among several mainstream Buddhist schools that were precursors of the Mahyna. 1.2.1.1. Early Mainstream Buddhist Attitudes towards 1.2.1.1. Early Mainstream Buddhist Attitudes towards 1.2.1.1. Early Mainstream Buddhist Attitudes towards 1.2.1.1. Early Mainstream Buddhist Attitudes towards MantraMantraMantraMantrassss The Theravda Nikyas rejected Vedic mantras on the basis of three arguments: soteriological, ethical, and linguistic ones. The historical Buddha negated that is could have a direct knowledge of Brahm, hence, their tradition lacked any soteriological validity (DN.13.12-15). From an ethical level, reciting mantras was considered a wrong means of livelihood (Braj: 59-61), and the Theravda Vinaya only accepted as a true Brahman someone wise and virtuous who does not confide in the sound hu (P nihuhuka) as a protective and purificatory method (McDermott, 1984a: 49-50). And from a linguistic level, mantras are just a kind of deceitful language worth of reject and despise (DN.11.5-7).18 Nevertheless, Mahsghika, Mahsaka, Sarvstivda, and Mlasarvstivda Vinayas acknowledged some efficacy to mantras when considered acts such as killing and having sex through mantras as a defeat (Skt. prjika) (Shes.V: 107). Moreover, Dharmaguptaka and Mlasarvstivda Vinayas admitted using mantras with protective and therapeutical goals (Davidson, 2009: 113-116; Pathak, 1989: 32-38).19 The main reason for using those mantras was quite a pragmatic one: they demonstrated their 17 See section 2.3. and Appendix B-1. 18 However, the South Asian Theravda accepted mantras/dhras in an extra-canonical way, see Appendix C. 19 Despite a few schools negating them, Sarvstivdins and others admitted the five supernatural knowledges (Skt. abhij) among ordinary persons (pthagjanas) and non-Buddhists (Koa.VII.41-d; Bareau, 1955: 140). The abhij called supernatural power of conservation (dhihnik ddhi), is able, among other functions, to empower mantras, hence, it is hardly surprising that those mainstream Buddhist schools would accept mantra efficacy (Eltschinger, 2001: 71-72). On dhihnik ddhi, see section 1.2.2.2. paragraph (a).

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effectiveness against the ten dangers or hindrances (P/Skt. antaryas) liable to obstruct a normal monastic life, such as dangers from the king, thieves, water, fire, human beings, non-human beings, wild animals, reptiles, death or severe illness, and falling away from la under certain compulsion (DMT: 15-16).20 In some instances, loving-kindness (P mett) meditation proved not to be adequately effective as self-protective device against the antaryas, and was supplemented or even replaced by other methods such as the Buddhas commemoration and mantra recitation (Schmithausen, 1997: 67). Those needs of protection and prophylaxis were, among other causes, what promoted the apotropaic use of certain Buddhist Scriptures and the inclusion of mantras within some of them, that will be studied below. 1.2.1.2. 1.2.1.2. 1.2.1.2. 1.2.1.2. ParittaParittaParittaParittas, s, s, s, MahMahMahMahstrastrastrastras, and s, and s, and s, and MMMMtiktiktiktiks/s/s/s/MMMMttttkkkkssss Despite their rejection of the Vedas, Theravdins, Sarvstivdins, and Mlasarvstivdins, among others, acknowledged some features of the Vedic understanding of language and mantras able to be assimilated by Buddhism without betraying their tenets. Those schools emphasized three qualities of the Buddhas speech that could be reconcilable for such purpose: (1) the Buddhas speech as expressing the truth/reality (P sacca; Skt. satya), (2) its protective power, and (3) its faculty to facilitate insight derived from its memorizing. These three qualities got an outstanding significance in the parittas, the Mahstras, and the mtiks/mtks. The Pli term paritta means protection or safeguard, and originally consists of a selection of Nikyas Suttas used for prophylactic goals, that is, to ward off or overcome dangers and problems, and benedictive ones, to assure success in an undertaking and attain positive good (Harvey: 1993: 53-56).21 There are a variety of powers propitiating the efficacy of parittas, among them, stand out the power of ethical virtue (P/Skt. la), the universal loving-kindness (mett), the Three Jewels, the contemplation of enlightenment factors (P bojjhagas), the deities power (P yakkhas, ngas, etc.), and even the parittas sound, whose pitch induces mindfulness (Piyadassi, 1975: 15-16; Greene, 2004: 53-54). However, the pivotal power enabling parittas to be effective is that all of them are modalities of the act of truth (saccakiriy) or truth utterance (P saccavajja). While the Vedic satyakriy is based on the perfect harmony between oneself and her/his own duty within the cosmos (ta), the Buddhist saccakiriy instead, extract its power from the speakers ethical perfection: (moral) truth is a natural force with irresistible power (Harvey, 1993: 67-68, 70-71, 74). In this sense, it would be argued that saccakiriy is closely related to two powers of the Buddhas speech: the Buddha as a truth-speaker, and the Buddhas Brahm Voice (P/Skt. brahmasvara). In the first case, he is a speaker whose words are to be treasured, seasonable, reasoned, well-defined and connected with the goal (DN.1.9), and in the second one, his voice is distinct, intelligible, melodious, audible, ringing, euphonious, deep, and sonorous (MN.91.21), a persuasive voice that what he 20 The antaryas were included and expanded within the dhras protective benefits lists, see section 3.2.1. On the continuity between the antaryas and the dadhrmikas, see Appendix D section (a). 21 Those two parittas goals are quite akin to the ntika and pauika dhras functions, see sections 3.2.1. and 3.2.2. Besides those uses, however, paritta compilations became the basis of two monastic revivals in Sri Lanka during the thirteenth century CE and the eighteenth century CE (Blackburn, 1999: 360-365), and nowadays, parittas are also used as formative handbooks for novices (Piyadassi, 1975: 5; Samuels, 2005: 346-360).

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says will carry weight (DN.30.23-24). This means that the Buddhas speech is perfect in form and content and is able to transform spiritually the listeners lives, as happened to Kondaa, who opened his Dhammas eye after listening to a Buddhas Sutta (SN.V.423).22 However, normally paritta practice is focused on attaining mundane benefits exclusively, and their efficacy can be hindered because of karma obstructions, defilements, and lack of faith (MP.154). Both of those aspects, among others, distinguish parittas from dhras, because many dhras were seen to be able to overcome those factors preventing paritta effectiveness. Although both parittas and dhras may share common functions of protection and increase, nevertheless, claiming that the dhra is the counterpart of paritta as does H. Saddhatissa (1991: 127), is inaccurate.23 Lastly, it is significant that some parittas such as the Mahsamaya-sutta (DN.20) and the niya-sutta (DN.32), among others, invoke the presence of non-Vedic and Vedic deities as protectors of the Buddhist community. Specifically, there is a core-set of deities that will remain constant as Dharmas protectors: the Four Great Kings (Skt. catvri mahrjkayika) Vairavaa, Dhtarra, Virhaka, and Virpka, the gods Indra (or akra) and Brahm Sahpati, followed by their hosts of minor deities. This fact gives evidence of an early incorporation of local cults within Indian Buddhism that will be developed with the Mahyna and the Vajrayna.24 And not only that, as it will be seen below, the mantric language of those deities will be identified as buddhavacana through its inclusion within the Mahstras.

Around the 4th century CE, Sarvstivdins and Mlasarvstivdins extracted from their gamas a selection of Scriptures, called Mahstras (Great Stras), whose main function was that of overcoming religious opponents and malignant beings (MS.II: 4-30). Among them, the Mahsamja-stra, the niya-stra, and the Vailpravea-stra contain mantras. In the Mahsamja-stra an assembly of deities (most of them goddesses) gather in order to contemplate the Buddha and to keep off Mras hosts, then, the deities announce their purpose to protect the Stra and promulgate mantras and ritual prescriptions (MS.I: 624-661; MS.II: 537-542). In the niya-stra, Vairavaa describes the Four Great Kings and their retinues, whose promulgated to the Buddha protective mantras for the Sangha. The next day, the Buddha teaches those same mantras to the monastic community (MS.I: 662-694; MS.II: 575-577). In the Vailpravea-stra, the Buddha visits Vail city in order to eradicate an epidemic and by reciting a long mantra, and by the power of the Buddha and that of

22 It would be argued that the Buddhist assimilation of the thirty two marks of the Great Man (brahmasvara is one of them) from the Vedic lore (DN.3.1.3; 4.5), together with all the mentioned speech qualities of the Buddha, could be understood as a Buddhist adaptation/answer to two parallel doctrines already appearing in the Upaniads: the ultimate reality as embodied speech (BU.1.3.21), and Dharma and truths speech are identical (BU.1.4.14). 23 P. Harvey rightly noticed that the power of dhras exceeds that of parittas (1993: 83, n. 7). On the mundane and supramundane dhra goals, see sections 3.2. and 3.3. 24 On the symbiosis between Indian Buddhism and local cults, see Coomaraswamy, 2001: 4-37; Sutherland, 1991: Chap. 4; Cohen, 1998: 399-400; DeCaroli, 2004: 186-187; Ruegg, 2008: 19-29. On the continuity of such core-set of deities within Mahyna, see Pratyu.14E, Pua.I: 2; Aa.3.25-26, PWE-S.III.50-51; Suvar: 36-54, Sgol: 24-44, and in Vajrayna, see Vai-s: 10; Susi: 287-289; Bhattacharyya, 1933: 361-363. On the Four Great Kings iconography, see DBI.3: 772-775.

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the deities, the epidemic ceased (MS.I: 696-738; MS.II: 593-597).25 These three Mahstras are significant for the Dhra-stras for three reasons: (1) including mantras within those Mahstras entailed their legitimation as Buddha Word (buddhavacana). If the Sarvstivda Vinaya, among others, already recognized as buddhavacana the gods Dharma preaching (Lamotte, 1983-4: 6), Sarvstivdins and Mlasarvstivdins went a step further including as buddhavacana the deities mantras approved by the Buddha. The assimilation of this mantric language reflects a conversion device based on the following exchange: the converters (i.e., Buddhists) convey the Dharma to the those converted (i.e., tribal/lower caste populations), while in return, they assimilate a new and powerful kind of buddhavacana: the converteds mantric lore. This conversion device adopted two modalities: the Buddha approves the deities mantras (Mahsamja-stra and niya-stra cases), or the Buddha is presented as the supreme source of the mantric lore (Vailpravea-stra case), and both modalities will be reproduced within the Dhra-stras.26 (2) These Mahstras set up a basic Scriptural pattern that will be reproduced by the Dhra-stras, consisting of a narrative where an issue is addressed to the Buddha and he gives a solution through the promulgation or approval of a mantra/dhra, the description of their benefits, and eventually, giving ritual prescriptions.27 And (3), these three Mahstras will be identified later as Dhra-stras and classified as Kriy Tantras within the Tibetan Buddhist canon (MS.II: 78-84). All those factors indicate, on the one hand, a continuity between the non-Vedic and Vedic mantric lore and the mantras/dhras of Indian Buddhism, and on the other hand, a pan-Indian and transectarian use of those mantras, because they were employed by Buddhists of all ynas (MS.II: 75).

The Sangti-sutta understands the faculty of memory (P. sati; Skt. smti) as a protection giving factor (P ntha-karaa-dhamm):

(b) he has learnt much, and bears in mind and retains what he has learnt. In these teachings, beautiful in the beginning, the middle and the ending, which in spirit and in letter proclaim the absolutely perfected and purified holy life, he is deeply learned, he remembers them, recites them, reflects on them and penetrates them with wisdom (i) he is mindful, with a great capacity for clearly recalling things done and said long ago (DN.33.3.3).

The mahvyhtis has already been described as the condensation of the three Vedas, whose recitation and bodily wearing bestow knowledge and protection,28 and in the Buddhist case, the same idea is detected but formulated differently: remembering that bearing in oneself the Buddhist teachings bestows protection, this establishes a solid basis for their further realization. This close relationship between memory and protection is made evident within the semantic field of the Pli term sati, that despite being commonly translated as mindfulness, in fact its primary sense is that of memory, or remembering and bearing in mind (PED: 672b, 697b). That is

25 Those Mahstras parallels the narrative of three Paritta-suttas: the Mahsamaya-sutta, the niya-sutta, and the Ratana-sutta, respectively (Piyadassi, 1975: 70-81, 103-114, 30-34). 26 See section 1.2.2.2. paragraph (a) and Appendix C. 27 On this dhras narrative pattern, see section 1.2.2.2. paragraph (a). 28 See Appendix A.

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why the Dhammasagai considers the term dhraat, whose meaning is that of bearing [in mind], to be a synonym of sati (Gethin, 2007: 36-37), that also means wearing, being dressed with, and it is related to dhraa wearing, mantaining, sustaining, keeping up, bearing in mind, remembrance (PED: 341a), and dharati to hold, bear, carry, wear, to bear in mind, and in turn the Pli dharati is derived from the Skt. dharati, whose root dh is identical to the term dhra (PED: 340a; Whitney, 1885: 84-85).29 Although the term dhra does not appear in the Theravda Nikyas, one of its primary meanings as being a condensed formula able to unleash innumerable Dharma teachings, is already present within the Theravda notion of matrix or mother (P mtik; Skt. mtk). Mtik is understood as the Abhidhammas generator, because according to the Kassapas Mohavicchedan: The word mtik is used because of the begetting, looking after and bringing up of dhammas and meanings without end or limit like a mother (tr. in Gethin, 1992: 161).30 In a specific sense, the mtiks consists of lists of items organized according to a system of numerical progression and terms linked by doublets-triplets (eg. non-greed, non-hatred, non-delusion), extracted from Scriptures such as the Sangti-sutta and others. Arisen from subtle contemplative states, the mtiks allows the condensation and memorizing of large corpus of teachings, provide a map of the path, and may constitute a meditative practice conducive to insight (Gethin, 1992: 160-167), hence, mtiks and syllabic dhras share relevant common factors. Despite the fact that syllabic dhras are not based on lists of items but they are built up from the first syllables of key doctrinal terms, just like the mtiks, syllabic dhras allows the condensation and memorizing of a great deal of teachings, they provide a paths map, and serve as contemplative methods to attain the true nature of existence (Pagel, 2007a: 111-115).31 Moreover, that one who is a specialist in retaining the mtiks (P mtikdhara) is also a protector of Dhamma (P dhammarakkha), and both functions are similar to those belonging to the Bodhisattva, who, according to the Asagas Bodhisattvabhmi: Finds joy in the summaries (mtk) of the piaka and attains dhras (Braarvig, 1985: 21-22).

As will be seen below, parittas, Mahstras, mtiks/mtks, and a mantric lore accepted by several mainstream Buddhist schools, would be assimilated and re-elaborated by Mahyna Buddhism according to its own outlook.32

29 On the etymology of the term dhra, see 2.1.1. On the dhras as protective amulets to be worn, see Hidas, 2007: 190-198; Sen, 1965: 70-72. 30 On the Tantric mtks, see section 1.1.2.2. On the dhras as condensed formulas, see section 2.4.2. On the embryological function of the Mah Nikya mantra sa vi dh pu ka ya pa, understood as the condensation of the seven Abhidhamma books and which syllables are viewed as mothers (mtiks), see Bizot/Lagirarde,1996: 41, and Castro-Snchez, 2010: 7, Chart 2. 31 On the syllabic dhras, see Appendices B-2 and D section (b). 32 On the formulaic and syllabic dhras within some mainstream Buddhist schools, see Appendix C.

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1.2.2. Mah1.2.2. Mah1.2.2. Mah1.2.2. Mahyna Buddhismyna Buddhismyna Buddhismyna Buddhism

Indian Mahyna introduced two decisive changes that would consolidate the legitimization as buddhavacana of the mantric lore held by the mainstream Buddhist schools already referred to: (1) a soteriological validation of language and mantras reflected in the Sanskritization of Mahyna, understood as the Buddhist answer to the rising of Sanskrit literature in the early centuries CE, and being stimulated by Buddhist leaders of a Brahmanical origin (Wayman, 1965: 114), and (2) the passage from a Scriptural closed canon based on an oral transmission, to an open one allowing a further expansion through written Scriptures issued from visionary experiences (McDermott, 1984b: 32).33 As will be studied below, the emergence of this Mahyna open canon was what allowed the widespread inclusion of formulaic and syllabic dhras within Mahyna Scriptures, and particularly, what allowed the elaboration of the Dhra Scriptures. 1.2.1.2.1.2.1.2.2.1. Acceptance of the Soteriological Validity of Language and 2.1. Acceptance of the Soteriological Validity of Language and 2.1. Acceptance of the Soteriological Validity of Language and 2.1. Acceptance of the Soteriological Validity of Language and MantraMantraMantraMantrassss

The Sanskrit language, besides being accepted by the Mahyna for its technical precision and cultural prestige (Lamotte, 1958: 634-657), was also accepted as a medium conducive to enlightenment. Probably, the first step towards this direction was recognizing the Mahyna Stras as written manifestations of the Buddhas Dharma-body (Skt. dharma-kya):

And when one learns it, one should carefully analyze it grammatically, letter by letter, syllable by syllable, word by word. For as the dharma-body of the past, future and present Tathgatas is this dharma-text authoritative (Aa.28.227-228; PWE-S.XXVIII.461-462).

As is the case with the Brahmans grammatical training, a mastery of the Sanskrit grammar became one of the hallmarks of Bodhisattva training, who wanted to acquire the skill in the cognition of sounds (Skt. rutajnakaualya) (Mps: 162). And for that purpose, the Bodhisattva will follow Sudhanas example, who visited the grammarian Megha to teach him a dhra whose recitation bestows an omniscient eloquence (Skt. pratibhna) and is able to transform him into an irreversible (Skt. avaivartika) Bodhisattva (Avat: 1189-1191).34 Hence, Sanskrit grammar became a meditative practice through reciting, memorizing, writting, and teaching specific Stras paragraphs as if they were mantras (Kent, 1982: 324-325).35 This explains that

33 The Mahyna arose simultaneously to the proliferation of a non-Buddhist written visionary literature in India (first or second century BCE), and this Mahyna acceptance of written Scriptures was a key factor for its survival (McMahan, 1998: 255, 264). 34 On dhra and pratibhna, see section 2.1.3.2. The avaivartika state coincides with the accomplishment of the conviction of the non-arising of dharmas (Skt. anutpattikadharmaknti) and locates the Bodhisattva on the eighth stage (Skt. bhmi) to Buddhahood (Pagel, 1995: 186-187; Dayal, 1932: 213). On the avaivartika state as a supramundane dhra goal, see sections 3.3.1. and 3.3.2. 35 Likewise, Bharthari (fifth century CE) recognized Sanskrit grammar as a gateway to liberation (Vk.14), and his grammatical treatises were included within the curriculum of the Buddhist university of Nland (Takukusu, 1896: 178-180; Biardeau, 1964: 255-260).

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Mahyna would include special syllabaries as the arapacana and the standard Sanskrit syllabary (varapha) within several Mahyna Scriptures, as mnemonic and contemplative means to realize Buddhist teachings (Mps: 160-162; Mapa.I: 201-207). Even a commentary of the influential Mahparinirva-stra went so far as to acknowledge the eternal (akara) and inexhaustible (akaya) nature of the Sanskrit syllabary and its invention from age to age by the god Brahm (HBG.II: 117).36 Nevertheless, this Sanskritizaton did not necessarily imply a Mahyna recognition of Sanskrit as the Buddhas sacred language. In fact, on a relative level, such language mastery was included within the Bodhisattvas detailed and thorough knowledges (Skt. pratisavids) and was mainly used to skillfully teach the Dharma to people, because the teaching of both the Dharma and (its) meaning happens only through speech and knowledge (Mslb.XVIII.36); and on a definitive level, language is subjected to a rigorous deconstruction divesting it of any reification that demonstrates its inability to express ultimate reality: One cannot properly express the emptiness of all dharmas in words (Aa.18.174; PWE-S.XVIII.348). When confronted with mantras/dhras though, this linguistic deconstruction was understood in two different ways: for the mainstream Mahyna, mantras/dhras reveal their emptiness as a no-meaningness (Skt. nitarthath) emphasizing the inexpressible nature of all dharmas, for the Vajrayna instead, mantras/dhras reveal their emptiness as producers of innumerable meanings.37

Concerning the Mahyna doctrinal assimilation of mantras, an early reference indicates that mantras were rejected due to their heretical origins (Pratyu.14B), while another source ackowledges mantra efficacy and its likely use among Buddhists (Kpa.4.48). But it is in the Aashasrikprajpramit-stra and its versified part, the Ratnaguasacaya-gth (1st century BCE, Conze, 2000: 1), where the mantric lore got an unreserved acceptance. One passage refers to mantra power (Skt. mantra-bala) as a metaphor for the unsupported power of suchness (Skt. tathat) (Rag.27.5; PWE-V. XXVII.5), while the other passage refers to the mantras and vidys attaining as a mark of the irreversible Bodhisattva (Aa.17.167; PWE-S.XVII.337). In practical terms though, the irreversible Bodhisattvas are identified with the Dharma-preachers (Skt. dharmabhakas), considered as quite advanced Bodhisattvas who are very near to the attainment of Buddhahood.38 And if the dharmabhakas were the inspirers of the Mahyna Stras and their legitimate promulgators (MacQueen, 1982: 60; Drewes, 2006: 246-247), they were, moreover, the introducers of the veneration to the Four Great Kings, akra, and Brahm Sahpati, and the practice of their mantras within Mahyna, through invocation formulae (Skt. karaapada), and the only ones authorized to recite and transmit them (Pagel, 2007a: 60-61). This implies that, in all likelihood, the dharmabhakas also introduced the different understandings of

36 However, this approach was not followed by other Mahyna streams, see below and section 2.2.1., and it was accepted by the Vajrayna but with a key difference: the varapha is not created by Brahm but appears spontaneously from suchness (Bonji: 139). On the mantras as issued from the dharmat, see section 2.3. 37 On the Mahyna approach to mantras/dhras, see sections 2.2.1. and 2.2.2., and on the Vajrayna approach, see sections 2.3., 2.4.1. and 2.4.2. On the Bodhisattvas pratisavids, see section 2.1.3.2. 38 If the irreversible Bodhisattva is located in the eighth bhmi (see n. 34 above), the dharmabhaka is located in the ninth one, identified with the pratisavids mastery (Drewes, 2006: 248-251).

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dhra concept within the Mahyna Stras, and later on, they inspired the Dhra Scriptures, as well. In the first case, the dhra concept passed through several stages before becoming a mature Dhra Scripture,39 and concerning the second case, it will be studied below. 1.2.2.2. 1.2.2.2. 1.2.2.2. 1.2.2.2. DhDhDhDhrararara ScripturesScripturesScripturesScriptures

From the third century CE to the eighth century CE, a new modality of Buddhist Scripture appeared in India and spread through Central Asia, Tibet, and East Asia, in fact, a new version of buddhavacana, where the formulaic dhras became the core of the Stras narrative (Srensen, 2011b: 162). The success and wide dissemination of those Scriptures was such, that Arthur Waley rightly called it Dhra-Buddhism (as quoted in McBride, II, 2005: 87). It can be seen in the arising of the Dhra Scriptures the first consolidation of the non-Vedic, Vedic and early aiva mantric lores within Indian Buddhism, as a result of a long process of assimilation and re-elaboration that began, at least, three centuries before (Skilling, 1992: 164).40 Among the key socio-religious factors contributing to the emergence of the Dhra Scriptures, two factors already dealt with stand out as the Buddhist assimilation of local cults and their mantric lore from the second century BCE to the third century CE (Skilling, 1992: 164), and the Sanskritization of Indian Mahyna, and a third one should be added, the Brahmanical revival focused on Vedic rituals established by the Gupta dynasty (320-500 CE), interacting/competing against an institutionalized Mahyna led by the Yogcra school (Matsunaga, 1977: 171; Staal, 2008: 337).41

And among the likely reasons lying behind the dissemination and survival of the Dhra Scriptures, four would be emphasized:

(1).- Preciseness. The Dhra Scriptures offer a precise sense of their nature and methods, contrasting with the vague references to those topics appearing in standard Mahyna Stras. For instance, a Stra refers to a Bodhisattva who has received the dhras, but does not specify which ones (Aa.30.252; PWE-S.XXX.510), in other Scripture dhra is defined both as memory and the means to attain it (Braarvig, 1985: 18), but again, this Scripture does not specify what these means concretely entail. The Dhra Scriptures instead, reveal with preciseness the dhra goals and their concrete methods of practice to attain them.42

(2).- Practicality. Overall, Dhra Scriptures leave aside discussions on doctrinal topics, and are focused instead on a dhra formula presented as a practice capable of accomplishing a concrete goal, whether mundane or supramundane, or both. In fact,

39 On those stages of dhras within Mahyna Stras, see Appendix D. 40 The second Buddhist consolidation of those mantric lores would be established by the Indian Vajrayna, from the mid-seventh to the mid-eleventh centuries CE (Davidson, 2002: 117-118). 41 On the dhra mastery of Asaga and Vasubandhu, see Chimpa/Chattopadhyaya, 1970: 166-172; Davidson, 2009: 139; and sections 2.2.2. and 3.1.1. On the dhra mastery of Mdhyamika authors as Bhavviveka, see Beal, 1884: ii, 224-226, and section 2.3, and on ntidevas, see ik.VI.139-142, CBD: 136-140. 42 See section 3.1.2.

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for most Dhra Scriptures there is no dividing line between mundane and supramundane goals, since both are viewed as an interrelated wholeness.43

(3).- Effectiveness. Given that Dhra Scriptures condensate numerous teachings within their formulas, they present themselves as a short-cut to enligthenment and as a rapid method to attain any goal (Chou, 1945: 258). According to their own claims, the Dhra Scriptures show effective, feasible, and verifiable methods to realize the desired goals, adapting their prescriptions to the characteristics of any person, and even indicating the concrete signs and time in which their results can be made manifest.44 (4).- Dhras as Relics. Several Dhra Scriptures identified themselves as Dharma-kya relics and were used to consecrate stpas and images, hence, the stpa consecrated by those dhras became a living Buddha body and the practitioner getting in touch with it could easily attain mundane and supramundane benefits.45

The Dhra Scriptures collected by the Chinese and Tibetan Buddhist canons testify, on the one hand, an obvious proof of their proliferation, and on the other hand, the difficulty to classify them neatly because of their versatile nature. In the first case, the Chinese Buddhist canon contains at least one hundred fourteen Scriptures entitled as Dhra-stras (Ch. tuoluoni jing) (RCB: 82-121), but it also includes numerous dhras/mantras within other Stras, Tantras, ritual texts, etc., that according to the The New Edition of All Mantras in Mahpiaka, come to 10,402 formulas.46 The Tibetan Buddhist canon contains ninety six Dhra Scriptures, entitled as Dhra, Kalpa, and Vidy, besides numerous Tantras containing dhra formulas (Kan: 561-563, 566). And in the second case, the denomination of Dhra Scripture is an extensive one, including basically four textual modalities:

(a).- Single Scriptures: Entitled as Dhra or Dhra-stra, also includes Scriptures entitled as Mahynastra (eg. Bala), and others as Vidyraji (eg. My, Prati), or Hdaya (eg. Gaa). In most cases those Scriptures are divided into two parts: a narrative one, where a concrete issue is addressed to the historical Buddha, and a practical one, where the Buddha or another authority (Bodhisattva, deity, etc.) approved by him, promulgates a dhra formula as the solution to the raised issue, praising its benefits and claiming the pledge (samaya) of its efficacy.

A feature of foremost relevance for those Scriptures is that the dhra formula is presented as buddhavacana, uttered by the Buddha or issued from his craneal protuberance (Skt. ua) (Sit: 90-91), from his eyebrows (Prati: 193), or it is claimed that the dhra formula has been promulgated by the Buddha and endowed with his spiritual support or blessing (Skt. adhihna) (Anir: 103; T 1022(b) 713c17-19, Guhya: 4). The adhihna is an attribute of the Buddhas perfection of power (Skt. prabhvasapad), which allows them to create, transform, and conserve (adhihna) an external object (Koa.VII.34-c). Those three functions correspond to three modalities of the supernatural power (Skt. ddhi), consisting of the supernatural power of conservation (dhihnik ddhi) in the thing that the magician consecrates 43 See sections 3.1.3, 3.2. and 3.3. 44 See sections 3.1.2., 3.3.2., and 3.3.3. 45 See section 3.3.1. 46 See detailed summaries of the Dhra Scriptures and other esoteric texts within the Chinese canon in Giebel, 2011, and those extra-canonical ones in Srensen, 2011a.

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(adhitihati) by saying, may this thing be thus is termed adhihna. This thing is the object (prayojana) of this ddhi, or this ddhi is produced in this thing: thus this ddhi is called dhihnik (Koa.III.9-d, p. 31, n. 2). The Buddhas give their adhihna to the dhras to endow them with efficacy and extend their power indefinitely. Moreover, the adhihna can be given not only by Buddhas, but by Bodhisattvas and deities, too. Likewise, the prescriptions for the dhra practice participate of the promulgators adhihna and pledge (samaya), who secures its effectiveness if her/his prescriptions are strictly followed (Eltschinger, 2001: 24-27, 62-74).47

Among the earliest Dhra-stras stand out the Mahmyr-vidyrj-stra (The Scripture of the Queen of Vidys of the Great, Golden Peacock), of high significance for the early East Asian esoteric Buddhism, whose Sanskrit original dates from the third century CE (Srensen, 2006a: 91-92, 109). In its narrative, a monk is suffering from snakebite and the Buddha transmitted to nanda the Mahmyr dhra to be recited by him to the poisoned monk, regarded as an infallible antidote against poison. Moreover, the Buddha approves the recitation of mantras/vidys/dhras from a large host of deities intended to protect the Sangha from all kinds of dangers, since true words eliminate poisons (My: 458).48

(b).- Dhra Ritual Manuals (Skt. Dhra-vidhis): A great number of Dhra-stras contain a third part, focused on ritual practices (vidhi) directly related to the Stras dhra formula (Copp, 2011: 176). However, originally the vidhis circulated independently c. mid-fifth century CE, to be attached to the Dhra-stras after the sixth century CE. The successful spreading of the Dhra-vidhis lies in that the exact following of their prescriptions is seen to evoke the deitys presence and obtaining the desired goals. The Dhra-vidhis established the textual basis for the early Buddhist Tantras emergence (Dalton, 2010: 14-15).49

(c).- Dhra Collections (Skt. Dhra-sagrahas): Of a wide diffusion in India, Nepal, and Tibet, the Dhra-sagrahas consist of a selection of dhra formulas to be recited within a liturgical context, and normally are divided into three parts: an invitation to mundane deities as witnesses and recitations beneficiaries, the dhra formulas themselves, and a closing part with praises and prayers (Dalton, 2010: 5-10). Among the most popular Dhra-sagrahas, stand out the Pacarak (Five

47 On the Bodhisattvas adhihna on mantras, see section 2.2.2., on the function of adhihna in the Vajrayna mantras, see section 2.3. Some Buddhist schools admitted the dhihnik ddhi in non-Buddhist mantras, see section 1.2.1.1., n. 19. On the samaya role in the Vedic mantras, see section 1.1.1.1., and in the dhras, see Appendix B-1. On the Dharmakrti (600-660 CE) definition of mantras efficacy as exclusively related to a human dhihnik ddhi, see Eltschinger, 2008: 278-281. 48 The Atharvaveda already described a mantra invoking a peacock as antidote against snakes poison (AV.VII.56.7). The Mahmyrs narrative core is based on the Khandha and Mora parittas (Piyadassi, 1975: 37-38, 41-42; Lvi, 1915a: 20-21), and the deities lists appearing into the Mahsamaya and niya parittas are reproduced in the Mahmyr (Przyluski/Lalou, 1938: 41-44), which in turn, are identical to their parallels Mahsamja and niya Mahstras already described in section 1.2.1.2. On another key early Dhra Scripture entitled Mtag-stra, see Appendix C, n. 185. 49 See section 1.2.3. On the Dhra-vidhis, see section 3.1.2. However, there are instances of early Dhra-stras (c. second-third centuries CE) including both dhra formulas and rituals, see Appendix C, n. 185.

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Protections) (Gellner, 1993: 127, n. 39), and Saptavra (Seven Days) collections (Grnbold, 2001: 372), still in use among Nepalese Buddhist Newars.50

(d).- Dhra Anthologies (Skt. Dhra-sammucayas): These are one of the three modalities adopted by the Dhra Scriptures in China.51 One of the most outstanding is the Tuoluoni zi jing (Skt. Dhrasammucaya-stra) (T 901), compiled by Atika between 653-654 CE. Besides including a vast selection of Dhra-stras and dhra formulas, the Tuoluoni zi jing describes numerous rituals, especially, that of the consecration (Skt. abhieka) and fire sacrifice (Skt. homa), becoming a pivotal work that would anticipate a mature East Asian Vajrayna (Strickmann, 1996: 72-87, 133-136). A later and highly relevant Dhra-sammucaya is the quadrilingual Dazang quanzhou (Great Collection of dhras) in Manchu, Chinese, Mongolian, and Tibetan, compiled between 1748-1758 under mandate of the Qing emperor Qianlong (1711-1799).52

Given that Atikas Tuoluoni zi jing is an abridged version of a Vidydhara-piaka (Duquenne, 1988: 322), it is likely that the Dhra-sammucayas could be the direct descendants of the earlier Vidydhara/Dhra-piakas already mentioned. Judging by their contents, the Vidydhara/Dhra-piakas include early protective mantras (ik.VI.143; CBD: 140), and Scriptures with a threefold division of rites, accomplishments (Skt. siddhis), and Buddha Clans (Skt. kulas), as the Subhuparipcch and the Susiddhikara (Lalou, 1955: 71-72), for this reason they were classified later as the earliest Kriy Tantras. According to the testimonies of Yijing (635-713 CE) and Wuxing (?-674 CE), the Vidydhara/Dhra-piakas were presented as a new teaching of great prestige in India (Chavannes, 1894: 101-105; Li-kouang, 1935: 83-84, n. 2). Those piakas advocate the model of the vidydhara, lit. bearer of knowledge, as a human being able to transform himself into a superman or man-god through a mantra/dhra practice (Buitenen, 1958: 308).53

The Dhra-stras hybrid nature, whose narratives makes them similar to the standard Mahyna Stras, but their ritual methods relate them to the Tantras, locate them into a frontier area between Mahyna and Vajrayna (TMD: xxii), which other authors have described as proto-Tantric (Strickmann, 1996: 129-133), or esoteric

50 See other Dhra-sagrahas in CBSM: 41-43, 49-50; IMT.I.410-411; SBLN: 80-81, 93-95. On the parallels between the Pacarak collection and some Theravda parittas, see Skilling, 1992: 180-182. 51 The other two are translations of Indian Dhra-stras, and Scriptures elaborated in China (apocryphal) but based on Indic originals (Strickmann, 1996: 72-73; Franke, 1984: 320-334). 52 Qianlong was seriously involved in dhras and wanted to restore their original Indic pronunciations (Wang, 1995: 149-151; Yuyama, 2000: 166; Berger, 2003: 39). The contemporary The New Edition of All Mantras in Mahpiaka (2001) is an improved reproduction of the Dazang quanzhou. 53 The vidydharas have their origin in the non-Buddhist semigods or men-gods (Skt. divyamnuas) (Przyluski, 1938: 125), and they are described as being able to fly, to change shape at will, always young and accomplished (siddhas) in mantric lore (Grafe, 2006: 135-136). The vidydharas are mentioned in the Milindapaha and certain Jtakas (Lders, 1939: 90-93), they play a key role in some early Buddhist Tantras (Przyluski, 1923: 306-307), and are the precursors of the siddha model advocated by a mature Indian Vajrayna (Davidson, 2002: 170-171).

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(Srensen, 2006b: 57-58).54 Regardless the debatable accuracy of those designations, the documentary evidence shows an indisputable fact: There is in fact a historical connection between the earlier dhra texts and the later Buddhist Tantras. The earliest textual precursors of the Tantras are dhra-collections (Gray, 2005: 427).

1.2.3. Vajray1.2.3. Vajray1.2.3. Vajray1.2.3. Vajrayna Buddhismna Buddhismna Buddhismna Buddhism

Among the foremost Vajrayna contributions to the dhras, two stand out: endowing them with sophisticated definitions which identify them definitely as mantras, and with a doctrinal and methodological systematization incomparable to their former generalized presentations. According to the earliest classification of the Indo-Tibetan Tantras, Buddhaguhya (the eighth century CE) established two subclasses within the Kriy Tantra category: the general Tantras that are compilations of ritual manuals (Tib. spyii cho ga bsdus pai rgyud), and the distinct Tantras (Tib. bye brag gi rgyud). Under the former type he included texts such as the Susiddhikara (Susi) or the Subhuparipcch, i.e., compilations of ritual manuals (vidhi), while that under the second type Buddhaguhya included texts such as the Mahvairocanbhisabodhi-tantra (Vai-ta; Vai-s). This means that most of the earliest Kriy Tantras are composed by Dhra-vidhis, hence, those ritual manuals established a key developmental bridge between the earlier dhras and the later tantras (Dalton, 2010: 15-16, n. 33). In later classifications, Indo-Tibetan Vajrayna recognized the dhras as a type of Kriy (Action) and Carya (Conduct) Tantras: The action and conduct tantras are distinguished as five types according to style of presentation alone: sutras, tantras, skills, detailed rituals, and retention mantras [sic] (dharani) (Shes.V: 273-274).55 It had been argued that Kriy and Carya Tantras lack any soteriological goals, therefore, dhra practice would limit itself to exclusively mundane goals (Williams/Tribe, 2000: 205-208). However, the Dhra Scriptures themselves refute such biased claim, and demonstrate instead a more complex evidence: there are dhras with only mundane goals, others with mundane and supramundane goals, and still others with exclusively supramundane goals.56 Moreover, in the Majurmlakalpa and the Mahvairocanbhisabodhi-tantra the first soteriological

54 Despite some authors considering the Dhra Scriptures as belonging to the Mantranaya, understood as a stage previous to the Vajrayna (Williams/Tribe, 2000: 196, n. 8), such inclusion is problematic for two reasons: Mantranaya was indentified as synonym of Vajrayna by later Vajrayna authors (mi, 2008: 307-308), and Mantranaya is not applicable to the East Asian Vajrayna. On the other hand, claiming that the Dhra Scriptures are unrelated to Vajrayna Tantras as does Hartzell (1997: 253-256), is completely without foundation, see below and section 1.2.3. Likewise, it had been acknowledged the emergence of tantric materials out of the dhra literature, despite that those tantric materials included practices alien to standard Dhra Scriptures (Davidson, 2011: 23). 55 The other categories of Tantras are Yoga, Mahyoga, and Yogin Tantras (Williams/Tribe, 2000: 209-217). 56 The pivotal Kriy Tantra Majurmlakalpa includes both mundane and supramundane goals (Wallis, 2002: 19-23), and the same occurs with the seminal Carya Tantra Mahvairocanbhisabodhi-tantra (Vai-ta.I.7; XIII.50). On the mundane and supramundane dhra goals, see sections 3.2. and 3.3.

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rationales for Buddhist dhras/mantras are articulated, which locates them neatly within a doctrinal and methodological Vajrayna context.57 But being faithful to their fluidic nature, dhra formulas are not only located within Kriy and Carya Tantras, but they permeate through the whole spectrum of Vajrayna Scriptures, establishing genetic connections between early and late Tantric texts (Cantwell/Mayer, 2010: 77-78). To quote just a few examples, one of the accomplishments for the initiated to the Yoga Tantra Sarvatathgatatattvasagraha is that of [the mastery of] Dhras (Sanderson, 2009: 134); according to an Indo-Tibetan tradition, dhra-mantras of Mahyoga Tantra, Yoga Tantra, Cary Tantra and Kriy Tantra should be inserted for consecrating stpas (Bentor, 1995: 256); the Cakrasavara-tantra, one of the pivotal Yogin Tantras, is ritually treated as a dhra-dharmakya relic (Gray, 2005: 427-428, n. 26 and 27); and dhra formulas are included within Mahyoga Tantras as the Guhyasamja-tantra (Gusa: 298-306, 332), Yogin Tantras as the Hevajra-tantra (HT.I.2.32; II.5.45-47), or ritual manuals as the Cakrasavarabalividhi (Finot, 1934: 57). Within the East Asian Vajrayna, it is precisely the term dhra what was selected to define this tradition.58 The contents of this esoteric lineage are based on the Scriptures, dhras, and mudrs that the revered Vairocana [Buddha] entrusted to the bodhisattva Vajrapi until reaching the Indian ancestor Amoghavajra (Orlando, 1981: 135), and the initiatic transmission of dhras is realized through a consecration ritual (Skt. dhrayabhieka) (Chou, 1945, 284, n. 62). And to distinguish clearly the Buddhist dhra from the Daoist spell (Ch. zhou), which it was commonly confused with in China, Amoghavajra composed a normative definition on the meaning of the term dhra, where it is identified explicitly as mantra (Zong: 151-154; McBride, II, 2005