Sex Roles, Vol. 10, Nos. 1/2, 1984

Children's Attitudes Toward Sex-Role Division in Adult Occupational Roles

Cynthia J. Archer State University o f New York College at Fredonia

Kindergarten, fifth-grade, and eleventh-grade participants.from a working- class community were presented with a questionnaire of 44 adult occupations and activities. They indicated for each occupation who they thought should do the job: male, female, or either one. They also stated their own future occupational goals. Liberality, defined as the number of "either" responses, increased with age. There was a significant sex difference in the kindergarten, with the females more liberal than the males, but not in the other grade levels. Females named as many different potential adult occupations for themselves as did males. Males and females tended to name occupations traditionally considered appropriate for their own sex, with some tendency for females to also name traditional male occupations.

In view of the ongoing social debate and rapid rate of change in the area of sex-role division, it is important to maintain up-to-date data on children's attitudes toward sex-role division in adult occupational roles. Even data collected a few years ago cannot be assumed to accurately represent current conditions.

Research projects have studied children's attitudes toward occupational roles. Looft (1971a, 1971b) found that first- and second-grade boys enrolled in a Catholic school perceived twice as many occupational opportunities open to them as did the girls, and that the majority of second- grade girls in a parochial school chose either nurse or teacher as their desired vocational goals. Iglitzen (1972) found with fifth-grade boys and girls a very strong degree of traditional sex-role stereotyping of the major social roles, jobs, and functions in our society. This traditional sex stereotyping carried over to their own personal roles. Most girls pictured themselves as adults, as wives and mothers, while boys saw themselves in terms of their careers. Beuf (1974) studied White middle-class children from

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3 to 6 years of age and found a strong relationship between sex and career aspirations. Boys chose adventurous careers such as policeman and athletic superstar. Girls chose quieter careers such as nursing. Similarly, Scheresky (1976) researched 6- to 10-year-old children from several school districts and found that the children's views of male and female occupational roles matched the traditional, stereotyped perceptions. Garrett, Ein, and Tremaine (1977) studied the development of sex stereotyping of adult occupations in first, third, and fifth graders of a White middle-class suburban school district and found that the older children tended to have less rigid sex stereotypes toward occupational roles than the younger children. Panek, Rush, and Greenawalt (1977) asked college students to rate 25 occupations in terms of the sex (male, female, or neutral) with which each job was usually associated. Eight of the occupations were seen significantly more often as male occupations (lawyer, city planner, police officer, letter carrier, truck driver, banker, baker, and office manager). Six were perceived significantly more often as female occupations (elementary school teacher, dietician, social worker, typist, librarian, and nurse). Shepard and Hess (1975) researched four age groups: kindergarteners, eighth graders, college students, and adults. A list of adult occupations and activities was presented to the participants, and they indicated who they thought should do the job (male, female, or either one). Females were found to be significantly more liberal (defined by number of "either" responses) than males in all age groups with the exception of the kinder- garteners. Liberality increased from kindergarten to eighth grade through college, and then decreased in the adult sample. With reference to specific occupations, there was more willingness to see women enter prestigious male occupations than for men to take on traditionally feminine roles.

The present study is concerned with the attitudes and opinions of kindergarteners, fifth graders, and eleventh graders toward sex-role division in adult occupational roles. The intent is to replicate, update, and extend the Shepard and Hess (1975) study.

M E T H O D

Subjects

The 283 participants attended public elementary and secondary schools in a small predominantly working-class city in southwestern New York State. Of the total, 43 males and 35 females were in kindergarten, 36 males and 25 females were in fifth grade, and 73 males and 71 females were in eleventh grade. The majority of the participants were Caucasians, but there were also 39 Native American Indians, 14 males and 25 females.

Children's Attitudes 3

Materials

The questionnaire designed by Shepard and Hess (1975) was employed. It measures sex-role attitudes toward 44 adult activities and occupations previously judged as traditional male and female activities. In addition, the question "What would you like to be?" was placed on the questionnaire.

Procedure

A Caucasian female researcher administered the questionnaire to the kindergarteners and fifth graders, and a Caucasian male guidance counselor administered it to the eleventh graders. It was explained to all participants that they were not obligated to respond to the questionnaire if they did not want to do so; and it was stressed that there were no right or wrong answers. All participants were asked to indicate whether they thought each activity or occupation listed should be done by a man, a woman, or either one. the kindergarteners gave oral responses in individual interviews; the fifth and eleventh graders gave written responses in group settings.

RESULTS

Liberality was defined as the number of "either" responses given, thus representing a willingness to deviate from the traditional viewpoint. The median liberality scores according to grade, sex, and race are shown in Figure 1.

Since the obtained data was ordinal, nonparametric statistics were utilized. The overall comparison, using the Kruskal-Wallis test was highly significant (p < .001). The Mann-Whitney U test was used to compare individual groups. Sex differences were significant in the kindergarten, with the females more liberal than the males (p < .05), but not significant in the fifth and eleventh grades. The age group comparisons were all significant. The eleventh graders were significantly more liberal than the fifth graders (p < .01), and the kindergarteners (p < .001). The fifth graders were also significantly more liberal than the kindergarteners (p < .001).

Because there was such a small number of Native Americans representing each age group, all were combined for a general racial comparison. The Caucasian and Native American group comparison was evaluated by means of an additional Mann-Whitney U test. There was no significant difference between the liberality of the Native Americans and the Caucasians.

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Fig. 1. Median liberality scores according to grade, sex, and race. Of the 131 females, 35 were in kindergarten, 25 were in fifth grade, and 71 were in eleventh grade. Of the 152 males, 43 were in kindergarten, 36 were in fifth grade, and 73 were in eleventh grade. Of the 25 Native American females, 8 were in kindergarten, 6 were in fifth grade, and 11 were in eleventh grade. Of the 14 Native American males, 1 was in kinder- garten, 5 were in fifth grade, and 8 were in eleventh grade.

In analysis of the individual occupations and activities, the percentage of subjects in each group responding "either one" was calculated (see Table I). I f 60°7o or more of the group's participants chose "either one" they were considered to be liberal in their attitudes toward that occupation or activity. It was also assumed that they were willing to see the traditional viewpoint of that role change. If 10% or less of the group's participants chose "either one," the group was considered to be conservative in attitudes toward that occupation or activity. It was also assumed that the group wanted the traditional viewpoint to remain the same.

In considering the question "What would you like to be?" the 131 females participating named a total of 55 different occupations, while the 152 males named a total of 54. The potential adult occupations that were

Children's Attitudes

Table II. Potential Adult Occupations According to Sex and Age Group (Percent) a

Most frequently named occupations

Kindergarten males (n = 43) Fireman Policeman Factory worker

Grade 5 males (n - 36) Truck driver Stuntman Pro-football player Motorbike racer

Grade 11 males (n = 73) Mechanic Autobody repairman Construction worker Military serviceman

Kindergarten females (n = 35) 37 Nurse 34 23 Teacher 11

9 Cheerleader 11

Grade 5 females (n = 25) 14 Veterinarian 24 8 Teacher 16 8 Lawyer 12 8

Grade 11 females (n 71) 7 Secretary 24 7 Nurse 4 5 Social worker 4 5

Nontraditional occupations named

Kindergarten females (n = 35) Head of office Factory worker Doctor Firewoman Mailwoman Cowgirl Policewoman

Grade 1I females (n = 71) Business manager 3 Lawyer 3 Auto mechanic 1 Restaurant owner 3 Truck driver 1 Military servicewoman 1 Horse trainer 1 Botanist 1 Scientist 1 Petroleum engineer 1

Grade 5 females (n = 25) 3 Veterinarian 24 3 Archeologist 4 3 Lawyer 12 3 Doctor 8 3 Horse racer 8 3 Scientist 4 3 Truck driver 4

Farmer 4

Grade 11 males (n = 73) Interior decorator t

~Different occupations named by kindergarten males = 12, kindergarten females = 15, grade 5 males = 29, grade 5 females = 15, grade 11 males = 32, grade 11 females = 40.

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D I S C U S S I O N

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significant sex differences. This is contrary to the Shepard and Hess (1975) findings. They found no significant sex differences in the kindergarten. But in the middle age group (the eighth graders) and in the oldest adolescent age group (the college students), they found that the females were significantly more liberal than the males. Sex differences may be diminishing. Perhaps males are being socialized earlier to accept and adopt more liberal, egalitarian attitudes than they have in the past, suggesting that sex-role stereotyping is on the decline.

The present study supports previous findings that sex stereotyping decreases as age increases (Shepard & Hess, 1975; Marantz & Mansfield, 1977; Garrett et al., 1977). As individuals mature, they may have more opportunities to see males and females portray nontraditional roles. They are also more apt to be exposed to and to understand the issues of the women's liberation movement. Therefore, they may become more receptive to egalitarian ideas as they move closer to adulthood. The increasing liberality may also be due to cognitive factors. The older children may be more proficient in realizing that most occupations and activities are not rigidly placed into sex-exclusive classification systems. Alternatively, they may be more and more sensitive to what are now socially acceptable responses.

The conservative and liberal responses of the various age, sex, and racial groups are presented in Table I. In this study, as in the Shepard and Hess (1975) study, the kindergarteners were very conservative. There were only two liberal group responses in the kindergarten and both occurred in the Native American group. In general, with the fifth and eleventh graders, there were liberal responses for several occupations and activities in all groups. These findings are similar to those of Shepard and Hess (1975).

It has been suggested that boys perceive twice as many occupations as open to them as do girls (Looft, 1971a, 1971b). Yet there is no support in this study for this theory, since the numbers of occupational choices perceived as open to the females and males researched are nearly equal. Possibly, this finding could indicate that females are perceiving some occupations as less restrictive than they have been in the past. Therefore, they have a wider range of careers to choose from.

While few males chose careers traditionally considered to be female occupations, several females chose occupations traditionally considered to be male occupations, as is shown in Table II.

Similar to Beuf's (1974) finding that young boys choose adventurous careers, most of the male kindergarteners chose exciting careers. However, some of the female kindergarteners chose careers that are adventurous also (firewoman, policewoman, doctor, cowgirl). This result is contrary to Beuf's (1974) finding that girls choose quieter careers. The traditional male

Children's Attitudes 9

occupational roles have tended to be the more active models for children. It is not surprising, then, that the girls would like to participate in the more exciting careers.

The fifth-grade girls did not support Iglitzen's (1972) findings that they would see their adult careers as being wives and mothers. In fact, not one fifth-grade girl named housewife or mother in answer to the question "What would you like to be?" All of the fifth-grade girls were career oriented.

The 39 Native Americans chose a variety of occupations; a total of 26 were named. The older Native Americans were more apt to name occupations that required higher educational levels than those the Caucasians chose. Among occupations named by the Native Americans were teacher, doctor, lawyer, veterinarian, psychologist, social worker, and U.S.-France internal relations worker. In this Native American culture, according to professionals who have worked with the group, a high school education is not stressed as it is in White middle-class society. If the Native Americans do not want to graduate from high school, there is little pressure on them to do so. Hence, at age 16, many of the Native Americans decide not to continue their education. Therefore, Native American students in the higher grade levels are apt to be there because they enjoy school, receive good grades, and desire more education. This selective factor may be the reason why the older Native Americans chose more prestigious occupations as their future careers than the majority of the Caucasians did.

In conclusion, the present data suggest that stereotypes of occupational roles are diminishing. The sex differences in attitudes seem to be lessening. As children mature, their sex-role stereotyping decreases. Females are perceiving a wider range of occupations as open to them. Acceptance of equal sex roles is essential in our society if all individuals are to attain self-fulfillment. In general there appears to be continued movement towards liberality. Males and females seem to be expressing more egalitarian attitudes now than they have in the past.

REFERENCES

Beuf, A. Doctor, lawyer, household drudge. JournalofCommunication, 1974, 24(2), 142-145. Garrett, C. S., Ein, P. L., & Tremaine, L. The development of gender stereotyping of adult

occupations in elementary school children. Child Development, 1977, 48, 507-512. Iglitzen, L. B. A child's eye view of sex roles. Today's Education, 1972, 61, 23-25. Looft, W. R. Sex differences in the expression of vocational aspirations by elementary school

children. DevelopmentalPsychology, 1971,5, 366. (a) Looft, W. R. Vocational aspirations of second grade girls. Psychological Reports, 1971, 28,

241-242. (b)

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Marantz, S. A., & Mansfield, A. F. Maternal employment and the development of sex-role stereotyping in five- to eleven-year-old girls. ChiM Development, 1977, 48, 668-673.

Panek, P. E., Rush, M. C., & Greenawalt, J. P. Current sex stereotypes of 25 occupations. Psychological Reports, 1977, 40, 212-214.

Scheresky, R. The gender factor in six- to ten-year-old children's views of occupational roles. Psychological Reports, 1976, 38, 1207-1210.

Shepard, W. O., & Hess, D. T. Attitudes in four age groups toward sex role division in adult occupations and activities. Journalof VocationalBehavior, 1975, 6, 27-39.