CONVERGENCE OF MONASTIC AND MODERN EDUCATION

IN BHUTAN?

BRIAN D. DENMAN and SINGYE NAMGYEL

Abstract – In the 1960s, the Royal Government of Bhutan began developing itsmodern educational system. Over time, a strategic plan was formulated to meet Edu-cation for All and Millennium Development Goals. In 2003, the Royal University ofBhutan, the country’s first university, opened its doors. This paper uses comparativeanalysis to describe and explore the impact on the development of The Royal Universityof Bhutan of the national consciousness termed ‘Gross National Happiness’. It isproposed that the university is likely to become a catalyst for development, and aninfluential representative of and for a cultural identity. Will it become an elite institu-tion? Will the institution offer formal degrees for all who qualify? It is suggested that theissues considered in Bhutan may be of significance for other new universities attemptingto establish themselves in the developing world.

Resume – CONVERGENCE DE L’EDUCATION MONASTIQUE ET MODERNEAU BHOUTAN? – Dans les annees 60, le Gouvernement Royal du Bhoutan acommence a developper son systeme d’education moderne. Avec le temps, un planstrategique a ete formule pour realiser l’Education pour Tous et les Objectifs du Mil-lenaire pour le Developpement. En 2003, la premiere universite du pays, l’UniversiteRoyale du Bhoutan, a ouvert ses portes. Cet article se sert de l’analyse comparative pourdecrire et examiner l’impact de la conscience nationale appelee ‘le Bonheur NationalBrut’ sur le developpement de l’Universite Royale du Bhoutan. On propose que l’uni-versite devienne susceptible de devenir un catalyseur pour le developpement et unrepresentant influent d’une et pour une identite culturelle. Deviendra-elle un etablisse-ment d’elite? L’etablissement offrira-t-il des grades universitaires conventionnels pourtous ceux qui veulent se qualifier? On suggere que les questions prises en considerationau Bhoutan puissent etre d’importance pour d’autres universites nouvelles qui tentent des’etablir dans le monde en voie de developpement.

Zusammenfassung – ZUSAMMENSCHLUSS VON MONASTISCHER UNDMODERNER BILDUNG IN BHUTAN? – In den 1960er Jahren begann das regie-rende Konigshaus von Bhutan damit, ein modernes Bildungssystem zu entwickeln. ImLaufe der Zeit wurden strategische Plane zum Erreichen einer ‘Bildung fur alle’ und von‘Jahrtausend-Entwicklungszielen’ formuliert. 2003 offnete die Konigliche Universitatvon Bhutan, die erste Universitat des Landes, ihre Tore. Dieser Artikel erforscht undbeschreibt mithilfe der vergleichenden Analyse den Einfluss der Koniglichen Universitatvon Bhutan auf das nationale Bewusstsein unter dem Namen ‘Gross National Happi-ness’. Es wird die Meinung vertreten, dass die Universitat dabei ist, zumEntwicklungskatalysator und zur einflussreichen Reprasentanz kultureller Identitat zuwerden. Wird die Universitat eine Eliteeinrichtung werden? Wird sie die Moglichkeit zurErlangung formaler Abschlusse und Grade eroffnen? Nach Ansicht der Autoren

International Review of Education (2008) 54:475–491 � Springer 2008DOI 10.1007/s11159-008-9085-0

konnten die thematischen Uberlegungen, die in Bhutan angestellt werden, auch fur dieBemuhungen anderer neuer Universitaten um Etablierung in einer sich weiterentwi-ckelnden Welt von Bedeutung sein.

Resumen – ¿EXISTEN EN BHUTAN UNA CONVERGENCIA DE EDUCACIONMONASTICA Y MODERNA? En los anos sesenta del siglo XX, el Gobierno Real deBhutan comenzo a desarrollar su sistema educativo moderno. Con el transcurso deltiempo, se formulo un plan estrategico que respondiera a los Objetivos de Educacionpara Todos y Desarrollo del Milenio. En 2003 abrio sus puertas la Universidad Real deBhutan, la primera universidad del paıs. Este trabajo emplea un analisis comparativopara describir y explorar el impacto que produce el desarrollo de la Universidad Real deBhutan sobre la conciencia nacional denominada Felicidad Nacional Bruta. Se proyectaque la Universidad se convierta en algo ası como una catalizador del desarrollo y unrepresentante de influencia de y para la identidad cultural. ¿Se convertira en una ins-titucion de elite? ¿Ofrecera la institucion tıtulos oficiales para todos los que reunan lascondiciones necesarias? El trabajo sugiere que los problemas considerados en Bhutanpueden ser importantes para otras nuevas universidades que traten de establecerse en elmundo en desarrollo.

From myths and legends to the pursuit of truths

In a landlocked country known by its people as the ‘‘land of the thunder dra-gon’’, Bhutan’s tradition of oral communication is as central as the country’sdetermination in building a modern education system. In common folktalessuch as Meme Hayhay Hayhay and proverbs such as ‘‘...a confederation offrogs can kill even a tiger’’ (Penjore 2005: online), the values are such that theyjustify Bhutan’s interest in preserving its history and customs. As MichaelAris, private tutor to the Royal Family of Bhutan between 1967 and 1972,said: ‘‘amidst all the legends, there is a grain of truth’’ (Aris in Norman 1981:897). Yet the task of separating fact from fiction is not so much the subject ofthis paper as the proposition that both the traditional monastic system and

476 Brian D. Denman and Singye Namgyel

the modern education system, despite their differing approaches, may offeruseful insights for Bhutan and its people.

In Aris’ view, Bhutan was:

to produce scholars who combine a knowledge and appreciation of its traditionalheritage with the new perspectives and methodologies of our own age (Aris 1990:27).

Aris’ objective may have been that of helping to preserve Bhutan’s culture butalso to assure that higher learning should evolve over time, a progressive, cul-turally relativistic notion. A monastic education encourages individuals(monks and anims1) to dissociate themselves from a world alien to them inorder to seek inner enlightenment, while the university ‘‘...is supposed tocapture and present the deeper philosophy of the nation, the worldview ofits people, their dreams and aspirations, their imagination of perfection andgoodness, the principles of national and social life, and their attempts tounderstand and use the possibilities opened up by science and mathematics’’(Powdyel 2005: 6).

Phuntsho (2000) provides a good illustration of the differences between tra-ditional monastic education and modern education. Bhutan’s traditional train-ing may best be characterised by its focus on ‘‘introverted spirituality’’ asopposed to Bhutan’s modern education, which focuses on ‘‘...the extrovertedpursuit of worldly happiness’’ (Phuntsho: online). The following list of differ-ences in traditional training and education is provided by Phuntscho (Table 1).

Table 1. Illustration of differences between traditional training and modern educa-tion in Bhutan

Traditional training Modern education

Purpose Mainly introvert spiritual;Training culminatingin omniscience

Mainly extrovert skills forhuman development

Content Religion or regligiousoriented, liberal

Secular and scientific; technical

Approach Mostly passive reception;static; conservative

Mostly active innovation;creative; progressive (aspirational)

Perspective Faith, reverence, sanctity;for religious edification

Interest, curiosity, rationality;for acquiring knowledgeand skills

Medium Chokey/Dzongkha EnglishMethodology Buddhist monastic methods

of memorization, debates,contemplation, exposition, etc.

Systematic Western educationaltechniques of critical scrutiny,statistics, experiments, etc.

Source: Phuntsho, Karma (2000). ‘‘On the Two Ways of Learning in Bhutan’’.Retrieved 19 July 2007, http://www.bhutanstudies.org.bt/journal/vol2no2/v2/n2.learning.pdf, p. 5.

477Convergence of Monastic and Modern Education in Bhutan?

A basic question may be whether there is a common thread or complemen-tarity in these two approaches to the pursuit. Our investigation identifies apossible convergence of traditional and modern educational orientations inthe openness of both to participation. Furthermore, given that Bhutan has notbeen tarnished by colonization or invasion throughout its history, there is arefreshing sense of mutual respect and compatibility between both systemsat present. This sentiment is expressed in Bhutan 2020: A Vision for Peace,Prosperity, and Happiness: ‘‘Our religious history and monastic institutionshave played a decisive role in the evolution of our nation’’ (1999: 70).

A brief historical overview of Bhutan

In its earliest stages of development (circa 746 CE), ‘‘Padma Sambhava’’,from the Swat Valley of modern day Pakistan, ‘‘...probably made the firstmajor influence on the social and cultural life of Bhutanese people, particu-larly in Bumthang through his teachings’’ (Dorji 2005: 2). Around that time,Bhutanese students such as Monmo Tashi Kheudron and Mongom Hami-natha are said to have followed Padmansambhava [Padma Sambhava] toTibet to learn dharma (Phuntsho: online). Moreover, legend has it thataround 750 CE, Denma Tsemang, a translator and one of the twenty-fivedisciples of Padmasambhava, may have designed the now national script(druk yig) (Ibid: online). Bhutanese monks were continually sent to Tibet tolearn from lama masters only to return years later to develop monastic cen-tres (Mackey 2002: 1) or to teach dharma in their own ways (Dorji 2005: 3).The most notable monasteries during this period include: Nyoe Demchog(1179–1265 CE), Phajo Drugom Zhigpo (1208–1275), Longchen Rabjam(1308–1363 CE), Barawa Gyalshen Palzang (1310–1391 CE), and MoenDrubdey (c. 1540 CE) among others (Dorji 2005: 3; Phuntsho: online).Despite some gaps, the key historical events both written and oral seems tosuggest (1) a strong traditional link to Tibet and (2) a continuing expansionof Buddhist philosophy within the region.

Circa 1616 CE, Bhutanese legend relates that Zhabs-drung (NgawangNamgyal) established a traditional theocracy to avoid the political strife tak-ing place in Tibet establishing his rule as both King and Chief Lama ofBhutan (Norman 1981: 897). Saints, gurus, and lamas continued to streaminto the fledgling country and, in a number of cases, taught different formsof Buddhism to their respective disciples resulting in various sects. TheNyingmapa and Kagyupa sects are the most popular at present, but theDrukpa Kagyupa sect is officially recognised as the national religion.According to Dorji (2005: 4), formalised monastic education did not beginuntil 1622 CE when Zhabs-drung established the first Monk Body at Chari,Thimphu where thirty monks were ordained.

While the Third King, His Late Majesty Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (1952–1972), gave the Bhutanese people a greater say in running the country

478 Brian D. Denman and Singye Namgyel

(Bhutan’s Royal Family: online), he is also credited with propelling thenation out of isolation, asserting that it could no longer prosper in the oldtraditional fashion (Dorji 2005: 9). The Fourth King, His Majesty (HM)Jigme Singye Wangchuck (1972) is credited with initiating the current move-ment toward constitutional monarchy and the concept of ‘Gross NationalHappiness’.

Gross National Happiness

The objective, ‘Gross National Happiness’ was introduced in the 1980s as ameans of achieving a better society. It has been the touchstone for a numberof initiatives including valuing sustainability over materialism (The Econo-mist 2007: 50) and development of a culture that fosters a learning society(Powdyel: online). It is perhaps best known from His Majesty’s comment:‘‘Gross National Happiness is more important than Gross National Prod-uct’’ (Wangchuck in Ura and Galay 2004: iix).

The notion of the economics of happiness has since brought about a flur-ry of scholarly activity even though psychologists have been studying thesubject for years (Graham 2005). Internationally, Gross National Happinesshas helped form reassessments of the Easterlin Paradox, which refers to thefact that happiness levels are typically stationary in spite of considerableincreases in income (Di Tella and MacCulloch: online). Understandably forBhutan, however, further investigation may be necessary in order to under-stand the connection between human, social, and intellectual capital. IfGross Domestic Product (GDP) is an imperfect measure of progress anddevelopment according to Bhutan 2020 (1999: 46), it is often used elsewhereas the standard measure of comparison for a country’s material standard ofliving. It is meant to facilitate comparisons over time or between countries atany given point-in-time. Gross National Happiness, on the other hand‘‘...resides in the belief that the key to happiness is to be found, once basicmaterial needs have been met, in the satisfaction of non-material needs andin emotional and spiritual growth (Bhutan 2020 1999: 46). It is believed thatthe commitment of Bhutan’s leaders, their organizations, and their promi-nence and acceptance both locally and globally will be key to meeting thechallenge of Gross National Happiness (see Nahapiet and Ghoshal 1998).Whatever one’s view, of Gross National Happiness, it must be admitted thatthe concept appears to be succeeding in Bhutan: according to White (online),the nation currently ranks eighth in the world in ‘‘subjective well-being’’. Itmay also have wider application, at least according to His Majesty, whowrites:

I believe that while Gross National Happiness is inherently Bhutanese, its ideasmay have a positive relevance to any nation, peoples or communities – whereverthey may be. I also believe that there must be some convergence among nations

479Convergence of Monastic and Modern Education in Bhutan?

on the idea of what the end objective of development and progress should be.There cannot be enduring peace, prosperity, equality, and brotherhood in thisworld if our aims are so separate and divergent – if we do not accept that in theend we are people, all alike, sharing the earth among ourselves and also withother sentient beings, all of whom have an equal role and stake in the state of thisplanet and its players (Wangchuck in Ura and Galay 2004: xii).

Monastic versus modern education

In Bhutan, from a general monastic education perspective, ‘‘education is tobe viewed as a process of edification, while knowledge is considered a toolfor benefiting the world’’ (Phuntsho: online). Emphasis is placed on develop-ing a kind of ‘liberal education platform’ in which training is steeped inBuddhist philosophy (morals, values). While monks and aristocratic familiesare privileged to learn under Buddhist masters, it is the dratshangs, lobdras,and shedras that serve ‘the masses’ as the formalised monastic institutionsthat introduce, cultivate, or maintain a presence in Buddhist learning andscholarship. Shedras are of particular importance, as they represent monasticinstitutes of higher studies that grant degrees.2

Monastic institutions offer an alternative, traditional approach to educa-tion and they preserve and promote Bhutanese culture. Although there aredifferent forms of Buddhist teachings, in general, a monastic educationattempts to offer an appreciation of life and simple moments of being, andof preserving a sense of self for self-knowledge and acceptance. Modern edu-cation, by contrast, is viewed as focussing on human development andimproving living conditions in the world [and] ...for the purpose of obtaininghappiness and material comfort for oneself (Phuntsho 2000: online).

Public monastic entities and institutions include the following:

Monastic University Committee

This national entity has been in existence for the last 20 years and is repre-sented by the Monastic Commission, the Monastic Bodies, and the Univer-sity Secretariat. The main functions of the committee are to review policies,plans, and programs pertaining to higher learning in the monastic order andto review membership of the committee. The committee also makes policydecisions and appoints tutors in the Shedras.

Dratshang Lhentshog (Monastic Commission)

The highest policy making body for the monastaries is the Commissionwhich was constituted in 1984. The Chief Abbot is the Chairperson of theCommission, and it includes representatives from distinguished bodies includ-ing the National Assembly. Two of the eight Royal Advisory Councillors are

480 Brian D. Denman and Singye Namgyel

representatives of the monastic body. In addition, the National Assembly isrepresented by the monastic body.

Zhung Dratshang (Central Monastic Body)

This entity is considered primary in terms of its position relative to Bhutan’scentral government. Punakha (winter residence) and Thimphu (summer resi-dence) are the seats of Zhung Dratshang. As of 2006, it has 1600 residentmonks.

Rabdey (Dzongkhag Monastic Body)

Each of the 18 Dzongkhags has a Rabdey with a Lam (Priest). The numberof monks ranges from 50 to 400. The size of the enrolment is dependent onthe interests of the individuals and the age of the institutions in a particularDzongkhag.

Dratshang/Rabdey Yenlag (Dzongkhag Monastic Branch)

These bodies are branches of the Dzongkhag Monastic Body. Few Dzongk-hags, however, have branches in remote villages as a result of low studentenrolment.

Drubdey (Meditation Centres)

The number of these centres are limited in the sense that they are located inisolated parts of Bhutan. Drubdeys are either managed by central orDzongkhag monastic bodies. 2006 statistics show that the country has 31such centres and some 422 individuals, usually adults or elderly, practicingmeditation of different levels and types.

Lobdra (Schools)

These are institutions where young novices – either monks or lay children –are enrolled where elementary learning of monastic order takes place. Theyare too young to be included in other institutions. Some of these schools arephysically located with some Rabdeys or Dratshangs, but graduants usuallyenrol in Rabdey or Drubdey.

Gomdey (Lay Clergy Body)

These are associations or groups of clergy usually located in the communi-ties who are married. These clergies are married and have families. Theirdaily learning activities can be different from monk order. Their focus is thepractical and ritual performance aspect of Buddhism. Services of the clergy

481Convergence of Monastic and Modern Education in Bhutan?

of the Gomdey are vital as the communities need them to perform ceremo-nies. Each Gomdey has a Lam (priest).

Aney Dratshang (Nunneries)

Nunneries are considered equivalent to any other institutions of the monas-tic order. Because the learners and disciples are women, these centres areknown in English as nunneries. Despite the fact that there are a significantnumber of private nunneries registered with the government, they are notprovided with government support.

Shedras (Colleges)

These are the institutions within the monastery where the study of philo-sophical texts are the main curriculum. This orientation differentiates Shedrafrom other centres where chief activity concerns the training in ritual andtantric ceremonies. Bhutan currently hosts 15 Shedras in various regions. AShedra is structured systematically as Zhirim (Elementary), Dringrim (Mid-dle) and Thorim (Higher). These levels equate to higher secondary school(4 Years), bachelors (2 Years) and masters (3 Years) and are identical toBuddhist higher learning institutions in India and Nepal.

The main Shedras (or Monastic Higher Education Institutions) are:

Tango Buddhist College (Thimphu)

In 1988, the Fourth King of Bhutan authorised Tango monastery to becomean institution of higher learning and it currently offers graduate and post-graduate studies in Buddhism. In 1997–98, the first group of students gradu-ated with Master’s Degree in Buddhist Studies (Rinchen Wangyal and TashiGaylay, graduants of Tango via personal communication, 15 March 2007).

Sang Chokhor Buddhist College/Institute of Higher Learning (Paro)

Sang Chokhor (Paro) was established in 1765 CE by Choglay Trulku SachaTenzin (Wangchuk 2003: 46). It became the seat of Sungtrul (Speech reincar-nation) of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal and thus has a significant religiousimportance. It is linked to Bhutan’s Royal Family in that Yab, DashoUgyen Dorji, the father of the queens of the Fourth King of Bhutan is thenephew of the fifth Speech reincarnation, Choglay Yeshi Ngedrup (1851–1917) (Tshewang 1994). Yab Dasho Ugyen Dorji renovated and upgradedthe monastery and established it as Buddhist College in 1991. The collegeoffers Buddhist studies at the postgraduate level. The current (2007) enrol-ment is 110 students and 14 tutors. The principal of the college is a memberof the University Council of the Royal University of Bhutan.

482 Brian D. Denman and Singye Namgyel

As noted above, only Tango Shedra (Thimphu) and Sang ChokhorShedra (Paro) offer bachelor’s and master’s degree programmes. Their geo-graphic locations are significant because of limited accessibility within thecountry. In permitting students to specialize in a field of Buddhist study,Sang Chokhor Shedra adopted its student-centred curricula from the NalandaUniversity model (c. 5th Century BCE) in Bihar, India, which is consideredone of the first universities established in the world. A similar model wasattempted during the time of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal in the 17thcentury, but it did not become operational until it was re-introduced bySang Chokhor Shedra in 1991. Once the student is awarded a master’sdegree – equivalent to an M(Phil) – he is permitted to teach his subject ofspecialization for two years as a ‘specialized tutor’. During this period, thecandidate may enrol for the PhD in the same field, a course of study whichrequires an additional three years of study, including the writing of a thesis.

Historically, Sang Chokhor Shedra has only admitted monks as studentsto its institute. However, in 2005 – very significantly – the college wasauthorized to enrol non-monastic students. Moreover, the first group of 25Dzongkha lecturers of the Colleges of the Royal University of Bhutan andofficials from the Ministry of Education were enrolled in a Master’s Degreeprogram through distance mode. The program is expected to continue, andefforts are currently underway to include a PhD program, which would beattractive to foreign students, civil servants, and monks alike.

Current enrolment according to type of monastic institution are as follows(Table 2).

Bhutan’s current education system

Much of the present interest in education concerns educational achievementin the developing world. In the case of Bhutan, modern educational achieve-ment has been significantly delayed, due in part to the geographic isolation ofthe country. Current educational attainment levels are still minimal, withsome 84% of all persons aged 25 and above as having had no schooling atall. As cited in a 2003 ADB report, only 8% of household heads have experi-enced some primary education, 7% secondary education, and only 1% college

Table 2. Monastic institutions and beneficiaries of financial support (2006)

Institutiontypes

Dratshang/branchRabdey

Shedra Lobdra Drubdey Gomdey Gomdey Lams Nunneries

Total 1 + 18 15 58 31 57 3Enrolment 4892 887 1236 422 1593 169 88

Source: Kinley (personal communication, 15 March 2007).

483Convergence of Monastic and Modern Education in Bhutan?

level (Asian Development Bank 2005: 104). Attainment is low because ofproblems of access and accessibility. Although education is free to all, insome communities primary students must still walk for two to three hourseach way to reach the nearest school (ADB 2005: 93). Only 11 schools existedin 1960, but this had increased to 512 in 2006 (UNESCO Bangkok: online).For basic education, which is a national priority, 81% of primary schoolgross enrollment has been achieved (Asian Development Bank 2005: 49).

There is little debate about Bhutan’s intention to build a formidable mod-ern educational system. Nevertheless, with its success in addressing basic edu-cation to grade ten, there are still challenges ahead. For example, as a result ofexternal pressures to meet Education-for-All (EFA) targets, an ever-increasingnumber of Bhutanese students are moving through the system, which hasresulted in a critical shortage of secondary school places as well as a lack ofadequately qualified teachers (Education Sector Strategy 2003: 7) (Figure 1).

While general school education is completed after Grade XII or 13 yearsof schooling (as shown above), the Royal Government has defined comple-tion of Grade X as the attainment of a basic education. This means that theschool education policy allows students to exit the system at two points. Thefirst exit point permits students – the majority – to join technical and voca-tional institutes for training and further education ranging from a fewmonths to two years. The second – after grade XII – permits qualifiedmatriculation into university programmes. Challenges yet to be faced arerelated to Bhutan’s capacity to provide for vocational education and trainingand higher education. In relation to the former, ‘‘at present, there is a very

Basic Education Higher Secondary Tertiary Education Age 6 to 16 Age 17 to 18 (HS) Age 19 to 22

Vocational Education Age 17 plus (VTI)

PP - VI

Voc. TI

XI - XII VII - X Degree course

Labour Force

Figure 1. Bhutan’s general education structure.

Source: UNESCO Bangkok (2006). ‘‘Bhutan Presentation’’. Retrieved 25 July 2007,http://www.unescobkk.org/fileadmin/user_upload/efa/EFA_MDA/SEA_MDA_workshop_Nov06/bhutan_presentation.ppt

484 Brian D. Denman and Singye Namgyel

limited capacity for vocational education and training in the country. This isbecause until a few years ago, school leavers have always found a govern-ment job (Education Sector Strategy 2003: 31). With regard to the latter, theRoyal University, formally established in 2003 after more than twenty yearsof deliberation, is only now beginning to make available opportunities inhigher education. (In 1983, Sherubtse College, the only official institution ofhigher education in the country at that time, had gained authorization toconfer degrees under an affiliation with India’s Delhi University. That affilia-tion terminated when the Royal University of Bhutan opened its doors on 2June 2003).

The Royal University of Bhutan

The first policy document relating to the establishment of a university inBhutan dates back to 1976. It states:

The sooner we set up our own [higher] education system the better. This wouldenable us to adapt the syllabi of other educational systems to fit in with our ownculture and manpower requirements. It is, therefore, recommended that the UgyenWangchuk University should start functioning with a Three-Year Degree Coursein 1978. (Royal Government of Bhutan, 1976, p. 6).

According to Bhutan 2020, ‘‘The university should link Bhutan to the inter-national world of learning and its establishment should be guided by theneed to establish recognized ‘centres of excellence’’’ (1999: 54). A previousUNESCO Report (30 Nov 1982) indicated that the university was to beestablished to reduce educational costs (presumably due to sending studentsabroad for higher education) and to provide an appropriate educationalmilieu and curricula consistent with the national socio-economic and culturalobjectives of the country (Dukpa nd: 11). At present, all university educationprogrammes at the Royal University of Bhutan have been streamlined into adistributed education-learning model (Rennie and Mason 2007). This modeluses various technologies to deliver courses to students so that they do notneed to re-locate in order to access higher education (Rennie and Mason2007: 1). Because travel is extremely difficult because of the terrain and theabsence of transport, electronic access to a network of nine specialist insti-tutes physically located in various areas of the country offer a way to handlethe needs of students and staff. The following table presents an overview ofthe member institutes of the Royal University and their areas of specialisa-tion and spectacular growth in enrolments (Table 3).

A number of associated degree programs are offered by member collegesof the Royal University. As an example, the two Colleges of Education offerpre-service Bachelor of Education (BEd) Degrees, which provide initial train-ing. The BEd includes primary and secondary emphases. Primary includes anumber of combinations such as Primary English, Primary Mathematics,

485Convergence of Monastic and Modern Education in Bhutan?

Table

3.RUB’smem

ber

institutes,students

andprogrammespecialisation

Institutes

Studentnumbersprojection

Concentrationareasofstudy

2005

2006

2008

2010

2012

1.Institute

forLanguageand

Culture

Studies

268

278

280

716

750

Humanities&

SocialSciences,VisualArts,

Design&

Communication

2.Paro

CollegeofEducation

837

888

1083

1128

1128

Teacher

Education

3.SamtseCollegeofEducation

598

671

803

988

1068

Teacher

Education

4.CollegeofNaturalResources

231

186

364

397

400

Agriculture

andAlliedSciences

5.NationalInstitute

of

TraditionalMedicines

24

29

31

30

540

Health

6.RoyalInstitute

ofHealthSciences

191

269

349

429

7.CollegeofScience

andTechnology

460

506

655

850

955

Engineering,Technology

8.RoyalInstitute

ofManagem

ent

183

204

319

404

464

Business&

Managem

ent

9.SherubtseCollege

1073

1117

1273

1543

1762

Business&

Managem

ent,

Humanities&

SocialSciences,Computing&

ITTotal

3865

4148

5157

6485

7067

486 Brian D. Denman and Singye Namgyel

Primary Dzongkha, and History, etc. Teacher graduates are qualified toteach at the primary levels and they are expected to teach their subject at thesecondary level. Secondary graduates are qualified in two subjects at the sec-ondary school level. In-service, award-bearing professional courses areoffered at the Colleges of Education.

The Royal University of Bhutan is in a good position to receive adequatefunds necessary for building its infrastructure, academic programmes, andstudent support services if support reflected in a year 2000 report carries for-ward: in that year, expenditures for higher education totalled some 20% ofall government outlays. This statistic matched that of India and exceededthat of China (16%) and Nepal (12%) (Royal University of Bhutan Strate-gic Plan 2005–2015: 2005: 11). Another critical element in its support base;linkages with the Universities of Delhi (India), New England and La Trobe(Australia), New Brunswick and Halifax (Canada), Highlands and Islands ofScotland (UK), and Yale (USA). The Royal University of Bhutan is clearlyin a strategic position to have an extended network of alliances which willhelp it ‘‘establish logical pathways into the world of work’’ (Education Sec-tor Strategy 2003: 23).

Observations

It is clear that what we know as higher education was present in themonastic order prior to the establishment of secular institutions and thatgraduate and postgraduate levels of studies in Buddhism were in progressas early as the 1970’s when the Royal University of Bhutan was being pro-posed. This means that Bhutan’s educational system predated vernacularschool systems based on Western models. Graduate and postgraduate levelsof studies in Buddhism were already established well before the establish-ment of the Royal University of Bhutan, which suggests that their contribu-tion has been largely overlooked by external agencies. Challenges still to beaddressed include those of convergence and quality of teaching and learn-ing. Convergence – that is, the coming together of the approaches of themonastic order and those of modern education – has formally occurred atSang Chokhor Shedra, and Bhutanese society has apparently embraced theidea that both are equally beneficial in their own right. Perhaps of greatestsignificance is the fact that the development of Bhutan’s current educationalsystem has stimulated the development of literacy in traditional learning, asproposed by Phuntsho (Phuntsho: online).

The first evidence of convergence of monastic and modern educationdeveloped as early as 1991 at Sang Chokhor Shedra – even as early as 1983if one were to accept Sherubtse College’s legitimacy via its affiliation withDelhi University. Many believe that Bhutanese society has long embracedthe idea that both traditional and modern education are equally beneficial.Reflecting this notion, Ekman et al. (2005:60) argue that ‘‘the [Buddhist]

487Convergence of Monastic and Modern Education in Bhutan?

ideal here is not simply to achieve one’s own individual ‘happiness’ in isola-tion from others, but to incorporate the recognition of one’s deep kinshipwith all beings, who share the same yearning to be free of suffering andto find a lasting state of well-being.’’ Not all scholars agree, of course.Vervoorn (2002), for example, holds that the two systems meet not so muchin an embrace of convergence as a reluctance to question. One must admitthat in Bhutan has a history of a succession of well-received kings who haveruled with an authority that has rarely faced dispute. As Vervoorn (2002: 44)puts it:

How people regard a given set of rules or principles, and their reasons for heedingthem or not, is influenced to a large extent by where the rules come from. If theyare persuaded, for example, that rules are the result of divine decree, then they areunlikely to question their authority.

Addressing teaching and learning, educational reform in Bhutan has demon-strated that the country’s dual system – monastic and modern – is evolution-ary, not revolutionary. Unlike other educational systems that are heavilyinfluenced by privatisation, competition, standardisation, and a user-payssystem, Bhutan has developed a unifying approach that allows for greateraccess, equity, and co-operation. This is supported by a ‘nation-culture’identity3 that is uniquely preserved by its ruling class, although the privi-leged may receive the bulk of its educational benefits. Carnoy and Samoffmay be correct that in transitional countries like Bhutan ‘‘...the state, noteconomic institutions, is the principal shaper of social structures’’ (Carnoyand Samoff 1990: 12). Their comments build on observations of otherscholars such as Diener et al. who write that:

Money...is a means to an end, and that end is well-being. But money is an inexactsurrogate for well-being, and the more prosperous a society becomes, the moreinexact a surrogate income becomes.

The Bhutan model suggests that social capital can contribute to creatinghuman capital. Unlike Western societies and their drive for human capital,identified by Schultz as ‘useful’ skills and knowledge (Schultz 1961: 1), thepursuit of truth in Bhutan is related to how its people view its collectivesociety as a ‘nation-culture’. The evolving educational system mirrors thesocial norms, rules, and obligations of the nation (Coleman 1988: S95).

Notes

1. ‘‘Anims’’ (anems) are lay female who practice dharma. Some are celibate; othersare not.

2. As the case in other parts of the world (i.e. International Association of Universities),institutions that are theologically based are generally omitted from government-authorised university listings (See IAU’s World List of Universities).

488 Brian D. Denman and Singye Namgyel

3. Hutt refers to this as the development of ethnic nationalism which is subsumed inBhutan’s sixth Five-Year Plan, ‘‘one nation, one people’’ (1987: 92). Hutt makes itclear, however, that there are many ethnic communities in Bhutan who, as acollective whole, represent ‘the people’ which are not privy to the upper strata ofsociety (Hutt 1996: 398).

References

Aris Michael. 1990. On the Revival of Traditional Scholarship in Bhutan. In: Indo-Tibetian Studies: Papers in Honour and Appreciation of Professor David Snellgrove’sContribution to Indo-Tibetan Studies. ed. by Tadeusz Skorupski, 23–27. Tring: TheInstitute of Buddhist Studies.

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Carnoy, Martin, and Joel Samoff. 1990. Education and Social Transition in the ThirdWorld. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Coleman, James S. 1988. Social Capital in the Creation of Human Capital. In: TheAmerican Journal of Sociology, Vol. 94, S95–S120, Supplement: Organizations andInstitutions: Sociological and Economic Approaches to the Analysis of Social Structure.Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

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490 Brian D. Denman and Singye Namgyel

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The authors

Dr. Brian D. Denman is President of the Australian New Zealand Comparative andInternational Education Society (ANZCIES) and Editor-in-Chief of the InternationalEducation Journal: Comparative Perspectives. He lectures at the University of NewEngland in public policy and educational leadership with academic pursuits in the areas

of international higher education, social policy, and comparative and internationaleducation.

Contact address: School of Business, Economics and Public Policy, University of

New England, Armidale, NSW 2351, Australia. E-mail: bdenman@une.edu.au

Singye Namgyel is Director of Sherubtse College, Royal University of Bhutan. Heteaches educational research modules to students taking the Master in Educational

Leadership and Management. His research interests include socio-linguistics, cultureand education. He is a recipient of the ‘‘Druk Thuksey’’, the highest civilian award ofthe country for his innovative contributions to education.

Contact address: School of Business, Economics and Public Policy, University of

New England, Armidale, NSW 2351, Australia. E-mail: snamgyel@une.edu.au;singam@sherubtse.edu.bt

491Convergence of Monastic and Modern Education in Bhutan?