Dayton - The Tiwanaku Colonies

8/10/2019 Dayton - The Tiwanaku Colonies

1/4

aney Publishing

Andean Diaspora: The Tiwanaku Colonies and the Origins of South American Empire by PaulGoldsteinReview by: Chris DaytonJournal of Field Archaeology, Vol. 30, No. 4 (Winter, 2005), pp. 474-476Published by: Maney PublishingStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40025568.

Accessed: 01/06/2014 17:57

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at.http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms

of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

Maney Publishingis collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access toJournal of Field

Archaeology.

http://www.jstor.org
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=maneyhttp://www.jstor.org/stable/40025568?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/40025568?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=maney


2/4

474 Book

Reviews

Schick,

Robert

1998

Palestine n the

Early

Islamic Period: Luxuriant

Legacy,

Near Eastern

Archaeologist

1

: 74- 108

Stern,

Ephraim,

editor

1993

The

New

Encyclopediaf

Archaeological

xcavations

n the

Holy

Land.

New

York:Simon and Schuster.

Whitcomb,

Donald

1998

Islamand the

Socio-

culturalTransition f Palestine- Ear-

ly

Islamic

Period

(638-1099 CE),

n ThomasE.

Levy,

ed.,

The

Archaeologyf

Society

n the

Holy

Land. London: Leices-

ter

University

Press,

488-501.

Vroom,

Joanita

2003

AfterAntiquity:

Ceramics

nd

Society

n the

Aegean rom

the

7th to the20th

Century

.C.

A

Case

Studyrom

Boeotia,

Cen-

tral Greece. eiden: Leiden

University.

Andean Diaspora: The Tiwanaku Colonies

and the

Origins

of South American

Empire

paul

Goldstein. 403

pages,

121

figures,

6

tables,

end-

notes,

bibliography,

ndex.

Gainesville:

University

Press

of

Florida,

2005.

$59.95

cloth. ISBN 0-8130-2774-8.

Reviewed

by

Chris

Dayton, Department

of Archaeolo-

gy,

Boston

University,

675

Commonwealth

Avenue,

Boston,

MA

02215.

PaulGoldstein'sAndean

Diaspora

s an innovativeex-

amination f the

far-flung

olonies

of

Tiwanaku,

he

enig-

maticstatethatdevelopedon the frigidBolivianaltiplano

(high plain)

in the 1st

millennium

a.d.

Goldstein's

crisp

summaries f

previous

Tiwanaku

esearch,

iscussionsof

difficult

concepts

uch

as the

ayllu

(an

exasperatingly

luid

Andeankin

collective),

and

syntheses

of

broader heoreti-

cal

ssueswill

appeal

o

students

and

lay

readers,

while his

well-organized resentation

f

original urvey

and excava-

tion

data

will

appeal

o

specialists.

He

ties all of

these ele-

ments

together

with a

themethat is sure

to incite

debate,

to

say

the

least.

Contrary

o

globalists

nd

neoevolu-

tionists who

concentrateoo

much,

he

says,

on

economic

and

political

entralization,

oldstein

interprets

iwanaku

as a

consensual

onfederation f

diverse

people

seeking

to incorporate spectsof Tiwanaku

ideology

and material

culture

nto their

dentities,

a

process

he calls

ethnicity

n

motion

[p.

1],

Although

Goldstein

decrieswhat

he sees

as

uncritical

application

f

cross-cultural

erms

uchas

state

and

empire,

e does

not

reject

comparative

tudiesand

classification

outright.

nstead,

he

uses an

agency-focused,

or

bottom-upapproach

to

celebrate

Tiwanaku s an

op-

portunity

o

test the

limits of

evolutionary

ypology p.

310],

hoping

to

demonstratehat

early

tates

n

the An-

des,

and

probablyhroughout

he

ancient

world,

were far

more

heterogeneous

nd

far ess

centralized

hanhas been

presumed

p.

327].

This bookarrivesduringanexcitingperiod n Tiwanaku

scholarship,oining

a relative

orrent

of

high-quality,

ata-

rich works

about

Tiwanaku,

ts

precursors,

nd

its

neigh-

bors

(e.g.,

Kolata

2003;

Stanish

2003;

Janusek

2004).

While

this handful

of books

may

not sound

ike

a

torrent,

one has to

keep

n mind that

the

archaeology

f Tiwanaku

has

lagged

behind hat

of other

major

prehistoric

iviliza-

tions and

has

only recently

ntered

a

spirited

dolescence

[p.

2]

of

rigorously

mpirical,

heoretically

nformed

tud-

ies

that reach

beyond

he

monumental

apital.

Previous

generations

f researchersoncentrated

lmost

exclusively

n

the Tiwanaku

ite

itself,

an understandable

focal

point given

its massive

central

platform

mound,

monolithic culptures,inemasonry rchitecture,ndclear

overall

planning.

Some

nterpretations,

owever,

were

per-

hapsoverly

nfluenced

y

the

city'sapparently

esolate

ur-

roundings

andthesheer

impressiveness

f

its monuments.

Although

n

recentdecades

esearchersavedemonstrated

that Tiwanaku

armers

adapted

and

innovatedo

produce

massive

quantities

f food

in the

harsh,

unpredictable

lti-

plano

environment

(e.g.,

Kolata

1986),

early

nvestigators

interpreted

he site as an

empty

ceremonial

enter,

imply

too cold andtoo

high-

at

nearly

000

m in elevation-

to

support

a

significant

rban

population Squier

1877;

Ben-

nett

1934).

Even as more modern

archaeologicalrojects

such as

Carlos

Ponce

Sangines'

Centro

de

Investigaciones

Arqueologicas en Tiwanaku (1950s-1960s) and the

Proyecto

Wila

Jawira

irected

by

Alan Kolataand Oswal-

do Rivera

Sundt

(1980s-1990s)

studied

the Tiwanaku

phenomenon

n a more

systematicway,

the bulk of re-

search esources

emained oncentrated t the centerwith

some

notable

exceptions

e.g.,

Bermann

1994).

Another

important

ssue is the

power

of nationalist

sentiment,

which has

reinforced he site's

unique

stature

(e.g.,

Pos-

nansky

1945;

Ponce

1972).

In

the midstof Bolivia's

peren-

nial

economic

hardships

nd

political

urmoil,

Tiwanaku

hasbecome he

centerpiece

f the nation's

ultural

heritage

and a

particularly otent

symbol

to the

indigenousAy-

mara,

who make

up

the

majority

f

the Bolivian

popula-

tion

(and

who are ndeed

probably

escended rom he Ti-

wanaku).

Given

these

factors,

t is

perhaps

not

surprising

that hedominant

iew of

Tiwanaku,

rom

Goldstein's

per-

spective,

continues o be

that of a

centralized,

xpansive

state

with

agriculture,

raft

production,

and

religious

ac-

tivities

directed

by

elitesat

the

capital.

Here t

must

be

not-

ed that other

recent

bookssuchas

those

by

Stanish

2003)

and

Janusek

2004)

contain

updates

and nuancedchal-

lenges

to

this

notion,

but asGoldsteinadmitswith

regret

in Andean

Diaspora,

manuscript

eadlines

prevented

him

This content downloaded from 190.190.114.230 on Sun, 1 Jun 2014 17:57:03 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp


3/4

Journal

of

Field

Archaeology

Vol. 30,

2005

475

from

fully incorporating

these

new works into his own

analysis.

When Goldstein carried out his dissertation studies in

the 1980s at

Omo,

a Tiwanaku

colony

in the arid Mo-

queguaValley

of southern

Peru,

he

applied

a

site-centered

excavation

framework similar to that

carried

out in the Ti-

wanaku

homeland. He

initially interpreted

Omo's

temple

platform,

modeled

on much

larger originals

in the

capital,

as evidence of a centralized

altiplano authority

consolidat-

ing

annexed

territory hrough

state ceremonies. One of the

strengths

of Andean

Diaspora,

however,

is Goldstein's

can-

dor

about

the intellectual

process;

he describes how

his

thinking

has evolved

along

with

his

dataset,

which now

in-

cludes

a

full-coverage

settlement

survey

over

most of the

Moquegua Valley.

Afterhis first globalise nalysisat Omo, Goldstein be-

gan

to look

more

closely

at individual

and

group

identities,

inspired

by

informal

observations

of

present-day

altiplano

migrants

in

Moquegua

and

by

the famous Andean

verti-

cal

archipelago

model

proposed

by

John

Murra

(1985).

The

vertical

archipelago

s a mode of socioeconomic

orga-

nization-described

in other mountainous

areas

but

par-

ticularly

influential

in

Andean

studies- in which

a

single

community

(variously

defined)

maintains

a

demographic

presence

in several resource

zones,

often

at

dramatically

different

elevations.

Since

the vertical

archipelago

model

is

sometimes

criticized

for

excessive

vagueness,

Goldstein

tightens

the

definition

by adding

two

key

conceptual

in-

gredients:

the idea of diaspora o capture a longing for

the

homeland

and

a lack

of

assimilation

into host

commu-

nities,

and

the

ayllu,

a much-debated

Andean

socioeco-

nomic

group

based

on

real and

mythical

kin

connections.

According

to

Goldstein,

Andean

archipelagos

are

ayllus

n

diaspora

p.

42].

Members

of these

archipelagos

continu-

ally

redefine

their

identities

(thus

ethnicity

n

motion )

in

opposition

to the

other

groups

they

encounter

away

from

the homeland.

Goldstein

proposes

four

archaeological

correlates

for

Tiwanaku

ayllus

in

diaspora.

First,

he

says,

there should

be

large,

permanent

settlements

outside

the

original

core area.

Second,

the

material

culture

of

diaspora

communities

should

closely

resemble that of the homeland, indicating

maintenance

of

everyday

expressions

of

identity.

Third,

Goldstein

says

there

should be

evidence

of structural

re-

production

of

internal

social divisions

similar

to

those

of

homeland

populations.

Fourth,

there

should

be

evidence

of

multiethnicity, groups

of

people

with

different

material

cultures

and

apparently

different

traditions

living

side

by

side without

assimilation.

Of

course,

only

the

first and

sec-

ond

of these

correlates

are

truly

material

correlates-

in the

sense

that

they

refer

directly

to

physical

evidence

and

not

to an

inferred

explanation

for its

patterning-

and

only

the

first

is

uncontroversial.

Nevertheless,

Goldstein makes a

persuasiveargument that the archaeologicalrecord of the

Tiwanaku

colonies,

and of the

Moquegua

Valley

in

partic-

ular,

contains

evidence that fits

within these

categories

and

supports

his

explanation.

He

presents

survey

and excava-

tion

data from

four

major

contexts:

agrarian

settlement

patterns,

household

archaeology,

burials,

and

public

ritual

architecture.Conclusions relevant to the

correlates

above

are

briefly

summarized below.

The settlement

patterns

of Tiwanaku

colonists,

who ar-

rived in

Moquegua

in the

mid-lst millennium

A.D.,

are

markedly

different from the

local

population,

known as

Huaracane.

While

dozens of small

Huaracane settlements

dotted the river'snarrow

floodplain

more or less uniform-

ly, Tiwanaku established four large clusters of permanent

settlements and

irrigated

fields

(correlate one)

at

previous-

ly unoccupied

sites,

a

pattern

that also occurredin the Lake

Titicaca basin

during

Tiwanaku's initial

rise to

power.

Moreover,

differences

among

the settlement clusters-

for

example, overlap

between distinct

ceramic

styles

dubbed

Omo

and Chen Chen-

seem

to

correspond

to divisions in

the Tiwanaku

homeland

populations, satisfying

correlates

three and

possibly

four. Additional evidence

for correlate

four is

provided

by

an

apparent

lack

of interaction

with

other

occupants

of the

valley,

the

indigenous

Huaracane

and the

contemporary

colony

established further

up

the

valleyby

the

usually

militaristicWaristate

of the central

Pe-

ruvian highlands. The Wari chose a remarkablenatural

fortress-

the

towering

mesa of CerroBaiil-

for their

main

settlement,

but there

is

no evidence of warfare

between

the

colonies,

even

though

the

heavy

demands

of Wari's

upper-

valley

irrigation

projects

may

have left Tiwanaku

farmers

without

sufficient

water

for

their own

fields

(Williams

and

Nash

2002).

Examining

the

archaeology

of Tiwanaku

households

in

Moquegua,

Goldstein

posits

a

uniquely

Tiwanaku

habitus

in

ways

of

cultivation,

cuisine,

couture,

craft,

and

cult

[p.

236],

fulfilling

correlate

two. The colonists

either

carefully

reproduced

homeland

styles

or

imported

them

directly

from the

capital,

particularly

n

the case of fine ceramics.

Again, the Omo-Chen Chen distinction appears,possibly

indicating

different

ayllus

or divisions

within an overall

ayl-

lu.

Mortuary

contexts

provide

more

evidence

for Gold-

stein's

first,

second,

and

third

correlates.

The sheer

number

of burials-

perhaps

over

20,000-

suggests

sizeable

per-

manent settlement.

East-facing

interment

and distinctive

highland clothing

suggest

adherence

to homeland

burial

customs. While

the

precisepatterning

has not been

fully

es-

tablished,

there

are trends in cranial deformation

practices



4/4

476

Book

Reviews

thatseem

to indicate

ocial

divisions,

although

t must

be

said

that

the same

type

of deformation

was

used

by

Omo

and ChenChenpopulations.

Goldstein's

inal

category

of

material

evidence,

ritual

public

architecture,

ocuses

primarily

on

the

temple

at

Omo,

which

he excavated

efore

he

larger

urvey

project.

As

before,

he

interprets

he

complex

as a smaller-scale

er-

sion

of

the central

mound,

platforms,

and courts

at Ti-

wanaku

tself,

satisfying

orrelate

wo.The

maindifference

betweenhis

previous

globalist

nterpretation

nd

the

currentmodel

seems

to

be the

inclusion

of

phenomeno-

logical

considerations

f the

temple

precinct

as a seriesof

gateways

nd

carefully ligned

paces

o be

experienced

n

a

procession.

Whereas

Goldstein

nitially

aw

the

temple

as

a

sign

that

ritual

activity

was

controlled

by

the

state,

dis-

coveriesof dedicatory achesand accoutrementsf cere-

monial

easting

n homes

ndicate

hat

many

rituals nstead

took

place

n

private.

Unfortunately,

one

of these

categories

f

evidence

s so

clear-cut

hat Goldstein's

ottom-up

model

emerges

as the

only

logicalexplanation;

centralized

tate

could

still

have

been

calling

he shots.

Furthermore,

hereare

some

partic-

ularlyknottyproblems

ate n the 1st millennium

.d.,

near

the end of

the Tiwanaku

olonial

occupation

nd

of the

Ti-

wanaku

tate tself.

For

instance,

ome structureswere

re-

configured

o follow

the orientation

f the

temple,

storage

facilities

were built

to

stockpile

ncreasing

quantities

of

craft temsand

food,

and

perhaps

most

mysteriously

f

all,

ChenChensitesweresystematicallyazedbyunknownas-

sailants. t is

not

entirely

fair to demand

answers

rom

Goldstein;

is

model,

after

all,

s

primarily

bout

Tiwanaku

expansion

ather han decline.

In

sum,

Goldstein

provides

a

very

readable

synthesis

f

the

archaeology

f

Tiwanaku,

with

special mphasis

n its

expansion

nto

peripheral

reas.His

provocative agency-

orientedalternative o

globalist

models

[p.

49]

is

com-

pelling

or its humanismand

for the

challenge

t

presents

to traditional

op-down

notions

of archaic tates.

Regard-

less of whetheror not all readers re convinced

by

his ar-

guments,

Goldstein's

ngaging tyle

will

guarantee

hat he

book is

widely

read

and

discussed.

Bennett,

Wendell

C.

1934 Excavations

at Tiahuanaco.

Anthropological apersof

the

AmericanMuseum

of

Natural

History

34.

New

York:Amer-

ican

Museum of Natural

History.

Bermann,

Marc

1994

Lukurmata:Household

Archaeology

n

Prehispanic

olivia.

Princeton:Princeton

University

Press.

Janusek,

ohn

W.

2004

Identity

and

Power

n the AncientAndes: TiwanakuCities

through

Time.

London:

Routledge.

Kolata,

Alan L.

1986

The

Agricultural

Foundations

of the

Tiwanaku

State:

A

View

from

the

Heartland,

American

Antiquity

51:

748-762.

Kolata,

Alan

L.,

editor

2003

Tiwanaku

ndIts Hinterland:

Archaeology

nd

Paleoecology

f

an Andean

Civilization,

Vol.

2: Urban

and

Rural

Archaeol-

ogy.

Washington,

D.C.:

Smithsonian

nstitution

Press.

Murra,

John

V

1985

C E1

rchipelago

Vertical'

Revisited,

n S.

Masuda,

I. Shi-

mada,

and C.

Morris,

eds.,

Andean

Ecology

nd Civilization:

An

Interdisciplinary

erspective

nAndean

Ecological

omple-

mentarity.Tokyo:

University

of

Tokyo

Press,

3-14.

Ponce

Sangines,

Carlos

1972

Tiwanaku:

Espacio,

Tiempo,

Cultura.

La

Paz: Academia

Nacional

de Ciencias

de

Bolivia.

Posnansky,

Arthur

1945

Tiahuanacu:

TheCradle

of

American

Man,

Vols.

1,

2. New

York:J. J.Augustin.

Squier,

Ephraim

G.

18 77 Peru:

ncidents

f

Travel

nd

Exploration

n

the

Land

of

he n-

cas.New

York:

Harper

Brothers.

Stanish,

Charles

2003

Ancient

Titicaca:The

Evolution

f

Complex

ociety

n South-

ernPeru

and Northern

Bolivia.

Berkeley:

University

of Cal-

ifornia

Press.

Williams,

Patrick

R.,

and Donna

J.

Nash

2002

Imperial

nteraction

n the Andes

Huari

and

Tiwanaku

t

Cerro

Baul,

n William

H.

Isbell

and

Helaine

Silverman,

eds.,

Andean

Archaeology

:

Variations

n

Sociopolitical

rga-

nization.New

York:Kluwer

Academic/

Plenum

Publishers,

243-265.

WILLIAM

E. DOOLITTLE

AND

JAMES

A.

NEELEY,

editors.

Anthropological

apers f

the

University f

ArizonaNo.

70.

191

pages,

93

figures,

36

tables,

2

color

plates,

2

appen-

dices, references,

ndex.

Tucson,

AZ:

University

of Ari-

zona

Press,

2004.

$16.95

paper.

SBN

0-8165-2428-9.

The Safford

Valley

Grids:

Prehistoric

Cultivation

in

the

Southern

Arizona

Desert

Reviewed by Michael W. Diehl, Desert Archaeology

Inc.,

3975

N.

Tucson

Blvd.,

Tucson,

AZ 85716.

The

Safford

Valley

n

se

Arizona

has numerous

idges

coveredwith stone-bordered

ectangular rids

of

prehis-

toric

vintage.

Firstdocumented

by

Frank

Russell

n

1908,

it has been

commonly

assumed

hat these

grids

were

relat-

ed

to food

procurement

r

production-

probably

water

management

f surface

unoff

rom

precipitation

ndsome

form of

agriculture.

s the

authors

note,

however,

n the


Documents

Dayton - The Tiwanaku Colonies