Education and Politics: the case of Hong Kong from an historical perspective

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Education and Politics: the caseof Hong Kong from an historicalperspectivePaul Morris & Anthony SweetingPublished online: 03 Aug 2006.

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Oxford Review of Education, Vol. 17, No. 3, 1991 249

Education and Politics: the case of Hong Kong from anhistorical perspective

PAUL MORRIS & ANTHONY SWEETING

ABSTRACT Hong Kong has been a British Colony since 1843 and in 1997 its sover-eignty will return to the People's Republic of China. Colonialism and the impendingdecolonisation of Hong Kong have inevitably been major influences on the educationalsystem generally and the curriculum specifically. This article considers from an historicalperspective the relationship between schooling and politics. This is undertaken through ananalysis of the purpose and means by which schools and curricula have been controlled.What emerges, in the period prior to 1982, is the conscious apoliticisation of schooling.Since 1982 the confirmation of Hong Kong's return to Chinese sovereignty has resulted ina rapid politicisation of curricula. Finally, the consequences of the current relationshipsbetween politics and the school curriculum are discussed.

Control of the school curriculum has long been perceived as a primary tool formaintaining and legitimating political power and the ideology of those in power. Themeans for achieving this goal has varied markedly as has the degree of explicitness andspeed with which it has been pursued. This necessitates a distinction between threeforms of relationship between politics and schooling. Political indoctrination involvesthe deliberate use of all socialisation agencies to transmit a single ideology as the truth.Political socialisation involves the encouragement of a predisposition towards a certainset of political values. Political education refers to the attempt to create a criticalawareness of political phenomena by open and balanced discussion of a range ofevidence. It is also necessary to identify, in view of the policies pursued in Hong Kong,another point on this continuum, namely the attempt to ensure the apoliticisation ofeducation, itself. As will become evident, this is not to suggest the pursuit ofcurriculum neutrality. Indeed, apoliticisation was promoted for explicitly politicalmotives.

Along with this sensitivity to direct political influences there is also an expectationthat the school curriculum should perform a major role in explicitly promoting anational character and identity. The promotion of national identity and an essentiallyConfucian set of moral values are central goals of school curricula in the People'sRepublic of China (PRC), Singapore, Korea, Japan, Taiwan, and to a lesser extent inHong Kong (Marsh & Morris, 1991). Words such as hard-working, disciplined,confident and self-reliant, collective will and character, self-sacrifice, perseverance andresilience have collectively come to represent a set of values, peculiarly Asian, whichneed to be reinforced through education. Thus, in Asia, the role of schools reflectsDurkheim's view that they should act as guardians of national character and inculcate acommon set of moral sentiments.

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250 Oxford Review of Education

The relationship between education and politics is clearly complex. It is alsosymbiotic, for the forms of politicisation are extensive and education itself has animpact on political developments (Thomas, 1983). Iannaccone (1983) provides auseful conceptual distinction between the internal politics of education and the generalpolitics of a country. He argues that the extent of the politicisation of education can bemeasured by the degree of difference between the two elements. Where the distinctionbetween them is non-existent then the politicisation of education reaches its highestpoint and vice versa. He also argues that a high degree of politicisation is the result ofa low level of governmental legitimacy. This insight might be sharpened by arecognition of the distinction between 'general' or 'macro' politics and 'sectoral', even'parochial' political concerns. A further distinction between formal and informalpolitical activity (or between Politics with a capital P and the 'lower case' of politics)might also bear fruit. Hong Kong's experience provides a situation where the generalPolitics of the colony have for a variety of complex reasons consciously stressedapoliticisation and the colonial government has played the central role in achieving thatgoal. Thus a situation has arisen where the apolitical general politics of the territoryhave been closely paralleled by an apolitical educational system and school curriculum.The more recent attempts to politicise the school curriculum are clearly related (aseither cause or effect) to the broader politicisation of Hong Kong society which hasaccompanied the impending transfer of political sovereignty to the People's Republicof China in 1997.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse from an historical perspective the purposesand processes by which schools generally and the curriculum specifically have beencontrolled in Hong Kong. Hong Kong constitutes a fascinating case for it is a Chinesecommunity which is in constitutional terms a British Colony, the destiny of which hasbeen substantially affected by the external and internal tensions and turmoil afflictingthe PRC. Within Hong Kong the influence of politics on the school curriculumtherefore raises a number of questions about the operation of a secular educationaltradition within an Asian context where education has been more directly linked topolitical indoctrination and the pursuit of national identity. The close link betweenpolitics and the school curriculum is demonstrated. Prior to 1982, the link primarilyinvolved the conscious pursuit of apoliticisation as a counter to the intrusion ofexternal political influences. We argue that this has contributed to Hong Kong'scurrent problems and concerns. The initial sections of this paper will focus on themain political issues which have influenced the curriculum in the past few decades andon the mechanisms used to minimize their impact. The consequences of the apoliticisa-tion of the curriculum are then discussed with specific reference to the development ofrepresentative government and the impending transfer of sovereignty of the territoryto Chinese sovereignty. Three critical political issues which have had a major impacton Hong Kong's development and on the school curriculum are discussed in turn.They are: relations with the Chinese Nationalist Party (Kuomintang or KMT),relations with the Chinese Communists, and the transfer of sovereignty over HongKong to China.

THE KUOMINTANG

The ultra-nationalistic, anti-colonial and at times anti-British tone of the KMT'spolicies ensured a wariness by the colonial government towards their activities. Pre-World War II examples of the direct impact of these suspicions on education in Hong

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Education and Politics in Hong Kong 251

Kong include the introduction of Civics into the curriculum as a safeguard against theNationalist 'New Life Movement' (Sweeting, 1990a) and an alignment of Hong KongGovernment officials with immigre Chinese scholars of a distinctively conservativeoutlook (Luk, 1991). In the post-war period, it was specifically the KMT's attempts inHong Kong to direct the media and to run schools which were the major objects ofconcern. Reasons for this concern partly stemmed from opposition towards politicalindoctrination (or at least a distaste for crude propaganda techniques) and partly fromhyper-sensitivity about jurisdiction and territoriality. Thus, in 1946 Hong Kong'sActing Secretary for Chinese Affairs commented that "The Kuomintang has alwaysput the education of Chinese youth in its political tenets, which are, of course, those ofits founder, Dr. Sun Yat Sen, in the forefront of its programme of propaganda"(Sweeting, 1989). He estimated that the party had some 35 private schools under itsinfluence in Hong Kong and took pains to point out that in these private schools "itendeavours to hold ceremonies on Chinese national occasions, at which there is a ritualobservance towards the picture of Dr. Sun, and 'community' shouting of party'slogans'." The Hong Kong official also expressed unease about interference in HongKong schools from outside the territory and touched on implications of espionage:

Grants-in-aid from Party funds are said to be promised to schools whichshow themselves to be very amenable to control, but it is not known if anysuch grants have actually yet been paid. Another phase of its efforts toeducate Chinese youth appears in the organization known as the "ThreePeople's Principles Youth Corps" which has a Hong Kong branch. ThisYouth Corps is believed to train its members chiefly in the work of collectingintelligence of a political nature and of petty spying on opponents of theParty, or on persons who do not show any particular readiness to be broughtinto the fold. (Memorandum by Acting Secretary for Chinese Affairs, 28November 1946; cited in Sweeting, 1989)

The British Colonial Office was quick to respond to the suggestion of an "imperium inimperio".

It is clear that the Kuomintang aim at permeating the whole life of theChinese community in Hong Kong. Their activities embrace schools andeducation, control of the vernacular press, the control of the trade unions,the infiltration of cultural activities and the bringing of as many societies andindividuals as possible within their fold... (Minute by Miss A. Ruston, 21December 1946; cited in Sweeting, 1989)

Locally published newspapers which sympathised with the KMT's cause also focusedtheir criticism on the weaknesses of the educational system and the lack of patriotismof the educated Chinese who supported the colonial government.

In November 1946 the commemoration of Chiang Kai Shek's birthday became theoccasion for an appeal by KMT members and supporters to the Hong Kong publicthat a fund be established "to afford education to all the people in Hong Kong as partof the memorial to the Generalissimo". This, it was explained, would allow for the'proper instruction' of the people. It is hardly surprising that the initiative wasregarded by officials within Hong Kong as both presumptuous and offensive. TheGovernment's concern about who was in control of schools was reflected in andexacerbated by a number of other incidents. First, a letter was intercepted which askedthe 'Hong Kong and Macao Overseas Education Bureau', the main KMT educationalorganisation, to keep a check on four teachers in Government schools who were

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'traitors', i.e. not conforming to the doctrine of San Min Chu I ('The Three Principlesof the People'). Secondly, in 1948 the Hong Kong Government's Education Depart-ment required amendments to be made to the ultra-nationalistic sections of KMT-sponsored History, Civics and Geography textbooks. Thirdly, in 1949 the Govern-ment's anxiety over the KMT's influence on the Colony resulted in their rejection ofan offer by the Guangdong Education Department to establish a Medical College inHong Kong. Thus the protection of the Colonial Government's territoriality wasprimarily achieved by enacting administrative measures which allowed the Govern-ment to determine who established schools and what was contained in school text-books.

The Government anxiety over the activities of the KMT gradually diminished withthe growing success of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in China. In Hong Kong,an alliance for educational purposes between the Communists and Anglicans presentedofficials with a new set of problems.

COMMUNISTS, ANGLICANS AND WORKERS' SCHOOLS

The shortage of school places in the immediate post-war period caused trade unionistsof leftist persuasion to request assistance from the Anglican Church and especially itsradical bishop, the Rt. Rev. R.O. Hall, to help organise 'workers' children's schools'.The Hong Kong Government cooperated at first, and some officials were activesupporters of the association established to provide education for the children ofworkers. Support included permission to run schools often in rented premises withintenement blocks, aided by small subsidies from the Government. The Anglican BishopHall, becoming widely known as 'the Red Bishop', argued for further Governmentassistance to allow the children to receive a broad and practical education. A leadinglocal industrialist agreed to support the venture on the grounds that "the primarypurpose of these schools is not to educate the sons of Hong Kong workers forclerkdom but to qualify them to become better workers than their fathers". However,the Government's limited support for the workers' children's schools soon began todissipate.

The successes of the People's Liberation Army in the Chinese Civil War, and on thebroader front, the increasing intensity of the Cold War, affected the attitudes ofGovernment officials. A sense of its own insecurity made the Government especiallysensitive to efforts to influence opinion. Even as early as December 1945, officialswere expressing doubts about the educational activities of Communists, especially inthe New Territories, the leased hinterland of Hong Kong where Communist guerrillasand couriers had operated during the Japanese occupation (Sweeting 1989). Theofficial responsible for education, T.R. Rowell, reported that one of the reasons for thesuccess of Communist schools in the New Territories was that they were able to offerbetter conditions and teaching than the Hong Kong Government could at that time.

Concern continued to be expressed periodically especially about the activities of thenew Hong Kong Teachers' Welfare Association, a trade union organisation based inthe New Territories which was suspected of being a Communist front, and aboutreports that Hong Kong students were crossing the border into China to joincommunist guerrillas in South China. By the end of 1948, the new Governor, SirAlexander Grantham, was warning an audience attending the opening ceremony of aMiddle School about the insidious dangers of politics in schools:

. . . there are those, and to my mind they are the most evil, who wish to use

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schools as a means of propaganda and poison the minds of their young pupilswith their particular political dogma or creed of the most undesirable kind.

This we know is what happened in the schools of Fascist States and is nowhappening in Communist-dominated countries. This deforming and twistingof the youthful mind is most wicked and the Hong Kong Government willtolerate no political propaganda in schools. (South China Morning Post, 16December 1948)

Much more active intervention was to follow with the growing success of Commu-nism in China. This took the form of legislation and direct action which affected thecurriculum, textbooks and changes to the government's educational infrastructure. Wewill examine the development of each of these means of control below.

LEGISLATION

In November 1948 the Director of Education requested amendment of the EducationOrdinance to provide him with the power to refuse or cancel the registration of anyteacher. The reason was

the spread of Communist influence in schools in Hong Kong and inparticular the fact that these schools are known to be recruiting for armedCommunist organisations in South China. Under the present regulations theDirector of Education has no power to curb the activities of extremistpolitical parties in the Colony's schools. (Minutes of the Hong KongExecutive Council, 23 November 1948; cited in Sweeting, 1989)

The proposal was accepted by the Governor-in-Council and the resulting legislationwas dispatched to the Colonial Office within one week. This empowered the Directorto: refuse to register any school teacher, deregister a registered teacher, close anyschool, and control the curricula and textbooks of all schools. The Secretary of Statefor the Colonies was concerned with the international image of Hong Kong which thelegislation might engender. He considered it important that it should be seen that"these measures are being introduced for the defence of democracy and not as anattack on it." Similar legislation was introduced at the same time to control tradeunions and organised societies which might have political leanings.

The Communist victory in China in 1949 was followed by an intensive anti-Britishcampaign in Hong Kong. One response in Hong Kong was a new Education Ordinancein 1952 which further strengthened and clarified the powers of the Director ofEducation. Governor Grantham explained the rationale of the 1952 Education Ordi-nance in the following terms:

The special powers conferred by Sections 37 and 38 of the Ordinance areconsidered necessary to safeguard the interests of individual pupils and of thecommunity as a whole against the use of schools for political indoctrination.During the past four years this danger has arisen chiefly from Chinese Com-munist Party sympathizers. (Despatch from Governor of Hong Kong to theSecretary of State for the Colonies, 12 February 1953; cited in Sweeting, 1989)

DIRECT ACTION

The new legislation allowed the Government to take direct action against schools. Thefirst instance of this involved the closure in early 1949 of a large, popular, leftist-

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inclined school in the New Territories. The details of the involvement of the SpecialBranch of the Hong Kong Police, the charges made against the school and itsrepresentatives' responses are fully detailed elsewhere (Sweeting, 1989). Here we notethat archives make it clear that suspicions of the Tat Tak Institute had been theimmediate cause of the new Education Ordinance and the prime cause of the hastewith which it was introduced, and that the verdict against the Tat Tak Institute hadbeen anticipated even before the charges were made.

Direct action was similarly contemplated in 1949 against the 'Workers' schools' whichwere perceived to have been wholly penetrated by the Communists with whom theAnglican Bishop was thought to be collaborating. However it became evident that publicopinion and the media had been effectively organised to resist a direct and wholesaleattack. Consequently the approach of the Government was multifaceted and more subtlethan their dealings with the Tat Tak Institute. Some Workers' schools were closed, andsome teachers deregistered, and financial incentives were used to allow the EducationDepartment to control the nature of the curriculum. When schools were closed,Government Schools were quickly constructed in the vicinity as substitutes.

In the atmosphere of a Cold War escalating into open confrontation in Korea, it isnot surprising that the campaign against leftist schools and teachers continued or that,in the special circumstances of Hong Kong, it was combined with a modus vivendi.Voluminous evidence largely about guilt by association was accumulated by the HongKong Police and the Education Department and used against individual schools andteachers, though sufficient attention was paid to the propriety of procedures to deflectsome charges from whole schools on to particular teachers and, on at least oneoccasion, to lead to the dropping of charges against an individual teacher.

Near the end of 1949, the situation was felt to be grave enough to justify aconfidential meeting between Education Department officials and the Heads ofSchools. Much of the meeting was conducted by D.J.S. Crozier who was described bythe Director of Education as "keeping an eye on" Communist activities in schools.According to Crozier:

We are not concerned with legitimate political aspiration, but only withsomething which may threaten the education we believe in or be inimical tothe interests of the Colony. (Cited in Sweeting, 1989)

He reported that in recent times there had naturally been an increase in politicalactivity, that many schools in Hong Kong were Communist-dominated, with teachingconditioned to Communist ends, and that others were open to infiltration under adefinite plan through teachers or students. Crozier recognized that the Communistsused excellent materials and claimed that their overall direction was accomplishedthrough zonal directors and through such agencies as the Hong Kong and KowloonTeachers' Welfare Association. In the various zones, schools were targeted by teachersand/or students planted in them "with a definite aim in view". In terms which mighthave been borrowed from Senator Joseph McCarthy, Crozier asserted that:

Such a teacher would keep under cover, and his work would be most satis-factory. He would encourage discussion, take part in out-of-school activities.The student would organise study groups. (Cited in Sweeting, 1989)

He also listed the English translations of the titles of major publications which wereCommunist-influenced and were said to "show a cunning blend of Marxism with thegenuine enthusiasm for a new Chinese Government". He claimed that the Communistskept in touch with Old Students' Associations and sought to influence them, and

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pointed out that in Canton schools had cut out Civics and Physical Education from thecurriculum and had substituted Politics, or what he described as an indoctrinationcourse in Marxism. He also drew the meeting's attention to "some evidence of anattempt to destroy family affection. One of their books begins, 'I love my fatherland, Ido not love my parents'." Crozier's basic conclusion was that the only way to combatCommunist influence in schools was "by a devotion to something better". He askedthe Principals at the meeting to let the Education Department know if they weretroubled with Communist activities in their schools and offered his opinion that theHong Kong Teachers' Association was one of the best anti-Communist weapons inwhich everyone at the meeting should take part.

The Chairman asked for ideas about positive methods to counter Communistinfluence in the schools. In the ensuing discussion, pan of the difficulty was thesympathy many heads felt towards the desire for a new Chinese Govenment and evenperhaps their approval of the social policy of the new Government. On the other hand,"the mental regimentation, the imposition of political tests, and the exploitation ofimmature minds must offend us all as educators". The crucial importance of Civicswithin the curriculum was emphasised, together with the need for alternatives toCommunist songs. A headmaster argued that if it was agreed that Civics could providea remedy, then a textbook must be made available for the beginning of the nextacademic year (i.e. September 1950), claiming that the average teacher would tacklethe subject only if he were given a textbook to work from. The meeting agreed that asub-committee should be formed to make sure that a suitable textbook would beprepared.

As the December 1949 meeting with Heads exemplified, there were two major setsof repercussions of politics in schools. One consisted of those which affected theinfrastructure of educational administration; the other comprised those which con-cerned the curriculum. In both cases, the emphasis of officials was firmly placed oncontrol.

Variously named leftist schools continued to exist in Hong Kong and, despite theattentions of the Education Department, they continued to include politics in theircurriculum. Representatives of these schools would have referred with some pride totheir roles in the political education of the pupils. Government officials and otherstended, especially during times when the leftist schools had a high-profile (such as1966 and 1967), to criticise them for being involved in political indoctrination. Itshould be noted, however, that these schools were never more than 5% of schools anddid not have large intakes. In a sense, they are not only the exception which proves theapoliticisation rule in Hong Kong. They are also a major part of the cause for this ruleand certainly a major influence on modifications to the educational infrastructure.

The Infra-structure

The educational infrastructure was changed to allow it to deal with political influencesin schools by the establishment of a 'Special Bureau' and the strengthening of the'Textbook Committee'. The Education Department's staffing became increasinglyweighted on the supervisory, inspected side from the late 1940s onwards. The'Historical' section of the Annual Report by the Director of Education (EducationDepartment, 1950) provided some details of this process at the time it was happening.

In order to deal more effectively with this form of political teaching the[Education] Department was reorganised and strengthened so that those

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responsible for inspection were relieved as much as possible of other duties.As a result every school is visited at least four times a year, 300 beinginspected each month.

A particular development which warrants more detailed consideration here was theestablishment in 1949 of the 'Special Bureau'. The duties of the Bureau were:

(i) To study Communist education and propaganda methods.(ii) To plan local education activities to counter Communist educational influences

such as:-(a) Organization of School Civics courses and training of teachers to give these

courses;(b) Preparation of special articles and texts for school use, dramas, songs, etc.;

(iii) To keep under close review, in cooperation with the Special (Political) Branch ofthe Police Force, all Hong Kong schools, teachers, and dramatic groups, etc.,suspected of undesirable political activities, and to initiate suitable action againstthem... (Report on Special Bureau by D.J.S. Crozier, 31 August 1949; cited inSweeting, 1989)

Various progress reports outlined the activities of the Special Bureau. In the firstreport, the Bureau Head wrote of a great deal of potential sympathy and supportamong the general public, and especially among parents of school children, for stricterGovernment control over "schools which are prostituting education to politics". Hedescribed how effects were being made to offer fuller and franker explanations ofGovernment actions against undesirable schools and to make more frequent exposureof the Government's educational work. All but the left-wing press were thought to befully cooperative in this venture. In addition, the Public Relations Department plannedto issue a monthly Education Bulletin and to broadcast talks in Chinese on localeducation. This reflected the attempts by the Bureau to move beyond an essentiallynegative role.

In 1952, a "new approach to the problems of textbooks and syllabuses" broughttogether most of the existing functions of the two separate committees on textbooksand syllabuses, replacing them with a single Syllabuses and Textbooks Committee(STC) with "wider and more positive functions". The new Committee's terms ofreference were:

(1) To draw up model syllabuses for use in schools.(2) To advise the Director on textbooks and other teaching aids.(3) To stimulate the writing and publication of teaching notes and textbooks suitable

for the model syllabuses. (Education Department, 1953)

As the Annual Report for 1952-53 pointed out, the second of these functionsroughly corresponded to that of the original Textbooks Committee, but, particularly inthe circumstances of the early 1950s, the first and third were far more important. Thepast practice of entrusting the examination of textbooks to separate subject-based sub-committees, each usually with a Government specialist teacher as convener and severalnon-Government teachers as members, had proved ineffective, with long delays andlittle coordination.

It was against this background that the STC began its work. The main committeecomprised the conveners of the subject-groups under the chairmanship of the ChiefInspector of Schools. Each convener was made responsible for a number of subcom-mittees for work in each subject area at the various levels and via the media of English

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and Chinese. Attempts were made to coordinate this work by having key memberscommon to a number of committees and by holding frequent discussions. The STCdrew up model timetables followed by model syllabuses which were intended to formthe bases around which textbooks could be written. The Annual Report for 1952-53declared (Education Department, 1953):

It has been made clear that it is not the intention to compel schools to followthese syllabuses; schools may use them if they wish, but are free to make anyreasonable modifications to meet their own particular needs.

Thus, the first move towards curriculum control, at least in the sense of establishingan infrastructure which could effectively maintain it while permitting 'reasonablemodifications', derived from a combination of influences. Some were connected withthe common bureaucratic urge towards uniformity. It should be noted however thatuniformity was not sought for the language of instruction, which, in the circumstancesof the continuing and expanding influx of people into Hong Kong, was felt to be anintractable problem, or for the range of subjects studied. A central influence arosefrom the concern to remove inimical political influences from schools in Hong Kong.Details of Inspectorate (especially Vernacular Inspectorate) and Special Bureauactivities, plus the ringing rationale provided by Crozier are provided in Sweeting(1989). Here we note that the processes by which curriculum control was effected viathe more complex infrastructure employed involved at first 'model timetables', then'model syllabuses', which were designed for the purpose of stimulating presumably'model' textbooks. The procedures adopted combined bureaucracy with exhortation.

The Curriculum

The main effect on the school curriculum of this counter-communist activity was therevision and enhancement of 'Civics' as a school subject and an increased control ofschool textbooks.

Civics. Partly in recognition of the emotional and cultural 'distance' between theaverage Chinese pupil in a Hong Kong vernacular school and the Hong KongGovernment, Civics was taught in vernacular schools especially from the late 1920sonwards, that is, after the 1925-36 General Strike and Boycott of British goods. By1948, however, Civics had played a part in the revision of the School Certificatesyllabuses, intended for Anglo-Chinese Government and Grant schools, and wastreated as one of the most important of the new subjects which had been included togive candidates a wider choice. The Director of Education (Education Department,1949) devoted a special section of his Annual Report to Education for Citizenshipwhich openly recognised that part of the reason for the importance now attached tocivic education was concerned with the nature of the Hong Kong population:

The section must be considered in relation to the special local conditions.Hong Kong is grossly overcrowded, and it is probably true to say that thegreater part of the population is here to make money, to seek refuge, or totake advantage of the educational and other social services provided. Thus itis unusual to find a resident who shows an unselfish interest in any form ofsocial welfare. The great majority of the inhabitants show an apathy fromwhich it will not be easy to rouse them, but a start is being made in theschools to bring home to the children just what being a good citizen means. Anew subject, Civics, has been introduced...

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Officials recognised that, while Civics as a school and examinable subject was designedpartly for informational purposes and, in particular, to enhance public awareness of thework of Hong Kong's social services, an emphasis needed to be placed on "thedevelopment of a sense of civic awareness and on the need for self-help".

Textbooks. Within the first year of its establishment, the STC had begun draftingsyllabuses on which textbooks could be based for all subjects except Chinese. Work onthe Chinese syllabus awaited the report of a special Chinese Studies Committee whichhad been set up in 1952.

In addition, the STC had arranged for the translation and adaptation of a range ofsyllabuses for Chinese schools, together with the revision of syllabuses in other subjectareas. It had also discussed the suitability of existing textbooks submitted to it forapproval and had advised on the production of locally written textbooks, four of whichwere subsequently approved. The English subcommittee took the initiative to attemptto enhance communications with the periphery by issuing a Bulletin for teachers ofEnglish.

The 1954-55 Annual Report also noted that closer liaison had been achieved withpublishers in Hong Kong and in the UK. The various subcommittees concerned hadexamined and approved the plans of local authors for the publication of new books.

Thus, in terms of much of the actual curriculum development which took place inthe early 1950s, the process primarily involved the bureaucratic control of schoolsubjects and curriculum materials via model syllabuses, approved textbooks andexhortation. The primary rationale for these developments arose from the Governmentdesire to combat the spread of Communist influence in schools. The present AdvisoryInspectorate and Curriculum Development Council originated from the Special Bureauand the STC. Similarly the existing bureaucratic orientation to curriculum develop-ment, typified by a concern for control, hierarchy, regulations and inspections (Morris,1990) can be better understood given their antecedents.

1997 AND THE RETURN TO CHINESE SOVEREIGNTY

The pattern of curriculum development and control established in the period 1945-55provided the basic framework which prevails today. The period from 1955 to 1982 wasa period of relative political calm. With the notable exception of the civil disturbancesin 1966/67, which paralleled and were attributable to the turmoil in the PRC resultingfrom the Cultural Revolution, Hong Kong schools busied themselves with the task ofpreparing pupils for the academically oriented public examinations. Success in theseexaminations was the main means to achieve access to tertiary education and to wellpaid employment.

Consequently the mechanism of curriculum control established in the post-warperiod, the return to relative political stability in the PRC, and the desire of pupils andparents for certification and advancement combined to ensure an ostensibly apoliticalschool curriculum. Pupils' exposure to political topics in the official curriculuminvolved at most a description of the structure and functions of Government Depart-ments and of the means by which they tackled various social problems (e.g. housing,health, pollution and transport). Political issues were avoided as was the study ofChina's contemporary history and social and political systems. An even earlier trace ofthis attitude is illustrated most appositely by a Hong Kong official's explanation in1935 for the concentration on remote periods of European history in the School

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Certificate Syllabus which stated: 'special local conditions justified more attentionbeing paid to ancient civilisations than to current affairs.' (Colonial Office letter, 7thMay 1935, cited in Sweeting, 1990a, p. 407).

The relationship between politics and the school curriculum changed drasticallyafter 1982 when it become clear that Hong Kong would return to Chinese sovereigntyas a semi-autonomous Special Administrative Region in 1997. This was confirmed in1984 with the signing of the Sino-British Joint Agreement. In parallel with thisdevelopment there was increased pressure for the direct election of a far higherproportion of Hong Kong's law-makers. The rationale for this was derived primarilyfrom a desire to develop in Hong Kong a more democratic political system whichwould be able to ensure its autonomous status after 1997.

The resulting attempts to incorporate general politics in the curriculum resulted intwo distinct approaches to political socialisation. First, the decision to return thesovereignty of Hong Kong to China has created pressure to prepare pupils for theirfuture as citizens of the PRC. This influence has come primarily from the Govern-ment, whose primary goal is to ensure minimal disruption prior to 1997 and a trouble-free handover in 1997. This task has been pursued by revising the content of schoolcurricula to encourage pupils to understand and appreciate both their Chinese culturalheritage and the workings of the political and economic system in the PRC. Thesecond influence, which has arisen primarily from within the local community, entailsan attempt to use the curriculum to increase the political awareness and involvementof the populace. This is to ensure that Hong Kong has a politically literate and activepopulation which will allow it to function as a relatively autonomous political andeconomic entity after 1997. Specifically, the curriculum has been used to supportattempts to promote a more representative system of government in Hong Kong. Thistask, which had been largely ignored since the eventually unsuccessful attempt of SirMark Young, the Governor in the late 1940s, to introduce a more representativesystem of Government, became a matter of concern when the political future of HongKong was made clear in 1984. It was made even more urgent by the suppression of thepro-democracy movement in China in 1989.

The content of several curriculum subjects changed according to a clear patternfrom 1972 to 1989. In the case of History, the proportion of the Hong KongCertificate of Education (HKCE) syllabus devoted to the study of China increasedmarginally from 1972 to 1984. In 1972 of the 12 topics in section A, eight wereconcerned with the history of China prior to 1949. In 1976 the ratio was seven out often and in 1984, a ratio which was maintained in 1987. The focus remained on theperiod before 1949. The 1988 syllabus has been drastically revised to focus on 14topics in total, with no discrimination between geographic sections or time periods andwith the extension of the time period to allow the study of topics up to 1970. Thetopics chosen focus on the political history of the establishment of statehood andpolitical independence by the USA, the UK, France, the USSR and China. The newsyllabus provides pupils with a more politicised historical framework than waspreviously the case, and one more relevant to Hong Kong's future. Further changes tothe HKCE and to the Advanced Level (AL) curriculum currently under discussion arevery much in this spirit. They include the introduction of data-based questioning inthe public examinations at both levels in order to encourage the development of skillsof interpretation and of the detection of bias. Proposals to include local history in theAL curriculum have attracted very strong support from officials and teachers and thechronological scope of studies is planned to be extended to 1980.

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The changes were particularly significant in the case of Economic and Public Affairs(EPA). Between 1972 and 1976 EPA focused on descriptions of the processes andinstitutions of government in Hong Kong. The only changes evident in 1976 were theremoval of the term 'colony' and the specific inclusion of a topic on the links betweenBritain and China. The 1984 syllabus saw a marked change with an increased focus onsystems of government, especially those which involve representation and consultation,and on the principles of law-making. These themes were elaborated in the 1987syllabus, and specific reference was made to the Joint Declaration and Hong Kong'sfuture.

Government and Public Affairs (GPA) was first examined as an A level subject in1988 and was first examined at HKCE level in 1989. The content of the Certificatelevel GPA syllabus produced by the HKEA is similar to the Public Affairs section ofthe EPA syllabus, but greater stress is placed on those concepts which are central toliberal Western democracies (the rule of law, representation, consultation, elections)and to the study of political processes in China. The genesis of the subject is itselfillustrative of the effect of political change on the school curriculum. During the 1970sseveral attempts were made to introduce Politics as an A level subject. These initialefforts were not fruitful as the subject was viewed by the Education Department as toospecialised and unsuitable for schoolchildren who might be susceptible to unduepolitical pressure. The Sino-British Negotiations resulted in a number of publicdemands for increased political education. In January 1984 a Legislative Councillorargued that there was an urgent need for political education. In March the Director ofEducation criticised those who had argued for the inclusion of political studies in theCurriculum on the grounds that it was 'too risky'. He stated that there wereopportunities for pupils to discuss current affairs in the existing Economic and PublicAffairs course. Later in March a number of Legislative Councillors spoke of the needfor political education and a motion was moved that all Hong Kong citizens shouldreceive a truly democratic education. A number of pressure groups made similardemands. In April a representative of the Hong Kong Examinations Authority statedthat the body was currently considering the introduction of a new subject, GPA, at Alevel. In May the Director of Education stated that the Government was committed tothe provision of political education and that they were supportive of plans to introduceGPA as an A level subject. Later in May he stated at a meeting of the LegislativeCouncil that the Education Department was also planning to introduce GPA atCertificate level. These events indicate that the Government was initially unwilling tointroduce politics as a school subject but that, as the public demand for politicaleducation heightened, their position changed until they quickly activated the proposalfor a new A level subject.

The nature of the influences operating through the mechanism of the Hong KongExaminations Authority (HKEA) have not however been uniform across subjects. TheChinese History syllabus, for example, has not changed in any significant way withregard to its explicit political content. A revision of the Chinese Language syllabusbegan in 1982, and will be introduced from 1991. The new syllabus will include asrequired reading a small number of texts (three out of 26) originating from contem-porary authors in the PRC. This is a departure from the current situation which onlyspecifies pre-1949 texts as required reading. However the texts from the PRC chosenfor inclusion in the Hong Kong syllabus are distinctly apolitical in nature, and thechange is counter-balanced by the inclusion of a similar number of texts written bycontemporary Taiwanese authors.

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The curriculum guidelines on Civic Education (Education Department, 1985)contain the most direct attempt by the Government to influence the curriculum withregard to Hong Kong's political future. This is particularly interesting when oneconsiders that 'Civics' originated as a school subject to counterbalance ChineseNationalist propaganda in Hong Kong and was later used as a form of 'Counter-Communist activity'. The recent proposals recommend that Civic Education be taughtacross the curriculum rather than in separate courses. This was a direct response by theEducation Department to the concern expressed within Hong Kong over the generallack of political awareness and the need to increase that awareness if Hong Kong wasto exist as a relatively autonomous part of China in the future. In contrast to the EPAand GPA syllabuses, the guidelines do not specifically mention the transfer of HongKong's sovereignty to China in 1977. Substantial emphasis is put on developing thepupil's identification with and pride in Chinese culture. Whilst the guidelines encour-age the study of some political concepts, the greater stress is on the analysis ofgovernmental institutions and on the rights and responsibilities of a good citzen. Thisfocus is reflected in suggestions on teaching methods, which avoid mention of activitieswhich might encourage political involvement. It is also in keeping with the very clearintentions of the Guidelines not to disturb the status quo by encouraging radicalchange. At the outset it is explained that

In the light of Hong Kong's recent political development, evolution shouldbe the watch-word and the emphasis in this guide will be on civic educationas a politically socialising force for promoting stability and responsibility.(Curriculum Development Committee, 1985)

In contrast to the changes in subjects such as EPA and the introduction of GPA, theguidelines specifically avoid mention of political concepts and processes related todemocracy. The justification for this position is that:

Democracy means different things to different people. As the AmericanPresident Abraham Lincoln put it, it means 'Government of the people, bythe people, for the people'. Alternatively, it may also be interpreted as a wayof life in which the decision-making process is characterised by majoritycontrol. There are many brands of democracy in the political arena—somepluralistic, some centralist and various combinations of both. So educationfor democracy per se would be difficult to interpret. Although some basicunderstanding of the concept of democracy may be introduced according tothe intellectual level and experience of pupils, for the purpose of theseguidelines the term 'civic education' will be used. (Curriculum DevelopmentCommittee, 1985)

Since there is no universally accepted definition of democracy, it was argued, it willbe impossible to base a curriculum on it.

A comparison with the Moral Education Guidelines published in 1981 is alsoinstructive. These precepts which have distinctly Confucian flavour had the potentialto achieve similar aims to those offered by the Civic Education Guidelines, for theirpurpose was:

. . . to develop a moral sensibility, to promote character formation andtraining, to encourage correct attitudes towards life, schools and community.(Education Department, 1981)

The themes identified as appropriate to help individuals develop correct attitudes

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towards the community were: rights and responsibilities of others, awareness andrespect for other cultures, and harmony with people of other nationalities. These wereto be achieved through all school subjects and by non-book education, specialfunctions and school activities. The guidelines are platitudinous and vague, and, likethe Civic Education Guidelines, in appearance distinctly apolitical. They, too, encour-age pupils to conform to the prevailing social system and political arrangements. Themajor difference between the two documents is that the later one attempts to preparepupils for their future as citizens of China. This consideration was not influential in1981, but was a paramount influence on the centrally controlled aspects of the formalcurriculum in 1985. Thus the conditions within which the curriculum is dennedchanged with Hong Kong's perceptions of its own political future.

A similar pattern emerges with the Forms I—III Social Studies Syllabus. A reviseddraft syllabus was produced in 1989 by the Advisory Inspectorate of the EducationDepartment. As a subject which is not publicly examined the Forms I—III SocialStudies Syllabus does not require any involvement by the HKEA. The originalsyllabus could best be described as a selection of topics from the mainstream SocialScience disciplines. Very little mention was made of China and pupils were providedwith a description of how the government of Hong Kong worked and their rights andresponsibilities as citizens. The revised syllabus contains essentially the same descrip-tive political orientation but specific reference is made to the joint agreement and theBasic Law. The major change occurs with the inclusion of a number of topics whichgive pupils information about China and which attempt to inculcate an awareness ofand affiliation to Chinese culture and the PRC. In encouraging pupils to draw the flagof the PRC, describe the development and structure of the Chinese Communist Party,study the biography of Mao Ze Dong and understand the need for Central Planning,the revised syllabus constitutes a volte face in terms of what had been viewed asacceptable content for school subjects in Hong Kong. Prior to 1982/84 such 'activities'would have been viewed as contrary to Education Regulation No. 98 ('activities of aparty or party political nature') and could have resulted in the closure of the school,the dismissal of the teacher or the withdrawal of Government financial support. Thisregulation was a relic of the legislation introduced in the late 1940s in circumstancesand for motives which have been analysed above. Clearly, what constitutes acceptablepolitics has changed and it is the bureaucracy that decides how the EducationRegulations should be interpreted. As with the Civic Guidelines the Social StudiesSyllabus has been revised so that pupils are prepared for and left to accept their fate asfuture citizens of China.

With regard to the third area of curriculum decision making, namely the control ofschool textbooks which are approved for use in schools, a similar pattern is evident.This form of influence, as with the production of curriculum guidelines, is whollyunder the control of the Government's Education Department. Its decisions and'suggestions' are communicated directly and confidentially to the publishers who, forcommercial reasons, usually prefer to avoid publicity and make the suggested changes.As a result this form of control is relatively private and not easily identified.Discussions with authors and publishers provide a number of examples which displaythe same influence evident in the curriculum guidelines. A small sample of theseincluded the suggestion that:

• EPA and History textbooks submitted for approval in 1986 should avoid refer-ence to Hong Kong as a British Colony.

• an EPA textbook should, when discussing the Korean War, revise the phrase

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"North Korean armies attacked South Korea and war broke out" to read "Warbroke out between North Korea and South Korea".

• a Geography text delete a map which portrayed military missiles aimed by Chinaand Russia at each other.

• a History text and School Atlas should not show Tibet and Mongolia as separatecountries prior to 1949.

These 'suggestions' are followed by a reminder: "N.B. The Education Departmentreserves the right to delete the book from the recommended Textbook List ifappropriate amendments are not made".

The common element in these suggestions is the attempt to modify textbooks toensure that China is portrayed in a favourable light. The effect has been to produce aform of self-censorship since publishers, wishing to avoid the costs of resetting a textto incorporate suggestions, have begun to edit manuscripts themselves to ensure thatfuture amendments are not required. This is currently evident in the response ofpublishers to the inclusion of any references to the suppression of the pro-democracymovement in the PRC in 1989 in school textbooks. Publishers are very reluctant toinclude any reference to those events as they anticipate that it will be censored by theEducation Department and/or could result in some form of retaliation after 1997.

DISCUSSION

The overall picture which emerges encourages periodisation, specifically a recognitionof the differences between the periods 1945-1982 and 1982 to the foreseeable future.The earlier period was marked by the conscious pursuit of an apolitical schoolcurriculum. This involved an avoidance of general political issues and of any attemptto develop a clear sense of local or Chinese national identity. The situation with regardto the curriculum reflected broadly the situation of general politics within the widercommunity. Towards the end of this first period, however, increasing activism at thesectoral political levels, especially related to the Chinese Language Movement andprominently featuring a Students' Movement, began to lay the groundwork for change.The second period has witnessed a rapid rehabilitation of politics. School curriculahave been amended to include political concerns and to develop the pupils' sense ofChinese identity. This has paralleled changes in the wider community, often heraldedby the more sectoral activities of student leaders, the Language Movement, and otherpressure groups a little earlier. It may also be seen as an attempt to prepare HongKong for its role as a semi-autonomous region of the PRC after 1997. The emphasis inboth of these periods involved a convergence of the interest of the colonial governmentwith those of the more influential sectors of the community. The remainder of thissection will focus on identifying the consequences of the relationship between politicsand the school curriculum which we have described.

The first and most apparent consequences is that the population has been illprepared for its future as a semi-autonomous region of the PRC after 1997. Choi(1990) has described the ostensible political apathy which pervades Hong Kong as amanifestation of a 'politico-phobia'.

The belated but currently accelerating attempts to provide the pupils with a Chinesecultural identity and to develop a concern for political issues and processes will notreadily allow the development of a machinery or population which have the benefits ofa well-worn and established system of self government. Prior to 1982 the only major

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attempt to promote a more democratic system of government was initiated by theimmediate post-war Governor, Sir Mark Young. This failed for several reasons. Somepeople felt that constitutional proposals had been overtaken by the events of theChinese Civil War, the establishment of the PRC, and the continuing influx ofrefugees into Hong Kong. Also, the proposals failed to gain widespread support, atleast partly because they were perceived by the local business community to beantithetical to the Territory's successful economic development (Tsang, 1988). Thesame concerns have been raised, for similar reasons, in the recent debates on themembership of the Hong Kong Legislative Council. Allied to this during the immedi-ate post-war period was the genuine fear that even a slight opening of the politicaldoors to a democratic element would either result in the demise of the Colony or serveas a vehicle for the importation of wider political disputes (CCP, KMT, etc.). Clearlythe apoliticisation of the school curriculum was premised on those concerns, and itssuccess was reflected in the outcome: Young's proposal was rejected and until 1982there was no substantial demand for democratic election of the legislature.

Secondly and consequently, the emergence of a local political leadership has been arecent phenomenon. Hong Kong has a long history of various groups and associationswhich represent the interest of specific interest groups in society. These have beeneffective at promoting and protecting narrow sectoral interests, but it is only recentlythat groups and individuals have emerged with a broader political purpose. Concernabout the lack of local political leadership was expressed shortly after the Britishresumed control of Hong Kong in 1945 by David MacDougall, the Chief Civil AffairsOfficer of the British Military Administration which had replaced Japanese Occupationforces:

Locally the most serious (and from the point of view of our pre-war system,the most damning) factor is that there seem to be no Chinese of the youngergeneration anxious to shoulder the responsibility of public affairs. I havebeen unable to find candidates to dispute leadership with the establishedorder. (Letter from David MacDougall to G.EJ. Gent, Colonial Office, 7November 1945; cited in Sweeting, 1989)

The same damning factor operated for much of the post-war period and can beillustrated by reference to the quality of discourse on public affairs both within andoutside Hong Kong's Legislative Council (Lau, 1990). The main features were asometimes bizarre mixture of parochialism, populism and exhortation. Changes inattitudes, if not in quality, have occurred only recently. The post-1982 period has seenthe growth of a plethora of political groupings and the emergence of a number ofpoliticians who see themselves as the future leaders of Hong Kong. A possibleexplanation of the low-level parochialism of local politicians lies in the inadequacies oftheir preparation, especially the lack of formal political education during theirschooling and, perhaps even more importantly, the attenuated opportunities to partici-pate actively, as students, in genuine debate or significant decision-making even withinthe field of education. One might, however, expect change as a new generation ofpolitical leaders begins to emerge, equipped with at least the rhetoric of the Students'Movement of the 1970s.

The third feature of Hong Kong society which can be viewed as a partialmanifestation of the school curriculum is the lack of clarity about national and culturalidentity. Unlike other countries in Asia which have consciously used schooling todevelop a strong sense of national 'belonging', Hong Kong has attempted to deploy

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education in the interests of communal unity and loyalty only relatively recently. Eventhese recent attempts, usually associated with the curriculum areas identified anddiscussed in the preceding section, have tended to focus more on the promotion of thepupils' sense of their Chinese identity than on a loyalty towards or affection for HongKong. The result has been a form of cultural anomie. Many citizens feel little affinityto Hong Kong, which they regard as a more or less convenient transit-camp. Sweeting(1991) refers to the influence of 'transitisation' on Hong Kong's development over along period and Yee (1989) writes of a 'stepping stone mentality'. The present exodusof skilled manpower from Hong Kong, which in 1989 amounted to 50,000 persons,may be seen to be at least partly a reflection of the failure of the school system toencourage any sense of Hong Kong identity (Ha, 1990).

Another aspect of this is the emergence of a Hong Kong psyche which has beendescribed as 'utilitarianistic familism,' (Lau, 1982). The essential features of thisattitude stress a social psychology which focuses on the pursuit of self and familyinterests and a relative lack of concern for broader communal and national concerns.This is in marked contrast to the situation in most other Asian Societies such asTaiwan, South Korea and Singapore which have used education generally and thecurriculum specifically to create a strong national and cultural identity. In Singapore, asimilar situation to that of Hong Kong existed in the immediate post-independenceperiod. The Prime Minister explained it in the following terms, which seem especiallyapplicable to the current situation in Hong Kong.

Our community lacks in-built reflexes—loyalty, patriotism, history or tradi-tion... Our society was never designed to produce a people capable ofcohesive action, identifying their collective interests and then acting infurtherance of them. (Lee Kuan Yew, 1966)

Over the past three decades, the education system in Singapore has been radically re-designed to develop a strong sense of communal identity. At one level, the situation inHong Kong and the contrast with Singapore can be seen solely as a function ofcolonialism. This would, however, be a partial and a simplistic explanation in the caseof Hong Kong for, as has been illustrated above, the shaping of a public opinion whichwas apolitical with regard to general political issues was in the interests of, and wassupported by, a wide political range of sectors within the population. In fact, the onlysubstantial attempt to introduce an elected legislature was initiated by the ColonialGovernment.

The fourth consequence of the situation we have outlined relates to the rolesperformed by the current educational infrastructure. Since the late 1970s the educa-tional system at large has moved from elitist and selective to universal provision andthe economy has achieved substantial diversification. These developments have exertedpressure for a parallel diversification of education provision generally and the curricu-lum specifically. However the necessary changes to the infrastructure have beenhesitant, partial and slow. This is most evident in the failure to establish any agencyrequired to support and initiate curriculum development and in the desire of theGovernment to maintain control of the Colleges of Education, institutions responsiblefor the professional preparation of non-graduate teachers while quasi-autonomousteacher education programmes are run by the universities for graduate teachers. As ourearlier analysis has shown, the educational infrastructure emerged in the immediatepost-World War II period at least partly for the purpose of maintaining politicalcontrol over education. The functions, powers, and responsibilities of the various

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educational agencies consequently stressed supervision, jurisdiction, and the urgetowards bureaucratic conformity. This seems to have moulded administrators' andpolicy-makers' perceptions of their fundamental roles, although the most importantchapter (chapter 2) of the recently published Education Commission Report No. 4(Education Commission, 1990) suggests that some attitudes are at last beginning tochange. The result of the main trend has been that even present educational initiativesare still often constrained by those perceptions. The ultimate irony suggested by theperspectives opened up through an historical treatment of the relations betweeneducation and politics in Hong Kong is that the net result of the various arrangementsof curricular, administrative, and policy-related matters over the past 45 years hasbeen to create a situation which any government inclined towards authoritarian andcentralising tendencies would find very amenable.

Correspondence: Dr Paul Morris & Dr Anthony Sweeting, University of Hong Kong,Faculty of Education, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.

.REFERENCES

CHOI, PO KING (1990) The search for cultural identity: the students movement of theearly seventies, in: SWEETING, ANTHONY (Ed.) Differences and Identities.

CURRICULUM DEVELOPMENT COMMITTEE (1985) Guidelines on Civic Education inSchools (Hong Kong, Education Department).

EDUCATION COMMISSION (1990) Report No. 4 (Hong Kong, Government Printer).EDUCATION DEPARTMENT (1949) Annual Report (Hong Kong, Government Printer).EDUCATION DEPARTMENT (1950) Annual Report (Hong Kong, Government Printer).EDUCATION DEPARTMENT (1953) Annual Report (Hong Kong, Government Printer).EDUCATION DEPARTMENT (1981) General Guidelines on Moral Education in Schools

(Hong Kong, Government Printer).HA, TIMOTHY WING-HO (1990) A change of direction, in: SWEETING, ANTHONY (Ed.)

Differences and Identities.IANNACCONE, LAURENCE (1983) Lessons from 11 nations, in: THOMAS, R.M. (Ed.)

Education and Politics.LAU, SIU-KAI (1982) Society and Politics in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, Chinese

University Press).LAU, SIU-KAI (1990) Decolonization without Independence and the poverty of Political

Leaders in Hong Kong. Occasional Paper No. 1, Hong Kong Institute of AsiaPacific Studies.

LUK, BERNARD (1991) Chinese culture in the Hong Kong curriculum: heritage andcolonialism Comparative Education Review (in press).

MARSH, COLIN & MORRIS, PAUL (eds) (1991) Curriculum Development in East Asia(Basingstoke, Falmer Press).

MORRIS, PAUL (1990) Bureaucracy, professionalization and school centred innovationstrategies, International Review of Education, 36, No. 1.

MORRIS, PAUL (1990) Preparing pupils as citizens of the special administrative regionof Hong Kong: an analysis of curriculum change and control in the transitionperiod, in: MORRIS, P. Curriculum Development in Hong Kong, Faculty ofEducation Occasional Paper No. 7 (Hong Kong, Faculty of Education).

SWEETING, ANTHONY (1989) The reconstruction of education in post-war Hong Kong,

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1945-1954: variations in the process of policy-making. Ph.D. Dissertation,University of Hong Kong.

SWEETING, ANTHONY (1990a) Education in Hong Kong, Pre-1841 to 1941: Fact andOpinion (Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press).

SWEETING, ANTHONY (1990b) Differences and Identities: Educational Argument in LateTwentieth Century Hong Kong, Faculty of Education Occasional Paper No. 9(Hong Kong, Faculty of Education).

SWEETING, ANTHONY (1991), Hong Kong Education within Historical Processes, in:POSTIGLIONE, G.A. (Ed.) Education and Society in Hong Kong: Approaching 1997(New York, M.E. Sharpe, in press).

THOMAS, R. MURRAY (Ed.) (1983) Education and Politics: Cases from Eleven Nations(New York, Pergamon).

TSANG, STEVE YIU-SANG (1988) Democracy Shelved: Great Britain, China, andAttempts at Constitutional Reform in Hong Kong, 1945-1952 (Hong Kong, OxfordUniversity Press).

YEE, ALBERT, H. (1989) A People Misruled: Hong Kong and the Chinese Stepping StoneSyndrome (Hong Kong, API Press).

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Documents

Education and Politics: the case of Hong Kong from an historical perspective