Discussion Paper

EDUCATION AND TRAINING SERIES

Report No. EDT6O

Education Costs and Financing Policiesin Latin America

Emesto Schiefelbein

February 1987

Education and Training Department Operations Policy Staff

The views presented here are those of the author(s), and they should not be interpreted as reflecting those of the World Bank.

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ABSTRACT

In this review of research on Latin American educational costs and

policies, the author discusses the available use of alternatives for better

use of resources. He shows that a more active role by the private sector

will help meet the increasing demand for educational expansion. The author

emphasizes that change will result only from policies applied over the long

term.

Table of Contents

Page No.

Su nmmary ........................................................ 1

EDUCATION COSTS AND FINANCING POLICIES IN LATIN AMERICA ... ..... 3

A. INTERNAL EFFICIENCY ........................................ 41. The effect of management on internal efficiency .... ........ 6

Management Strategies ...................................... 6Management Practices ....................................... 10Cost Studies ............................................... 12Information For Better Management. ......................... 12Summary .................................................... 14

A.2 Effect of Alterable Variances on Internal Efficiency. ...... 14Class Size ................................................. 14School Calendar ............................................ 15Teacher Qualifications ..................................... 15Other Alterable Variables .................................. 17Siummary .................................................... 17

A.3 Student Flow Characteristics. .............................. 18High Levels of Repetition .................................. 18Factors Related to Wastage ................................. 20Reported Attempts to Reduce Repetition ..................... 22

A.4 Effects of selection processes on internal efficiency ...... 23Effects in Primary Education ............................... 24Effects in Adult Education ................................. 24Effects in Secondary Education ............................. 25Effects in Higher Education ................................ 25Summary .................................................... 27

B. PRIVATE CONTRIBUTION TO THE FINANCING OF EDUCATION .... ..... 27B.1 Cost Recovery Policies by Level of Education. .... .......... 28

Factors related to increased public share .................. 28How to measure private contributions ....................... 29Cost Recovery by Levels .................................... 29Subsidies as a Cost Recovery Strategy ....................... 31Other Cost Recovery Strategies ............................. 32Summary .................................................... 33

B.2 Private Schools ............................................ 35Proportion of Private Enrollments .......................... 35Types of Private Schools ................................... 35Financial Impact of Private Education ...................... 37Subsidies to Private Education ............................. 38Fee Levels ................................................. 39Public Control of Private Schools .......................... 41Comparison of Achievement Levels ........................... 41Summary .................................................... 43

B.3 Employer-financed Vocational Training ....................... 43Professional Training Institutions ......................... 43Alternative Strategies for Training ........................ 44Higher Education Institutions .............................. 47Summary . .................................................... 48

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B.4 Experience with Student Loans and Voucher Systems .... ...... 48The Impact of Inflation on the Lending Capital .... ......... 48Collection Costs and Performance ........................... 50Impact in Selectivity ...................................... 50Su.rmmary .................................................... 50

B.5 Systems Used to Allocate Scholarships ...................... 52Allocation to Assessed Needs ............................... 52Allocation to Academic Achievement ......................... 52Problems for Allocating Scholarships ....................... 54Use of a Market Mechanism .................................. 54Summary .................. .... 54

C. LESSONS OF EXPERIENCE FOR IMPROVING ALLOCATION OF RESOURCES 55The Extent of Excess Demand for Education .................. 55Excess Demand In the 60's and 70's ......................... 56Actual Evidence of Excess Demand ........................... 56Summary .................................................... 59Responsiveness of Enrollment to Fee Increases .... .......... 59Price and Income Elasticities of Demand .................... 59Effects of Changes On Fee Levels ........................... 61Effects of the Supply of Education ......................... 62Sulmmary .................................................... 62Experiments In Cost Recovery and By Price Rationing ... ..... 62Other Experiences in Cost Recovery ......................... 65Cost Recovery Through Teachers Salaries .................... 66Price Rationing ............................................ 67Suminary ..................................................... 67

C.4 Non-Price Rationing Systems ........... 68The Impact of Public Education in the 60s and 70s .... ...... 68Discriminatory Allocation of Resources ..................... 71Public Systems Allocation Processes ........................ 72Lack of Relevant Signals for Improving Allocation .... ...... 76Sutmmary .................................................... 76

C.5 Resource Allocation within the Education Sector .... ........ 76Laws, Decrees, Norms and Instructions ...................... 78Budget Allocations .......................................... 79Institution Building ....................................... 80Leadership of Participation Processes ...................... 82Suimmary .................................................... 85

D. Policy Implications from the Analysis of Available Research 85D.1 Reducing Unit Costs of Graduates by Increasing Efficiencies. 85D.2 Increasing Private Contribution ............................ 87

ANNEXES .................................................... 90REFERENCES ................................................. 117

Summary

Although we still have only a limited knowledge of the specificways in which internal efficiency and resource allocation to education maybe improved, the review of available research results can focus ourattention on the right problems; help us to understand some of the apparentcontradictions observed in the educational system; narrow the search to alimited number of alternatives; identify the direction in which they shouldbe modified, provide some hints about the areas where policy modificationis feasible and suggest how to implement the policies.

One set of results from this study deals with identification ofthe right problems. Even though diagnostic reports prepared by theMinistries of Education in Latin America have usually singled out drop outas the main source of wastage in the educational system, research showsthat repetition is truly the main source of wastage in Latin Americaneducation. Students are dropping out after five or more years ofschooling, yet they are only at second or third grade level. Therefore,from all students attending school, only a fraction is being promoted eachyear to the next grade and eventually-finishing primary education in thenormal amount of time. The source of the wastage is chronic repetitionfinally ending in dropping out at an early grade.

The analysis of available research results helps us to understandsome. of the main apparent contradictions observed in the educationalsystems. Available research results suggest that Latin American countrieshave been able to provide schooling for a high proportion of theirpopulation in school age, with relatively low costs per enrolled studentand high costs per graduate student. Although this apparent contradictionis mainly explained in terms of the low teacher salaries and high rates ofrepetition, other mechanisms also contribute to reduce costs. For example,the Latin American countries have extended primary education to seven oreight grades and reduced the number of years of vocational training insecondary education, thus cutting costs of the seventh to ninth grade inhalf. In addition, the number of class hours per week has been reduced,parents contribute to finance current costs, the average size of schools isreaching more efficient levels, salaries of high school teachers tend to bereduced to the level of the primary teachers; and schools are used indouble shifts. On the other hand, there are built in factors contributingto inefficiency. The most pervasive problem is the lack of incentives toallocate resources more efficiently, because the Ministry of Financeperiodically cuts all non-salary expenses in recession times. These cutsmay partially explain four other negative aspects identified in the study:(i) untrained teachers are still being hired for rural areas; (ii) goodteachers tend to leave the education sector and move into better paid jobs;(iii) there is lack of on-the-job supervision, and (iv) there are widedifferences in quality among schools of each country.

The analysis of available research suggests that there are fewfinancial alternatives to continue expanding education. Although thepublic sector has made a substantial effort in the last three decades toprovide more educational opportunities, the public funds are now dwindlingand any additional efforts will have to be made by the private sector. Overone third of the educational services are already provided by privateinstitutions and several countries are trying to expand the contribution of

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the private sector through fees. If informal on-the-job-training isconsidered, the role of the private sector could reach near half of thetotal amount the countries are allocating to education. Although mostprivate education caters for medium and high socioeconomic families inurban areas there is also some private education even in isolated ruralareas. At the university level, publicly financed student loans haveprovided additional incentives for private institutions to expandenrollments or raise quality.

One way to tap other private new resources is to improve theallocation of resources through a combined price and non-price rationingsystem. Fees could be introduced or those in place increased for highereducation while testing could help to select suitable candidates includingthose that should receive scholarships. The large demand for educationwould ensure the additional resources through fees without reducingenrollments.

There are several pressures increasing the demand for moreeducation unemployment, the high social value of education, salary scales,the raising of parents' education beyond certain thresholds, the populationexplosion, and the political value of educational activities add up toincreased demand for education. Although the demand is mainly related toincome levels there is some responsiveness to changes in fees. With a freetuition system there is a high excess demand at all levels. In primarylevel the excess demand seems to be located mainly in rural areas, whilethe demand for the other levels is mainly urban.

Research also provides some warnings about the speed at whichchanges can occur and the predictability of results. Most of the reportedchanges seem to be the result of slow long term processes rather than clearcut decisions. Fifteen years after research detected the effects oftextbooks, or lack of them, they are now accepted as one of the requiredconditions for minimum quality results; nuclearization that was activelysupported on theoretical grounds in the sixties is now under heavycriticism because it has not produced the predicted results.

All in all, decision making is being based now on a broader basisof information than before. There is also a greater number of experimentsbeing tried out in all countries, but in order to extract suitable lessonsfrom them better processing of the results of those experiments into usableinformation should be fostered.

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EDUCATION COSTS AND FINANCING POLICIES IN LATIN AMERICA 1

Although Latin American research reports on the financing ofeducation are usually focused on understanding concrete problems ofeducation cost and financing policies rather than on a more general type ofknowledge, a systematic analysis of those reports permits drawingconclusions that could be used by decision makers when designingeducational policies for any country of that region. Most the large numberof available reports on the financing of education deal with countryspecific situations. Many reports take into account many complexinteractions in an attempt to draw conclusions in specific situations.Many resorts present good descriptions of financial mechanisms and discussthe pros and cons of potential alternatives in terms of efficiency andequity.

There are too many reports on this topic to simmarize all therelevant information in this report and to draw more general conclusions.Abstracts prepared by the REDUC system (network for exchange of educationalinformation) helped the search for relevant reports. In this review onlyreports published before May 1985 are considered. The references providethe number of the abstract where additional information may be obtained oreven to use that number to obtain the corresponding microfiche with theoriginal document. In spite of the large number of reports in many casesit was not possible to obtain updated comparative figures in availablereports. 2

At the outset it must be mentioned that while Latin Americancountries have many common traits, there are also large differences. Thusall experiences described in this report may be appraised in terms of thespecific situation of each country. For example, although admission agesto primary and high school only differ in one year the length of each levelmay differ up to three years (see Annex 1). All Latin American countrieshave 6 or 7 as the admission age. Most countries have a 6-year primarylevel, but since the mid sixties it is frequent to find extended primarywith 7 to 9 years' length.

1/The REDUC (Red de Educacion) exchange of information centers providedinvaluable help in gathering-the basic information. Marta Zeballos andMaria Clara Grossi helped in the identification of the relevantreferences. Himelda Martinez, Hilda Szklo and Osvaldo Kreimer helpedin gathering materials from international agencies. Alfredo Sarmientocontributed from Colombia. Susanne Mowat in a previous project oneducational financing and George Psacharapoulos provided theopportunity to prepare the present report as background material to aWorld Bank Policy Paper in this topic. Mary Brady helped in editingpart of this version. Liliana Longo, Livia Mitchell, Mary Ann Heraud,and Rosita Estrada, transformed the final manuscript into the presentversion.

2/ The number of each RAE (Resumenes Analiticos en Educacion) can be usedfor retrieving the abstract or the microfiche of the original documentin any of the 20 centers in 16 countries participating in the REDUCnetwork.

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In spite of a relatively common structure, there are largedifferences in the size of the educational systems. While in the lessdeveloped countries only 10 or 15% of the population attends school, 30 to35% do so in the more developed countries of the region. These figures aresomewhat misleading, because countries with a larger older population (forexample Argentina or Uruguay) show smaller percentages, but provide an ideaof the differences.

There are large differences among countries when comparing thetotal national effort in education during the economic peak level of themid seventies (see Annex 2). If total cost of education is compared withthe gross national product, figures suggest that Haiti was making theleast effort (1.88%) while the countries more interested in education werespending nearly 10%. Present economic recession will probably reduce theshare of education in gross national product.

In summary, when using research on costs and financing ofeducation as a basis for policy making both the positive and negativeaspects must be considered together with an assessment of those aspectswhere no research is available. Figures suggest common traits anddifferences among countries which must be taken into account whenanalyzing actual financing policies in Latin America. Conclusions to bedrawn on policies will be limited when the criteria for judging thosepolicies include basic philosophic issues (freedom equity, social cohesion,self-realization, welfare and, of course, efficiency) on which it isdifficult to reach full agreement or where little or no research isavailable.

A. INTERNAL EFFICIENCY

Although Latin American countries have been able to operate withlow costs per enrolled student, too many of those students are repeating.Therefore, the analysis of units costs presented in Table 1 must becarefully done in order to avoid misleading conclusions. The analysispresented in this paper takes into account that figures usually publishedon repetition levels grossly underestimate the real level of repetition.In this context of low unit costs and slow students flows both themanagement strategies and the internal variables affecting achievement arepresented and discussed. The effect of the selection process is finallycommented on as an aspect that links the internal educational process withthe management of the system.

Although in this chapter the overall budget is assumed to befixed, in order to analyze the effect of management on internal efficiency,Table 1 suggests that Latin American countries may substantially increasethe educational share of gross national product (Corvalan, 1982). A fewcomparisons with other. regions will provide a useful framework foranalyzing internal efficiency.

Each education level is more developed in Latin America than inAfrica or Asia. Gross schooling rates of 100 percent are observed in L.A.primary education while the figure for other LDC is 71%. The highenrollment rates in primary education observed in Latin America are notreflected in the distribution of resources. Only one third of educationalexpenses are devoted to primary education. Reaching larger schooling rateswith a smaller proportion of GNP is explained by lower teacher's salariesin terms of the GNP per capita.

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Table 1: EDUCATIONAL EXPENDITURES INDICATORS FOR LATIN AMERICA ANDOTHER DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

(percentages)

Latin LDC Africa AsiaAmerica (70 (35 (13

Indicators (22 ctries) ctries) ctries) ctries)

1. Public Expenditures in educationas percentage of GDP 3.47 4.00 4.75 4.75

2. Public expenditures in educationas % of total public expenditures 17.4 18.2 20.9 17.3

3. Capital expenditures in educationas % of public expenditures ineducation n. n.a 7.8 a/ 8.0 a

4. Distribution of current expendi-tures by levels:- primary 34.0 50.0 43.0 50.0- secondary 1.0 27.0 26.0 23.0- higher 30.0 15.0 16.0 15.0- other 15.0 8.0 15.0 12.0

5. Indicators for primary education:schooling rates (gross) 101.0 71.0 58.0 76.0unit cost as % of the GDP per ca 11.0 15.0 22.0 b/ 11.0teacher salary divided by GDP per ca3.6 4.0 8.4 6.7students-teacher ratio 35.0 38.0 44.0 35.0

6. Indicators for secondary education:schooling rates (gross) 35.0 16.0 11.0 31.0unit cost as % of GDP per capita 22.0 52.0 133.0 ct 27.0students-teacher ratio 18.0 23.0 23.0 25.0

7. Indicators for higher education:schooling rates (gross) 9.7 2.0 1.3 6.5unit cost as% of GDP per capita 121.0 362.0 1,166.0 205.0

Notes: Figures for Latin America are obtained from Dagnino P. 1978 circa 1975. Figures for otherLDC, (Africa and Asia) are obtained from an updated version of the 'Education Sector Working

Paper,' IbRD, December, 1974, and correspond to several years around 1972-74.

a/ From Artus, Kuzuku, 'Cross-country data on government expenditures classified by

functions,' World Bank studies in domestic finance N.3, December 1973.

b/ 20.0 for East Africa and 24.0 for West Africa.

c/ 124.0 for East Africa and 142.0 for West Africa.

d/ 927.0 for East Africa and 1,405 for West Africa.

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Low teacher salaries in Latin America may be explained in terms oflack of expatriate teachers and low social prestige of native teachers.There are no examples of highly paid teachers. Although some countriesduring the sixties have made some efforts for substantial raises in theirsalaries (the cases of Chile and Peru will be explored in C.3), the generaltrend is toward a reduction in teachers' salaries expressed in real terms.

Several other explanations for lower unit costs will be exploredbelow. Low unit costs may also be explained by the existence of one thirdor more of untrained teachers, use of buildings in double shifts, lack offunding for maintenance and operational expenses (partially provided by theparents, but not included in the cost estimations), large class sizes,reduction of boarding facilities (in part due to the increasingurbanization rates of Latin America, with some countries reaching threequarters of urban population) and large average size of schools.

In the following four sections, four relevant factors influencinginternal efficiency in Latin America will be described, and theirinteraction with some specific allocation mechanisms will be furthercommented in the last chapter.

1. The effect of management on internal efficiency

Although educational management in countries followingrevolutionary processes seem to differ from those following evolutionary.political processes, the analysis will only focus on the latter.Educational management in countries affected by revolutionary processesseems to reduce attention to internal efficiency as observed in the case ofCuba and Nicaragua (Arrien, 1980). In those two countries most efforts aredevoted to improve the external efficiency of the system according toeconomic, social, political of psychological objectives of the new forcesin power.

Management Strategies

In Latin American countries following evolutionary politicalprocesses three different management strategies may be observed. First,those strategies used in countries attempting to expand the coverage of theschool system and the quality of the education through the improvement ofthe centralized administration. Second, those strategies used in countriestrying to improve specific aspects of the educational system through ad-hocgroups (proyectos or programas), and third, those strategies used incountries trying to develop decentralized mechanisms for decision makingand administration.

Most countries used the first model during the sixties and earlyseventies. National plans were the main tool for reaching higher levels ofinternal (and exterral) efficiency. Several countries still rely in thisapproach (Venezuela, 1980; Ecuador, 1983; Dominican Republic, 1979). Thelarge increases in the schooling rates and in the percentages of GNPdevoted to education (see Annexes 3 and 4) seem to be related to thisapproach. However, those plans have sometimes little relation with theannual budgets. One study of the budget process in Mexico suggests thatthe budget process is shaped by internal forces (inside the Ministry ofEducation) in isolation from the national political mainstream (McGinn etal, 1980).

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It is possible to assume that the macro-planning approach havehelped to reduce the large differences observed between unit costs inprimary and secondary education. Table 2 shows that the difference is nowsmaller (a reduction from 2.04 to 1.60 in the 1965-1975 period) probablydue to lower salaries for the secondary teachers. Something similar isobserved for the unit expenditures in tertiary education.

The extension of primary education to seven, eight or nine grades(see Annex 1) has represented considerable savings given that the unit costof primary education is around half of the unit cost of secondaryeducation. In addition some countries have further reduced the number ofyears spent in vocational education (see Table 3). The decisions have beentaken on intuitive basis given that only for Brazil and Colombia there arecomparative studies on rates of return of regular .vocational and thetraining institutions and in both cases small differences were estimated(Castro, 1971, 1972, 1973, Psacharopoulos, 1985). In all countries thebest graduates from vocational schools go into higher education and in manycountries the graduates from vocational schools cannot compete with thosetrained in a short time in training institutes. This is an area where morestudies are required. Follow up studies on graduates from agricultural andindustrial schools are specially relevant for future decision making.

Table 2: MEAN UNIT EXPENDITURE COMPARISONS BY LEVELOF EDUCATION (a)

Secondary Expenditure Tertiary Expenditure Tertiary Expenditureper Student per Student per Student

Primary Expenditure Primary Expenditure Secondary Expend.Per Student Per Student Per Student

Other Middle Other Middle Other MiddleLatin Income Latin Income Latin IncomeAmerica Countries America Countries America Countries

1965 2.04 1.80 16.60 9.10 7.90 5.20(0.40) (0.34) (1.20) (0.56) (0.75) (0.42)

1970 2.40 1.70 13.60 13.10 7.10 8.60(0.39) (0.40) (0.72) (0.76) (0.97) (0.67)

1975 1.80 1.50 11.50 9.30 5.10 6.00(0-35) (0.27) 9.92) (0.56) (0.65) (0.38)

1978 1.60 1.70 7.80 3.90 4.80 3.10(0.34) (0.28) (0.60) (0.35) (0.58) (0.22)

(a) Number in brackets equals the ratio of the mean to the standard deviation.Source: Heller and Cheasty, 1983, p. 11. Elaborated by Jimenez, 1984.Source: Alyaro Reyes Posada and Patricia Restrepo, wCosto de la Educaci6n

Piblica en Colombia,' ECIEL, Rio de Janeiro, 1976 p. 82.G. Psacharopoulos, 'To Vocationalize or not to Vocationalize",discussion paper, IBRD, June 1986.

E. Schiefelbein, *Diagn6stico del Sistema Educacional Chileno en1970," Departamento de Economfa, Universidad de Economra, Universidad deChile, Mayo, 1976, p. 177

(a) The best technical school had a 40% higher unit cost and anagricultural school had a unit cost twice as large the averace.

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Reduction in the unit costs of secondary education is specially importantin the present stage of the Latin American educational systems. In mostcountries access to primary education is becoming universal. Although toohigh repetition rates reduce the number of students graduating from primaryeducation, this number is increasing and there is an excess demand forsecondary education. Lower Unit costs in secondary education may ease upthe access to that level (Chinchilla, 1981; ODEPLAN, 1982).

The second model has been supported by international agencies.Since the early seventies Project Offices have been created to meetspecific targets. In most cases those offices have been effective insetting up the required inputs, but little may be said in terms of theoutputs. Even though several attempts to measure efficiency have beenreported little is known in terms of the efficiency of projects such asMOBRAL (Castro, 1981) or ACPO (Brumberg, 1974).

The third model aims to decentralize decision making. Althoughmost countries frequently mention their interest in this model few attemptshave been actually carried out (Le Boterf, 1982). Colombia, has createdthe Fondos Regionales, Brazil and Chile have turned the schools to theMunicipalidades (Sobrihno, 1978, CPEIP, 1982), and Peru has relied on the"nuclear system" (Peru, 1982). Since 1982 Peru is trying to return to a*more centralized system, given the negative effects detected in internalevaluations. Brazil created a national institution (PROMUNICIPIO) to helpthe Municipalidades to improve their low efficiency to improve their lowefficiency. Improvements in the number of school days attended by childrenhave been detected in Chile, but also low teachers morale seem to beanother outcome of the decentralization process. In Colombia thedecentralization process has generated large pressures on the contributionsof the central government to each region, given the little information isavailable in the central level to allocate resources to each of the regionsor to estimate the efficiency of each of the regions (additionalinformation is presented in C.4).

The effect of the different models is probably limited by the highproportion of costs made up of salaries for teaching (Table 4) and lack ofefficient management. The administrative wages probably account foranother 5%. In the remaining expenditures there are many fixed charges formaintenance, books, stationery, power, or services. Elasticity ofsubstitution between different factors of the educational process seems tobe very low. Buildings cannot be substituted for teachers (and viceversa)even in the medium term.

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Management Practices

Although many reports illustrate the poor level of educationalmanagement, attempts for improving management practices are also frequent.A report on 10 Latin American countries suggests that buildings areinefficiently used and resources are allocated with poor criteria (Castroet al, 1980) and in section A.3 the high level of repetition rates will becommented. In fact most educational managers do not seem to be aware ofthe possible impact of the key elements affecting the educational process.An important exception are textbooks. Managers have been graduallyaccepting textbooks as one of the factors that should be provided to allstudents in order to improve their achievement.

The lack of training in management of educational officials mayalso be reflected in lower levels of execution of the budget. Datapresented in Table 5 shows that the Ministry of Education used a lowerproportion of its budget than the central government as a whole. This datareflect the situation of one country, but it is also representative of theregion. However, the lower level may be caused by the directives issued bythe Ministry of Finance establishing low priorities for education in caseof financial stress.

Table 5: PARAGUAY. COMPARISON AMONG THE ALLOCATED BUDGETAND THE ACTUAL EXPENSES OF THE CENTRAL GOVERNMENT

AND THE MINISTRY OF EDUCATION.(millions of Guaranies)

Central Government Ministry of Education Ratio ExpensesYear Allocated Expended % Allocated Expended % MOE to CG

1970 10,697 9,401 88 1,389 1,232 89 13%

1975 18,935 19,562 103 2,977 2,737 92 14%

1980 54,795 56,028 102 7,688 7,513 98 13%

1981 84,072* 80,539 96 9,816 8,855 90 11%

1982 96,167 78,209 82 13,304 10,658 80 14%

Source: IBRD Mission.

* The original figure was 83,978, but repayment of government loans was reprogramed from 13,047 to32,136.

Notes: The allocated budget includes all additions approved during the fiscal year. Actual expensesinclude payments in the month of January of the next fiscal year. The figures include bothcurrent and capital expenses.

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In general, the Ministries of Finance do not stimulate theinterest of the Ministries of Education to introduce more efficient use ofresources. The reduction of expenses through a more efficient use ofresources is seldom reallocated in the same sector and any attempt to

internally transfer funds to supervision or educational materials finallygoes into general funds when the next financial crisis arrives. Theprevious comment may explain, in part, failures in trying PPBS methods inmany Ministries of education. Those methods have usually been formallyfollowed, but no attempt to really try to find better ways to meet thetargets has been observed.

However, countries have tried to achieve the traditional goalsusing less resources or to improve education using better techniques. Forexample, during the sixties and seventies several countries reduced thetotal number of class hours per week (in some cases from 35 to 30 hours perweek). In secondary education a second foreign language has beeneliminated (unsuccessfully in the case of Chile due to pressures fromFrance).

Several countries (Paraguay, Peru, Ecuador, Guatemala, Mexico) aresupporting experiments to determine efficient methods for teachingstudents. In the long run such experiments (and the exchange of resultsamong Latin American countries) should have a powerful impact inefficiency. For example, there are impressive gains using bilingualeducation for students whose mother language is different from the nationallanguage (Spanish or Portuguese). Repetition may be reduced (50% ofstudents in first grade are repeating in areas where bilingual education isrequired) and achievement may be substantially raised. (Some furthercomments are presented in C.3). There are attempts to solve the problemscreated by rural teachers living in distant cities and commuting to theschool or living in the village while their families stay in the city.Commuting teaches tend to reduce the number of hours worked with thestudents and as a result "time on task" of students is also reduced.Mexico has implemented a successful system of "Instructores Comunitarios"whose salaries are paid by the government through a patronato or group ofelders in each community. Thus the teacher becomes accountable to thecommunity and must work the whole week schedule (CNFE, 1978).

Several countries (Colombia, Costa Rica, Chile, Paraguay, Peru)have attempted to improve the supervision of the system, but monitoringtraditions are not easy to generate. Those countries have trained the"best" teachers and appointed them as "supervisors". However, in mostcases the Ministries of Finances have eliminated the budget allocation fortravel and per diem of the supervisors. Therefore, the salary is paid, butthe supervision work cannot be done and good teaches are sifted intobureaucratic channels. In Costa Rica an amount of money is provided tosupervisors together with their salary whether they visit schools or notand the results do not seem to be positive either. Provision ofmotorcycles to supervisors in Paraguay and Costa Rica has been reported asa positive action, but further information is required to assess its realimpact on supervision. Supervisors maintain their motorcycles and thereduced cost for gas makes it easier for them to use their own money tooperate the motorcycles. Still, even if the supervisors may visit schoolsthe information systems are not yet providing the list of schools withspecial problems for them to pay special visits.

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Cost Studies

Many countries have carried out studies on "unit costs" as adevice for allocating resources in a more effective way. Table 6 showsthat in Venezuela, Colombia and Brazil there is room for a betterallocation given that the differences between the extremes of the range ofcosts are substantially large. This is noteworthy given the little varietyin the way in which schools are run. Most of the difference in unit costsmay be explained in terms of the variance in wage levels of teachers, classsizes and non-wage costs per class. The Venezuelan situation seems to berepresentative of most Latin American countries. Even if differences insalaries are due to legal increments related to experience, there are stillimportant differences in class size and non-wage costs per class that couldbe due to inefficiencies or at least suggest large inequalities in thequality of the education provided to students of different areas. In anycase there are not well established systems to compute cost regularly(CEPADES, 1982).

The studies on unit costs may have also helped Latin Americancountries to keep costs in line with the overall economic situation orsupported cost recovery strategies. Table 1 showed that educationrepresents a relatively low burden on the public finances of Latin Americancountries (at least in comparison with other regions) and although unitcosts in universities could be overestimated these unit costs have beenused in countries looking for ways to get the students to pay back part ofthe costs. Studies of unit cost have also helped to detect inefficiency ingraduate studies. The administrative costs in graduate studies are usuallytoo high. Most of the master and doctoral programs should be offeredpooling together the resources of several universities. However, thatstrategy has not been followed (Oteiza, 1982).

Cost studies have also had an indirect impact on resourceallocation as a component of studies on the rate of return to education.In the last decade most countries have made a substantial effort to provideprimary education to all children (apart from Haiti, Guatemala is thelowest and it is now enrolling over 70% of each new cohort although theirattrition rate is quite high). This effort may suggest that the managershave listened to research results suggesting that rates of return toprimary education are much higher than the rates for other levels. Now,estimations for the rate of return to pre-primary education and theevaluation of such projects suggest that investment in the pre-primary isalso promising (ODEPLAN, 1977 and 1980).

Information For Better Management.

The Ministries of Education are becoming aware of the need tolearn from past experiences in a more systematic way. Mexico, Costa Rica,Colombia, Chile, Brazil, Peru, Panama and Guatemala have been developingdata banks in the eighties and information for improving decision making isgradually being used. Even though the retrieval of information is stillslow and little information flows to the desks of the decision makers,those attempts show the interest of authorities for improving management

TADlK 6 : Primary behooln, average oharmoteriatlon and raotore afrecting

expenditure (current currency)

VENEZUELA, 1916/7-78/9 BRASIL, SAO PAULO, 1980 COLOMIA', 1950CIIABACTERISTICS OF SCHOOLS AVERAGE RANGE AVERAGE RANGk AVERAGE RANGE

HINIMUH HAXIH HIHIHII HAXIHIH HTNI?II BAXI

fluinriRg expenditure:per pupil 80.5 57.8 109.6 22.857 0.808 599Q70 5.235 3 i00 77790

Tcaclierq wages as % of runningexpendl lttire5 74% -- -- -

Teachero per clans 1.1 1.1 1.2

Average teachier'o wage per month 1969 1769 2053 3.393 1 9;0. 6.200

Otber wage-costs per class 743 467 1017 J

Non-wage conts per class 25 _ _ 207 --- --- ---

Non-wage coats as % or runningexpenditure 1% -- -- --- --- ---

uhmmber of pupils per class 36.6 41.8 25.A --- -- - _ -

Contrlbutions of parents --- --- --- --- 1.410 1.220

Soimce: Claude Tibi, 'Preliminary reaults of case studies carried out In Brazil, Indoneola, Nigeria andValeuzuela", IIEP/S6311 1, Paris, 17 November 1980, pp. 46-57.

Paro, Victor 11. "0 ouoto do enaino publico no estado de Sao Paulo, Estudo de custo/aluno ua redetotadual de primnero e oegundo graus". Cadernoo do Peaquisa NO 43, 1982 pW. 3-29.

Paulsen, Alba, "Costo escolar y mejoramiento cualitativo do In. Educacldn", Rlevist Colombiana deEducaoi6n NO 8, 1981 (RAE 2507).

--- Not available

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systems. The success of the Latin American Exchange of Educational Network(REDUC) now operating in 16 countries also confirms the interest inlearning from past experience.

The development of a management information system (MIS) may be arealistic way to create an institutional memory able to reduce the effectsof the high turnover rates in the civil service and the tradition of"taking home" the files accumulated during the time the officials wereworking in office.

No Ministry is yet receiving lists of those schools with thelowest achievement indexes (in terms of repetition, attrition during theschool year, overage students or approval rates at the end of the year) forthe supervisors to visit and to eventually improve achievement. It may beforecasted that objective information will soon be calling the attention ofthe authorities about anomalous situations and information will probably bea way to permanently improve the management educational systems.

Summary

Although management practices in Latin America are poor, there arealso some signals that educational management is improving. The expansionof enrollment in primary and secondary schools has consisted of childrenfrom increasingly poorer segments of the population (Selowsky, 1980 DEALC,1981). However, in spite of this fact repetition and dropout rates aresomewhat constant or improving overtime. Therefore, some improvement inmanagement should be explaining that performance. Cost studies andinformation systems are positive factors, but there are no built inincentives for improving the efficient use of resources.

A.2 Effect of Alterable Variances on Internal Efficiency.

Although the results of the educational process aremultidimensional, the effects of alterable variables will be analyzed onlyin terms of achievement. Effects on achievement, motivation and motorskills cannot be expressed in a single scale. Furthermore, there areproblems for measuring each of those dimensions with precision. Theselimitations explain that most of the available research deals only withacademic achievement.

Class Size

Available research suggests that class size (in the range found inthe four countries studied in the available research) does not affectachievement (Schiefelbein, 1981), but the policy implications should becarefully examined. Only in one of seven multiple regression analysisincluding "class size" a negative effect on achievement was statisticallysignificative. This conclusion seems to be valid for most of the teachers,but it may not be so for good teachers able to provide individualizedteaching with a small number of students per class. It might also not betrue for teachers working with several grades in the same class-room(multigrade teaching). Practitioners suggest that there is a lower limitfor multigrade courses (may be 25 students per group, provided that allstudents may work with their own textbook).

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School Calendar

Several interesting experiences with the school calendar have beencarried out. In rural areas of Uruguay the students start at 10:00 a.m.(instead of 7:00 a.m.) in order to let the children to help in agriculturalwork at home. Substantial increments in attendance has been reported. Inthe Southern part of Argentina winter vacations are longer to reduce theeffects of floods. In Cuba the long vacations coincide with the "zafra"and in certain areas of Costa Rica and Guatemala with the coffee crop. InBolivia there are positive experiences with teachers that follow thestational migration related with local crops. In any case the total numberof annual school days (length of the school year) has shown significantresults on achievement (Schiefelbein and Clavel, 1974).

Teacher Qualifications

Teacher qualifications do not seem to produce a clear impact onachievement. (See Table 7). Eight out of 19 studies show positive effectson achievement (Schiefelbein, 1981). Detailed studies have shown that themain effect on achievement is observed in the threshold between having sometraining in teaching and not having any training at all. In any caseincrements in the length of training seem to have decreasing marginalreturns in terms of achievement of students. The analysis of availableresearch results should be carefully used, because some studies of teacherseffectiveness have not controlled by key variables such as teachersturnover (according to a report by L. Wolff turnover is an importantvariable), availability of textbooks-, amount of homework demanded tostudents, and multigrade teaching, therefore some available results couldbe biased. Effects of these variables are also summarized in Table 7.

Experience of the teachers has been detected as statisticallysignificative in four out of 12 studies. But some of the results suggestthat experience may be related in a non-linear pattern with achievement(positive relationship in the beginning and negative in the final period).Therefore, salary increments beyond a certain level of experience are nolonger productive.

Teachers up-grading has been detected as non significant in termsof students achievement. But it must be recalled that up-grading usuallyrefers to traditional classes that may increase knowledge of certaintopics, but may have little impacts in teachers techniques actually used inthe classroom. Up-grading through stages in good schools or in discussiongroups may have a positive impact on achievement and should be experimentedin controlled environments.

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Table 7: LATIN AMERICA: FINDINGS OF STUDIES ON PRODUCTION FUNCTION

IN EDUCATION

(Number of Studies)

Statistically Not statistically

Expected significant significant or

Variables sign of the and with sign with opposite

Analyzed relationship expected sign

Teacher variables

1. Teacher qualifications + 8 11

(education)

2. Teacher experience + 4 8

3. Turnover 1 04. Up-grading + 0 2

S. Maintains discipline + 2 3

8. Innovative in teaching

methods + 0 1

7. Education of teacher'sfather + 0 1

School Variables

1. Average class size 2 8(student/teacher ratio)

2. Equipment availability + 2 2

3. Duration of school year e 1 04. Two shifts (one group

in morning and another

in afternoon) 0 3

5. Coeducational + 0 2

8. Out-of-school activities + 1 0

7. Homework + 2 2

.8 Textbooks available + 3 09. Expenditures per student + 8 4

10. Use of library + 0 2

Student factors

1. Reading matter available

in nome + 2 0

2. Kindergarten + 1 0

3. TV + 5 0

4. Socio-economic level + 5 8

S. Family size 3 5

8. Repetition 2 0

7. Educational aspirations + 2 1

8. Malnutrition 4 4

9. Self-concept + 1 010. Intelligence (Raven) + 1 0

Source: E. Schiefelbein, 1981.

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Other Alterable Variables

Malnutrition, lack of sanitation, low levels of of psychologicalstimulation and other environmental deficits surrounding children inpoverty areas are some of the factors affecting performance that may beinfluenced by public policies. Both the preschool abilities andachievement levels in primary education seem to be positively affected byTV specially through programs such as Plaza Sesamo or Villa Sesamo.(Schiefelbein, 1981). Therefore, this is another aspect that may beexplored in the design of future public policies. Of special interest arethe effects of two additional school variables: preschool training andschool size. The marginal product of additional schooling seems to dependon the level of preschool abilities of the child (Selowsky, 1980).

As mentioned above (see A.1) many efforts are being carried outin preschool education. Textbooks for parents and teachers have beendeveloped in several Latin American countries. (Lira, 1980). Participantsin those programs have shown substantial development of cognitive skills.(Llanos and Winkler, 1982). Malnutrition has also been reduced and thereis a positive relationship between the cost of the nutrition programs andthe improvement in the nutritional standards. (Latorre, 1980)

Little evidence is available on scale effects and results arenot conclusive. Table 8 presents data on scale effects for Bolivia andParaguay. Changes in average costs are related to the student-teacherratio that increases with the size of the school (the definition of theschool size is not available). Effects of size in academic achievementmeasured by two different test are positive in Bolivia and are negative inParaguay. Fragmentary evidence suggests that primary schools with lessthan 200 students tend to have higher costs than average and schools withmore than 1000 students tend to be difficult to manage (it is possible toassume that through the years the upper extreme of the range could beincreased due to improved management abilities in the region). On theother hand, one-room schools can provide high quality education when theteacher has training in multigrade teaching and the students have their owntextbooks.

Summary

The evidence suggests that payoffs associated with two costlypolicies (lengthening teacher training and reducing class size) are small,while cheaper factors may be more relevant. It is true that the number ofuntrained teachers should be reduced in order to increase internalefficiency, but more research should be available in order to provide anempirical basis for finding effective upgrading methods (lengthening theirtraining or requiring longer years of previous schooling is not costeffective). There is still a long way to reach the target of 100 percentof trained teachers in all Latin American countries (see Annex 3).Furthermore, the level of teachers' training modify the effect of reducingclass size. Only good teachers will benefit from smaller classes. On theother hand, substantial gains in efficiency (mainly for small ruralschools) may be obtained through multigrade teaching (when students havetextbooks), that allows the operation of complete schools (offering allgrades in primary) that reduce early attrition and allow larger schoolsizes (Annex 4 illustrates the proportion of incomplete schools in thesystem). Finally, adjustments to the school calendar that allows studentsto attend a larger school year period have been reported as positive.(Further comments on the imnlementat4on of chanzes are _resnri- -A 4 r ? .

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A.3. Student Flow Characteristics.

Statistical data based on forms filled by school principals havegenerated dangerous misconceptions about students' access to the educationsystem and survival of students in school systems in Latin America.Therefore, decisions based on such information are adding to theinefficiency of the educational system. For example, figures showed aparadox: according to published data, although Uruguay has one of the mostdeveloped educational systems in the region it shows one of the highestrates of repetition. However, while the excellent supervision system inUruguay is one of the reasons why accurate reporting of repetition isprovided, in most of the other countries teachers do not look into theirfiles in order to fill the statistical forms, (in many cases there are nofiles) and they simply ask their students to raise their hands if they arerepeaters, then they count them and report the figure in the form.Therefore, the paradox is explained by repetition rates that are grosslyunder-reported in many countries of the region.

High Levels of Repetition

Table 9 presents a comparison of reported (official) rates andestimations of the true rates through more elaborated methods. (Unesco,1981). In many countries the estimations may double the reported figures.Therefore, the dropout rates are usually over estimated (they are thecomplement of the promotion and repetition rates) and newcomers are

Table 8: AVERAGE COST PER STUDENT-YEAR--CROSS-SECTION SCHOOL-LEVELEVIDENCE (1975)

SchoolCountry Size AVC AC ST RS SSBolivia Small 711 800 17 9.9 9.6

Medium 414 497 23 12.3 10.7Large 315 444 39 14.9 12.0Overall 493 592 25 12.2 12.7

Paraguay Small 3,620 4,563 16 14.7 10.9Medium 2,959 3,946 25 13.2 10.5Large 3,078 4,173 21 10.8 8.5Overall 3,225 4,230 20 13.0 10.0

Source: ECIEL data tape presented by Jimenez, 1984 (Table A.4.7).AVC = Average variable costAC = Average costST = Student-teacher ratioRS = Mean reading scoreSS = Mean science score

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Table 9: COMPARISON OF THE RATES OF GRADE REPETITION, BY COUNTRIES REPORTED

AND ESTIMATED DATA (a)

Country First Grade Second Grade Third Grade Fourth Grade

A Year Reported Estimated Reported Estimated Reported Estimated Reported Estimated

Ecuador

1972-3 14.1 48.7 12.1 35.9 7.8 31.1 8.4 31.21974-5 12.8 44.0 11.5 35.5 8.3 38.1 7.3 38.1

Brazil

1970 27.8 61.2 15.7 43.6 11.6 44.2 8.2 48.21971 23.0 57.0 12.5 39.4 10.6 36.9 8.2 57.41972 23.3 64.8 17.7 48.8 11.0 47.8 10.4 39.01973 23.4 84.8 17.6 42.7 11.5 34.7 10.7 28.9

Colombia

1968-7 56.8 41.3 28.0 12.31967-8 67.8 40.8 27.4 12.9

Costa Rica

1980 27.7 38.8

Chile

1974 35.0 33.8 30.8 27.8

El Salvador19s8 23.8 60.4

Mexico

1967 21.0 44.0

Panama

19s8 30.8 37.2

1968 30.5 38.0

Paraguay

1972 25.0 48.4 21.0 38.8 18.0 33.0 12.0 24.31973 28.0 48.s 21.0 38.1 18.0 29.1 11.0 24.91974 25.0 48.2 20.0 41.7 16.0 32.1 11.0 25.01975 24.0 44.8 19.0 34.7 15.0 30.9 10.0 25.51976 22.0 44.1 18.0 34.8 14.0 30.4 9.0 24.9

Venezuela

1961-2 31.8 58.1 14.0 32.3 13.3 34.1 13.9 29.21964-5 28.4 45.7 14.2 18.0 15.7 29.8 15.1 25.219se-8 24.2 47.3 12.4 24.1 14.3 28.3 13.8 22.71968-7 20.3 45.5 9.4 26.3 10.8 28.2 10.7 31.21967-8 18.2 56.0 9.4 25.7 10.0 27.3 10.0 27.31968-9 18.3 45.3 10.1 25.9 11.2 27.0 10.6 27.21969-70 17.8 32.9 10.2 21.8 12.0 18.1 11.2 21.1

Guatemala

1979 15.9(b) 51.6 15.9(b) 29.4 15.9(b) 30.2 15.9(b) 25.7

Source: E. Schiefelbein and McGrossi, 1980.

(a) Date used were for consecutive years and for Pupiis by grades and aces.

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over estimated (Alfonso et al, 1985). This data have made the decisionmakers to put more attention to exogenous factors (economic and social)rather than to pay more attention to the internal efficiency to the system(teachers methods, educational materials, and attendance).

The difference between repetition levels reported by principals(that are the base for published statistics) and the true repetition levelsis awesome. The reported repetition levels tend to overestimate attritionand to distort the analysis of "apparent cohorts" used to define efficiency(graduates from the nth grade compared with the enrollment in first grade"n" years before). In fact while the enrollment in first grade is muchlarger than the newcomers, enrollment in the nth grade tend to be muchcloser to the number of graduates (there is a selection process that makesrepetition rates to decrease with higher grades). Thus cohort analysislike those presented in Table 10 are biased and distort the analysis of thetrue efficiency of the system.

Global analysis of flows hides the differences between rural andurban areas or the differences by social strata. Students from rural areasor from low socioeconomic background usually join the educational system atolder ages than the rest of the student; they attend less days during theschool year, have higher rates of repetition and finally drop out when theyreach the working age (frequently near the 12 to 14 years of age).Although students from low socioeconomic levels are enrolled during 5 to 7years, they do not approve more than one to three grades. An importantnumber of urban students from low socioeconomic levels (mainly primarystudents) switch from day shifts to night shifts when they join the labormarket. In fact most of the "adult education" student body in LatinAmerican countries is less than 20 years of age. This also might explainthat according to the figures in the Census of Population the lowestliteracy rates correspond to the 15-19 years old groups. The lowest of theliteracy rates by single ages provide a good estimate of the access of eachcohort to schooling and of the future literacy rates of that cohort. Suchlowest rate is used for estimating more realistic repetition rates.

Repetition rates are much lower in secondary (high) schools thanin primary schools. However, in one tracer study carried out in Chilestudents repeating five or more times during high school were found. Thecertificate (diploma) received at the end of high school opens new areas inthe labor market and there is some social reward to finishing that level.Latin American societies assign considerable value to certificates anddiplomas and the students and their families are well aware of this fact.(Bruner, 1982). However, the expansion of the educational system hasgenerated a quick devaluation of the certificates received at the end ofprimary and secondary levels. (Munoz, 1974)

Factors Related to Wastaze

The high repetition in first grade seems to be associated with thecriteria for pass: students must know how to read or write a few words andto do simple additions. These are difficult barriers especially whenstudents do not have textbooks or when they learn to read in a languagedifferent from the mother tongue. The lack of textbooks is even morecrucial when the teacher does not have training as educator and has nomethods for teaching those basic skills.

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Table 10: INDICATORS OF EFFICIENCY IN PRIMARY EDUCATION

Student, I 144 n the I eatU . # * _ # o*grade according to thernumber

0 ~ S t | ._ L of repetitIton. (from a ISSoCountry a' students cohort)

1 * 0 2

_~~Q _d) b . _

Ai"n*ft 7 173 s 17 m 72 34Ui a 1171 11.07 t.m 3 ¶0 I 1o4 s 2commulis 5 lS37 U2 1.52 rw 3 S= 11s 47 21Cum R a 1i70 7.2 1.D 218 7= 511 t 7 52 12

oxw 4 117 7." 1.3 13n 5 = 275 23 1564 730Ch. 3' 17" 12.72 1.fl 453 547 181M 14 1mANOW 5 137 8S. 143 M3 ff7 Ut 11 SU 3485 ih.' 5 1171 1734 1.t3 729 271 171 7 21 4GUmIna S 1570 12.15 2=. 77 = 17 104 A2 ISGWuW 6 1s50 7.3 1.22 127 3 543 i37 . Is

6 1974 8.2 1.3 34 615 24 171 so 18S 1570 2.3 2.0 734 26 US 1 2 27 9£__~ 6 1971 7.73 1= 2?0 - = = 41

- 8 1970 12.18 2. 50 401 IO 134 67 40pani 6 1372 8.32 1.42 254 S44 =33 21. 11 35

a 1974 11.14 1.3 OO SW4 121 162 t 127a 197 7.70 1. 104 S 2t6 IS 104

vu~a 6 1970 7. 1= 617 97 15 2

Sourco: UNESC3, 1980:48

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The criteria for promotion in the other grades is less precise andeach teacher has his own judgment. One study shows that in differentschools of the same country the requirements (in number of pages thestudent has mastered) are quite different (Villarroel et al 1984). Thereare no standardized tests applied to students in different grades ofprimary and secondary education, but in only one country. However, thereare standard university entrance examinations in five countries (Brazil,Colombia, Chile, Costa Rica and Mexico). Results in those universityentrance exams suggest relatively low achievement levels of student andthere are continuous demands from university professors to raise thestandards in secondary education (even though the claims of universityprofessors are probably biased). New figures from the InternationalEducation Achievement Study (IEA) may shed light in this aspect in the nearfuture.

Factors affecting repetition are also the factors affectingachievement. The effects of the school calender and teacher qualificationson student flows have already been explored above (see A.2). Incompleteschools, late entrance, mother language, transport and lack of textbooksare additional factors detected in other reports. Several strategies tomodify some of these factors in order to improve achievement haveimplemented, but few have been evaluated. Some of the experiments are verysimple. For example, schools with few students in certain classes havebeen encouraged to ask students with learning problems to attend the second(other) shift in order to provide some remedial attention. (Schiefelbein,1982). Other experiments are sophisticated and have been evaluated. Forexample, the use of radio helped Nicaraguan students to raise theirachievement in mathematics and to reduce their repetition rates (see C.5below). The project implies an increment in unit cost per year, butreduces the cost of each graduate student from primary education. (Jamison,1978).

Reported Attempts to Reduce Repetition

Although Costa Rica, Ecuador, Venezuela and Chile have enacted"automatic promotion" laws or norms for eliminating the number of repeatersin primary education, repetition has been reduced gradually by a change inteachers' attitude toward repetition. In Ecuador teachers are assigned tothe same group during the first to second grade to reduce claims againstthe "teacher of the previous grade," but there still remain many studentsrepeating first grade in spite of being illegal to do so. In Chilestudents are only required to attend over 120 school days in order to bepromoted. In several countries remedial teaching time is offered to slowlearners. Although the laws do not drastically change the patterns ofpromotion, the laws make teachers aware of their responsibility and, in thelong run, repetition rates have been reduced in countries where automaticpromotion has been enacted, but the net effect of this strategy is not yetconclusive.

Teacher training is now placing more emphasis on theresponsibility of the teacher in the success of normal children. (MuEoz andSchmelkes, 1983). This emphasis may have an important impact in futurestudent flows.

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Teachers working in one-teacher schools have been trained to workwith several grades at the same time (provided that textbooks areavailable) and to offer even all primary education to a group of 45students or less in a single classroom (for example first and second gradesin the morning shift and third to sixth grades in the afternoon shift).The "escuela nueva" en Colombia, and the experiences in many othercountries shows that when teachers receive a minimum training and studentshave textbooks to work by themselves, the promotion rates increase anddropout tend to be reduced (at least forced drop out is reduced, because nolonger students must leave the school because there are no further grades).

Preschool training both in schools or at home have proved to havepositive effects in promotion rates in first grade. (Llanos and Winkler,1982; Filp et al, 1982). Preschool training may also have an impact infollowing grades (as suggested in results from research carried out indeveloped countries).

In a few countries a special effort has been made to use massmedia for raising educational aspirations. (Mayo et al, 1974). Given thataspirations seem to be related with achievement they may have reducedrepetition and had some positive impact on student flows.

In most countries children and adults have special opportunitiesfor certification of knowledge. At least in one country an adult may becertified even in only one subject (for example, mathematics). Given thehigh value of certificates these mechanisms have reduced the pressure onenrollments on the regular system. The training centers have discussed formany years the need for a vocational certification system, but little hasbeen implemented. (Agudelo, 2983) Enrollment as special students onuniversity courses where there are available unused places (with no priorrequirements) has been discussed as an alternative way to certifyknowledge; those special students meeting the promotion requirementprocedures would receive specific certification for the course approved.However, although this option was enthusiastically received in a seminarorganized by CINDA in May 1986, still no experiment of this type has beencarried out.

Su=mary

All in all there are substantial increments in the promotion andretention of students in the last two decades. However, still in manycountries there are no policies for reducing.repetition. In most countriesthe private schools do not allow their students to repeat and the publicsystem must accept those less able students. Thus comparisons ofachievement in both types of schools should be carefully done (Uzategui andMuelle, 1974).

A.4. Effects of selection processes on internal efficiency

Although the selection process tend to increase the achievementlevels of those selected, it also tends to reduce the achievement of thosescreened out, to raise unit costs in the secondary level and to reduceequal opportunities for studying.

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The educational selection process starts at the cradle, evenbefore entrance into the school system, and the selectivity impact isreduced only when students are accepted into a specific university career.Children from affluent families send their children to kindergartens whilefamilies from lower socioeconomic levels seldom obtain that service free ofcharge, mainly in some industries of the modern sector. The differences ininitial attention have an impact on all school life. (Selovsky and Taylor,1973; Schiefelbein and Farrell, 1982). In the most prestigious schoolssometimes the children can only join the school at that level or even thefamily must own a highly valued share of the educational institution forthe children to became a student.

Effects in Primary Education

In private schools most children enrolled in a grade have the sameage and use the textbooks designed for their age. In public schools thereis a more heterogenous distribution of ages; necessarily some students mustuse textbooks that do not motivate them, because they are older, and theteacher must make an extra effort to cope with the differences in ages.These differential factors add to other factors commented above (forexample socioeconomic factors) and generate higher repetition levels inpublic schools.

The selection process is also reinforced by the differentattitudes of teachers depending in the type of preschool or school theywork. (Filp et al, 1982) Teachers in schools for students from lowsocioeconomic levels seem to be more authoritarian, and rote learning andsome physical or verbal abuse prevails; sometimes the environment andtraditions of those students are critically commented by the teachers thusreducing self assurance of students and increasing anxiety levels, (Guidaet al, 1984; Dahse, 1982; Putzey et al, 1983). Students from rural primaryschools are selected to continue their education when the students are ableto enroll in other schools offering continuation beyond the last gradeoffered in the local school. In general there are other informal ways toselect students through requirements of uniforms, shoes, textbooks andcopybooks or special contributions requested by the school. All thesemechanisms reduce both the class size (increasing the unit costs) and thegraduates/newcomers ratio (graduation rates).

Effects in Adult Education

The lack of alternative strategies that suits each group of adultshave been suggested as one of the causes for poor results in adulteducation. (Castro et al, 1982) More diversified types of education seemto be required for adults to become interested in using the supply oflearning opportunities. The analysis of population cohorts suggests thatbeyond the age of 24 it is very difficult to become literate and to keepthe literacy skills (when the environment does not stimulate the use ofthose skills) unless there is a special drive. However, most literacycampaigns seem to be the result of sudden political interest rather thanthe result of careful analysis of problems and experience and littleprofessional advice is used in their design and implementation.

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Effects in Secondary Education

At the secondary level the selection processes are expressed interms of multiple pressures for offering more opportunities of costlyvocational education to students from lower socioeconomic levels. Studentsare streamed into the academic and vocational education, with theunderachiever students going into the second track. However, most studentsreaching secondary education expect to go to the university (given the highpayoff associated with success in university and the fact that graduatesfrom high school, on average, belong to the upper 25% of the socioeconomicdistribution of each cohort). Therefore, the best students graduating fromvocational schools usually get their way into the university. (Mayo et al,1974). The paradox is that the better the quality of the vocationaleducation, the higher the probability of reaching the university level andthe lower the probability of using their vocational skills. Given the costof vocational education usually doubles the cost of academic education (seeTable 3), such a selection process generates inefficiency in secondaryeducation.

Effects in Higher Education

At the university level the selection is expressed in terms of ahierarchy of universities and careers as well as in terms of the cost ofthe studies. University Entrance Examinations in countries with good freepublic university education have stimulated many families to invest in goodfee-paid private high schools in order to get access to those tuition freepublic universities, while students attending poor tuition free public highschools end up in poor fee paid private universities (mainly in Brazil andColombia). This is a topic of present interest in Latin America, (Soria,1980) and some studies have suggested the need to ask the students to payat least the same amount they have been paying in high school (Paraguay orChile). Those payments may represent 10 to 20% of the educational budget(see details in point C.3).

Selection processes represented by University EntranceExaminations have forced the teachers to train (coach) the students forthose tests rather than emphasizing creativity or vocational aspects(Schiefelbein, 1982). This is specially true in those countries wheredemand for places in the university exceeds the available places (DEALC,1981).

Private paid schools and universities usually have lowerrepetition rates than the public institutions, but the rates are affectedby the higher SES of private students and by their better entranceachievement levels as well as higher aspirations and motivation. (DeAndraca et al, 1982) Charging fees in Chile has been associated with areduction of students from lower socioeconomic levels. (Briones, 1981).Increments in fees in the Universidad Rafael Landivar (from $600 in 1980 to$800 in $1984) did reduce the newcomers but did not affect the drop outrates (see Table 11). As in the lower educational levels, comparison ofachievement between private and public institutions must control theanalysis for intervening factors.

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Lack of selection in the entrance process has generated otherselection mechanisms, mainly "remedial courses" to up grade high schoolgraduates to the accepted entrance levels required by the university or adrastic selection at the end of the first school year. In the InstitutoTecnologico of Ecuador most students are accepted in the preparatory course

Table 11: GUATEMALA. UNIVERSIDAD RAFAEL LANDIVAR (CENTRAL CAMPUS)

Annual Number of Drop outYear Fee New Students Rates1962 400 138 n.a.1967 400 506 n.a.1972 400 586 n.a.1977 400 1,662 n.a.1979 400 2,465 n.a.1980 600 2,257 17%1981 600 2,420 27%1982 600 2,028 24%1983 600 1,778 n.a.1984 800 1,503 25%

n.a.= non availableSource: Annex 5

and only the best are accepted as full fledged university students thefirst year. In the National University of Ecuador all postulants must beaccepted by law, but then the selection is carried out at the end of thefirst year. (Pozo et al, 1981). The selection at the end of the firstyear generates a large premature drop out, but some students that wouldhave been screened out through an entrance exam-may attend classes duringthe first year and eventually succeed in their studies.

The more selective the access to a career the lower is the wastageduring the career. In those careers where students must approve the moredemanding exams (for example, Medicine or Engineering in many countries),the lower attrition rates are observed. But again, the students acceptedto those careers are those that have benefited from high familysocioeconomic background, well equipped elementary and secondary schools,good teachers and stimulating environments.

Selection to graduate studies is open to all graduates from highereducation and the selection is done among an already selected group.Therefore, at that level social background seems to play a minor role.Latin America is now expanding graduate studies. There is still anopportunity for most people interested in graduate studies (and willing topay the opportunity costs for reducing their paid work) to have access toavailable programs. Attrition rates are still relatively low. However,this is an area where scholarship programs must be offered in order to getthe best possible candidates (Pozo et al, 1981).

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Summary

Socioeconomic, geographic and ethnic factors affecting presenteducational selectivity allow increments in achievement levels of aselected group, but probably reduce the overall achievement level of theregion. Selectivity allows that all children from upper income levels(including the children of decision makers) be attending good schools,therefore no automatic incentives are built into the society for improvingthe quality of schooling for those negatively selected. Most countrieshave made efforts to open vocational opportunities that reduce the numberof candidates for university admission, but no one has yet succeeded,mainly due to a salary structure and traditions that associate a highpayoff to university graduates. Free tuition does not reduce aneducational selection process that starts at the cradle and continues inthe admission to specific university careers and in the graduation. Infact in some cases, as in the admission into the university, the freetuition system exacerbates inequities.

B. PRIVATE CONTRIBUTION TO THE FINANCING OF EDUCATION

The previous section has suggested that reducing the internalinefficiency of the educational system involves an increment in the unitcosts per student and a reduction in the unit cost per graduate. At thesame time, the total amount of resources must increase to make thoseimprovements and a source of funding has to be found. Although the publicsector has played a key role in funding the expansion of primary andsecondary education during the last three decades, the private sector hassubstantially increased its share in higher education in the last decade.Given the dwindling public funds resulting from the economic recession andthe service of the foreign debt, the private sector is now the obvioussource of funding. This section presents available evidence on pastefforts made by the private sector in order to assess whether additionalcontributions could be expected. The magnitude of the present crisis isoutlined and four experiences of tapping new resources from the privatesector are explored. Attempts to introduce or raise user charges ingovernment schools as well as expanding private schools and earmarked taxesfor training institutions are commented on and compensatory mechanisms suchas the provision of loans and scholarships are reviewed.

Although during the sixties and seventies expenditures increasedat a fast pace even when economic growth was sluggish (Annex 11),information about the recent recessive years suggests a large negativeimpact in education financing. It has been suggested that the increment ineducational expenses during the sixties and seventies reflected an effortto compensate previous underinvestment in human resources vis-a-vis otherfactors. (Chenery and Syrquin, 1976). If that was the case, now it may beno longer true. Public funds for education-have sharply declined in theeighties in spite of the increased number of candidates. This decline hasbeen caused by a reduction in GNP per capita. In turn there has been ageneral reduction on the percentages of GNP devoted to the state budget anda specific reduction in public funds for education. Almost all countriesreduced their GNP per capita in the 1980-1985 period (a negative annualrate of 1.64% for the region), with some countries reducing their GNP percapita levels to the levels registered in the late sixties. This decline

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led half of the countries to reduce the central government totalexpenditures as percentage of GDP during the 1980-1985 period. Finally,there was a decreasing public spending on education as a share of the statebudget (from 18.9 in 1970 to 15.3% in 1980 for the region). In otherwords, education is receiving a decreasing share of a decreasing amount ofsocial resources. Cuts in educational budgets are undermining attempts toraise the quality of education. Budget officials in several countriesreported that educational expenses not related to salaries are the first tobe eliminated to solve financial troubles.

Private contributions to formal education are also growing at aslower pace and the attempts to accelerate that pace will be reviewedbelow. However, the fact that at a given moment a government made aspecial effort to increase public schooling rates should be kept in mindfor analyzing the future development of private education. Privatecontributions to in-service training seem to be growing at a faster pace.

The percentage of GNP spent in education by the public sector inLatin America is still low in comparison with developed countries (between1% and 6.5% and between 4.1 and 8.% respectively in the early eighties) andthe percentage of GNP spent in private education is even lower (around 1%in Guatemala and Paraguay where private education is well developed). Inother words, there is ample room both for an expansion of public funds foreducation and for privatization of provision of educational services. Withrespect to private financing, the problem is to find some mechanisms forencouraging the private sector. This is the object of the analysis in eachof the next five points of this section.

B.1 Cost Recovery Policies by Level of Education.

Although there is a historic tradition of centralized taxessystems in Latin America, there are still important and increasingcontributions from private sources that could be even further increased.The faster growing sources of revenue fall in the fiscal domain and havereduced the importance of local sources of revenues. Rapidly growingactivities like education have forced an increasing state activity orincreased transferences of funds to local authorities. In general, mostreports mention the government as the only source for further expansion,(Franco, 1980; Ecuador, 1983; Donoso and Hawes, 1983) but those that havestudied the actual contribution of fees have a different view (Boenninger,1980; Schiefelbein, 1984). Table 12 shows a wide range of proportions inwhich different sources share the funding (tax contributions to vocationaltraining institutions commented in B.3 are included in this table). Forexample, Brazil has managed to mobilize large private contributions to runthe educational system, even though its educational system is lessdeveloped than the other four countries included in the comparison.

Factors related to increased public share

Several sources of pressure may be identified for increasingpublic funding of education. In many countries education is acommunication channel more efficient than those provided by the politicalparties, army, mass media or the church. For example, construction of newschools may be offered to local groups in political campaigns or teachingjobs may also be used to pay political favors and to secure the loyalty of

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officials. At the same time, governments prefer to finance students ratherthan to have open youth unemployment and the expansion of teaching staffsmay provide a job to the annually increasing crop of graduates.

Political ideals for academic freedom and university autonomy itis also a powerful force. For example, in Guatemala, the Constitutionassigns 5% of the fiscal budget to the Universidad San Carlos (assigned 3%until 1983). In this case there is no way to modify the fiscalcontribution short of changing the basic law. Sometimes the pressure comesfrom members of the congress that usually belong to a reduced number oftraditional universities. Whatever the ideological differences, thealumnae rally together to approve laws that benefit their Alma Mater. Thisfact may explain the advantages obtained by universities (specially thetraditional universities) in many Latin American countries. (Castro 1980;Frigoto, s/f).

In sulmmiary, the dynamics of public and compulsory education mayreflect, in some cases, strong influences of vested interests that forcedincreased public expenditures.

How to measure private contributions

The contribution of the private sector is sometimesunderestimated. In the analysis of who pays for university expenses itcould be assumed that about 50 percent of the total operating expenses forsome higher education institutions are allocated to education while theother 50 percent correspond to other university functions such as research,or diffusion (in many private universities the proportion for research anddiffusion may be substantially lower). The percent of university incomefinanced by fees is only a portion of the percent of expenses for highereducation. Table 13 shows that tuition fees in several public universitiesreach near 10 percent of total income, but the amount financed by feesrepresents a larger proportion of expenses in education. On the otherhand, there are also important proportions of students receiving financialhelp from the government (see further comments in B.4). Therefore the netcontribution may be also different from the figures presented in Table 13.Although the cost recovery figures suggest that there is ample margin forraising user charges in higher education, the figures also suggest thathalf a dozen Latin American countries have done a serious effort to raiseas much as possible the university fees. In fact the differences in feesamong Mexican public universities suggest that it has been politicallyunfeasible to raise the fees in the UNAM. (Levy, 1979). While the Chileanexperience (see details in C.3) shows that tuition fees as proportion ofuniversity income may be as high as 25 percent, the attempt carried out inGuatemala in 1984 to raise the fees from US$5 per year to US$10 per yearended with a machine gun pointed to the heart of the president of theuniversity.

Cost Recovery bv Levels

There are limited attempts for introducing user charges in primaryand secondary education. Table 13 suggest that registration and tuitionfees in formal education are cuite small (range 0 to 10% for all cases, buttwo) and frequently when parents have financial problems even those smallfees could be easily waived. However, additional user charges are

TABLE 12; RATIOS AMONG SOURCES OF EDUCATIONAL EXPEINDITURES

RATIO OF EXPENDITUIIES OF TIJE RATIO OF EDUCATIONAL EXPENDITURES RATIO OF PRIVATE EDUCATIONALMINISTRY OF EDUCATION TO TOTAL OF OTIER MINISTRIES TO EXPENDITURES EXPENDITURES TO TilE EXPENDI-I)DUCATIONAL EXPENDITURES OF TIIE MINISTRY OF EDUCATION TURES OF TIHE MINISTRY.OF [Lx-

CATIOIO

Averaqe .50 Averaqe .1 Average .42.

Chile .67 Brazil .24 Brazil 1.11

Venezueld .66 ColoMbia .23Coloobia .51

Argentina .58 Chile .14 Chile .32 0

Venezuela .13Colon)ia .41 Venezuela .13

Brazil .19 Argentina .005 Argentina .04

SOURCE: Zynce1iitan, 1973:

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introduced using a variety of different mechanism operating at the schoollevel. The main mechanism is the so called "parent's voluntary (orsomewhat forced) contributions." Two variations of this mechanism areoperating in Latin America. One operates in subsidized private educationand the other in the public schools (usually administered by theprincipal). These two mechanisms are discussed in the following sections.

Subsidies as a Cost Recovery Strategy

Subsidized schools may cut government expenses by half. Subsidizedschools are private schools receiving some funding from the state and areallowed to obtain a "small" voluntary contribution from students' parents.In certain countries the subsidy is an amount per student enrolled, whilein other there is subsidy per day the student attends school (the case ofChile), in other countries, lump sums (the case of Paraguay) or payment ofa few teachers (the case of new schools in Paraguay or Guatemala). Thereis even a system where the government pays the teaching staff including theschool principal, but the principal is a member of a religious group (thecase of the "Fe y Alegria" schools in the Andean countries) that providessome support for the non-wages costs of the school. In all these cases thestate pays only a fraction of the total-cost of education and the balanceis paid through "voluntary" contributions from parents, teachers or othercommunity groups. Table 14 presents a summaary of the direct contributionin tuitions and registration fees in the case of Paraguay. When all thecontributions are taken into account they represent 21% of the totaleducational expenditures (not including family expenditures related toeducation). Further comments on these subsidized school are included inthe next section (B. 2.).

Table 13: COST RECOVERY BY EDUCATIONAL LEVEL IN LATIN AMERICA, AROUND 1980

User Fees as % of Unit Public CostCountry Primary Secondary Higher (a)

Bolivia .8 .4 1.0Brazil 5.0Chile 1.6 .9 25.0Colombia - - 3.4

Costa Rica .3 .5 8.0Dominican Republic 0 0 1.0Ecuador 0 0 2.0Guatemala 10.0Haiti 6.8 3.4

Honduras 0 9.6 10.0Mexico 3.-70Paraguay 4.1 2.0 .7Uruguay .5 .4 6.0

Average 0.9 1.7 6.8

(a) Given that unit cost in higher education may include resources for research services (forexample hospitals) or extramural activities, the figures only correspond to a 'minimum,percentage. In the case of Chile the real percentage of the unit cost per student isestimated in 30 to 50e.

= not available

Source: Calculated by Psacharopoulos, Tan and Jimenez (1988) from Schiefelbein (1985), exceptColombia: Gomez, H., (1984); and Bolivia and Haiti, Ainsworth (1984).See Annexes 6 and 7.

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Table 14: PARAGUAY. ESTIMATED FAMILY CONTRIBUTIONS TO EDUCATIONIN 1983 (in Guaranies)

No. of AnnualStudents Tuition Total Contribution

PRIMARY 1,718.4Public 473.8 100 47.4Private 40.9 40,000 1,636.0Subsidized Private 35.0 1,000 35.0

BASIC SECONDARY 961.4Public 67.6 1,300 87.8Private 18.1 47,900 862.0Subsidized Private 5.8 2,000 11.6

BACHILLERATO IN HUMANITIES 790.1Public 29.2 2,000 58.4Private 13.9 52,640 731.7

BACHILLERATO IN COMMERCE 54.0Public 5.8 2,000 11.6Private 2.1 20,000 42.4

TECHNICAL BACHILLERATO 6.1Public 1.5 2,900 4.1Private 0.1 20,000 2.0

UNIVERSITY 614.0Public 18.0 3,000 54.0Private 7.0 80,000 560.0

TOTAL 4,144.0(b)

(a) The estimates include tuition fees but do not include clothing, food or transportation.(b) This total represents 21% of the total educational expenditure.

Source: Number of students were provided by SEC - planning office. Annual tuition - estimatedby IBRD mission, 1984

Other Cost Recovery Strategies

Local funding of public schools is an important source of fundingprimary education and is contributing about one third of the total studentcost. Both contributions in food for teachers and manpower forconstruction and maintenance of school building have been provided inseveral countries (Paulsen, 1982; Lopez, 1980). The contributions inspecies are mainly provided in rural areas specially in the poorest areas(Schmelkes et al, 1983). Private contributions (including contributionsfrom the teachers' pocket) may average 30% of the cost or rural primaryschools in Colombia (See Annex 8). Comments from teachers in six countriessuggest that similar percentages may be exacted in rural areas of othercountries. Table 15 suggests that the private contributions are mainly

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used for individual materials, furniture, and construction or maintenance.In certain cases parents feel that there is too much pressure for them tocontribute; their children sometimes are sent back home when the parentshave not sent their contribution. What is clear is that in L.A. mostpublic schools could not operate unless the parents contribute.

Teachers' salaries may be another mechanism through which thegovernment may be recovering part of the cost of training the teachers intuition free public institutions. Teachers' salaries mainly depend ondecisions of the government and are relatively low with respect to otherprofessions that require a similar training. If the government reimbursesteachers for their service at rates below the value of those services therewould be a case of "bonding" or social service that would be reducing thereal cost of education. It should be noted that the recent economic crisishas not reduced the magnitude of the enrollments, but only the salaries ofthe teachers (See C.3). The high rates of teachers moving out of theirprofession (Census of Population show a large proportion of teachersworking in other sectors while untrained teachers are working in ruralschools) may also suggest lower salaries than the levels required to keepteachers in their profession (Munoz and Schmelkes, 1983).

Private education provided to preschool students or to specialstudents (blind, deaf or retarded) only caters to high income families,with only a few exceptions. In several L.A. countries there are nowoperating once a year national TV "Telethons" which are collecting moneyfor special education for people with little resources (in Chile each yeararound US$2 millions are collected and similar efforts are being carriedout in Colombia, Peru and other countries), but still most poor familieshave little hope for their children when they need special treatment.

Non formal education is also an additional mechanism forchanneling private resources into educational activities. Non formaleducation is able to mobilize resources from the private sector (includingmassive amounts of time provided by the monitors and instructors in thosecourses) or the participants themselves into educational activities wellfitted to the needs of special groups in each country, especially thepoorest groups. Contributions are provided in varying shares by theleaders of the non-formal activities and the participants in thoseactivities only one third of the funds are provided from public sources(Swett, 1983). Specific remarks on employer-financed vocational trainingare presented later on in section B.3.

Summary

Latin America has been able to reach an important (30 to 40%)level of privatization of provision of all educational services in theregion. Subsidies to non-fee private education have reduced the totalamount of public resources devoted to education up to 50% in the extremecases. Although subsidized systems are available only in a few countries,

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Table 15: COLOMBIA COST STRUCTURE IN SIX SCHOOL - 1980

Item Case 1 Case 2 Case 3 Case 4 Case 5 Case 6

Total annual cost 1,584.0 254.1 591.6 295.7 348.7 994.0(Col$000)

Distribution 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0 %Current Expenditures 93.2 80.1 89.6 90.7 82.7 90.4Personnel

teaching staff 62.5 40.4 55.1 43.7 65.8 51.0principal .6 .5 1.7 1.9 1.1materialsgroups .3 .7 1.5 .3 .5 .9individuals 25.3 31.2 24.2 39.4 13.0 29.8

ServicesTransport 1.1 1.2 1.4 2.0 1.8Water and energy .8 .1Boarding 2.8 .3 1.5Recreation 2.2First Aid .3 .1Public relations 2.2Maintenance .6 .7 3.4 3.4 3.4 2.0

Investment 6.8 19.9 10.4 9.3 17.3 9.6Land .6 .2 .3 .1 .6BuildingsClassrooms 3.0 10.2 3.6 5.7 5.1 4.1Health services. 1.4 .8 .7 .5Recreative services 1.0 1.3 .5Teachers' house 3.8 .5 2.4 .5Circulations/deposit .8 2.6 .1 5.3 1.6

EquipmentFurniture .4 .6 1.4 2.2 1.3 .8Teaching aids .2 .9 .3 .8Library .1 .9 .1 .7Other .3 .7 1.5 .4

Maintenance 1.3 1.0 .3

Other Programs (31.6)(Not included in thetotal annual cost)

Note: Indirect costs (for example administrative costs of the region or central government)are not included.

Source: Project 'Costos de la Educacion Primaria Rural en Colombia - Estudio de Casos",OFISEL, 1981.

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those systems could be extended to the whole region. Several countrieshave been trying to raise user charges in university education, but thereis a need for providing more objective evidence to the public opinion ofthe rationale for doing so and for diffusing government reliable strategiesfor introducing change in the present tuition free policies. Therefore,the future contribution of private funds may be still expanded in severalcountries of the region.

B.2. Private Schools

Although private schools are now the most important mechanism fortraining students and for channeling resources from the private sector intothe educational activities of each country, governments do not have clearpolicies for further expansion or improvement of private schools. The mainrole of Latin American private schools is to provide the upper socialgroups a better quality of education or a different type of education, thanthe education provided by the public system. Therefore, different types ofprivate education may be identified. All types of private education tendto be concentrated in urban areas where the population is more dense andfamily income is higher. Only some non fee Church schools or schoolsprovided by landowners are sometimes found in rural or isolated areas.

Proportion of Private Enrollments

Table 16 presents the proportion of enrollment in privateinstitutions in each of the three levels. In primary education between 5and 18% of the students were studying in private schools (although Haitihad 42%) in 1975. Percentages in secondary private education were muchhigher (14 to 45% with the exception of Costa Rica with 6%), but they wereslightly lower in higher education (between 10 to 30%) with the exceptionof Brazil and Colombia where private higher education exceed 50% of totalenrollment in that level.

It is difficult to detect a trend in the proportion of privateeducation over time. The figures in Table 16 may include some mistakes andit is questionable whether trends may be identified. However, smallchanges are detected in most countries, with a few exceptions (such asHaiti or Bolivia). Some countries even increase the private contributionin primary education and decrease it in secondary education (See forexample Colombia). In countries that have finally reached 100% access toprimary education (for example Chile and Mexico) in the 1965-1975 period,the proportion of the private contribution has been reduced. The highrates of growth in secondary education (mainly explained by thegovernmental effort) have also reduced the proportion of private secondary/education in total enrollments. More data are required for highereducation in order to identify significant trends.

Types of Private Schools

Behind the common label of "private education" there are severaltypes with special characteristics. Differences are observed betweenschools sponsored by religious groups (probably three quarters of privateschools are sponsored by the Catholic Church in Latin America) and schoolssponsored by laymen. Church schools attend both high and low socioeconomic

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groups and some redistributive role is played with the income from theiroperation. Schools sponsored by laymen mainly cater to high and mediumsocioeconomic levels of the population, but those rural schools sponsoredby small philanthropic groups and schools that the law demands landownersor firms to operate. On the other hand all the private schools usuallyfollow quite closely the curricula instructions of each Ministry ofEducation (Brahm and Cariola, 1971; Balderrama and Del Castillo, 1976;Mun5oz and Hernandez, 1978), with the exception of the internationallyoriented schools.

Fee paying schools are academic oriented (most of thefr graduatesgo to universities) and tend to provide instruction in a foreign language(usually English) since the first grade, while free and public schools tendto offer a second language only in high school. Fee paying schools alsoprovide better sport programs and provide better life "connections" throughthe classmates or their parents.

Although there are private schools for students requiring specialtreatments their number is reduced and are usually sponsored byphilanthropic institutions. Extreme climatic conditions, risky zones,isolated points, or students requiring high unit cost tend also to limitprivate activities.

Table 16: PERCENTAGE OF PRIVATE SCHOOLS IN TOTAL ENROLLMENT,LATIN AMERICA, 1965-79

First Level Second Level Third LevelCountry 1965 1975 1965 1975 1965 1975

Argentina 14 17 41 45 -Bolivia 26 9 26 24 -Brazil 11 13 49 25 -Chile 27 18 38 23 -Colombia 14 15 58 38 50(a) 57

Costa Rica 4 4 24 6Dom.Rep. 7 12 - -

Ecuador 18 17 38 30 21(a) 13El Salvador 4 6 47 47 -Guatemala 19 14 54 43 - 20 (d)Haiti 26 42 43 76 -Honduras 7 5 53 51 -Mexico 9 6 29 25 13(a) 13Nicaragua 16 15 44 -Panama 5 5 17 14Paraguay 10 13 24 37 -Peru 14 13 24 17 17 28 (d)Uruguay 10 17 17 - - (b)Venezuela 13 22 23 18 15(a) 10

(a) 1970/71(b) 1973(c) Only in September 1984 the private Catholic University activities were given official approval.

(d) 19831_ Means not availableSources: E. Jimenez, 1984: Appendix 4.3 (Data from the Statistical Division of Unesco Education

Sector Review, 1980, the World Bank). S. Lourie in Brodersohn and Sanjurjo,

1978: Tibi, C. Financement et Development de l'education: Le Cas de la Colombiew, IIPE,Paris, 1976, and Hay, George Andrews, 'Educational Finance and Educational Reform in

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Financial Impact of Private Education

Table 17 provides an idea of the financial impact of privateeducation. In certain countries private education shares one half of thetotal resources. The share of private education increases in the higherlevels of the system. The relative size of private education in eachcountry seem to be negatively affected by the rapid growth public educationand positively affected by incentives (for example grants) given by thegovernment (DEALC, 1981). In fact in some countries the large size of thegrants to universities (for example in Ecuador and Chile) make it difficultto determine whether in fact it is possible to establish a difference amongpublic and private institutions.

Although there were no clear trends in the specific effects ofchanges in GNP on changes in private expenditures in education during theseventies, the recent economic crisis probably reduced the share of privateeducational expenses in many countries. During the seventies, somecountries tend to increment the proportion of private expenditures whenhigher levels of GNP are reached, while the opposite happens in othercountries (see Table 18). Therefore little can be said from the data onfive Latin American countries during that period. The trends depend on thespecific policies designed by each country. However, present trends mayhave better defined patterns. Fragmentary evidence suggest that in recentyears governments have been reducing public expansion of higher educationand fee paid private primary and secondary schools are facing reducedenrollments. Public discussion of fees in private schools (mainly for midclass is also becoming more frequent and public regulationmechanisms have been able to affect the level of fees (see C.2 andAnnex 18).

Table 17. PERCENT PRIVATE IN TOTAL NATIONAL EXPENDITUREON EDUCATION a/

Country 1970-74 a! 1975-78 a/ 1984

Honduras b/ 57.1 51.6Panama b/ 55.0 52.8Venezuela b/ 52.3 51.2Paraguay 21.0

Selected OECD Countries

Australia 11.6 5.6Belgium 2.2 1.9Greece 37.4 35.3Japan b/ 61.2 55.3Spain 52.7 51.4United Kingdom 25.0 22.2United States 21.6 20.5

Source: E. Jimenez, 1984: Appendix 4.2. IBRD, Paraguay Sector Memorandum, 1985

a/ Tan, J.P. 'Private Education: Some Macro Trends on Enrollment and Expenditure, mimeo,EDC, The World Bank, Dec. (1982). The individual country figure in each period wascalculated as the average of the data for as many years as are available in that period.

b/ Figures for education include expenditure on recreation, entertainment, education andcultural services.

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Subsidies to Private Education

Subsidies tend to be allocated in terms of specific cases ratherthan considering the overall impact in the educational system. In general,government subsidies are only given to non-fee paying private schools.However, there are a few countries (for example Paraguay) where some fee-paying private schools get special transfers from the education budget.There are also special arrangements for appointing as civil serviceprincipals of public schools some educators belonging to religious groups;those principals are allowed to appoint as civil service teachers thecandidates they select (some or all of those teachers are paid by thegovernment). In general, those schools operate as private schools (forexample "Fe y Alegria" in Colombia, Peru or Bolivia, as described by Munozand Hernandez, 1978), and receive some extra support from religious groups.Their efficiency is usually considered much larger than the average publicschool.

Table 18: ELASTICITY OF PRIVATE EXPENDITURE ON EDUCATION,WITH RESPECT TO GDP, SELECTED COUNTRIES AND YEARS

Private ExpenditureRegion/Country Year Elasticity as % of Consumption (1975)

El Salvador 1970-77 .62 2.1Honduras a! 1970-75 .57 5.1Panama a/ 1970-72 .82 7.8Puerto Rico 1970-78 1.37 1.0Venezuela a/ 1970-78 1.11 8.9

Selected OECD Countries

Australia 1970-77 .38 .5Belgium 1970-78 1.00 .2Canada 1970-78 .99 2.8France 1970-78 1.06 .3Greece 1970-78 .96 1.8Japan a/ 1970-78 .95 9.0Spain 1970-77 1.07 2.2United Kingdom 1970-78 1.04 2.2United States 1970-78 1.00 2.0

Source: Tan (1982) quoted by E. Jimenez, 1984.a/ Data for education includes private final consumption expenditure on recreation,

entertainment, education and cultural services.

In a few cases (for example Paraguay and Guatemala), theGovernment gets slowly involved in the financing or private schools underthe pressure of community groups. For example, in rural areas some parentsbuild the school and pay the first grade teacher. Later on they ask theMinistry of Education to pay for that first grade teacher and the community

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hires on its own a second grade teacher. The process is repeated untilthey reach the normal level of operation of the school. While thisprocedures stimulates early community involvement it may also generate

inefficient allocation of new schools or inability to catch enough studentsin the future to reach the range of optimal school sizes (or even to offercomplete schooling).

Subsidies to private schools seldom account for more than 10% ofpublic expenditures in the corresponding level (not including grants orloans to students for them to pay school fees). In most cases subsidizedschools are not legally allowed to use their own sources of funds to raisethe level of the inputs for increasing educational quality. However (asshown in Table 14 and 15) for Colombia and Paraguay) many of those schoolsget "voluntary" contributions.

All private schools receive indirect subsidies because they arenot taxed in their services or in their income. Contribution from firmsare tax deductible as expenses and there is no transfer (donation) tax onthose contributions.

In a few cases the state has helped capital formation. In thelast decade several private universities have borrowed internationaldevelopment banks in favorable conditions with the state guarantee.Campuses of the University of Ladivar in Guatemala, University of CostaRica in Costa Rica and Catholic and Concepcion Universities in Chile havebeen financed by the IDB, with the guarantee of the state. This is amechanism that could also be explored for application to private secondaryeducation.

Fee Levels

Although fees are usually established by each school, in somecountries (for example, Colombia and Chile) fees have been under thecontrol of the Ministries of Education or Economics (see section C.2). Insome cases, Parent Associations fight for keeping low fees, but the mostexclusive schools sometimes get the approval of parents for increasing feesin order to select the students only among families that can afford thosehigher fees.

Table 19 presents a distribution of fees in Latin America. Thereare wide differences in each city, but the higher fees are detected in thecapital city of each country and in the English speaking schools (Munoz andHernandez, 1976; Brodersohn and Sanjurjo, 1978). Private institutions haveexperimented with success differential pricing higher fees for familiesfrom higher socioeconomic levels since the seventies (Boeninger, 1980). Ingeneral, differential pricing is a positive experience, but requires aconstant supervision to detect people not willing to pay according to theirreal economic income. While the income of those household heads receivinga salary is easily established, there are serious problems to do so withrespect to the income of people working as self-employed professional orhigh level managers.

The selective impact of fees is probably related to income.Household expenditures in education rapidly increased with higher income,with elasticities in the range of 1.3 to 2.3 (Musgrove, 1976). Theincrement in these expenditures is related, among other factors to thesending of children to fee-paying schools, a greater propensity to buyother types of non-formal education (dance, piano, foreign languages,crafts and other complementary skills) and the increase probability that

Table 19; DISTRIBUTION OF ANNUAL FEES IN PRIVATE EDUCATION - 1984

(in US$)

Primary Education Secondary Education Higher EducationCountry Low Average High Low Average High Low Average tH

Ecuador a/ 100 - 800 - -

Guatemala - - - - - 400 - 1,400Dominican Republic 100 - 600 200 - 600 - -Haiti b/ 100 - 300 100 - 300 - - -

Costa Rica 100 - 400 300 - 1,000 - 500 -Colombia c/ 150 - 400 - - - 400 - 1,900Uruguay d/ 30 - 300 300 600 800 - - -Chile e/ 100 500 1,000 150 500 1,200 1,200 f/ - 2,000 f/

a/ There is an initial bonus of USS250. 0

b/ Plus an annual bonus of USS20.c/ Transportation and lunch may represent some USS600 to USS1,200 to compensate low fees.

d/ There is an initial bonus of US$30.e/ Lunch represents USS120 and transportation USS160.f/ Taking into account only the new three universities with no public subsidies.

Source: Estimated by officials working in the statistical units of the corresponding MOEs.

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the children will reach more expensive (higher) levels of education. Inany case, higher fees should have a selective effect (see Table 11). Thestudy of effects on tax deductions for educational expenses has beenexplored, but the direct taxes are still quite low in Latin America and itsimpact does not seem to be substantial yet (Tanzi, 1978).

Public Control of Private Schools

Although private schools are relatively free to design their ownprograms, their curricula is usually similar to the official one. In mostcountries in order to open a new private schools need a permit from someauthority in the Ministry of Education and sometimes from the Ministry ofHealth must be obtained. Private schools are sometimes loosely supervisedand must provide statistical data to the Ministry of Education. Ingeneral, the academic and administrative controls are very flexible, ifany, but those mentioned above in terms of fixing fee levels. However,from time to time, there is always a small number of private schools (andin some countries there are universities) that are accused of "selling"diplomas without regard to the academic work of the student. Therefore inmany countries students had to take exams with special commissionsdesignated by the Ministry of Education; however, this is no longer inoperation in most of the countries.

Comparison of Achievement Levels

In general, students from paid private schools:show the highest levels ofachievement, but the analysis of such data must be careful. Table 20 showsthe results of testing in all Chilean schools. The analysis is done bytypes of schools (P= paid; private; F = public/Ministry; M- publicmunicipal; S = subsidized private); by regions (AM = metropolitan areas; GC= large cities; RP rest of country) and by socio-economic levels (A =high; B = medium; C = low). Chilean primary students from paid privateschools are followed by those from the-subsidized private schools and bythe students from public and municipal school, even when the socio-economiclevels and regions are taken into account (however, similar studies thathave used the students as the unit of analysis have shown that in Chilethere are no significant differences in the quality of schools). Highschool Colombian students in private education got higher scores, even whenthe regime and sex was controlled (see Annex 26). However, in each countryprivate education is "polluting" the rest of the educational system byexcluding those students with learning or behavior problems. Sometime,repeaters are not allowed to continue in private education, while thepublic schools are forced to accept them. There are no regulations withrespect to the failures created by private schools. Therefore, scores frompublic schools are negatively affected and the scores from private schoolsare upward biased with respect to the "true" scores corresponding to eachtype of school. Therefore, a simple comparison of scores by types ofschools may be misleading.

Table 21 also shows that achievement levels in elementary privateschools in Paraguay and Bolivia are better than the achievement levels inpublic schools. These good results reached by students in private schoolsare obtained in spite of larger student-teacher ratios in private educaLion(in general they do not affect results as seen in Table 7). Given thaturban schools use similar technology as reflected by inputs and curriculathe larger student-teacher ratio in private schools may explain that theratios of unit costs in urban areas are lower than the unity (betterteachers or better management would be possible explanations for betterachievement levels with lower costs).

_ 42 -

Table 20: CHILE - STUDENT ACHIEVEMENT BY TYPE OF SCHOOL ANDSOCIO-ECONOMIC BACKGROUND - 1982(Achievement Scores in Mathematics)

Region(Level of Background Public Municipal Private Private

Urbanization) (SES) Schools Subsidized Subsidized Fee Paying

Metropolitan High 75.9 64.7 64.3 77.3(Santiago) Middle 53.4 53.5 57.0 71.2

Low 50.0 49.5 51.8 a/

Other Large High 58.7 62.4 68.5 73.6Cities Middle 50.6 57.1 60.2 68.8

Low 63.5 51.2 49.1 a!

Rest of the High 63.5 61.8 69.7 75.5Country Middle 52.6 53.7 57.9 71.0

Low 47.9 45.6 44.8 a/

Source: Serie de Estudios, No. 81, Centro de Perfeccionamiento, Experimentaci6n e Investigaciones

Pedagogicas, Lo Barnechea, July 1983.

Note: Data by regions is available for Mathematics (Serie de Estudios No. 117, June 1984) and in

Spanish (Serie de Estudios, No. 90, November 1983). More details are presented in Annex 31

a/ Families from low.socio-economic strata cannot afford to send their children to private fee

paying schools. Therefore, there are no cases for this cell.

Table 21: INDICATORS OF PRIVATE VERSUS PUBLIC EDUCATIONSECTOR EFFICIENCY. 1976

Ratio ofPrivate to Public

Country Variables Overall Rural Urban

Bolivia Average Variable Unit Costs 0.716 1.90 0.674Average Total Unit Cost 0.886 1.90 0.877Student-Teacher Ratio 1.76 0.889 1.63Reading Score 1.21 1.61 1.36Science Score 1.30 1.51 1.25

Paraguay Average Variable Unit Cost 0.827 0.827Average Total Unit Cost 0.742 0.742Student-Teacher Ratio 1.21 1.21Reading Score 1.21 1.21Science Score 1.06 1.06

Sources: E. Jimenez, 1984. Table A.5.8 with the ECIEL Data Tape/

Note: Blanks indicate that data are not available.

- 43 -

It is interesting to note that many leading private schools have

larger class sizes than the national averages. In good private schoolsthere are constant pressures for receiving more students, thereforeclassrooms with 40 or 45 students are common practice. It should also benoted that in spite of those large class sizes students obtain much betterachievement levels than students in public schools, but the differencestend to disappear when controlled by the family socioeconomic level.

Summary

Countries have no clear policies for the role that privateeducation should play in the whole system. Private education cater mainlyfor both the upper socioeconomic suburban class, but it also enrolls somestudents from the population living in urban-marginal or rural areas. Themagnitude of the private educational activity in the lower socioeconomicgroups depends on the amount and conditions of public subsidies. A fairnumber of experiments have been mentioned above. (See also Munoz andHernandez, 1978) It is necessary to analyze in detail their pros and conswith respect to well defined criteria. Capital loans from internationalorganizational (with state guarantee) could also be considered as one typeof subsidies to be included in such study. There seem to be a contractionin the educational investment of the Catholic Church schools during theseventies and eighties (Catholic Church is now less interested in educationin comparison with pastoral activities) that should also be studied in moredetail, while there are new activities of industrial groups that havefunded or supported regional universities that should also be analyzed, maybe through a series of relevant case studies.

B. 3 Employer-financed Vocational Training

Although Latin America developed since the 40's a strong system oftraining institutions patterned in the ILO hands-on methods, employers havealso tried out other experiments in the region that deserve careful study.

Professional Training Institutions

Since the forties Latin America has developed an excellent hands-on vocational training system financed with taxes from the payrolls. TheBrazilian and Colombian models helped other countries to define autonomousinstitutions with directive Boards made of representatives of theindustrial organizations. Later on other institutions have been createdwith goverrment support and training is now also provided for peasants.Most of the institutions are linked to Ministries of Labor or Industry andhave weak ties with the Ministry of Education of the country (see Annex 9).

Most of the training is provided to adults. Only 15 to 30% of theteaching time is allocated to youngsters (apprentices) in half of theinstitutes, while the other half only trains adults (for a detailedanalysis of the apprenticeship system see Corvalan, 1981).

Table 22 presents a description of the main financing sources usedby the institutes. The payroll tax ranges between 0.5 and 2% but incomeand export taxes are also earmarked for training in a few countries. Thecontribution of the private sector exceeds the contribution of the public

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sector. However, the total amount spent in this type of vocationaleducation represents less than 1% of the total expenses of the formaleducational systems in Latin America (Castro, 1979). Only in five countriesthe enrollments in these institutions exceed 4% of the enrollments inprimary and secondary education of the respective country.

Costs per student and per hour of class are presented in Table 23.The figures for administrative expenses are quite high, but there seem tobe some inconsistencies in the data, and the figures should be revised inthe future (for example the development prograzmned instruction has beenincluded in the administrative costs in stationery, rather than consideringthe costs as an investment in preparing the programmed educationalmaterials).

Alternative Strategies for Training

Although in average the professional training institutions trainaround 2% of the labor force each year, this activity seems to be muchlower than the training efforts carried out inside the firms. A surveycarried out in Bolivia suggest that 9% of the urban labor force would haveeach year some training activity financed by the firms themselves [PREALC,1975). However, little attention has been paid in most countries to helpthe internal training process.

The fragmentary evidence on impressive amounts of internaltraining has been the basis for experimenting in Chile a new trainingschema. Each firm may deduct from its taxes the amount of resourcesdevoted to training (with a maximum of 1% of the payroll) if the trainingprograms have been previously approved by a public institution (theServicio Nacional de Capacitacion y Empleo SENCE). This procedure isequivalent to provide public funds for all "publicly approved" privatetraining and reduces the negative impact of the payroll tax on the use ofthe labor force in comparison with capital. This schema has beencomplemented with some limited public funds for financing training coursesfor prospective workers, but the funds must be returned to SENCE if lessthan 65% of the trainees are employed three months after the end of thecourse. This requirement is very difficult to meet in countries with highunemployment levels and few funds have been actually demanded for training(Oteiza, 1983). Table 24 shows the reduction of enrollment in trainingcourses in 1981 when the requirement of 65% of the trainees becomingemployed in three months was established. During 1984 the training courseslasted (in average) 117,8 hours and US$10 per hour were paid to thetraining institution (US$0.50 per hour/student), but each proposal couldbargain the price per hour. There was a bidding system to allocate thetotal amount of subsidies available for the year. The subsidy was paidwhen a proof of the required percentage of working graduates was provided.In the last four years the system has been used by firms that are hiringnew workers and get them trained with public money or by institutionswilling to falsify the proof of "working graduate". SENCE has not paidthose institutions where suspecting "proofs" have been identified.Finally, instead of reducing the minimum percentage of employment aftertraining (that seems to be too high in a country with 20% unemployment atthat time) to 30 or 40%, SENCE decided to cancel the program.

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Table 22: FINANCIAL SOURCES FOR THE PROFESSIONAL TRAININGINSTITUTIONS IN LATIN AMERICA - 1974

Sources (% of Total Amount) Total AmountPrivate Other Of Resources

Country Institution State Sector Foreign Sources (in US$'000

Argentina COMET 85.2 12.1 2.8 - 135,823.40

Bolivia FOMO 91.3 1.9 - 6.8 278.42

Brazil SENAI - 100.0 - - 70,434.62SENAC - 100.0 - - 30,702.62PIPMO 100.0 - - - 4,886.18DMMO 100.0 - - - 5,574.64

Colombia SENA 1.1 98.9 - - 25,163.52

Costa Rica INA - 97.8 - 2.3 2,438.72

Chile INACAP 89.9 2.8 0.6 6.7 1,995.36

Ecuador SECAP 11.5 47.3 - 41.1 1,718.73

Guatemala INTECAP 23.2 59.6 17.3 - 1,964.00

Honduras INFOP 10.6 88.8 - 0.6 1,769.00

Mexico ARMO 88.0 5.6 - 6.4 2,210.80

Nicaragua INA 94.2 - 5.8 - 1,204.13

Paraguay SNPP - 100.0 - - 562.52

Peru SENATI - 100.0 - - 20,378.73

Uruguay UTU 98.5 - - 1.5 5,892.05

Venezuela INCE 13.8 82.0 - 4.1 54,408.84

Sources: Claudio Moura Castro, 1979, pp. 20-21, with data available in CINTERFOR.

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Table 23: UNIT COSTS PER YEAR AND PER CLASS-HOUR IN LATIN AMERICAN PROFESSIONAL

TRAINING INSTITUTIONS. 1974

(in US dollars)

% of Expenses

Total Unit Costs Allocated to

Country Institution Expenses Enrollment Per year Per Class Administration

Argentina CONET 192,731 89%

Bolivia FOMO 278,430 682 420 1.25 47%

Brazil SENAI 88,873,000 415,836 180 0.94 51%

Brazil SENAC 23,895,750 396,382 80 - -Colombia SENA 22,832,680 389,583 80 0.24 87%

Costa Rica INA 2,281,050 9,142 250 0.55 42%

Chile INACAP 1,911,310 31,934 80 0.32 18%

Ecuador SECAP 1,238,760 10,351 120 1.79 49%

Guatemala INTECAP 1,833,000 9,687 190 1.84 53%

Honduras INFOP 1,087,000 4,148 280 4.47 83%

Mexico ARMO 1,951,200 18,871 120 4.81 -Nicaragua INA 1,203,430 1,S33 780 2.07 40%

Paraguay SNPP 488,310 2,353 210 1.71 88%Peru SENATI 20,378,730 21,453 950 5.14 -Uruguay UTU 5,713,490 37,945 150 - -

Venezuela INCE 54,411,180 155,2S1 350 1.80 -

Source: Claudio de Moura Castro, 1979, p. 28-30 with data from CINTERFOR.

"" Means not available.

Table 24: CHILE SERVICIO NACIONAL DE CAPACITACION Y EMPLEO

VOCATIONAL SCHOLARSHIPS PROGRAM.

Number of

Year Scholarships

1979 50,401

1980 50,748

1981 19,4931982 18,600

1983 15,201

1984 18,780

Note: In 1979 and 1980 the program was administered by Guillermo del Campo. Since then it

has been administered by Maximo Silva.

Source: SENCE, unpublished data, 1984.

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The decision to ask the market forces to do the job performedby the traditional training mechanisms developed in latin America has facedheavy criticism (Salame and Barrera, 1982). It has been commented thatmarket forces focuses all training in the short term and that trainingheavily relies on the criteria of the person or group that approves theproposals (allowing in certain cases to consider as training the Europeanvacations of top executives). Whichever the specific results obtained inthe initial trail the experience deserves some further future analysis andadditional experimenting with alternative conditions.

Colombia has developed another interesting employer-financedtraining schema. The Fundaci6n Grupo Social is now the fourth morepowerful industrial group in Colombia (US$500 million in sales per year).This holding controls some 20 different firms ranging from insurance tocomputation and construction. Profits from the commercial firms are usedto expand business activities, but also to broadcast Educational TV,support cooperative development or formal and non-formal education. The"Centros de Capacitacion" of the Grupo Social are now providing vocationaltraining to -some 15,000 workers per year and mass media advertising isreaching a larger audience. However, the main effect of the Grupo Socialmay be the on-the-job training or socializing of a new breed of LatinAmerican executives that blend efficiency with care for the sociallydeprived. The mixture of personal of efficiency, trustworthy (the GrupoSocial pays twice as much in taxes as the other groups), and common socialdevelopment goals seem to explain the rapid growth of the group and itscommercial success (Londono, 1984). -A similar attempt is being nowlaunched in Venezuela and there is a group studying the idea in Chile.

Higher Education Institutions

In several opportunities when employers felt that better highlytrained personnel was required (or when their offspring required a bettereducation) they provide the resources and the management for launchingsuitable educational institutions for higher education.

There are several universities funded by industrial groups suchas The Tecnologico de Monterrey; Universidades del Valle, Santander y LosAndes en Colombia, Ingenieria in Peru or Santa Maria in Chile (Munoz yHernindez, 1978; Vivas, 1972). University laboratories and researchprojects have also been funded by industries, mining companies andcommercial firms. As suggested above is should be necessary to producecase studies on the relevant experiences in order to identify the elementsthat may help those groups interested in developing similar projects in thefuture.

Training of teachers may also be considered an employer-financed vocational training program given than most of the teachers areemployed by the government. The possible "bonding" procedure has alreadybeen commented above (See B.1). The frequent agreement between the publichealth services and the Schools of Medicine may also be mentioned asmechanisms to be explored under the topic of this section. Finally theCivil Service Training Schools (The Peruvian ESAP and the Brasilian CENDECare the best known) have been created in the seventies in several countriesfor improving management of public institutions, but their initial successhas somewhat vanished later on.

- 48 -

Summary

Employer-financed vocational training represents only 2% of thetotal number of students in the formal education, but the number of workertrained in their (usually short) courses is at least similar to theuniversity enrollment and there are also many in-service trainingactivities in private firms. Studies on the rates of return of theirgraduates show excellent results (Castro, 1978). Although the trainingsystem works efficiently and the system may be used as a model forcountries that have not yet implemented this type of institution,additional resources to be obtained from payroll taxes may be relativelymodest. Some interesting new experiments on employer-financed training andresearch are now being developed and future evaluations may providevaluable information for designing new employer-financed trainingmechanisms in countries that have not yet experimented them.

B. 4 Experience with Student Loans and Voucher Systems

Although most of the Latin American countries have been able tooperate student loans institutions, real recovery rates have been low dueto negative real rates of interest( the higher rate of inflationtransformed small fixed nominal rates into negative real rates of interest)and lending has limited equality of opportunities when a collateral isrequired as security for payment of the debt.

The Impact of Inflation on the Lending Capital

In 1952 ICETEX launched its initially successful lendingprograms. In 1983 there were 78,337 outstanding student loans representingUS$38 millions (ICETEX, 1984). In 1983 there were 5,199 new grantsapproved and 17,347 were renewed with a total of US$6 millions. Althoughan 8.45% of debt had already reached repayment state and was in arrears,only 1% was considered absolutely lost. However, the capital of theinstitution had reduced dramatically its purchasing power due to therecovery in highly devaluated pesos.

Low fixed rates of interest (only Argentina and Chile haveinterest rates linked to a cost of living index) in countries where highinflation rates have prevailed means that "loans" are too subsidized and,in fact partially correspond to scholarships. The effect of inflationmainly explains that although now some 20 countries have some modalities ofStudent Loans Systems (SLS), the present level of lending is much lowerthan a decade ago. Table 25 shows that some 500,000 loans were outstandingin 1978 and over 600,000 in 1981. 80% of those loans were made in Brazil.High rates of inflation in Brazil have virtually converted those loans infull scholarships (Velloso, 1984).

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Table 25: TOTAL NUMBER OF OUTSTANDING STUDENT LOANS, LATIN AMERICA 1978

Total Loan AwardedExcluding Loans Already

Country Repaid1978 1981

Argentina (INCE) 1,400Bolivia (CIDEP) 476Brazil: (APLUB) 3,084(Caixa Economica Federal) 354,588 450,000Colombia (ICETEX) 53,865 78,337Costa Rica (CONAPE 1,286Chile (Catholic University) 1,982Ecuador (IECE) 15,803El Salvador (Educredito) 2,350Honduras (Educredito) 1,740Jamaica (Students' Loan Bureau) 6,875Nicaragua (Educredito) 630 336Panama (IFARHU) 5,800Peru (INABEC) 274Dominican Republic (FCE) 10,097Venezuela (Educredito) 2,866(SACUEDO) 2,770. 4,386

Source: M. Woodhall, 1983, with data from APICE, VIII Congreso Pan Americano de Credito

Educativo, 1979 (RAE 2638).

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Collection Costs and Performance

Although a substantial amount of the resources are expanded inadministration and subsidies have been generated by inflation, costrecovery rates are poor. In 1983 administrative expenses of ICETEXabsorbed 24.32% of the resources for the SLS. The percentage is higher inother less efficient institutions. The subsidies to the students(borrowers) generated by rampant inflation some countries have reduced thereal debt and made easier to collect. However, the managers are havingsome problems for collecting payment. While well managed institutions likeICETEX still are able to have rates of loss below 10%, programs in Ecuador,Chile, Peru and Venezuela have high rates of loss (around 20 to 30%).Colombia and Brazil have looked for alternative mechanisms and authorizedcommercial banks to provide loans to students (rediscounting the loans inthe Central Bank with low rates of interest that provide utilities to thebanks), but commercial banks have also problems for recovering the debts(in Colombia commercial banks have worse collecting records than ICETEX).

Impact in Selectivity

The limit to the total amount that a student can borrow hasbeen estimated in 7.5% of the probable individual income (Dominguez, 1978).If this estimate is true the possible contribution of this source offinancing is in fact limited, given the low income levels of Latin Americancountries. High attrition rates observed in higher education have forcedICETEX and other institutions to finance only students that have approvedthe first year of higher education (thus in fact denying the entrance tohigher education to those students that most need a loan for studying).But still, students that have not finished their course work for a degreehave problems to repay the loan. On the other hand when the laws of thecountry requires a collateral guaranty it is difficult for poor students tofind someone (willing to act as a guarantor) that can be accepted as acollateral guaranty for the payment of the debt. Although Table 26 showsthat a substantial coverage of higher education enrollment was reached by1978, the coverage may be much lower now. In spite of the large coveragethe impact on the demand for higher education might be limited. Given thatthe loan system has mainly benefited students from medium-highsocioeconomic backgrounds that would demand higher education even withoutloans, the loan system should not have stimulated a large increment in thedemand for education.

Summarv

The experience with student loans in Latin America shows thatit is possible to have a reasonable efficient administration of a studentloan system in a variety of conditions, but better systems must be designedfor taking into account the situation of those not finishing their careers,the adjustment in payments due to unemployment, the effects of highinflation rates, the demand of collateral guarantees, the length of theinitial grace period, the lack of suitable insurance systems and theeffects of the criteria used for selecting the recipients of the loans(Woodhall, 1983; Velloso, 1984; ICETEX, 1984). Educational voucher systemshave not been tried out in Latin America. In Chile a voucher system hasbeen experimented in health. Particinants in the Social Security Systemmay pay a percentage of the medical bills with vouchers issued by the SSS.

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Table 26: PROPORTION OF OUTSTANDING STUDENT LOANS DUE FOR REPAYMENTLATIN AMERICA 1978 AND NUMBER OF STUDENT LOANS AWARDED INBRAZIL, COLOMBIA, ECUADOR, PANAMA & VENEZUELA 1976-78

% 1978 No. of Students.Loan Total Receiving

Due for No. of Students LoansCountry Repayment Higher Education 1976-78

Argentina (INCE) 14.2Bolivia (CIDEP) 46.4Brazil (APLUB) 37.7(Caixa Economica Federal) 3.0 1,251,116 388,415

Colombia (ICETEX) 44.3 211,302 56,422Costa rica (CONAPE) 3.4Chile (Catholic University) 46.4Ecuador (IECE 24.4 235,274 14,271El Salvador (Educredito) 43.0Honduras (Educredito) 52.8Jamaica (Students' Loan Bureau 33.3 -9,596 2,466Mexico (Bank of Mexico) 71.5Nicaragua (Educredito) 47.1Panama (IFARHU) 36.7 34,302 4,502Peru (INABEC) 52.5Dominican Republic (FCE) 82.7Venezuela (Educredito) 36.8 282,074 2,202

(SACUEDO) 7.2

Source: U. Woddhall, 1983 with data from APICE (As Table 3.4); UNESCO Statisticai Yeark Book1981 and UNESCO 1979. A. Franco, 1978: 482 Honduras, 1980

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In general the administration of such a system is quite complex andadministrative costs are high. Differential pricing according to thefamily socioeconomic level has been successfully used by private schoolsand universities (See B. 2) and there are also small scale experiments inselected public institutions. The use of differential pricing could befurther diffused.

B. 5 Systems Used to Allocate Scholarships

The allocation criteria for scholarships mainly consider theassessed needs and the academic achievement, however in recent years goodperformance in sports has also been considered in a few institutions as away for a few candidates to gain access to secondary and higher education.

Allocation to Assessed Needs

Scholarships for assessed needs are mainly provided in kind orin services. For example shoes, books and food are provided to students inprimary education. There are different delivery mechanisms (for examplefood may be provided in a breakfast or lunch or in packages of food thatmay be taken home) in use in the primary level (Ecuador, 1983). Banking,books and some small amounts of money are given as scholarships insecondary education. In several countries private secondary schoolsprovide free education to 5 to 10% of their students, especially for thosestudents whose parents are in financial trouble or have died while thestudents are enrolled in the school (seldom are provided scholarships tonewcomers not previously linked in some way with the schools throughparents or close relatives). Similar arrangements are operating at theuniversity level (Latorre, 1982). In Colombia the Ministry has askedprivate schools to provide scholarships as a condition for letting theschools to raise their fees.

Access to lunch and scholarships is usually defined in terms ofsome criteria, but sometimes those criteria are not operational or are noteasy to apply. In fact in most cases the teacher or the principaldistributes a certain number of scholarships assigned to the school (seldomthe criteria allows a centralized application that would reduce the numberof scholarships to be assigned to the wealthier schools). Pressures andvested interests are influencing the number obtained by each school.

Allocation to Academic Achievement

Scholarships received for outstanding academic achievement areusually a small number. Table 27 shows that the total amount forscholarships is reduced (4 or 8% of unit costs) and most of that amount isallocated to assessed needs. The government (for example the Presidency orthe Ministry of Education), private firms, philanthropic groups, orindividuals are the main source of funds for those scholarships (See Annex10). Although sports ability is considered for admission of students intothe university in spite of their weak academic credentials and to waive orreduce the size of the fees, there are no scholarships for athletes. Thedistribution of scholarships for graduate studies at the university is madebased on academic criteria (Oteiza, 1982). However, most graduate programs

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Table 27: SHARE OF DIRECT PAYMENTS TO STUDENTS IN THEEDUCATION BUDGET BY LEVEL,

CIRCA 1980

(pertent)

Country Primary S-condary Eigher

Argentina 6.5 . 1.5Bolivia 1.9 2.2 7.6Chile 10.5 0.4 2.5Costa Rica - 8.7 -Dominican Republic 0.8 2.3 -Guatemala 1.3 4.2 0.9Haiti 1.3 4.8 2.3Eonduras - 4.1 1.8Jamaica 5.2 2.0 1.8Mexico 0.5 0.5 0.1Nicaragua 3.7 6.4 -Trinidad & Tobago - 1.1Uruguay 5.3 0.3 29.9Venezuela 5.8 20.6 / 20.6 1/

Average 4.0 4.4 8.2

1/ Figures are aggregate for secondary and higher education.

Source: Unesco, Statistical Yearbook, 1984 prepared by Psacharopoulos, et al 1986

Note: Figures refer to all forms of financial aid given directly tostudents, such as boarding, meals, transport, and medical services.They do not include iimplicit' subsidies as a result of free tuition.

-" means not available.

- 54 -

rely on private financing. Only graduate courses in medicine and otherprofessions mainly working for the government may get some governmentsupport (partial scholarships).

Problems for Allocating Scholarships

It is difficult to assess how good are the allocation criteriabecause the initially measured problems of the students should be reducedby the scholarships and it is expected that their achievement improve overtime. Therefore pre and post test must be applied in order to detect howgood is the application of the criteria. But available reports onlyprovide cross section results in one point in time. The data shows thatprimary students receiving scholarships (related to assessed needs) havelower achievement levels than the average student even after benefitingfrom the scholarship (Donoso et al, 1980).

There is need for a more systematic discussion of theallocation criteria for scholarships and the feasibility of applying thosecriteria. Public reports show that there is no acknowledgement of howdifferent are the students that benefit from scholarships in terms ofacademic achievement. Even the descentralization of decisions for theallocation process is mainly produced by the lack of management skillsrather than by the belief in the efficiency of local decisions. Thereforeno mechanisms for participation of community groups are usually provided(Mc Ginn et al, 1980).

Use of a Market Mechanism

An interestihg mechanism has been operating in Chile: since1981. As described above (See the SENCE experiment in B. 3), costs oftraining unemployed people are paid by the government to the traininginstitution if 65% of the graduates from the program are employed in thethree months period after the course is completed (Oteiza, 1983). Ofcourse this strategy places a heavy burden on the training institution, butit might be worthwhile for further explore the possibilities of this idea.In most cases the training institution already has a contract to providetrained workers for a commercial or industrial enterprise, thus distortingthe expected effect. However, experimentation with lower percentages ofrequired after training employment and larger time periods for thegraduates to become employed may lead to define an efficient mechanism (SeeTable 24).

Summary

In general the experience shows that the distribution ofscholarships not directly related to assessed needs will tend to increaseinequality. Precise criteria for selecting postulants and use of localgroups to allocate available scholarships may contribute to an efficientallocation process. Lack of serious sanctions for perjury (given the Latinstructure of the law) preclude the use of declaration under each as theonly source for allocation. The weak tax control system also makesunreliable the use of tax declarations as the basis for allocatingscholarships.

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C. LESSONS OF EXPERIENCE FOR IMPROVING ALLOCATION OF RESOURCES

Although the previous section suggests that tuition fees andemployers' contributions seem to be the most probable source of additionalcontributions to education and training from the private sector, the amountof the contributions depends both on the excess demand and theresponsiveness of enrollment to fee increases, as well as to othervariables that are interacting when changing policies into practice.Tuition fees in public and private schools are a sure way to increaseeducational financing if such policies can be implemented in an efficientway. Employers' contributions to training are already substantial and theissue is how to improve the training process and support the economicdevelopment of the country.

In this section the emphasis is in the analysis of attempts toimprove the allocation of resources. The initial topic is the extent ofexcess demand at the current prices. The second topic is the evidence onthe reductions in excess demand when fees increase. The third and fourthtopics deal with experiments to ration student places through price andnon-price systems. The final topic included in this review of research isthe analysis of strategies used to alter the allocation within theeducation sector.

It is difficult to avoid overlapping in the analysis ofexperiments in the financing of education with the topics analyzed above.For example, greater coverage of the population may be accomplished bylowering the required inputs per capita (moving toward the technologicalfrontiers) or getting more funds by raising fees among those that canafford them. However, in this case the topics are discussed in the moredynamic context of policy implementation.

The Extent of Excess Demand for Education

Although several factors seem to reinforce each other to generatea sustained social demand for more and better education, these factors arecommon to most Latin American countries. The basic interest in moreeducation is enhanced by factors such as: social prestige of education;population explosion; the concentration in urban areas of a sizeable partof the demographic increments; exposure to radio and TV; access ofhousehold heads to minimum levels of education (four or five years ofschool) that make them able to profit from written information; socialacceptance of universal primary education (and older school leaving age) asa goal to be achieved; and provision by the schools of food (breakfast andlunch) and health services. (Arriaga, 1972; Mayo, 1974; Zymelman, 1973;Anderson, 1971). Those factors are present in different magnitudes in eachcountry thus creating particular patterns, to generate demand foreducation. Although the effects of each of the factors cannot be analyzedin this paper, their overall effect on part and present demand must beassessed.

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Excess Demand In the 60's and 70's

There was a clear evidence of a large social demand for educationduring the sixties and seventies when a large expansion of the supply ofeducation was occurring and pressure groups were organized to demand evenmore education.. Both the political sensitivity, the rational provided bythe Human Capital theory and the international forums (for example, theUNESCO/ECLA meeting in 1962, the Alliance for Progress and the Meeting ofthe Presidents in 1966) prompted the countries to substantially expand thesupply of educational opportunities. The large annual growth rates inenrollments at all levels show that there was large excess demand foreducation in the sixties and seventies (Annex 11). The analysis of the netenrollment rates by single ages suggests that at present most of the demandfor primary education has been net, but past increments in the primarylevel continues to press for further increments in the following two levels(UNESCO, 1983).

Excess demand in higher education has been evident in the pastboth in terms of growth in enrollment and street demonstrations andregional pressure groups demanding expansion of higher education. Thedemand for higher education may be illustrated by a comparison of theactual enrollment rates at the university with the rates observed 30 yearsago (see annex 15). The highest enrollment rate among all countries in1950 is larger than only two figures in 1980. During the 1970-1976 periodthe third level enrollments raised its proportion to the 18-23 years oldpopulatian from 5.2 to 1Q.4%. Women accounted for the largest increment,but they still trails the male percentage (Table 28).

Although some factors like population growth have reduced theirimpact on the demand for education, unemployment is now one of the mostpowerful sources of demand for more education, the higher levels ofeducation of the new generations and the lagging job opportunities (AnnexB) explain that the minimal levels of education required for entry to atraditional job have been rising steadily. In spite of the highereducational requirements minimal salaries or even industrial orconstruction salaries do not show related increments in their realpurchasing power (annex 14). Therefore, people feel the pressure ofunemployment and want to have a relative educational edge with respect toother people competing with them for a reduced number of job opportunities.This competition has led to further expansion of demand for education(Uzategui and Muelle, 1974.)

Actual Evidence of Excess Demand

Excess demand may only be measured now at the university level andavailable measures show a large excess demand. Table 29 shows that theratio of applicants to entrants varies from 1:1 to almost 1:4. Countrieslike Guatemala or Ecuador have places for all applicants, including thosewillinc to nay $40 to $160 per month in private Guatemalan Universities andeverybody in Ecuador given that national universities may accept allapplicants since 1969-70 as shown in Table 29. The number of applicants inChile include students graduating from high school the year before, butalso high school graduates from previous years that are taking for secondor third time the University Entrance Examination Test. In Colombia thenumber of applicants include each of the students times the number o-

universities the students applied to. In the case of Chile and Colombia,the number of students in the last year of high school is also included tohelp the reader to estimate the backlog of applicants or the multipleapplications, respectively.

Table 28: LATIN AMERICA - FEMALE ENROLLMENT AS A PERCENTAGEOF TOTAL ENROLLMENT BY EDUCATION LEVELS

1960-1977

Educational Level 1960 1970 1977

Primary 48.1 48.8 49.0Secondary 46.4 47.2 49.2Higher 29.1 34.7 42.1

Total: 478.6 48.2 48.6

Source: UNESCO, 1980:33.

The level of excess demand depends, of course, on the fee levelsor costs associated to become a student. Figures from Table 29 suggest aquick answer to changes in the fee level. In 1976 a $5,fee for taking theuniversity entrance examination test was established in Chile; later on hasbeen raised to US$18. In 1976 there was an important reduction in thenumber of Chilean applicants and the demand has been drastically reducedsince that year to levels lower than the level observed in 1974. Thereduction could be related to the fee but the reduced number of vacanciesin first year (places) may also explain the reduction in terms of awarenessthat students with poor academic background have no real chance to beaccepted into the university.

'while the average applicants-entrants ratio for the region is 2.3,the ratios observed in specific regions, universities or schools,"Facultades" or countries may be quite different. The ratio of applicantsto vacants in provincial or regional universities is usually much smallerthan in the capital (Hawes & Donoso, 1983). Applicants to the Schools ofMedicine or Engineering are sometimes ten times larger than the number ofavailable places. However, Argentina moved back to oven admissions in1983. The University of Buenos Aires increased its enrollments from 60,000in 1983 to 240,000 in 1985 (report from Rector Delich in 3rasilia, October1985).

In a few countries it is possible to detect lack of excess demandin secondary education or in certain regions. In Guatemala primaryeducation is still screening effectively the access to second and thirdlevels. Secondary schools in Guatemala still have not enough demand toenroll as many students as places are available in the first year ofsecondary education. In Mexico there was a demand in rural areas that wasmet when the "Instructores comunitarios" were hired as teachers (ConsejoNacional de Fomento Educativo, s/f). In 1964 Chilean parents were askedthrough the mass media to enroll all their seven year old children in firstgrade (85% were already enrolled) and once the list of excess postulants

was comDleted some 200 prefabricate classrooms were built "on demand". NowColombia is planning to implement a similar exercise. On the other hand

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Table 29: DEMAND FOR UNIVERSITY EDUCATION IN LDCs

Last High Total Number Of

Year School Grade University First Year Ratio

Country of Data Enrollment Enrollment University Places Applicants Applic./FY

El Salvador 1981 48,437 (19,885) n.a.

Costa Rica 1980-1981 48,800 5,922 (Intake) 22,495 3.8

Guatemala 1984 60,700 11,800 v 11,800 1.0

Paraguay 1980 30,000 8,000 3 11,200 1.9

Bolivia 1977 41,408 6,000 ' 20,400 3.4

Chile 1973 148,451 47,214 2 118,193 2.5

1974 144,881 42,S555 128,870 3.0

if 1975 147,049 41,044 w 142,272 3.51978 134,149 34,542 * 99,598 2.9

if 1977 59,282 130,678 33,320 0 91,734 2.71978 68,330 130,208 34,277 W 107,104 3.1

1979 70,738 126,434 32,509 115,670 3.6

1980 118,978 32,954 120,239 3.7

1981 95,925 34,223 127,015 3.8

Colombia 1988 - 21,045 33,959 1.8

1973 118,400 43,380 95,890 2.2

1982 124,181 280,540 88,389 287,239 3.0

1983 292,573 98,315 285,515 3.0

: Post Grado 1983 6,783 3,700 6,215 1.7

Ecuador 1985-88 12,900 4,700 7,100 1.4

1968-87 14,200 5,700 7,800 1.4

1987-68 16,600 6,200 8,400 1.4

1988-89 19,500 7,300 10,400 1.4

1989-70 27,800 12,500 12,300 1.0

1970-71 31,000 13,100 13,800 1.1

1971-72 40,800 17,300 18,100 0.9

1972-73 50,200 20,200 18,800 0.9

1973-74 67,182 28,299 25,940 1.0

Average (Non-Weighted) 2.3

Note: Applicants graduated from high school in the previous year are shown in the column

'Last High School Grade Enrollment.'

the central provinces of Paraguay have reduced their total population andnow there is excess supply in those provinces.

There is an increasing demand for many alternative deliverysystems of adult education (lifelong learning) reflected in the everincreasing number of non formal educational institutions (there aredetailed descriptions of large numbers of those institutions for Colombia,Chile and the Dominican Republic). However, there is little effectivedemand for literacy courses (Castro, 1981) and the analysis of the censusdata shows that literacy campaigns have no effect at all in the literacypatterns of each age cohort.

There are many applicants to special schools that are rejectedeach year because of lack of space to attend them. Special education is avery expensive type of education and it may be postponed for some timebefore the Latin American countries can afford it (till most of the normalchildren are enrolled).

Summary

There is still excess social demand for education in all levels inalmost all countries with the present fee level structure. In primaryeducation such excess demand is mainly located in rural isolated areas. Insecondary there is excess demand for academic education and eventually foruniversity training. Those countries offering some primary education toall members of cohorts reaching the school age seem to be reducing theirfertility rates and the reduction in fertility rates as a built-in controlmechanism for constraining further social demand. On the other hand,unemployment seem to be a built-in mechanism for increasing social demandin secondary and higher education. (El Salvador, 1981.)

Responsiveness of Enrollment to Fee Increases

Although estimated price elasticities of demand for educationsuggest that increment in fees will generate small reductions inenrollment, relatively large changes in enrollments were observed in threecases of fee increments. The apparent conflict may be explained in termsof the different ways in which estimated price elasticities may bemeasured. Given that households and individuals have to make manydifferent choices regarding education, demand for education can be measuredin many different ways. For example, demand may be measured from"household spending in education", to "number of years of completedschooling" or "probability of having one child or all children in school".

Price and Income Elasticities of Demand

Although only two reports on estimated demands for education havebeen identified both suggest that changes in fee levels will not affectenrollment. The price measures for both studies are indirect and"incorporate various components of private costs since it is difficult toobtain enough variation in observed fees for any given sample" (Jimenez,1984). Table 30 presents the "price elasticity of-demand for education",which measures the percentage change in demand with respect of one percentchange in the cost to user of the service.

Table 30. PRICE AND INCOME ELASTICITIES OF DEMAND FOR EDUCATION

Latest Year Elasticities

Country of Data Dependent Variable Income Measure Price Measure Income Price Source

Colombia ? a. Amount of Spending Husband's Income HH Characteristics 1.045 Inelas Birdsall

on education (No. of Children 1980

of Different Age

Groups.

b. Share of HH Budget 0.334 Inelas

on Education

c. Actual Expense/

Predicted/Expense 1.035 Inelas

d. HH Educ. Achievement

Index 1.343 Inelas

El Salvador

(Urban Pop.) 1980 Amount of Spending in Household Permanent

Education Income (Provided by

Exp.) HH Characteristics --- Jimenez1983.

a. Santa Ana 0.967 Inelas

b. Sonsonata 0.023 Inelas

Source: Jimenez, 1984: 91

Note: Data was obtained from household surveys.

HH = Household

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The price elasticity of demand summarizes the responsiveness ofthe propensity to utilize an educational facility with respect to a tuitionfee. All price elasticities of demand in Table 30 are low. In general itmay be assumed that the responsiveness tends to be less, the smaller is theshare of educational expenditures that tuition payments make up and thesmaller is the share of educational expenditures in total expenditures.Although, the analysis of the distribution of household expenditures ineducation show that enrollment fees (including "voluntary" contributions)are over 50% of total expenditures in education in most cases (annex 16)the proportion of total expenses devoted to education ranges between 1 and7% (annex 17). Although higher price elasticities than those'reported intable 30 should be expected according to this high importance of fees ineducational expenses, it prevails the small incidence of educationalexpenditures on total expenditures. In summary, the evidence suggests thanan "a%" increase in tuition fees is likely to imply a decrease inutilization much smaller than "a%".

The income elasticities, on the other hand, suggest that theeducational consumption patterns are mainly determined by the income level.In other words more is expended in education when the income is higher.Data from table 30 and the analysis from household expenditures in ninecountries support the last sentence. Table 30 shows that in three casesout of six an increase of "1%" in income will be associated with anincrease in educational expenses larger than "1%". The household surveyalso suggest that the percent of household expenditures devoted toeducation increases with income and that the highest quarter hasexpenditures in education that are 10 to 30 times larger than the lowerquarter (annex 17). The rapid increase of expenditures in education withhigher income is related, among other factors, to providing textbooks andother educational material, sending children to private fee-paying schools,a greater propensity to buy other types of non-formal education and theincreased probability that the children will reach more expensive (higher)level of education. (Musgrove, 1976.) All in all the information suggestthat the education has a high priority in Latin America and that furtherincrements in demand should be expected in the near future.

Effects of Changes On Fee Levels

Although above commented data suggest excess demand and low priceelasticity and high income elasticity of demand, three cases ini which dataabout reactions to fee changes is available suggest a higher priceelasticity of demand. The raise in fees of Chilean universities that wasenacted in 1981 led to a reduction of the proportion of students from lowsocio-economic levels. (Briones, 1981.) In the case of a country likeGuatemala with no excess demand, at the university level, fee-payingstudents reduced their demand when fees were raised from $400 to $600 in1980 and to $800 in 1984 (see Table 11). It is interesting to note thatattrition during the school year was relatively constant in 1984 (25%) withrespect to 1981 and 1982 (27 and 24%), thus suggesting that a rationaldecision was made before enrolling. The US$5 fee established in the 1976Chilean University entrance examination test mentioned above (see C.1.)substantially reduced the number of applicants for the examination (seetable 29).

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The magnitude in official fees of public schools and universitiesis very low (see Table 13), and poor parents are usually dispensed ofpaying both the official fee and the "voluntary" contributions set up atthe school lever. Thus, the analysis has been restricted in this sectionto the fee-paying public and private universities.

Effects of the Supply of Education

Date from Colombia allows to detect a substantial response ofprivate schools to a "freezing" of the fees in spite of sizeable inflationrates (annex 18). Since 1978 increments in fees had to be approved byColombian government officials and increases in fees were effectivelyconstrained. Although *a 10% increment in primary enrollments and a 25%increment in secondary enrollments were observed in the 1973-1977 period, a10% decrease in private primary enrollments (from 621,360 to 559,533) wasobserved, in the 1977-1981 period, and a slight reduction in secondary inthe 1977 - 1980 period was also observed followed by slow increments in the1981-1983 period. Therefore, data show that the rapid increments observedin the 1973 - 1977 period were drastically changed after the interventionin the prices of private schooling. On the other hand a substantialincrease in private school supply was observed in Chile when restrictionsin fees were eliminated in the earlier eighties. These two cases suggestincrements in supply may be elicited when controls on fees are eliminated.However the pressures of less wealthy groups that must switch theiroffspring to public schools due to fee increases have been substantial inboth countries.

Summary

The evidence suggest some responsiveness of enrollments to feeincreases through changes both in supply and-demand levels. The existenceof flexible mechanisms to analyze the case of families with financialproblems subsidize that allow mixtures of public and private support and

options among alternative schools for the children to move from one type offee to a different level may reduce the impact of taking the students offthe system.

Experiments In Cost Recovery and By Price Rationing

The analysis of many "plans" for improving education does notreveal specific proposals of "how" to expand educational opportunities andto increase internal eff.iciency, beyond some too vague statements on budgetallocation. There is little systematic analysis of the political optionsopen to decision makers in education. In this section and in the nextsection price and non-price experiments to improve allocation of resourcesare commented respectively. In the experiments with prices some proposalshave succeeded and some proposals have failed. For example, no programaimed to public university self financing has gotten very far with theexception of Mexico and Chile (see Table 13). In Mexico, Presidents Diaz-Ordaz and Echeverria tried to establish tuitions fees in the Universidad

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Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (UNAM) in order to reduce its share of 40% ofthe total public expenditures in higher education, but students are stillpaying US$16 per year (3% of the unit cost). However, the new UniversidadAutonoma Metropolitana (UAM) is a public university now charging US$400 peryear. (Levy, 1979).

The Chilean Experience.

In Chile, a long public discussion was held in the 1968-1970period on the need to raise tuition fees at the university. Carefullydocumented reports prepared by the educational planning office in 1968 ledto drafting a proposal on cost recovery presented to the Congress, butpolitical support was not strong enough and the proposal was not approved.The military regime that took power in 1973 tried to apply a neo-liberaleconomic model and decreed in December 1981 that secondary and highereducation should be paid (now or later). Although the fees were notapplied in the secondary level, the government succeeded in applying feesin the higher level and launched a loan system. Fees and loans were partof a more general reform aimed to introduce competency among universities.Each university would continue receiving 50% of the fiscal subsidy alreadyreceived in 1980 and the other 50% would be pooled and distributed amongall universities as a lump sum for each enrolled student of the best 20.000student scores in the University Entrance Examination Test (UEET). TheUEET were taken by some 100,000 applicants and some 30,000 are admitted asstudents (see Table 29). There was a four year transition period forimplementing the new norms gradually adjusting from the old situation.(Castaneda, 1986). Given that no additional funds would be available allexpansion of university activities should be funded from increments intuitions. (Briones, 1981). New universities could be open (albeit shouldbe approved by the Ministerio del Interior) in order to ease up a marketequilibrium. The government hoped that competency among universities (andeventually with new universities) would raise the quality of the academicalternatives given that students would select only the best universitiesand would also raise the motivation of students to increase higherachievement levels.

Although there was intense competition among universities, it wasbased on the expansion of those careers chosen by students with high scoresin the UEET rather than by raising quality in every career. Funds werechannelled to advertise in newspapers and magazines and to provide fringebenefits for the students included in the "best 20,000" group rather thaninto improving laboratories and libraries. In sunmmary, places in medicineand engineering were doubled (Universities without those careers startedtheir creation), each university hired a marketing agency, scouts were sentto each of the best high schools and university "scholarships" were offeredto the best students (Schiefelbein, 1982.).

The Chilean government realized during the initial year of thechange that the free market adjustment would be too expensive in terms ofpoor quality of some of the physicians and engineers and in terms of toomany graduates competing for a small number of jobs. The governmentconcluded at the end of 1981 that the highly expensive university trainingwould end up with unemployment (for the least trained), withunderemployment for most of the graduates in terms. of not working in theirmain training area and with migration for the balance to other countries.

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Therefore, in 1982 the government fixed the number of entrants in eachcareer of the subsidized universities and did not allowed creation of newuniversities (Donoso and Hawes, 1983.). The allocation of half theuniversity subsidy through the "best 20,000" system was eliminated twoyears later. In 1983 a basic bonus on US$100 was established for studentswith scores of 572.5 or less; a bonus of US$300 was paid for students withscores of 573 and 622.5 points; US$600 for the group with 623 to 662.5;US$900 for those with 663 to 703.5 and US$1200 for scores over 704 points.However, this bonus system keep the total subsidy constant in Chilean pesosof 1983 in spite of an annual inflation of 20%, thus creating seriousfinancial problems to the universities in 1984 that were solved throughnumerous transferences from the public budget worked out on a case by casebasis.

Although the subsidy and loan systems was originally designed tobe applied to all operating universities (including those universitiesthat would open in the future) in fact only was only applied to the eightpublic and private universities that were operating in 1981. The bonussystem included the private universities existing in 1981, but not thosecreated after that date (three new private universities were operating in1986). The elite small best private university (UCCH) was benefited themost from this system given that in 1981 most of its students were amongthe "best 20,000" used as allocation criteria in the initial year ofoperation of the system and that the university has an overshare ofstudents with high scores in the present modified system. Therefore theUCCH has substantially increased its public subsidy. The former NationalUniversity is the university that has lost the highest share of the total

amount of subsidies.

As mentioned' above the reform established also in 1981 a loansystem (credito fiscal). Each student able to prove that he or his familycould not pay the tuition (some cases were studied by social workers) wasallowed to receive a loan (the average loan was US$750 in 1984) to be paidwith a 2 year grace period after graduation, but those dropping our shouldstart payments the following year (this group has been unable to pay in1984). Table 31 shows the distribution of students of a regionaluniversity receiving the total loan (one third of the student body) orfractions of the maximum loan. Students from the three new privateuniversities created after 1981 have not been able to receive studentloans.

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Table 31: CHILE -ALLOCATION PROCESS OF SUBSIDIESUNIVERSIDAD DE LA FRONTERA, 1984

Percentage Numberof Tuition Fees Students Obtaining PercentageProvided as Loan the Benefit With Loans Student Body

100% 1685 45.7 36.390 to 98 632 17.2 13.680 to 88 475 12.9 10.270 to 78 301 8.2 6.560 to 65 192 5.2 4.150 to 55 133 3.6 2.940 to 45 77 2.1 1.730 to 35 85 2.3 1.85 to 25 105 2.9 2.3

Students provided with Loan(Subsidies) 3,685 100.0 79.4

Rejected Applications for Loan(Subsidies) 115 2.5

Students Not Demanding Loan(Subsidies) 837 18.1

Total Number of Students 4,637 100.0

Source: Victor Nazar, Unpublished data, Temuco, 1984.

Public universities are now getting 20 to 30% of their income fromtuition (and around half of such tuition comes from the "Credito Fiscal")and another 1 to 20% is obtained from selling services or from odd incomes.Given that "teaching expenses" may be estimated in 60% of total expenses,present tuition levels represent, in fact, between one third and one halfof the teaching costs.

Other Experiences in Cost Recovery

A study for Paraguay showed that in 1984 some G$125 millions (10%)may be added each year to the public university income by demanding newuniversity students to pay fees of the same value as those paid in highschool (World Bank, 1985). Assuming that careers are five years long, therewould be a constant additional income flow of G$725 million (some 15% oftotal university budget) starting the fifth year of the operation of thetuition systems (Annex 19). In 1985 Council of the National Universitystudied increments in the fee levels and although for the first time inmore than three decades university students demonstrated in the streets ofAsuncion the attempt allowed an increment in fees.

In 1984 the University Council of the Universidad NacionalAutonoma de San Carlos in Guatemala proposed an increment in fees from US$5

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to US$10 per year. The proposal was sent to a Committee for "further"study after armed students stormed the office of the President of theUniversity and promised to kill all Council members if the proposal was tobe approved.

The history of university student demonstrations in Latin Americaagainst increases in fees is long and frequent. The number of deathresulting from much violence is high. Decision makers must take intoaccount both the economic, political and moral elements involved in thedecision on fee increments.

Cost Recovery Through Teachers Salaries

Although it is not quite clear whether governments reimburseteachers services at rates below the market levels, teachers' salaries inLatin America are much lower than in other regions (see Table 1). Asubstantial amount of the adjustment generated by the recent economiccrisis has been solved in terms of lower teachers' salaries rather than interms of reduced enrollments (Annex 11).

Poor motivation of teachers seems to be a key factor on poorstudent achievement that to low teachers' salaries with respect to otherprofessionals and to decreasing salaries both in constant terms and inpercentage of the GNP. (Figures for Paraguay, Peru and Chile are presentedin Annexes 20, 21 and 22.) It is interesting to note that in Perudifferences among primary and secondary teachers were reduced and as aresult the top salaries were slightly increased in primary and vocationaleducation while in Chile the ratio between the maximum and minimum salarieswas reduced from 2.4 in 1970 to 1.7 in 1979. As a result of theseprocesses, both in Peru and Chile salaries of high school teachers werereduced to near the level of the primary teachers.

The low level of teachers' salaries may also be detected in termsof the high proportion of untrained teachers. One third of teachers wereuntrained in the early seventies and around one, fourth are still withouttraining nowadays (Annex 3) in spite of the high unemployment rates. Ratesof return for teachers were negative in Chile in the mid seventies (Moraleset al, 1977) and although substantial differences were observed in Colombiafor those with a teaching degree (between 50 and 100%), the low absolutelevels of salaries did not attract enough candidates (with a teacherdegree) for the rural areas.

The effect of the regionalization on salaries will be commented inthe next section (C.4). Table 32 shows differences in salaries are for nothaving a teaching diploma in the case of Colombia. As in many countries,increments in salaries related to years of experience in spite of the poorrelation with students' achievement seen in A.2) may compensate lack oftraining; an untrained Colombian teacher at the end of his/her career earnsthe same amount as a well trained teacher (2nd Category). This incrementin salary in spite of not having a title (as well as the reluctance ofteachers trained in urban zones to move into isolated areas) and especiallythe low salary level may explain the slow improvement in the percentage oftrained teachers observed in the last 15 years.

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Table 32: COLOMBIA - DIFFERENCES IN SALARIES OF TEACHERS WITHAND WITHOUT DIPLOMAS IN EDUCATION

(in pesos)

Minimum Salary Maximum SalaryPrimary Teachers Per Year Per Year

No Training (No Diploma) 12,250 19,4904th Category 15,850 24,8503rd Category 17,840 25,5002nd Category 19,450 26,1601st Category 22,640 28,130

Source: Claude Tibi, uFinancement et Developpment de i'Education: Le Cas de la Colombie:

Rapport de Recherche, No. 22, IIEP, Paris, 1978

Price Rationing

At the preschool level the rationing is mainly determined in termsof price. Children from well off families usually have access to fee paidkindergartens. The small number of public non-fee kindergartens mainlycater to children from families living in some isolated modern sector%factories or in public primary schools. Entrance to the new publickindergartens attached to primary schools is usually obtained throughdifferent forms of kinship. Therefore, public kindergartens tend to cateralso to children from families from socio-economic level above average.Very few non-fee kindergarten are operating in the rural area.

Lack of enough places in secondary public education has forcedmany families to make an extra effort to enroll their children in fee-paying private schools. This is especially evident in the large proportionof private education in countries like Colombia (49.8%) and Mexico (32.8)where only a fraction of the graduates from primary public education couldfind places in public secondary education. Table 33 shows the differencesof primary and secondary private education for those countries as well asthe relative growth rates of the public and private education (see alsoTable 16).

In secondary education the students with the best achievementlevels (or with better kinship connections ) that have access to the freepublic secondary are usually from higher socio-economic levels than thosethat are denied access. Therefore, those that have to pay (in the cheaperprivate schools) for getting secondary education belong to families thatare in worse economic conditions.

Summary

Although the number of successful experiments in cost recovery issmall, they suggest that more attempts can succeed in the future if thepublic opinion is well informed with relevant data from the country andwith suitable regional ccmparisons. Cost recovery policies should bedeveloped in a medium-term range, unless extremely favorable public support

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is obtained beforehand. Initial allocation of cost recovery funds toscholarships for needy students may ease up the acceptance of cost recoverypolicies. Further cost recovery through teachers' salaries should beavoided and eventually salaries should be raised. Although reduction ofteachers' salaries has been one of the long term strategies used bygovernment to expand education with the available amount of resourcesallocated to education, such a reduction is preventing the attraction ofgood candidates into the teaching force, damaging teacher motivation andeventually reducing students' time on task.

C. 4 Non-Price Rationing Systems

Although during the sixties and seventies almost all LatinAmerican countries increased the amount of educational resources and triedto improve the allocation of those resources, there are important questionsabout the rationality of such attempts and about the outcomes.

The Impact of Public Education in the 60s and 70s

Although there is an obvious agreement on the explosive incrementin enrollments at all educational levels in L.A. on the last 30 years,there are many questions on the final outcomes both in terms of efficiencyand equity. Impressive figures on the increments have been commented inthe introduction to the initial Chapter (see Table 1 and Annexes 11, 12 and15) and that type of evidence can be easily expanded. Comments on the poorinternal efficiency were discussed next in the rest of the initial chapter(see Sections A.1 and A.3). Now some of *the improvements-that happened inthe selectivity of the system and remaining differences will be outlined.

Differences in selectivity have been reduced dramatically in thelast 40 years. Although Table 34 presents the changes observed in Chile,the figures are representative of the changes in most Latin Americancountries. Still, in 1970-1974, the higher the educational level thehigher the selectivity (the ratios between extreme selectivity indexes are5.5 versus 9.8 when comparing 8th and l2th grade), but the ratios have beendrastically reduced from the 1929 levels (30.1 and 545.8, respectively).The reduction in the selectivity indexes reflects the fact that most LatinAmerican countries have now enough school capacity to enroll all newcomersreaching the school entrance age. However, countries like Guatemala andHaiti, and in less extent some other countries, where governments played alesser role in the last decades, are not providing enough student places inthe rural areas. However, even in those cases the positive impact of thegovernment policies can be traced. For example, there is an impressiveincrement in student enrollments in Guatemala in the last 15 years. It isimportant to remark that the mere operation of the price allocation systemin the countries where the government did not provide more education wasnot able to generate similar results to the public rationing system.However, the key question is which rationing system should be used now toimprove the education of marginal groups in tetms of reducing earlyattrition and increasing application of knowledge to their "praxis"(Carvalho, 1982), and how to develop a system able to follow the rightsignals.

Table 33: LATIN AMERICA - LEVELS AND TRENDS OF PRIVATE EDUCATION

1970-1974

Primary Level Secondary Level Higher Education

Percentage of Rate of Growth of Percentage of Rate of Growth of Percentage of Rate of Growth of

Private Education Private Education Private Education Private Education Private Education Private Education

In Total Enrollment Divided by Rate of In Total Enrollment Divided by Rate of In Total Enrollment In Total Enrollment

Countries (1974) Public Education (1974) Public Education (1974) (1974)

Bolivia 13.6 1.88 25.9 0.54 -

Colombia 14.6 1.07 49.8 0.73 51.6 1.73

MAexico 7.8 0.98 32.8 b/ 1.28 12.5 0.98

leru 12.9 0.77 17.3 0.46 27.1 2.03

Venezuela 11.4 0.48 18.3 0.81 9.6 0.68

a/ The ratio between the private rate of growth and the public rate of growth has been computed for the following period: Bolivia (1970-74);

Colombia (primary 1984-1974; secondary 1986-1974 and higher 1970-1974); Mexico (1970-74), Peru (1964-1974), and Venezuela (1969-1973).

b/ Junior High School.

Source: Carlos Munoz I and Alberto Hernandez M. Financiamiento de Ia educaci6n privada en Am6rica Latina, 1978.

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Table 34: EVOLUTION OF SELECTIVITY INDEXES IN THE1929-1974 PERIOD

Selectivity Indexes a/1929 1970-1974

Occupational Groups 7th Grade 12th Grade 8th Grade 1979 12th Grade 1974

Managers andProfessionals 8.4 27.3 3.3 3.9

Clerks, Salesmen andSmall Business 9.6 14.9 1.7 2.5

Craftsmen, SkilledWorkers and Drivers 3.6 3.0 1.1 1.0

Peasants, Unskilled andService Workers 0.3 0.1 0.6 0.4

Difference BetweenExtreme of Range 8.1 27.2 2.5 3.5

Ratio Between Extremesof Range 30.1 545.8 5.5 9.8

Source: Schiefelbein and Farell, 'Desigualdad escolar: Analisis y Polfticas,* Mensaje, No.277, March-April 1979, pp. 148-151.

3/ The index for each occupational group w; is computed as the ratio between the *percentageof males in groups 'j' with respect to the total active male population" and the'percentage of parents of students working in groups ' with respect to the total numberof students.'

Several important changes occurred in the last decades. Forexample, secondary and higher education substantially expanded and primaryeducation reduced its share of public current expenditures (Annex 23presents data for the 1965-1975 period). Also, not only more resources wereallocated to secondary education to expand enrollments for the still smallgroup benefiting from this education but also the unit cost in secondaryeducation is almost three times the unit cost of primary education (seeAnnex 24). Finally, university also improved its share, but the unitscosts have been kept under control (only 12 times the unit cost of primaryeducation), and fragments evidence show a continuous effort of governmentfor avoiding too large public contributions to the small university elite.

Discriminatory Allocation of Resources

Although urban areas are clearly favored by public educationalexpense and metropolitan areas are still more benefited, the government isproviding almost all rural education with only a few exceptions. Table 35illustrates the heavy concentration of higher education in the two maincities of Ecuador. Both the concentration of population and the visibilityof the education urban problems in a mass media mainly aimed to urbanconsumption, generate pressures for coping with educational problems in

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that area rather than in the isolated rural area (Uzategui and Muelle,1974). In addition, scattered rural population tends to raise unit costsand the bonuses for teaching in isolated places or under more difficultliving conditions also tends to raise unit costs.

Several factors explain the high proportion of public schooling inrural areas. The main factor is lack of effective demand. Researchsuggest that interest in education for the offspring is only expressed indemand for enrollments when the parents have at least some five years ofeducation. Given that rural areas have traditionally lower levels ofeducation (and the average schooling is much lower than five years) thereare less pressures for demanding education in rural areas, but in thoseareas where there are strong community organizations. As a result of thelow demand, the lack of pressure on government officials, the higher unitcost, and the low income levels (and the fact that schools in isolatedareas have a natural monopoly situation) most of the supply of education inrural areas is provided by the Government. All in all, the government hascorrected the lack of educational services generated by the inoperation ofthe market system in the rural areas.

Table 35. ECUADOR - REGIONAL DISTRIBUTION OF HIGHEREDUCATION ENROLLMENTS, 1976

University Schooling DistributionPopulation Enrollments Rates of Enrollments

Regions (000) (000) (per 000) (%)

Capital 1,828.9 78.8 43.1 42

Second City 1,736.6 66.3 38.2 35

Rest of theCountry 3,740.5 45.4 12.1 23Total: 7,306.0 190.5 26.1 100

Source: Annex 25.

On the other hand, Governments' non-price rationing system haveled to misallocation of resources in certain activities. For example, ithas been questioned the efficiency of MOBRAL (the national institution forliteracy in Brazil) and it has been suggested that its resources should bedevoted to the regular primary education (Castro and Franco, 1981). Ingeneral, literacy campaigns frequently sponsored by new governments aftertaking power, have not been successful in most Latin American countries.

In summary, the distribution of school resources by socio-economiccharacteristic is in part a consequence of the availability of free (orsubsidized) public educational services and in part a consequence of theability of well-off parents to keep their children at school during alonger period and to provide them with special help for their learning andhealth problems. The higher the level of the education system the moreselected the socio-economic level of the students (see Table 36). Incertain countries (for example, Brazil or Mexico) it was argued that the

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provision of education is becoming more and more unequal (Frigoto, s/f;Carvalho, 1982, Barkim, 1972). The question, however, is whether theincreasing inequality is a result of too much government intervention orthe result of a lack of intervention. Unfortunately no definitive researchis yet available to elucidate this question.

Public Systems Allocation Processes

Although some scholars assert that changes in the educationalsystem are the result of decisions made by the groups in power, there arealso cases where changes were not generated by deliberate decisions, butwere the resulted of slow change processes where no specifi'- "decisions"could be traced. There are many references on the so called decisions madeby the groups in power to meet their goals (Carnory, 1975; Cox, 1984). Ona similar vein, other reports suggest that some social groups have beenable to influence the Government in order to obtain special privileges(DEALC, 1981); several studies have identified the "medium" socio-economiclevels as the group benefiting from public subsidies, and other reportscriticize the concentration of resources (public and private) towards therichest groups (Frigoto, s/f.).

On the other hand, the lack of clear cut decision processes hasalso been examined by several authors. In Mexico the decision processseems to develop inside the government, but independent from the centralgovernment directives (McGinn et al, 1980). In Brazil it is possible toidentify specific decision processes, but the context in which thosedecisions are made evolves in a non-rational way where no deliberatedecision could be traced (Velloso, 1980). Some studies may lead tospecific action, (as in the case of graduate training after the studyprepared by T. della Senta), but other studies, for example the Brazilianstudies financed by the Ministry of Education) have not clear impact ondecision making (Castro, 1980). In other cases, it is assumed that it isPossible to make decisions and, therefore, it is only necessary to createmechanisms (for example participation channels) for making the requireddecisions (Franco, 1980).

What is clear is that the educational diagnostics prepared duringthe sixties showed that certain areas (usually the poorest areas in eachcountry) were lacking educational infrastructure. Public opinion,political parties from center and left, and international institutionssupported the need to reduce the differences. Governments responded to thepressures by building the infrastructure while private provision lagged,given that the families of the new students were willing to get educationfor their offspring but were not able to pay for the educational services(see for example Venezuela, 1980). Although in most cases, onlyeducational "plans" with global targets were prepared, more information oninputs, quality, imbalances and management was made available, allowingproblems to be better defined and priorities (formally) established. Insulmmary, the increasing state activity in the education sector was theresult of combined pressures exerted by beneficiaries, bureaucrats andpoliticians. As commented above, the allocation of public funds to highereducation has been affected by authorities and congressmen more loyal tothe universities where they have studied than to their ideologies) (seeB.1). There was a tendency to provide an overshare of resources touniversities, thus benefiting the higher income groups to which the

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university students belong, but in recent years more control on theallocation by levels has been exerted by wider groups of each country. Allin all, government-provided education was welcomed for apparentlyequalizing access to education, and for taking into account benefitsgenerated by education that cannot enter into a private firm's calculationsbecause they cannot be appropriated by each firm (external economies).However, no serious public discussion about financing of and provision foreducation was carried out in Latin America during the sixties andseventies. Only one regional seminar on the financing of education wassponsored by UNESCO and OAS in the sixties (UNESCO, 1966; 1967; Rojas,1966; Ordoinez, 1966; and OEA, 1970).

The state-university relations are influenced by many independentfactors such as population explosion, economic situation, unemployment,political arena and academic or social tradition (Levy, 1979). It is insuch complex web where de facto governments act. In the case of Chile, ithas been mentioned above that the attempt to make use of market forces(forgetting the long term effects of educational decisions that may lead tocyclical changes well described in the so called "spider web" theorem) ledto a reduction of students from poor families and then to stopping theoperation of most of the market mechanisms (see C.3). Bureaucracies,congressmen and military regimes have adopted and dismissed many models.The interest in planning, was then replaced by PPBS (Planning, Programming,Budgeting system), projects, zero budgeting and market mechanisms. Still,there are some pervasive ideas that have gained public support during thelast decade. The most important of those ideas is the need for"decentralization." Although little effective decentralization has beenimplemented, there are some interesting experiments. Large countries likeColombia, Argentina, Brazil or Mexico where regions or states have someindependence in their decisions, the geographical distribution is affectedby the power structure defining the amounts transferred to each state orregion. In centralized countries some geopolitical national strategiessponsored by the Army Forces may give some advantages to schools located infuture poles of development or the frontier (for example Guyana inVenezuela as described by Davis et al, 1970 or the city near the Itaipu Damin Paraguay). Centralized governments may decentralize decisions, forexample taxes to certain export products also have been earmarked tocertain regions, or even to private institutions as the case of FEDECAFE inColombia. There may be some inconsistencies in all these decentralizedallocation processes-. For example, FEDECAFE is willing to build and equipnew schools and is very efficient in doing so, but it was reluctant forsome time to complement the salaries of the teachers in order to haveexcellent schools with students effectively working with good educationalmaterials.

The frequent "revolutionary" processes observed in Latin Americaare also a potential power for altering public resource allocation. Thetemporary reduction of university activities in Cuba or the emphasis inliteracy both in Cuba and Nicaragua are examples of such changes (Arrien,1980). The military regimes in Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay,identified in the late seventies the universities as centers of oppositionto their power and those regimes restricted expenditures in the third leveland established control mechanisms of their operations (Levy, 1982; Donosoand Hawes, 1983; DEALC, 1981). On the other hand the explosive expansionof the Universidad de Buenos Aires reported above is also an example ofperturbatory factors generated by returning to a democratic regime (see C.1above).

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Table 38: CHILE. SURVIVAL RATES IN PRIMARY AND

SECONDARY EDUCATION. 1962-1976

puas FATNtrsOCCUPATION

-0- 77wn M2 -

!4 - X .31 i

'a ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~a a I

32(im Sma

ate a3 ct *h onguau pno I osn. rtuan mu pwwmIbea az pne 12 i-d. are gnTa 12 fl a

Source: Schi~efelbein and Farrell, June 1978: 338

- / j -

Lack of Relevant Signals for Improving Allocation

Although teachers unions, political parties, associations ofprivate schools, officials, statistical services, scholars, professionalgroups, church, mass media and community groups convey messages aboutdetected problems and proposed solutions, there are no sure ways to providesolutions. There are no systems providing the right signals for improvingallocation of resources. All those pressure groups (with the exception ofscholars) do not have the time for careful assessment of the distance ofthe proposed or endorsed technologies with respect to the optimaltechnological frontier (for the accepted educational goals to be reached bythe society).

None of the above mentioned groups will probably detect thedifference between the number of students enrolled in 1980 in severalParaguayan programs and the potential enrollment described in Table 37.This inability to detect opportunities for improvement suggests the lack ofrelevant signals for allocating more resources to valuable activities.However, given the low socioeconomic levels of those potential customersonly a voucher system would allow those potential costumers to expresstheir demand in real terms.

Management Information Systems continuously exploring unit costs,distributions of inputs, achievement indicators and timely access ofstudents to the system can complement the present price and non-priceallocation system and help the, authorities to timely identify prospectiveproblems. The information is already available in the ministries andprocessing is becoming more and more cheap. Eventually, massive orselective testing may help to identify achievement problems and to help insolving the exceptional cases.

Summary

Although public education extended educational opportunities tothe rural areas and to the marginal urban groups, thus reducing previousinequalities, there are also cases where discriminatory effects of publicnon-price allocation processes are observed. There is very littlecompetition from private education in rural or poor areas. With only a fewexceptions most of the changes generated by public allocation processes inLatin America are the result of slow processes that gradually alter the"status quo" rather than the result of quick changes triggered by a singledecision. As a result of those slow evolutionary processes secondaryeducation has expanded, higher education has been forced to expand throughbetter use of their resources (and partially becoming a refined secondaryeducation, rather than a research oriented university type of education)and now there is a new interest in preschool education and in improving thequality of the primary education (especially in terms of reducingrepetition and improving some basic skills in reading and writing).

C.5 Resource Allocation within the Education Sector

Although the price and non-price rationing policies determine whois accepted and the amount of resources that may be used in his educationprocess, there are still many options that should be faced both at central,regional, and school levels and even at the classroom level. In previoussections the selectivity and discrimination effects of applying price andnon-price rationing policies have been commented. Now the role of law,

Table 37: PARAGUAY - SPECIAL DELIVERY SYSTEMSIN PRIMARY EDUCATION

Number of Number ofStarting Students Teachers Potential

Name of Program Year in 1980 in 1980 Enrollment Special Features

1. Plurigrados(MultigradeTeaching) 1987 52,000 2,160 100,000 The same teacher provides education to children of different grades

in one classroom - a sound strategy for small rural communities.Average student/teacher ratios are 26 to 1. These, ratios could beincreased. The program lacks adequate instructional materials andteaching learning mechanisms. If strengthened could reach about100,000 children.

2. AcceleratedPrimary 1978 15,726 68 10,000 Overage students are allowed to do two school grades on one calendar

year. Admission tests are administered to select children for theprogram. OAS provided support in 1978-1979.

3. Grados Libres 1948 1,268 n.a. 2,000 Children who have been absent from school are allowed to take a test(Flexible Exams) and if they pass it they are promoted to the following grade. A

sound strategy for children who must assist their families at work,who are sick and who find a tutor at home. 0'

4. Special Education n.a. 160 809 14,000 Education for the Blind and Deaf. To be expanded in a more advancedlevel of development of the country.

6. Bilingual 1978 2,780 86 200,000 Teachers are encouraged to use Guarani In the classroom. SpecialEducation workbooks In Spanish were provided to the Guarani speaking children.

An evaluation of the program is being conducted. Further work isneeded to determine whether children should read first in Guaranior in Spanish as they are now doing.

Source: IBRD, Projects Department, LAC, "Paraguay: Basic Education Subsector Memorandum,' Washington, September 20, 1984.

3 V t

budget, institutions, traditions and chance or the shaping of the schoolsystem will be commented upon and examples of their effects and constraintswill be discussed.

Laws, Decrees, Norms and Instructions

Even though there is a big difference between enacting laws andsolving specific problems, Latin American governments have heavily reliedon laws and instructions as tools for shaping their educational system andthe related processes. The Hispanic legal traditions and their lack ofenforcement in the Colonies (la ley se acepta, pero no se cumple) havestill a mark in the limited power of law. For example, most countries havedefined in laws or constitutions approved half a century ago, the number ofyears of obligatory primary education, but no attempt to enforce thosecommitments have yet been done.

The law or the instructions seem to advertise the direction inwhich the Parliament or the dictator expect the education system to moveand eventually to generate some advance toward the expected goal. Forexample, several countries (Costa Rica, Chile, Ecuador, Venezuela andColombia) have enacted continuous or automatic promotion systems for thefirst grade and in some cases for the first four grades in primaryeducation now the teachers know that their duty is to help normal studentsto reach minimum achievement goals. Even though in some of these countriesthe statistical forms show no repetition after the law has been enacted,other data show that still there are repeaters, but repetition is beingfinally reduced. In Ecuador the Ministry has instructed that the sameteacher should work with a group of students during their first two yearsand the group is promoted automatically from first to second grade. In.Venezuela all students are supposed to be promoted from first, second andthird grades, but in fact many finally repeat as it also happens in Ecuadorin first grade. In Chile students attending classes more than 75% of theschool days obtaining passing grades in Mathematics and Spanish arepromoted in first and second grades, but those with bad grades must attendclasses in an additional remedial period. In Honduras teachers forcestudents to re-enroll as newcomers, but there is an awareness about theneed to reduce high repetition levels (Spector, 1984; Cuadra, 1986). InArgentina "sunmmer schools" have been able to recover 81% of first graderepeaters and similar figures have been recovered for students in allgrades in primary attending remedial schools in Chile that support thestudents' self esteem (Vaccaro, 1978; Castillo, 1975).

Although, some institutions have been forced by law to implementcertain actions, the institutions frequently defend themselves fromunwanted actions. For example, free access to public higher education toall graduates from high school is guaranteed by law in countries likeUruguay, Ecuador, Dominican Republic and Guatemala. However, in thosecountries some schools have managed to be allowed to provide only a fixednumber of vacancies. For example in Uruguay there are a fixed number ofvacancies in law, medicine and engineering, while other schools must acceptall applicants. In the National University of Ecuador there is a required"preuniversitario" lasting three months that is used as a screening device.In the Tecnologico of Quito the applicants much spend a whole year in a"preuniversitario" and only those promoted are accepted for joining theinstitution as regular students. (Pozo et al, 1981). Therefore, severalstrategies are implemented by the universities to reduce the large number

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of applicants into those that can perform at the required levels. Laws maysucceed in one goal and fail in other competing goal.

For example, the private Catholic University of Ecuador may acceptonly those students that pass an entrance examination. Thus their studentscan save one quarter or one whole year with respect to those in publicinstitutions that must pass the "preuniversitario." Therefore, althoughthe law pretended further equality of opportunities, and succeeded inproviding a place in the university for all candidates, it also createdother types of discriminations in terms of alternative lengths of thecareers. Countries that have fixed by law the number of vacancies(numerous clauses) may also find that discrimination persists. In thosecountries well off families have been sending their children to othercountries where universities have free access, when the children fail to beaccepted in their own countries. No statistics of students by country ororigin have been obtained to quantify the magnitude of the migration flow,but it is estimated to be over 2,000 students in the region.

Budget Allocations

Although changes in budget have each year a direct effect inresource allocation, the final expected effects may be different fromreality. For example, appointment of the principal with an extended dayschedule (or an assistant to the principal) plus the required teachers maybe enough for using buildings in double shifts. However, if a secondprincipal is appointed in the, same building frictions will be generated andstudents achievement may be affected. The general practice in mostcountries is to have only one principal in charge of both shifts in orderto avoid conflicts and research in Chile and Venezuela has shown thatdouble shifts have no detrimental effects on student's achievement. Budgetallocations are also an efficient mechanism for launching nutritionprograms, early stimulation, and free transportation that seem to havepossible effects on achievement, but allocation of the benefits may notreach the really needy (Schiefelbein, 1978). Budget allocations may beenough to launch a preschool program and it has already been mentioned thepromising results detected in experiments with preschool as a preventiontraining for repetition in first grade (A.3). Given that half of thestudents are repeating first grade, the introduction of a kindergaten (as areadiness work period) does not represent additional costs (students arerepeating first grade anyway) and reduces the trauma of repeating firstgrade. Therefore, through expansion of kindergarten, budget may change theschool from a process of repeated failure into being the starting point ofa history of successes. Preschool has a positive impact in reducing firstgrade repetition (Filp et al, 1982). Even though there is still no clearpicture of which are the most efficient programs (Llanos and Winkler,1982), there are materials available (Lira, 1980), and experiences toshare. There is also evidence of the impact of early education in theeducational achievement levels of students receiving many years after,(Schiefelbein and Farrell, 1982). Although, participation of mothers hasproved to reduce an important part of the financial cost of such programs,increments in attendance have been relatively slow (Latorre, 1980).

Another example of activities that can be supported by simplyallocation of budget is Distance Education. Distance education has beenwidely experimented in Latin America at all levels. The knowledge isavailable and the expansion of Distance Education is a matter of hiring the

right people. Unfortunately there are only descriptions of such programs,.but no evaluations with the exception of the radio mathematics project inNicaragua (Jamison, 1978). This project represented an "additional cost"of US$3 per student (5 to 10% of the cost per student) but was able toreduce the "total cost" of graduating students from primary education. Onthe other hand, the evaluation of the TV project in El Salvador suggestedthat there were no direct effects of TV on achievement, but indirectadvantages generated through a better management (Speagle 1972; McAnany,1970). The use of pre-school programs like"Plaza Sesamo" and the like haveproven to produce positive impacts in achievement (Schiefelbein, 1978) andtheir diffusion only depends on buying broadcasting time and somecomplementary advertising of the advantages for children to watch theprograms. Sometimes budget allocations are made without enough knowledgeabout the impact of budget items in education, especially when makingbudget cuts in financial crisis. The result of those random cuts have beenthe elimination of funds for maintenance, educational materials, power,services and supervision that have been commented above (see B.1 andTable 15) Although parents (through monetary or in kind contributions)have provided the required resources for minimal operation (Paulsen, 1981)funds for district supervision require central allocation.

Although several attempts of relating earmarked taxes to educationhave not finally showed a large impact, the Colombian participationexperiment with cafe taxes administered by the "Federacion de Cafeteros"have successfully financed many schools. There is still the contentionthat the central government has allocated less resources for schoolconstruction in those areas benefited from the cafe taxes than in the restof the country. Anyhow, the zones benefiting from such tax seem to besubstantially better shape than the rest of the country. The problem withearmarking taxes is that they constrain the use of public resources. Thedifficulties for evaluating results in this example can be replicated inmany of the examples commented above.

Institution Building

There are cases where the desired educational activities will takeplace only if (in addition to legal and budget inputs) management inputssuch as terms of reference, PERT, technical assistance or guidingprinciples that allows to launch a new institution are provided. Forexample, Testing Institutions may be created by law and provided withresources (money and technical assistance) to screen students' access tohigher education through tests (with minimum entrance scores) or togenerate information to be used as an indicative device for decisionmakers. Countries like Brazil, Colombia, Chile and Costa Rica havedesigned University Entrance Examination systems. Now in those countriesthe students getting the best scores have the opportunity to chose theuniversity and the career they want. The screening process, however,involves many other steps. For example, 4500 students ask permission totake the exam in the Instituto Tecnologico de Costa Rica; 4000 take theexam; 1500 are approved, but only 750 finally sign for enrolling at theinstitute, the rest have also been accepted in other universitites and havesigned with them. At the end of the process, however, the final goal,"objective screening of the best candidates," is far from being reached.In general there are correlations of only .5 to .6 between scores in theEntrance Examinations and further performance in the higher educationcourses.

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Some discrimination is generated by the use of these EntranceExams because these exams give some advantages to students from highersocioeconomic backgrounds. In countries where fee paid private highereducation is relatively large (for example Brazil and Colombia) studentsfrom higher socioeconomic backgrounds have access to good tuition freepublic universities, while the students from low socioeconomic backgroundscan only be accepted in fee-paying private universities (of lower qualityin the case of Brazil) (Castro, 1981). In addition there are still somespecial admission systems for good athletes (or good kinships) to beaccepted in the university (Zunino and Rodriguez, 1981). However, theirnumber is small and do not influence the main trends above commented.

Another example of a testing program requiring the creation of aninstitution is the National Evaluation Service created while in Chile in1968. In 1969 and 1970 the Evaluation Service administered in Chile anational test to all students graduating from the 8th grade in primary.The real purpose of the test was to show the teachers which were the realobjectives of the primary education, i.e. application of knowledge orinductive reasoning instead of mere rote learning. Therefore, the test hadonly 10% weight and the course marks had a 90% weight for computing thescore that was-used to select candidates in secondary schools when therewas an excess demand. There is no empirical data to assess its impact butthere are many reports stating that the teachers became aware of what wasexpected from them to achieve with their students.

Although experiments with "nuclearizat-ion" would also require an"institutional" allocation process, it may be good to restrain from furtherexperiments because of past mixed up results. To those countries trying tolaunch new nuclear experiences it should be good to remind them that inspite of the efforts carried out in Peru to establish the nuclear system inthe mid seventies, the government is now dismantling the nuclear structureafter a detailed report on their operation (Peru-1982; Diaz, 1980). Thatnuclear structure had become only an additional administrative step, butlittle supervision was actually provided due to lack of funds fortransportation and per diem. In the case of Colombia the best teacherswere appointed as directors of nucleos. Their role was not clear and theystay in their locations without supervising nor teaching as they had beendoing before. Conflicts arose between those "directores de nucleos" andthe "supervisors". In summary, the building up of a nuclear structureseems to be a more complex task than originally envisaged. Althoughpromising, the nuclear system is still in the process of developing viableways to successfully implement it.

The prestige of European vocational training methods has leddistinguished educators to experiment with "apprenticeship" as one of themain alternatives to prepare future skilled workers. CINTERFOR hassupported the idea and several of the Training Institutions have offeredapprenticeship programs (see Table 38). The evaluation of such programshas been positive but the magnitude of those programs is still relativelysmall (Corvalan, 1981).

Many other examples that would require institutional developmentto be implemented may be identified. For example, textbooks design andproduction supply of primary education through multigrade teaching, and

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provision of free transportation. In all these examples there are somepast or on going experiments that are promising, but have not been enoughevaluated to draw solid conclusions (Schiefelbein, 1978).

There have been many efforts for designing cheap educationalmaterials. There are good designs and some diffusion has been attempted,(Jairo, 1981), but there is still little knowledge of what is available forwider use in the whole region. The analysis of production function studiesalso provide some further suggestions that should be experimented in thefuture, (Schiefelbein, 1981) such as: reduction of teachers' rotation, useof homework (may be experimental with an alternate attendance system),stimulation of self-esteem and use of commercial TV spots in theeducational process (see Table 7).

Institutional building has sometimes generated improvementsachieved by chance. For example, schools-are now averaging larger sizes(around 200 students per school) that are associated with higherachievement levels (see Annex 28). Once detected these positive effectsfrom larger-sized schools are detected, the size of the schools may befurther expanded in a systematic way.

Leadership of Participation Processes

Last but not least the subjective dimension must be brought intoconsideration in this case by mentioning two factors not easily amenable toharnessing: leadership and participation processes. Change of behaviorand tradition goes beyond mechanic allocation processes, but in many casesbehavior and tradition must change if instruction processes are to beimproved. Changes in teacher attitudes or. community participation cannotbe imposed from outside, but through central or local leadership andfeasible challenges. While leadership is difficult to be replicated (as inthe non formal education), participation may be fostered. Althoughparticipation has lagged, the municipalization experiments seem to bepositive. In future experiments more implementation problems should be

Table 38: TRENDS IN APPRENTICESHIP OF YOUNGSTERS - 1973-1979(Percentage in the total amount of activities

carried out in each institution)

PercentageTraining Course Hours

Country Institution 1973 1979 1973 1979

Brazil SENAI 15.0 15.0 - -SENAC 8.3 6.0 20.0 20.0

Colombia SENA 8.6 7.1 46.3 30.1Costa Rica INA 10.6 - 55.6 -Chile INACAP 1.3 5.0 14.5 20.0Peru SENATI 4.7 - 67.0 -Venezuela INCE 1.9 3.2 14.7 15.4

Source: Claudio de Moura Castro, 1979.

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taken into account in order to trigger real community involvement, avoidteachers' anger, reduce both differences in quality of education, and poorschooling opportunities. However, it must be noted that other countries(i.e. Ecuador) are eliminating municipal schools. Municipalization andnuclearization experiments are the two main attempts for implementing"decentralization". There is a widespread belief that educationaldecentralization should be implemented in the region. The attempt ofColombia in 1970, when the "Fondos Educativos Regionales (FER)" werecreated, has been relatively successful in the more advanced states,(departments), but little advances are observed in the rest of the country.The "regionalization", among other things, may explain that Colombiaremained in the seventies as one of the countries with lowest educationalschooling rates and higher illiteracy. There are wide disparities amongthe unit costs between departments. Table 39 also shows the differencesin the minimum and maximum teachers' salary levels by states (regions).The regional differences were quite impressive in the early seventiesalthough now they are much reduced (see annex 39).

Mexico has incorporated the local "patronatos" for paying localteachers working in small villages (mainly bilingual education). Costa Ricahas gone midway with regional groups able to hire teachers and toreallocate resources (Rojas, 1982). Brazil and Chile have launched the"municipalization", but it seems to be yet too premature for a carefulevaluation. Brazil had to create PROMUNICIPIO to help the countries todevelop their educational administration (Sobrihno, 1978). Chileeliminated municipal schools in the 19 century and started once again totransform public into municipal schools since 1981 and completed theprocess in 1986. To reallocate the schools to the municipalities thegovernment had to pay a high subsidy per student in the beginning to getthe counties interested in running the school systems (Valdivieso, 1981).Later on subsidies per student were frozen and now the counties are infinancial problems. (CastaReda, 1986). Teachers associations havedemanded back their old status, but students seem to be attending moreschool days per year given that the subsidies are paid per "student dayattended" (Schiefelbein and Apablaza, 1984).

There are no successful cooperative attempts of public programsoperating together with non formal education. The non formal educationalexperiences have shown the potential of using monitors from the community(Garcia Huidobro, 1982), but little has been done in terms of usingmonitors by the regular schools.

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Table 39: COLOMBIA: MINIMUM AND MAXIMUM ANNUAL SALARYOF PRIMARY TEACHERS IN DIFFERENT REGIONS

BY CATEGORIES - 1988-1971

1988 1969 1971Minimum Maximum Diff. Minimum Maximum Diff. Minimum Maximum Diff.

Categories Salary Salary in X Salary Salary in X Salary Salary in X

No diploma 8,120 10,880 +74.5 7,400 14,400 93.6 13,752 18,800 +22.2

4th Category 7,320 12,000 +83.9 9,800 15,984 88.5 18,752 20,160 +20.3

3rd Category 8,040 13,800 +71.8 10,580 16,992 80.9 18,276 21,660 +18.5

2nd Category 8,780 15,000 +71.2 12,000 18,240 52.0 20,100 23,280 +15.8

1st Category 9,720 18,200 .88.7 14,400 19,440 35.0 23,500 24,840 t 8.2

Source: Unpublished documents of the Ministry of Education in Tibi, Claude, 'Financement etdeveloppement de l'education: le cas de la Colombie,*, Rapport de Recherche No. 22,IEEP, Paris, 1978

Allocation of subsidies through the "best 20,000 students" takingeach year the UEET may also be considered another attempt to stimulate acompetition process among universities and to decentralize decisions.Although the results have not been positive in the Chilean experience (seeC.3 above), it represents a potential mechanism for taking into accountstudent preferences that should be studied in more detail.

Central authorities have seen special problems for developing non-formal education programs. An impressive amount of non-formal educationalexperiences have been carried out with private funds. Most of theoperations remain in small scale. Experiences like ACPO in Colombia weremassified only with the help of government and international funds. Manystyles can be identified in the non-formal education, but little can besaid in terms of their future massive impact (Garcia Huidobro, 1982).

The most interesting examples of generation of participationprocesses are probably the bilingual projects. Although conclusions arestill to be refined, learning to read in the mother language (relatingsigns and sounds) and then learning to read Spanish as a second languageseems to be most efficient way to learn to read and write (Corvalan, 1984).The solution of bilingual education problems may represent a drasticreduction in repetition rates in primary education. If the bilingualeducation cut in half the 10 million repeaters in first grade in 1985, thesaving would equal some US$300 million per year.

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Summary

Resource allocation within the education sector depends on thespecific process that must be affected and the agents involved. Legal andbudgetary macro decisions may have an effective impact on access, and evenevaluation services and new types of education may also depend on suitablelaws and budget. However, changing more complex institutions, managementand classroom processes may require additional efforts in terms ofintellectual personal leadership, specific models or technology (includinginformation). In any case, educational change is extremely slow andspecial care should be taken to avoid changes that teachers can feel theyare not prepared to implement. Proposed reallocation of resources shouldnot be threatening to teachers in order to be successful.

In brief, elasticity of substitution between different factors ofthe educational production function is very low. Buildings cannot besubstituted for teachers. and vice versa, and both factors account for avery large percentage of total costs (see tables 4 and 5). Therefore,costs studies and Management Information Systems may help decision makersto improve efficiency and to suggest the best way toallocate futureresources, but there is a strong warning on quick changes because the highproportion of costs made up of salaries is intractable. On the other hand,actions aimed to reallocate resources such as bilingual educational,multigrade teaching, use of textbooks, discussion circles (teachersdefining problems and together looking for possible solutions), use of massmedia spots to show how to use social equipment (used newspapers, thememory of the olders, the countryside, commercial TV or museums), or how toprovide early stimulation may have a large impact in speeding up the flowof students through the system and in allowing the student to reach higherachievement and self-esteem levels. Only if half of the repetition is cutdown $300 million would be saved per year.

D. Policy Implications from the Analysis of Available Research

The analysis of available research (published before May 1985)provides some guidelines that could be used by decision makers. First,results from available research suggest that unit costs per graduate may bereduced by increasing the internal efficiency. Second, research resultssuggest that the private sector is now the obvious source of additionalfunding and several mechanisms for encouraging contributions from theprivate sector may be assessed. Third, research results show some of theelements to be considered in assessing specific policies aimed at improvingresource allocation.

D.1 Reducing Unit Costs of Graduates by Increasing Efficiencies.There are no built in incentives for improving the efficient use ofresources in the education sector, but efficiency may be increased byimproving management, finding the right combination of input factors,changing promotion problems and reducing side effects of selectivity.Although management practices in Latin America are poor, there are alsosome signals that educational management is improving. The expansion ofenrollment in primary and secondary schools has consisted of children fromincreasingly poorer segments of the population (Selowsky, 1980 DEALC,1981). However, in spite of this fact repetition and dropout rates are

- 85 -

somewhat constant or improving overtime. Therefore, some improvement inmanagement should be explaining that performance. Cost studies andinformation systems are positive factors, but there is a long way to gobefore information becomes a powerful sources of continuous improvement.

The evidence suggests that payoffs associated with some costlypolicies (for example lengthening teacher training and reducing class size)are smaller than cheaper factors like multigrade teaching textbooks or agood school calendar. It is true that the number of untrained teachersshould be reduced in order to increase internal efficiency, but moreresearch should be available in order to provide an empirical basis forfinding effective upgrading methods (lengthening their training orrequiring longer years of previous schooling is not cost effective). Thereis still a long way to reach the target of 100 percent of trained teachersin all Latin American countries (see Annex 3). Furthermore, the level ofteachers' training modify the effect of reducing class size. Only goodteachers will benefit from smaller classes. On the other hand,substantial gains in efficiency (mainly for small rural schools) may beobtained through multigrade teaching (when students have textbooks), thatallows the operation of complete schools (offering all grades in primary)that reduce early attrition and allow larger school sizes (Annex 4illustrates the proportion of incomplete schools in the system). Finally,adjustments to the school calendar that allows students to attend a largerschool year period have been reported as positive. (Further comments onthe implementation of changes are presented in D.3).

Repet-ition is still high in Latin America, especially in the firstgrades of primary education, and is the main source of inefficiency. Bothunrealistic promotion standards and lack of training in multigrade teachingare main causes of the high repetition levels. Although there aresubstantial increments in the promotion and retention of students in thelast two decades, still in many countries there are no policies forreducing repetition. In most countries the private schools do not allowtheir students to repeat and the public system must accept those less ablestudents. Thus comparisons of achievement in both types of schools shouldbe carefully done (Uzategui and Muelle, 1974).

Socioeconomic, geographic and ethnic factors affecting presenteducational selectivity allow increments in achievement levels of aselected group, but probably reduce the overall achievement level of theregion. Selectivity allows that all children from upper income levels(including the children of decision makers) be attending good schools,therefore no automatic incentives are built into the society for improvingthe quality of schooling for those negatively selected. Most countrieshave made efforts to open vocational opportunities that reduce the numberof candidates for university admission, but no one has yet succeeded,mainly due to a salary structure and traditions that associate a highpayoff to university graduates. Free tuition does not reduce aneducational selection process that starts at the cradle and continues inthe admission to specific university careers and in the graduation. Infact in some cases, as in the admission into the university, the freetuition system exacerbates inequities.

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D.2 Increasing Private Contribution

Latin America has been able to reach an important (30 to 40%)level of privatization of provision of all educational services in theregion but there is ample room for further increase in the share of theprivate sector. Although subsidies to non-fee private education haveincreased private educational services reduced the total amount of publicresources devoted to education most of the private activity has no publicsupport. Subsidized systems reducing the use of public resources areavailable only in a few countries and those systems could be extended tothe whole region. Several countries have been trying successfully to raiseuser charges in university education. There is a need for providing moreobjective evidence to the public opinion about the rationale for raisingfees and for diffusing government reliable strategies for introducingchange in the present tuition free policies. Therefore, the futurecontribution of private funds may be still expanded in several countries ofthe region.

Countries have no clear policies for the role that privateeducation should play in the whole system. Private education caters mainlyto both the upper socioeconomic suburban class, but it also enrolls somestudents from the population living in urban-marginal or rural areas. Themagnitude of the private educational activity in the lower socioeconomicgroups depends on the amount and conditions of public subsidies. Althoughthere is a large number of experiments some have been mentioned above andmore are described in Mun±oz and Hernandez, 1978, it is necessary to analyzein detail their pros and cons with respect to well defined criteria.Capital loans from international organizational (with state guarantee)could also be considered as one type of subsidies to be considered in theanalysis of incent-ives for private activity study. There seem to be acontraction in the educational investment of the Catholic Church schoolsduring the seventies and eighties (Catholic Church is now less interestedin education in comparison with pastoral activities) that should also bestudied in more detail if the trend could stress demand for publicschooling. There are new activities of industrial groups that have fundedor supported regional universities that should also be analyzed, through aseries of relevant case studies, if government want such initiatives to bereplicated.

Employer-financed vocational training represents only 2% of thetotal number of students in the formal education, but the number of workertrained in their (usually short) courses is at least similar to theuniversity enrollment and there are also many in-service trainingactivities in private firms. Studies on the rates of return of theirgraduates show excellent results (Castro, 1978). Although the trainingsystem works efficiently and the system may be used as a model forcountries that have not yet implemented this type of institution,additional resources to be obtained from payroll taxes may be relativelymodest. Some interesting new experiments on employer-financed training andresearch are now being developed and future evaluations may providevaluable information for designing new employer-financed trainingmechanisms in countries that have not yet experimented with them.

Although the experience with student loans in Latin America showsthat it is possible to have a reasonable efficient administration of a

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student loan system in a variety of conditions, the capital of allinstitutions has been reduced dramatically due to recovery in highlydevaluated money. Better systems must be designed for taking into accountthe situation of those students not finishing their careers, the adjustmentin payments due to unemployment; the demand of collateral guarantees, thelength of the initial grace period, the lack of suitable insurance systems;and the effects of the criteria used for selecting the recipients of theloans (Woodhall, 1983; Velloso, 1984; ICETEX, 1984). Although educationalvoucher systems have not been tried out in Latin America, in Chile avoucher system has been experimented with success in Health (participantsin the Social Security System may pay a percentage of the medical billswith vouchers issued by the SSS). In general the administration of loansor voucher systems is quite complex and administrative costs are high.Differential pricing has been successfully used by private schools anduniversities and there are also small scale experiments in selected publicinstitutions. The use of differential pricing could be further diffused inthe region.

There is a general agreement that loans systems must includescholarships programs to reduce a negative impact in equality. In generalthe experience shows that the distribution of scholarships not directlyrelated to assessed needs will tend to increase inequality. Precisecriteria for selecting postulants and use of local groups to allocateavailable scholarships may contribute to an efficient allocation process.Lack of serious legal sanctions for perjury (given the Latin structure ofthe law) preclude the use of declaration under oath as the only source forallocation. The weak tax control system also makes unreliable the use oftax declarations as the basis for allocating scholarships.

There is still excess social demand for education in all levels inalmost all countries with the present fee level structure. In primaryeducation such excess demand is mainly located in rural isolated areas. Insecondary there is excess demand for academic education and eventually foruniversity training. Those countries offering some primary education toall members of cohorts reaching the school age seem to be reducing theirfertility rates and the reduction in fertility rates as a built-in controlmechanism for constraining further social demand. On the other hand,unemployment seem to be a built-in mechanism for increasing social demandin secondary and higher education. (El Salvador, 1981.)

The evidence suggest some responsiveness of enrollments to feeincreases through changes both in supply and demand levels. The existenceof flexible mechanisms to analyze the case of families with financialproblems subsidize that allow mixtures of public and private support andoptions among alternative schools for the children to move from one type offee to a different level may reduce the impact of taking the students offthe system.

Although the number of successful experiments in cost recovery issmall, they suggest that more attempts can succeed in the future if thepub2ic opinion is well informed with relevant data from the country andwith suitable regional comparisons. Cost recovery policies should bedeveloped in a medium-term range, unless extremely favorably public supportis obtained beforehand. Initial allocation of cost recovery funds to

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scholarships for needed students may ease up the acceptance of costrecovery policies. Further cost recovery through teachers' salaries shouldbe avoided and eventually salaries should be raised. Although reduction ofteachers' salaries has been one of the long term strategies used bygovernment to expand education with the available amount of resourcesallocated to education, such a reduction is preventing the attraction ofgood candidates into the teaching force, damaging teacher motivation andeventually reducing students' time on task.

Although public education extended educational opportunities to the ruralareas and to the marginal urban groups, thus reducing previousinequalities, there are also cases where discriminatory effects of publicnon-price allocation processes are observed. There is very littlecompetition from private education in rural or poor areas. With only a fewexceptions most of the changes generated by public allocation processes inLatin America are the result of slow processes that gradually alter the"status quo" rather than the result of quick changes triggered by a singledecision. As a result of those slow evolutionary processes secondaryeducation has expanded, higher education has been forced to expand throughbetter use of their resources (and partially becoming a refined secondaryeducation, rather than a research oriented university type of education)and now there is a new interest in preschool education and in improving thequality of the primary education (especially in terms of reducingrepetition and improving some basic skills in reading and writing).

Resource allocation within the education sector depends on thespecific process that must be affected and the agents involved. Legal andbudgetary macro decisions may have an effective impact on access, and evenevaluation services and new types of education may also depend on suitablelaws and budget. However, changing more complex institutions, managementand classroom processes may require additional efforts in terms ofintellectual personal leadership, specific models or technology (includinginformation). In any case, educational change is extremely slow andspecial care should be taken to avoid changes that teachers can feel theyare not prepared to implement. Proposed reallocation of resources shouldnot be threatening to teachers in order to be successful.

In brief, elasticity of substitution between different factors ofthe educational production function is very low. Buildings cannot besubstituted for teachers. and vice versa, and both factors account for avery large percentage of total costs (see tables 4 and 5). Therefore,costs studies and Management Information Systems may help decision makersto improve efficiency and to suggest the best way to allocate futureresources, but there is a strong warning on quick changes because the highproportion of costs made up of salaries is intractable. On the other hand,actions aimed to reallocate resources such as bilingual educational,multigrade teaching, use of textbooks, discussion circles (teachersdefining problems and together looking for possible solutions), use of massmedia spots to show how to use social equipment (used newspapers, thememory of the elders, the countryside, commercial TV or museums), or how toprovide early stimulation may have a large impact in speeding up the flowof students through the system and in allowing the student to reach higherachievement and self-esteem levels.

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ANNEX 1

STRUCTURE OF THE LATIN AMERICAN SCHOOL SYSTEM, 1976

Secondarv EducationPrimary Teacning

Country education General Training OtherAg_e Length Age Length Age Length Age Length

Antigua- 5 6 11 3 + 2 ... 2 16 2Argentina 6 7 13 3 + 2 - - 18 1-6Barbados 5 6 11 3+ 3 - - 11 1-4Bolivia 6 8 14 4 14 4 14 4-6Brazil 7 8 15 3 15 3 15 .3,4Colombia 6 5 11 4 + 2 15 2 15 3Costa Rica 6 6 12 3 + 2 - -- - 3Cuba 6 6 12 4 + 3 12 5 14 3,4Chile 6 8 14 4 - - 14 4,5 .Dominica 5 7 12 5 + 2 15 2 15 2,3Ecuador 6 6 12 3 + 3 18 2 1-3El Salvador 7 9 16 3 16 3 16 .3Granada 5 7 . 12 5 + 2 15 1 12 1-5Guatamala 7 6 13 3 + 3 16 3 13 3Guyana 5 6 11 5 + 2 - - 14 1-5Haiti .6 6 12 3 + 4 18 3 - 13 3,4Honduras 6 6 12 3+2,3 15 3 12 2,3Jamaica 6 6 .12 3 + 4 17 3 15 1,2".exico 6 6 12 3 + 3 15 12 1,4Hontserrat 5 7 12 5 + 2 - - . 11 2Nicaragua 7 6 13 3 + 3 16 3 13 5-6Panama 6 6 12 3 + 3 15 3 15 . 1-3Paraguay 7 6 13 3 + 3 - - 15,18 2-3Peru 6 6 12 3 + 2 - -Rep. Dominicana 7 6 13 2 + 4 14 4 12 3-5tliaves-Anguila 5 7 12 4 + 2 - - 17 2-4San CristobalSanta Lucia S 7 12 3 + 2 18 2 16 1,2San Vicents 5. 7 12 5 + 2 18 2 - -Suriname 6 6 12 3 + 3 14 3-5 12 3,!Trinidad and

obago 5 7 12 3 + 2 - - 15 2,3Uruguay 6 6 12 3 + 3 17 4 12 3-7Venezuela 7 , 6 13 3 + 3 18 5 13 2,6

Source: UZNSCO, 1980

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ANNEX 2

EDUCATIONAL INDICATORS IN LATIN AMERICA: UNIT COSTSPER STtJDENT, AND GDP IN LATIN AMERICA

Percentage of GDP Unit Cost Unit CostCountry Allocated to Education Per Inhabitant Per Student

1965 1970 1975 1970 1976 1970 1976

Argentina 6.19 4.11 5.34 41 1/ 45 2/ 200 I/ 212 2/Barbados 7.53 7.02 9.95 44 116 156 444Bolivia 3.33 3.53 4.02 8 16 51 82Brasil 3.80 4.01 3.66 13 29 70 129Colombia 6.76 4.80 7.01 11 1/ - 53 1/ -Costa Rica 5.40 5.42 5.33 29 76 117 297Chile 4.59 -5.57 9.81 46 28 3/ 129 99 3/Ecuador 3.82 5.79 3.77 12 36 2/ 56 134 2/El Salvador 3.18 3.44 4.40. 8 19 45 89Guatemala 2.45 2.55 2.65 7 12 62 91Haiti 1.75 1.86 1.88 1 2 14 15Honduras 3.01 3.21 4.00 9 16 51 80Jamaica 3.24 3.75 5.46 26 100 97 341Mexico 2.66 3.00 3.03 17 53 78 207Nicargua 2.16 2.66 2.86 10 22 51 104Panama 4.87 6.02 7.12 39 66 161 222Paraguay 1.93 2.84 2.83 5 10 26 48Pe r-u 5.70 4.39 5.17 17 31 71 113Republica Dominicana 3.06 3.28 2.66 10 16 47 61Trinidad y Tobago 3.39 4.18 3.99 30 73 111 313Uruguay 4.35 4.05 4.52 31 - 160 -Venezuela 4.22 5.19 6.48 51 134 220 526

TOTAL 4.26 4.04 4.51 19 41 92 172

1/ 1971fl 19773/ 1975

Source: J.M. Dagnino Pastore, 1978:187UrSCX, 1980:85

STUDENT-TEACHER RAI'IOS AND TEACIIER TRAINING

P R I M A R Y S E C O N D A R Y

Student-Teacher Trained Teachers Student-Teacher Trained Teachers

Ratio (M) Ratio (%)CouLItr-y 1965 1970 1973 1/ 1967 2/ 1971 2/ 1965 1970 1973 2/ 1969 1971 2/

Aigenitina 20.1 18.8 18.6 100.0 100.0 7.1 7.1 7.3 100.0 100.0

Barbados 35.7 37.2 s.d. s.d. s.d. s.d. s.d. s.d. s.d. s.d.

BolIvia 30.1 25.8 s.d. 44.6 52.7 17.3 19.3 s.d. 53.3 s.d.

Brazil 28.3 28.0 26.2 60.3 65.0 14.9 13.2 13.6 s.d. 's.d.

Colombia 36.1 40.4 38.6 59.2 65.1 13.3 17.2 19.7 61.7 65.6

Costa Rica 34.4 29.8 29.6 93.6 96.3 21.2 24.1 29.4 82.2 85.5

Chitle 42.7 41.7 s.d. s.d. s.d. s.d. 98.5 98.9

Ecuador 38.1 39.2 39.4 88.3 93.8 12.6 14.3 16.1 12.2 19.0

El Salvador 32.2 36.4 .42.0 76.1 98.5 23.5 28.1 35.7 92.2 93.1

Guatemiiala 34.3 36.0 36.3 83.2 89.4 7.7 13.7 14.5 88.8 90.9

Ilaiti . 44.1 43.9 s.d. s.d. s.d. 16.0 16.9 s.d. s.d. s.d.

hlonduras 28.7 36.9 s.d. 42.7 55.8 s.d. s.d. s.d. s.d. s.d.

Janicalca 57.7 51.9 43.4 s.d. s.d. 23.0 25.2 26.3 s.d. s.d.

Mexico 46.7 50.1 47.1 74,2 79.5 12.7 13.7 14.0 50.6 49.4

Nicaragua 35.5 27.5 38.7 52.8 68.8 15.5 26.0 27.3 s.d. s.d.

Panamisa 30.7 29.3 29.4 95.8 70.2 20.8 20.7 20.8 71.0 61.8

Paraguiay 26.9 29.6 28.5 79.9 85.4 8.2 9.4 10.1 98.5 s.d.

Pern 35.1 38.8 31.3 s.d. s.d.

Republica Dominicana 53.4 58.5 55.5 19.8 20.4 23.1 23.3 25.9 30.7 28.9

'Irinidad y Tobago 34.2 36.0 35.9 76.9 74.4 24.1 24.7 s.d. 47.9 48.7

Uruguay 30.5 29.5 25.9 s.d. s.d. s.d. s.d. s.d. s.d. s.d.

Venezuela 34.4 34.5 33.8 88.2 89.4 19.1 21.4 22.7 56.4 52.6

Total 3 35.9 36.8 35.3 71.0 75.,0 16.4 19.0 18.0 66.0 66.2

1/ In a few cases data correspond to 1971 or 1972.

2/ In a few cases data correspond to other years.3/ Non-welghted averages.

SoItic'e: J.1. Dagnifo Pastore, 1978:158 in IIrodersohn and Sanjurjo, 1978.

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ANNEX 4

PERCENTAGE OF SCHOOLS ONLY OFFERING PARTIAL PRIMARYEDUCATION (NON-COMPLETE PRIMARY EDUCATION)

Percentage o-f Incomvlete SchoolsCountries Year All Urban Rural

Argentina 1970 14.7 5.9 20.3Barbados 1970 21.2 29.6 14.1Colombia 1968 71.3 31.7. 92.5Cuba 1971 0.0 0.0 0.0Dominica 1970 5.2 28.6 2.0Ecuador 1971 46.3 11.6 56.5Granada 1970 3.4 11.4 0.0Guatemala 1969 75.2 21.6 90.8Guyana 1970 0.0 0.0 0.0Haiti 1970 0.9 1.4 0.0Montserrat 1971 20.0 0.0 27.3Panama 1970 31.2 1.0 33.1Paraguay 1968 65.4 12.7 80.4Peru 1968 50.8 29.4 60.8Republica Dominicana 1970 78.9 21.8 87.4San Cristobal -

Nieves - Anguila 1971 13.8 11.1 15.0Santa Lucia 1970 64.1 94.1 30.0San Vicente 1971 9.8 0.0 11.8Venezuela 1970 63.2 18.9 87.2

Source: UNESCO, Statistical Yearbook, 1972.

GUATEMALA - UNIVERSIDAD RAFAEL LANDIVAR (CENTRAL CAMPUS)

NEWCOUENS BY ACADEMIC UNITS

1982-1984

Acadoinc Units 1982 1983 1984 1966 1988 1987 1988 1 98 9b 1970 1971 1 9 72 b 1973 1974 1976 1978 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984

Economia 44 103 177 221 209 217 192 - 174 191 - 206 188 197 199 287 632 743 879 810 791 830 686

Ingenieria - - - 108 - 141 108 - 82 72 158 160 278 404 423 376 460 397 269 209

Arquitectura - - - - - - - - - - 18 3d

116 104 106 204 228 377 290 260 170 121 118

Politicas - - - - 12 21 - 4 18 13 23 17 29 19 22 10 22 29 24

llumianidados 34 88 47 77 91 89 81 - 267*

163k - ;118

1465 288" 300 401 466 639 695 619 281 309 203

Ambientales - - - - -- - - - - - 302 127 135 124 208 - 138 117 87

Juridicas 80 88 118 103 103 106 108 - 81 84 88 70 83 80 147 184 206 136 133 135 140 142

Integ. Cultural - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - 20 16 2

Doct. Derecho - - - - 84 - - - 12 - 80

Maostria Ing. - - - _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 21 24 28 37 24 37 42 82 92 S3

Estudioa Gen. - - - 87 80c96C 64 - - - - - - - - - - - - -

Total 138 269 a42 488 483 608 541 606 846 637 688 618 687 882 892 1882 2080 2486 2267 2420 2028 1778 1603

Annual Foe 400 400 400 400 400 400 400 400 400 400 400 400 400 400 400 400 400 400 800 800 800 800 800

Attrition 17% 27X 24X 26X

s/ Including students In the *Bolgao

b/ Not available by acadomic units.

C/ Estimated

d/ Includas students beyond first year.

Sources: Detailed by poriods: 1982-B8: Oficina do Planificaci6n, Boletin Informativo, Nos. 1-4, 1988.

1970-71 and 73: Socrotaria General, hoy Diroccion do Registro.

1974-78: Of icina de Planificaci6n

1977-80; Dr. Santos Peroz. Matodolo ia para elaborar proyocciones de poblaci6n estudiantil en al URL, 27 Oct. 1980.

1981-82; Departamento de Estadistica.

1983-84: Informe estadistico del Centro de Cilculo, de 8-111-83 y 3-IV-84, resp*ctivamente.

FEE POTICIES FOR PUBLIC SCIIOOLS, SELECTED COUNTRIES

Coui!t-ty Year Prlmary Schooling Secondary Schooling

Bolivia 1977 Registration fee of US$0.50. Registration fee of US$0.50.

Ilaiti 1983 Tuition fee of US$2.50, of which at least $1.00 Tuition fee of US$3.00

is placed in a school 'dossier" accountmaintained by the Ministry of Finance.Most dossler funds were used for construction ofsecondary schools in 1982. Destination and useof funds is unclear. Fees unchanged for atleast a decade. Parents purchase uniforms,supplies and textbooks (latter costs $6-8 per year).

Paraguiay 1983 Tultion fee of US$4 Tuition fee of US$6. Vocationalschools demand purchase ofmaterials.

Clille 1984 Registration fee of US$4. There is also a variable Registration fee of US$5. Therecontribution to.the PTA. are variable contributions to the

PTA and to each class.

Ecuador 1984 Only voluntary contributions fixed by the Comite Similar to primary education. Butde Padres de FAmilia (up to US$4) schools also ask for school

materials.

Doniican Republic 1984 Tuition free, but Sociedad de, Padres y Amigos'de -Similar to primary educatton.la Escuela asks for c,ntributions.

Costa Rica 1984 Junta de Padres asks somne US$0.50 of voluntary US$2.00 of voluntary contributionscontribut iOns

Uruguay 1984 Comision Fomento asks around US$0.10 to US$2.00 Similar to primary educationper month. Funds are used by the principal. '

T'eacher contributes.

IIondlurati 1984 T'uition free. Sociedad de Padres de Familia asks 'Registration fee US$12. 'for small contributions. Examination fee US$5.50.

S(MLC'Z(i.; IWO), A f.i:SW01L11, 1984 for llaiti. Sector Reports ont Paraguay, 1984. Reports fromii teachers in each of theIt1.12111a inll, .O lt II s..

ANNEX 7

COMPARISON OF PARTICIPATION AND FINANCING OF HIGHEREDUCATION IN SELECTED COUNTRIES, AROUND 1980

(Percentages)

Relevant Age Tuition Fees Proportion of StudentsGroup Entering As Proportion of Receiving Financial

Country Higher Education University Income Aid from Government(a) Public Private

Bolivia 8 1 30a/Costa Rica 8 lOOa/Colimbia 7 75a/ 8Chile 13 25 lOOb| 75Guatemala 6 10 lOOc/Uruguay 5 100Honduras 10 80Dominican Rep. 1 80Brasil 5 100 10Ecuador 2 50e/ 2Mexico 3-70f/ 8So/

Sources: a/ E. Boenninger (1978) pg. 337 In 1986 fees for a 12 creditsemester were US$40.

b/ Unpublished data, Consejo de Rectores (only for the new privateuniversities created in 1982-1983).

C/ Mission estimates, October 1984d/ R. I. de Acuna et al., 1983el G. Pozo de Ruiz et al., 1977; cuadro 17f/ D. Levy, 1979gA Munoz and Hernandez, 1978: 266

COLOMBIA; UNIT COSTS PER STUDENT BY SOLURCE OFiFINANCING1980

(as. 1 _ Case 2 Casw 3 - Case- 4 Case 6 Case 8Sources X S

SUBTOTAL PUBLIC 3,881 89.8 1,90 47.1 8_660 72.7 1,9J0 62.4 8,000 84.9 4,330 84.0

A. Public Education 3,749 87.1 47.1 3560 39.4 _1_ 29.4 8,000 84.9 2 880 39.3

1. MLn-ICCE-E.N.2b0 4.6 20 0.850 0.8 1,480 16.6 240 3.6

2. FER 3,490 d2.8 1,920 46.3 3,600 38.8 1,100 29.4 6,400 87.9 2,340 34.83. ICEIEX

- a80 1.24. DAINCO

140 1.6 -- --

6. SCRIA ED. DEP.-- 560 1.2

B. Non Public Ed.141 2.6 3 000 33.3 880 23.08 24.7

1. ECOPETROL70 1.2

2. CNT20 0.4

3. SENA__ -- -- 6 l

00 6.8 -- -- _

4. ICEF - DRI0.1 -- -- 2,120 23.6 --

b. UUNICIPIO60 0.8 -- -- 170 1.9 840 17.2 --

1,680 23.38. DFPARIAUEHI()

-- 210 2.3 220 6.8

StOBIOIAL CAUASI PUB1.IC__ -- 670 16.7

1. COMITE CAFEIERO870 16.7

SUJTOTAL PRIVATE 1,890 30.4 1,680 37.2 2,480 27.3 1,780 47.6 1,420 15.12,43036.0

1. FAMIIY 1,480 28.2 1,310 30.9 1,880 18.8 1,670 41.9 1,220 12.9 2,110 29.82. TEACIIERS

210 3.8 e0 1.4 180 1.8 70 2.010 0.1 190 2.8

3. COUUUNITY20 0.4 120 2.8 a

40 3.7 140 3.7 200 2.1 190 1.3

4. NON PROFIT

-- 280 -3.1 --

6. CIIURCIJ-- -- 10 a.3

8. PRIVATE__ -- 30 0.810 0.1 -- --

7. FIRMS-- -- 60 1.2

__ 40 0.7

TOTAL 6,681 100.0 4,240 100.0 9,010 100.8 3,140 1 0 9,420 100.0 8,780 104.0

Souru*: P.4l** ............. , Alb&, I'8l: su.d,<. ba"r. .~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~O

UAIN CtHARACTERISTICS OF SELECTED PROFESSIONAL TRAINING INSTITTUTIONS IN LATIN AUERICA1977

Y-nr Par-ntCountry Institutlon Started Institution Financial Source Areas of Activity Types of Training

Argentina Consojo Nacional Educ. 1969 Minioterio Educ. 1X Industrial payroll Agric. Mining, Comm., Formal VocationalTecnics CltiET y Cultura Budget allocation Services, Craft* Apprenticeship Supervl5orn

Earmarked taxes (shows)

Bolivia Servicio Naclonal 1q72 Uinisterio de Government Agric., Industry, On the -job training AdultForua. lAno Obra Trabajo budget allocat. Comm. Services up gradingFOUO Foreign assistance

Vo l untarycontribution

Brasil Sorvicio Nacional 1942 Confederaci6n 1% Industry payroll Industry, Transport, Apprenticeship Technicians,Aprandizxaj Industria Nacional do Additional contribution Fish, Communication ManagersSENAI Industrin froma large industries

Colombia Sorvicio Nacional 1967 Ministerlio de 6X public payroll Industry, Commerce, Apprenticeship, upgrading,Aprendizajo Trabajo 2X private payroll Agriculture, UMning (mobile and on-the-job)SENA Voluntary contribution. Services managers A supervisors

Costa Rica Instituto Nacional de 1966 Prosident Privat- and Public Industry, Comfmerce, Apprenticeship, trainingAprendizaje contributions Agriculture, mining (mobile 'and on-the job)

Services

Chile Instituto Nacional de 1988 CORFO Budget illocation All sectors Direct and mail training,Capacitacidn Ministerlo de Fees supervisorsadults

Economi a

Ecuador Servicio Ecustoriano do 1988 Uinisterio de Government budget All pectors Apprenticeship, on-the-jobCapacitsci6n do Trabajo allocation training assistanceProfesores 6X industry/commerceSECAP payroll. Earmarked

taxes (import)

Uruguay Universidad del Trabajo 1942 Ministerlo do Government budget All sectors Formal trainingUIu Educ&cidn allocation On-the-job training

Venezuela Instituto Nacional do Minist*rio do 2X private payroll Industry, Agriculture Apprenticeship,Cooperaci6n Educativa Educaci6n .6X of w ork-r salary Commerce, Services On-th--job training,INCE Government supervisors

contribution

So rt.,jc.: d. H-dr. CA.tr, 1979. MY, 1 itt,h d.t-. fr.. CNTNtFiRf, *f-tio ,roop.-Liv. "Is I. forciron Prof-ion.1 on A.Arit. Latin& y

ANNEX 10

PUBLIC SUBSIDIES TO HIGHER EDUCATION

Aggregato PublicSubsidls to HE

Student Wolfare ServicesTotal No. of Ho. of Nationals Average Amount Per Aggregate Local (Residence Halle andNationals In Recoving Scholarships Local Scholarship Scholarships Cafoteria.)

ountry Local HE 11 For Local HE 1/ (Local Curroncy) (Local Curr-ncy) (Local Currency) Yoar of Data

hdle 110,000 2,000 / USS750 US1.6 million some b 1984

uateeala 68,600 43,000 £1 Q 600 Q 21.6 millions some 1983

araguay 26,000 18,0e m / G 140,000 G 2,620 millions na. 1983

londuras 36,800 L 733,700 #/ na. 1983

!J In addition to tho scholarships, tho cost of university studies Is subsidiked by tho government. Some 9,000 students would be roceivingUS1600 to 800 per year as subsidies. There Is a large number of scholarships for special purposos. In addition to the 'Bacas delPresidents' created In 1980, each university offers scholarships to the best students In order to lmprove their share of the '20,000 beststudonts.

/ It requires an special study to estimate other benefits to HE students.

c/ HE - Higher Education.

D/ Also L 1,433,200 for graduate students (L=US50.6)

Source: Intorview with Ruben Covarrublis, Director do Education Superior, Chile, 1984.Data for sectoral analysis of Guatomala, 1985.Paraguay. Basic Education IBRD 1986Unseco. Honduras, Doearrolo do is Educaci6n, Paris, Decomber, 1984

AVERAGE ANNUAL GROWTH RATES(Percentage)

Primary Level Secondary. Level Tertiary Level1980-1084 1986-1989 1970-1974 1976-1979 1980-1904 1986-1969 1970-1974 1976-1979 1980-1984 1965-1969 1979-1974 1975-1979

LACGNP 6.1 6.6 6.7 3.3 b.1 6.6 6.7 3.3 6.1 6.6 5.7 3.3Govt.Expand. 8.8 9.0 10.3 4.6 8.0 9.0 10.3 4.6 8.0 9.0 10.3 4.6

Ed. Expend. 9.9 6.3 6.0 8.1 10.3 11.0 6.8 10.4 8.4 8.1 12.7 8.2Enrollmnnt 4.8 4.83. 3.0 3.0 12.1 8.4 8.8 10.o 13.3 14.4 16.8 7.4Sal/Teactor 4.6 1.2 0.0 2.1 4.6 1.6 0.9 2.1 4.7 0.9 -0.9 4.4Stud/Teacher -0.3 0.8 -1.8 0.0 3.7 0.8 2.0 4.6 2.3 6.3 4.4 -0.1

Age Grp. 3.1 2.6 1.8 1.2 3.5 3.3 2.4 2.7 2.4 2.9 3.9 3.8

Other lDC

GNP 6.8 8.7 6.9 7.6 6.8 6.7 6.9 7.6 6.8 8.7 66.9 7.6G Expenditure 7.9 8.0 8.8 9.4 7.9 8.0 8.8 9.4 7.9 8.0 8.8 9.4Ed.Expanditure7.9 7.8 3.2 7.4 9.7 16.8 7.7 14.7 12.7 20.6 6.8 7.9Enrollment 2.6 0.2 0.6 1.1 8.7 8.7 8.3 2.9 12.6 7.6 6.6 13.7Sal/Teacher 4.8 7.2 -0.3 7.4 4.8 7.2 -0.3 7.4 4.1 7.2 -0.3 7.4Stud/Teachor -0.6 -0.1 -2.9 -1.2 -0.2 -1.8 0.8 -1.1 1.2 -0.2 -1.2 6.8

Age Group 2.6 1.2 -0.8 1.3 3.0 2.8 1.8 0.8 0.8 3.9 3.3 2.7

Source: Kye Woo Lee, 1984

AMU 12

VOSS 2lUJK s RATE!S ME"C AND M4tOr wCATIt

.Higher e d u c a t i o nt Secondary e d u c a t i o n2

Country Both sexes Males Females Country Both sexes MaIes Females

1t79 1976 1970 1 1370 197_ lm t 1 1171 17 17%

Go%" I 4.7 12. ILA La 14.1111 4.8 1.3

POW114 &~12 1Ms 10.8- 5.3 11. 4.9 14.5C4.64 la 032 7.2 l: 12.0 Z4 7.4 A~4 11.1 *10 17.* 51.8. 582 50. Isms

.0 104.2 7.2 7 1.0 2SwuLM.3

110 25.9 10.1 15.8 21.f 1S.7 2Z.5

ch" ~ ~~~ ~ ~ ~ 7.3 ?.2 4.o S. 25 L9S 243 74S 2C

At"nU- .g jt .5 92t 12.8 ttL U 02.6 5..2 13. 37.S 60.2 42.2 S8.4

L t.S 2120 1.4 12.9 M. 10 72.4 Cjer 21.2 49*l S 17 20.4 4"5 2L4 494

TARn= 4 T .2 3S I1.9 .4 . L0 5.9 7.2 tS. *8 42Z2 ,.t 36t2 4419 41.4 52.8S&Z8*M 2.9 6.5 3.6 3.1 7.1 2.7 S.9 0!IitIIG3 '42. 47.4 4.8 '43.4 34.4 '42.7 60.3

sUJ4 LO 220 10 1.3 294 3.7 14. A,rftu1e 44.5 . 5.2 11.7 41A 52.4 47.7 MI

vft86 Cs 7.7 3.1 7.4 107 1.7 4.4 SIu'i 43.3 GOA 17.3 50 6" 3&. 553

Vnnwo 74.0 96.4 9.4 49.5 4.5 4C.5 62.53wai 7MO0 77.3 48 77.0 74.6 790 804.GCa t3 22.4 37.3 14.9 24.3 4.S 20.5 41.0

&ios if 484 10A LO 7 MS 1 10.8 2.8 1 8d3 571.1 2im 2S 514 '74.0 64.l-t 8.4

CNW4 31.5 4.3 2.8 2.A 57 0.8 29 c264 41.3 12 26.7 43.5 24.0 297

SmEltame 0.0 15 1.5 0.0 3.1 0.0 a.9 ma0fli013 14.7 37.0 22 12.5 1334S3 17.0 1 44$lTrnn V 7To35 2.2 2598 1.6 2.s 4.8 1.5 3-0 $Mco 22.2 37.3 t5 4 26. 4t0 17.4 a 234

CG Ac 7.9 14.0 6.1 4.8 15.5 7.0 12.5 I v17 a03 21.1 I71.4 214 'I S7. 217 0 32.3

vwmguo" S1.8 16.3 7.4 10.4 17.8 7.4 14.8

RAe. 0am,mci. 5.0 .7.8 2.8 5.7 'ILI 4.4 's.9 Ouvuw 44. 51.0 4.5 4A. 50.8 AILS 51.2Stina ~~~~~4.1 110.1 6LO 1 10.1 3.1 .1 SunIIYr. 42.1 41.0 3.8 37.9 44.0 46.3 48.0

T,in.ad y TOS 44A 030.3 4.2 All *37.4 41.7 340tcm_ _A 27.5 43.1 SO 36.8 40.51 2t s 46.9

~~ iii 3..~~~~~~~ 5.8 2..4 44 .~~~~~~~~~~~ ~~., ~~~~ V.uwAu.I 31.7 31.1 LA4 3.4 MA. 220 40.9SA L 2.A 4A L 1.2 .4ur 57 5 .4 61.1 51.9 7624 61.1

Cca,,eif 3.8 4.7 i1 5.2 9.41 1.9 3.8 Fw 11.1CM i7 '30.? 12. 1.6 2.7 11.9 3.7

SoW. La8 1. 1.3 9.5 1IQ) 3.9 5.2 11. I7 '27.1 22.1 14.9 1,210 i6.5 '309.6

PwS0t&w 312 5.4 22 3.8 1.2 2.7 4.8El Savadw2.8 5.3 3.7 3.2 1.1 1.4 4.4 tu.I

M.Cwup 4.3 7.1 3.5 LS9 10.0 2.7 5.8 c2w.O. 327.4 1442A 36.9 22. 37.9

manduca 1.7 4.7 Zs02. 53 0.9 1.0 8oima 20.3 20,4 5.5~ 227 22.7 11. 22.0

G.&MM" ~ 2.7 3.5 0.1 4.4 5.2 1.0 1.7 P-PV17.0 22.0 .0 -17.0 224 17.0 .3ZH4.ti .3 OA8 0.3 0A 0.a 0.1 0.4 11.0.ew M 21.1 3.1 17.8 22.1 182 19.1

Rapbe 12 MA L2 LA 124 3.111 L7 Nkwmwa I&~~~~112 36.7 1. 19.0 76.6 17.3 26.4154 18.4 1.3 1.1 124 2.8 1.7 114~~~~~~~~~~WAMK48 I 16.7 La0 12.6 19.6 11.1 17.5

C."tom," 10.5 15.0 4.5 12.2 2 7.1 1.8 2.9

woti 5~~.5 7.4 1.9 7.8 7.8 3.4 6.9

Source: UNESCO, 1980. - . .

* Estimated figure1. Higher education enrollments divided by the 18-23 ye.rs old group2. Secondary education enrollments divided by population in the "official age,, bracket

3. Schooling rates should be carefully assessed because the population data is weak.4. There is no higher education institutions in San Cristobal, Nieves, Anquila, Santa Lucia,

Oominica, Granada, Antigua, Montserrat and Sain Vincent, but the students from those countriesattend the University of West Indies in the Barbados, Jamaica or Trinidad & Tobago campuses.

- 102 -

ANNEX 13

LATIN AMERICA. OPEN URBAN UNEMPLOYMENT RATES

Country 1970 1978 1979 19s0 L981 1932 1983 l9S4

Argentina 4.9 2.8 2.0 2.3 4.5 4.7 4.0 4.0

Bolivia - 4.S 7.6 7.S 9.7 9.4 £3.3

irasil 6.5 6.8 6.4 6.2 7.9 6.3 6.7 7.8Colombia 10.6 9.1 8.9 9.7 8.2 9.3 .1.8 13.4

Costa Rica 3.5 5.8 5.3 6.0 9.1 9.9 8.5 7.9

Chile 4.1 13.3 13.4 11.7 9 .0 20.0 19.0 19.4

Mixico 7.0a 6.9 5.7 4.5 4.2 4.1 6.9 6.5

Panam5 10.3 9.6 11.6 9.8 11.9 10.4 11.2

Paraquay - 4.1 5.9 4.1 2.2 5.6 8.4

PerO 6.9 8.0 6.5 7.1 6.8 7.0 - 8.3

Uruquay 7.5 10.1 8.3 7.4 6.7 11.9 15.5 14.3

Venezuela 7.8 5.1 5.8 6.6 6.8 7.8 9.9 13.9

;^f;^ AdArica 6.5 7.2 7.2 6.9 7.2 8.9 10.4 10.8

Source: PREALC, based on household surveys recortsavailable in CEPAL. See "Notas sobre la economia y eldesarrollo", NQ 403, Santiaco, October 1984.

IAIIN AMERICASAL-ARY TRENOS (CONSTANT ADI ITIVE POWER)

(indices 196 100)

Country ~~~~Minimal salaries Inddhstrial salaries construction sector

AigenaitfA, 44.4 15. 5.6 S6.8 04.1 91.6 ILl1 93.1 41.1 14.4 9632 111.6 56. 4 60.5 So.1 5 2.8 30. 2 96.6

11rasil 99. 4 103.1 100. 6 101.1 69.1 88. 141.5 155.S 165.6 1)1.9 160.0 113.1 11).? 115. 4 t 20 .0 101.1 91.1

CuIombis, 96-0 I2ii. 124.1 A110. 1 119.1 151.8 91. 4 97.6 98. 0 1ot.8a 101.4 log. 3 11.1. 110.8a

costs, Pica 151. 5 i51.1 10. 9 II1., 152.1 I1l-.6 l31.0 119.0 95.2 U1.1 133.3 133.1I 111.0 91.5 96.6

Chile t 15.8 1'.0 15.1 11.9 %9 S S*i 92.1 101.8 t11.9 112. 9 g.9 o 1014 101.0 102. 3 108.1 101.0 I18.1S 19. 1

tcu..dac 115~~li. 201.1I 115.0 I154. 2 129.2 140 .2 161.9 160:,q 15S1.2I 917. 1 23.0 128.9 130.5

(rI SA1VAJor, 104.2 114.8 110.4 99.0 81.1 81.9 91.1 81.6

C.oate.slaa 11.2 05.1 91.1 91.5 81.2 69.1 60.6 16.4 18.61 31.8 106.0 11t.6 136.'4 135.9 12 6.1S

1Iowl'hraa a 8.5 is.3 14.1 go.1 13.5 110.9 101,7 112.5 122.1 121.5 109.2 91.6 110.4 119.0- 111.8

lie x I co 11I.) 110.0 110.1 99.9 80.4 )5.1 121.0 115.4 119.0 117.3 88.0 114.2 118.5 111.1 102.2 .

j ICac a(aQ.ea 89.1 11.1 61.8 55S.0a 42.9 13.6 60.0 60.0 51.1 41.1 62.2 S].5 54.2 53.4 41.3

I2anhmO 84.1 14.1 69.0 66.3 19.3 n.d

PA CqVJAY 65.6 66.2 69.0 68.1 61.) 86i6 88.0 93.1 90.9 81.8 74.6 71.8 15.9 72.5 64.2

Pero 61.1 81.2 IO..8a 65.2 62.9 11.8 81.6 06.1 86,9 68.1 10.0 31.4 86.4 91.6 15.6

tUru9uay 84.6 80.) 82.1 83.4 12.1 14.0 50.1 41.8 51.4 50.3, 19.3 18.2 68.6 65.3 65.0 56.1 46.2 40.0

veneiuela 64.9 106.9 92. 084.0 11.0 12.1t 122.0 118.4 122.0 118.2 2. 10 0. ..

Source: PREALC, with data provided by each couintry.

- 104 -

ANNEX 13

Latin -Americla. Countries by. levels of univer3ity

gross school±ng rates (GSR). 1950-1980.

1950 I 1970 I 19eo

GSA of less than 2% GSR of less than 5% GSR cf less than 13%

C1e * a* (1.71 Co2ombia (4,27) '7c) ia (!'.£ Ve.nc z ue l a ( t 1,7) Paraguay (4,3) M...1 ccMixi CZ (1,) Cuba (3,7) _l Sa2vadz:Ecuador 11,5) Gua:eumala (3,4) C;1e 5/ (11,4)Paraguay (1,4) Zl Salvador (3,3) Cosoba (liO.6)Rep.B0:ozinicana (1,1) Honduras (2,3) Paraguay (0l,1)3. zsit- (1,0) Hait: (0,7) Hcnduras (2.3)Cc1cUbia (1,0) Gu. .e,aIa (i, 7)Guatem.ala l(O,J *HaitS (°,7)-1 Salvador (01,6)Honduras (0,6)4i caragua (0,6)

Haitl (0,3)

GSR between 2 and 4X GSR between 5 and 10% GSA between 13 and 2C%

Per:u (2,4) U-JSuaY t10,0) Costa ?.ica (20.0)aiam=A ( 2,2) 3o. v i a (10,0) Pe:ri (17,2)

Boivi_ a (2,03 C. C^le (9,4) 2Brasil (6:C:s:a -. ca (2,C) Ec'.ador (7,9) Urusuay (';,i)

Pana t7, 2 ) R-e .Dorncr 1 (1t,0oR)Rep.Dom. (6,5) Nicaracua (12,2£

lLica: agua (5,7)Braszil (5,3)

GSR between 4 and 6X GSR over 10% 0-SR over 20%

t3U-=uav a/ (6,0) A.rgenr;na 414,2) Cuba (27,2)Aze_:Z. (5 2). Venezuela (11, 6) _c:a-o_r (b2i,,Cz~ a/ 42 - tll aa; 2,)

*u~a aCosta Rica -(tl, 6) Venezuela (23,4j , cen:-_.a bY C2,2)

Scu:-e: 0:_, 19S0, cuadro =:-'.4

a/ 1952 f--r Cuba; 1949 for C.±lle; 1951 o-r Ur-agay

V/ 1579 fo Argentina; 1979 for Ch41e; 137S for * -_ado:

ANNEX 16Table 60: DISTRIBUTION OF HOUSEHOLD EXPENDITURES IN EDUCATION

FOR SELECTED COUNTRIES AND BY INCOME LEVELS *

Income Quartil Total Income Quartil TotalExpense Categories 1 (low) 2 3 4 (hig) 1 (low) 2 3 4 (high)

Bogota EQuayaquil -Enrollment fees 50.01 54.02 60.03 61.81 57.24 41.32 68.49 59.94 70.28 60.44Boarding fees 0.01 0.14 0.54 1.41 0.59 - - - - -

Textbooks and materials 46.24 32.69 30.67 19.88 - 30.67 57.31 39.83 38.74 22.49 35.69Private lessons ** 0.00 0.00 0.90 2.18 0.87 1.37 1.10 1.56 0.80 1.17

Transport to school 2.26 6.58 4.24 5.21 4.76 0.00 0.78 1.77 8.46 2.79Other expenses 2.49 8.69 3.72 9.96 5.98 - - - - -

B/quilla AsuncionEnrollment fees 48.72 57.58 50.12 68.78 63.23 28.19 23.73 35.53 34.02 30.77Boarding fees 0.27 0.00 0.13 0.84 0.34 3.64 5.98 0.85 3.16 3.27

Textbooks and materials 37.33 28.68 28.91 19.00 27.39 68.80 49.82 44.93 28.91 43.94

Private lessons ** 0.00 0.00 1.37 1.32 0.78 1.04 3.03 4.14 8.44 3.90

Transport to school 12.06 7.08 13.31 9.98 10.64 8.32 8.37 7.88 18.32 9.68

Other expenses 3.63 8.78 8.10 12.12 7.82 4.31 11.09 6.69 11.18 8.58

Cali LimaEnrollment fees 24.43 50.49 52.48 56.31 49.17 61.30 69.23 64.14 70.10 84.14Boarding fees 0.00 0.00 0.006 1.44 0.51 10.88 8.94 15.68 11.78 11.80

Textbooks and materials 54.26 28.33 19.92 7.84 22.62 18.12 28.28 12.24 5.49 15.30 1n

Private lessons ** 2.81 0.78 0.80 4.39 2.29 8.58 2.92 5.09 7.11 5.34

Transport to school 13.65 10.67 10.00 8.97 9.82 2.88 0.00 2.20 6.08 2.54Other expenses 4.88 9.73 18.74 24.05 16.89 2.46 0.83 0.67 0.48 0.88

Medellin CaracasEnrollment fees 33.10 42.84 54.20 81.34 60.89 21.48 34.30 45.58 64.15 41.74Boarding fees 0.00 0.27 0.78 0.61 0.49 - - - -

Textbooks and materials 58.23 47.68 29.76 18.86 34.88 77.27 63.03 48.53 29.05 49.78Private lessons ** 0.00 0.46 0.00 1.02 0.43 - - - - -

Transport to school 3.00 8.64 10.26 6.45 7.08 1.27 1.87 8.23 9.51 5.41

Other expenses 6.67 2.34 6.01 11.72 8.73 0.00 1.00 1.68 7.29 3.07Santiago Maracaibo

Enrollment fees 28.40 43.38 43.44 63.47 44.83 37.99 38.93 39.12 52.83 43.80Boarding fees 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.85 0.31 - - - - -

Textbooks and materials 70.00 61.28 52.89 37.52 49.46 62.17 65.30 47.86 34.37 48.83Private lessons ** 1.81 3.91 2.62 8.78 4.23 - - - - -

Transport to school 0.00 1.32 1.14 1.39 1.11 4.84 5.77 13.04 12.62 9.70

Other expenses -0.01 0.13 0.01 0.01 0.02 0.00 0.00 -0.01 0.18 0.07

QuitoEnrollment fees 89.76 71.92 77.06 73.30 73.48Boarding fees - - - - -Textbooks and materials 28.43 21.70 16.52 18.04 19.29Private lessons ** 1.81 2.61 3.38 8.58 3.88Transport to school 0.00 3.87 4.06 4.08 3.37Other expenses - - - - -

Source Musgrove, 1978:384-5

* Household omitting educational expenses are not included in the computations.Academic, dance, language and other areas.

- Not desaggregated in data.

J.t -

ANNEX 17

Table 51: PERCENT OF HOUSEHOLD EXPENDITURE DEVOTED TO EDUCATION

% of Total Expenses Distribution of Total Expenses(in each quartil) Devoted in Education in Each City

City to Education by Income Groups1 2 3 4 1 2 3 4

(low) (high) (low) (high)

Bogota 3.62 5.52 4.67 6.91 5.51 13.86 17.83 62.67Barranquilla 2.75 3.10 3.87 6.28 6.41 10.19 17.93 65.27Cali 0.84 2.34 3.10 3.80 2.30 10.32 21.53 64.46Medellin 2.30 2.95 3.74 5.23 4.62 9.90 19.29 65.77Santiago 0.36 0.55 0.73 1.61 6.60 8.75 15.97 71.92Quito 0.69 1.23 1.75 1.96 2.46 8.90 22.39 66.77Guayaquil 0.77 1.72 2.35 2.51 2.51 10.13 22.89 64.50Asuncion not yet computed for AsuncionLima 1.28 1.95 1.60 2.71 7.22 15.09 17.58 60.25Caracas 1.96 3.51 4.25 5.20 4.85 13.19 23.73 58.56Maracaibo 0.99 1.05 1.83 3.27 6.17 8.63 20.29 65.14

Source: Musgrove, 1978

Note: In addition to the ECIEL data presented in Table 51 there are two studieswith data on the percent of household expenditure devoted to education:

A. El Salvador: 1980 Santa Ana Urban Population

Number of School Age Members (8-23)Income Quantile 0 1-2 3-5 S Average Income (colones)

1 (low) .4 (22) 3.9 (22) 11.2 (13) 0 (1) 4.2 (58) 158.652 0 (18) 2.4 (24) 7.3 (28) 1.4 (2) 3.8 (70) 289.31

3 0 (18) 4.7 (29) 4.7 (17) 3.0 (3) 3.5 (85) 410.654 0 ( 7) 3.1 (29) 4.9 (28) 12.1 (3) 3.9 (87) 5S7.88

5 (high) .8 ( { 4 7 (201 8 3 (34) 3 7 (15) 5.9 (87) 948.92

Average .2 (69) 3.7(124) 7.1 (120) 4.8 (14) 4.3 (327) 477.74

Source: Jimenez, 8, 1984, with data tapes obtained from the Evaluation Unit, FSDVM (sample size

are numbers in parentheses).

B. Brazil

City Data Low Income (< 1 min. wage) High Incopme (> 18 min. wage)

Recife 1987/68 .e 2.7

Porto Alegre 1987/68 2.1 1.7

Rio de Janeiro 1987/68 1.8 2.4

Sao Paolo 1971/72 2.5 5.9

Table 52: Colombia. Private education statistics by primary and secondary levels

Year Enrollments Schools TeachersPrimary Secondary Primary Secondary Primary Secondary

1973 559.199 570.280 4.462 2.595 22.461 33.559

1971" 560.482 624.345 4.328 2 .654 22.434 35.195

1975 592.667 660.604 4.536 2.812 23.918 36.879

1976 607.144 690.871 4.589- 2.900 24.007 39.151 c

1977 621.360 739.925 4.657 3.007 24.265 40.989

1978 595.671 710.711 3.537 1.993 22.049 36.372

1979 585.614 728.814 3.506 1.994 21.627 36.649

1980 574.158 735.485 3.462 2.001 21.288 36.113

1981 559.975 741.o08 3.400 2.042 19.380 35.734

1982 566.760 752.592 3.334 2.085 19.942 36.411

1983 559.533 761.541 3.284 2.111 19.416 36.813

Source HlnIsterlo de Educacln Nacional - Oficina Sectorial de Planeacl6n EducativaDivisl6n de tsta(listica y Slstemas.13-IX-81,

Note: In 1978 thie Government started controlling the price (fees) required Inprivate edtucatlon

ANNEX 19

PARAGUAY - ESTIMATED TUITION FEES PAID BY STUENTS ENROLLED IN THELAST YEAR OF PRIVATE HIGH SCHOOLS - BY SCHOOL CATEGORY

Righ Med±ium Low Very Low

1. Ma=4-x. monthly tuition fee 18.000 5.900 3.800 2.500

2. Mi±n±1-i montlily tuition fee 7.000 4.000 3.500 2.000

3. Number of annual paymenta 11 11 11 11

4. Average Annual Fee 88.000 55.000 38.500 22.000

5. NUMber of schools in each category 15 25 38 15

6. Number of students in the last

year of hign school 937 800 1.663 375

7. Total Tuition Fees (zilliorn of G) 82,7 44,0 64,0 83

Average Annual fee: 52.715 Guaranies per year

Total Contribution: 199 Million Guaranies perYear

1.200 student.s Join a private university G. 64 aillion

2.500 students Join the public university G.135 mllion

Sou-ce: Wor.d Bank Missicn estimates based on data from the EEC PlanningOftf!ce

gq 4

ANNEX 20

Tvaciler' Salarlea. alud their RIlation to Other Salarice aoJ (QP Per Capita

OfficPal yTeacler ,tTeacirn al tiaIylIfIluIm S PrSaary National Salary CNP/CAPITA Annual Uaga officiallJulge Toanclm&-u Salary II Colmwtant In Constatst In Rolatioa page

Year (per mointi) Salairy Index Cuaranilee 1977 Clinranles to GNP/Capita (a of 1964)

1970 5,(1a(w 59.5 9,748 67.1 1.11911 1,711 5.,(U 61.8 9,3D5 6.6501972 0,4901 6,200 64.2 9,657 6,0101973 9.750 6,211 70.0 8,051 713.8 1.4 6,R60I914 11,710 6,5 W) 82.8 1,850 71.1 1.2 6,5101915 - 1,200 82.8 8,266 19.9 1.219)6 - 8;(01 87.1 8,359 83.5 1.25911 O 8,80 9S.7 0,359 92.1 I.l -1918 13.413) 0,00O) 114.5 8.734 103.9 I.0 5,7903919 15,40) I,O)U 137.2 8,017 105.2 0.9 5,8w0I 9i9 20,52(0 12,7101 169.1 7.510 112.1 0.8 5,7451901 27,150 IS, ) 203.0 7,389 121.3 0.7 6,32619t)2 - 18,l0.( 210.7 8,543 113.4 0.9 -1911) 29,910 19,8(0 230.0 8,609 5,845l9'4 19,800 250.0 7,920

Sh.rcea l.a liltlta llora, jueven I de Hayo 1984, PA 18; Preatipoentos del Gob1enuo; Ico Cetitr*l del ParauaeyjLciUKoaom lIL.oraaid'sa oil Paraguay pg.. 55 aS1 51

'~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

0I

ANNEX 21

?ERU - TEACHERS' SALARY TRENDS BY EDUCATIONAL LEVELS AND BRANCHES1961 - 1972

Currents soles per month.

1943 .1964 1965 1963 1969 1972

P=Mcr min= Z.300 Z.620 3.030 3.440 3.640 5.600.MA:dn Z.-900 3.20 4.971 6.72 6.900 8.350

Siimu 3.480 3.300 3.915 4.034 4.2 6.000ODbid 3.480 3.3W0 5.406 7.012. 7.20 85.0

Vocational Minim Z.610 2.930 3263 3.M5 3.600 5.600mLzim 2.610 Z.930 4.754 6.377 6.600 s.050

Nwmid MiNim 3.600 3.920 4.085 4.25 4.300 6.600+Milim 4.800 5.120 6.396 7.672 7.JW 9250

Soles of 1970 per mcnth-

1963 1964 %95 193 196 1972

Pri=r Mh{w= 4.993 4.24 4.810 3.337 3.780 4.890NUlim 6.296 5.953 7.890 7.+7 7.246 7291

S 7 MI m 7.555 7.025 6.21; 4.495 4.411 5.239M6*m 7.555 7.025 8.381 7.321 7.561 7.553

Voc4tional Mgni= S.667 5.417 5.179 4.006 3.781 4.90Mimi= 5.667 5.417 7.546 7.335 6.931 7.029

14m0d MInim 7.3I6 7 747 6.484 4.740 5.041 5.763V.im l.421 9.466 10.152 8.537 8.192 8.076

_ource: '.'aude nibi, 197z (RA! 3Cc)

ANNEX 22

Chile - Monthly salaries (escudos of August 1978)of a Secondary Teacher with 36 weekly hours

(Month of January of Each Year)

Current Escudos of August 1978 Initial/Escudos/Pesos Starting Salary Salary at the end Final Salary

Year of each Year (minimum level) of the career Ratio1970 E 2,253 6,766 16,238 2.41971 3,040 6,766 16,238 2.41972 4,165 7,590 18,216 2.41973 8,328 5,762 13,728 2.41974 49,040 5,580 13,392 2.41975 153,222 3,663 8,791 2.41976 $ 722 3,917 7,834 2.01977 2,245 4,438 8,876 2.01978 3,868 4,680 9,360 2.01979 * 5,573 9,464 1.7

(*) September 1979(**) Including addition per experience

Source: Alfonso Bravo, "La carrera docente: avance o retroceso", Mensaje No. 274 y"Situacion del Profesorado", Cuadernos de Educaci6n No. 92, 1980.

ANNEX 23

Table > Latin Ameica: Percentage Oistribution of Public Current Ezpenditutr by Level ol Eductlion, 1965, 1970 an4 1SiS

Py,mx S.cna,t ttt !

A,gernU,a 43.8 204 270 1 2339 '03 40 8 163 9 10 o2 34 s4 208jg0arcoI - 34? 27 3 - 13.9 2Z t - Ql ' is5 - 19.3 27 4Bo,,a 'i6.4 4*J6 644 '60 I?2 134 170 '2.7 52 94 A '76 t?

-t- 45? - - IS IS - - 20.5' - -_4 35.7 23.7,1 349 70 14gc 35 ±4 :7'3 25.2 'IC 10a 4 255

.19.5 06.5 44 27' 3 2 i 3 22 0 ' 5 ;3 10.5 22.7 2 6 ;2?C;ss Rst 50.4 52s 2 37: ' I 7 ' I 9 22 4 t o' S Ct 5 x 244 I !2 4 A 16 1

:°m n AtataUc * 44 '4 zt 1 J2 dI '5 6 t 9 :2.3w 24t 007 22.fft 14 24 '72 .3;410 3 *59 - :. 4I _ - 32 39 - 53 21 -

EJ S*vw '656 57 9 -_ 5 "3 _5 t4 - '21 33 -

± 0 ±8.0 535,9 6 '° 5 9 5 ; i 3 31 139 so i S '2 't 3t0Gy4fa 11 4 46 5 44 i - '44 333 - 53 I 5 35i I

71 1 54 2 - I5 A 4 - ' 3 '22 -2 -49.4 44 7 :5t 272 ? 3 232 1 i 33 19 8 I'3 03 :

Mez~ co'42.2 sa0 ? ± 5 7 2 25 :7 2 3t s s ' Ir '221 6 02 t 1 5 12

*taraqV4 60.9 57 i - 7 175 -; t_0 a - 14 7 4 Plramt 526 a3 9 l't t :5 3s7 23 5 39 y 0 3 12.6 16 0 it S14 6Pi;atuay Ss.65 84 8 56 . 6'4 7' 'S1 l 04 l65 17 9 .44 1? 1t 5PM,@ 41 3 41 4c 40.0' 1. :t a' :: 5± '05 15 'I 'S' :5 6 183 22.3tTr.4= am roaac 54 2 52 5 - '4 6 253 - '14 121 - 5 9a -

~;~U4yN 44J 9 45 1 - 95 10 I - 15.l t.0 _- 00 55 -Vemi.7eLt 43 2 28 3 22 ' 3 2 :oa 6 8 4 ll/ :5 070 's9 '55 22.4Uiitd A4fIa faveags) 52.5 46.8 412 I 20. 20.3 15.9 11.7 19.5 13.5 13.1 18.3

Source: IDB, 1978, PSi. bssed on UNESCO Statistical Yearbook 1977, pp. 559-581

(a) 1988; (b) 1967; (c) 1969; (d) 1971; (*)1973; (f) 1974; (9) 1978

ANNEX 24

Table .4O: Latin America: Esoenditurw ter Student in Prirmary. Secondary and/ ?4igner Education. Selected Years

(USS dCt4lar

a.'- ,

3j^z;zes ! . j * -< , ._ _

;.SIa:lrl ;-. ~ 4. . 25 . ; 5 4,.

;7

VIRIthRctr ;-1 :4-.3 45 i : . .; :5.-: '.,,4cor ~,,; ;:: ,_4 '.5.4 ;,,Jtt^4tiF '7-'~~' :3 . '' : :'

.2~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

te45\C . Sas ; . ; -i .:: . -4 i

. a i . . . i . .:*i

.. ;;,Zi,.'*i: ; - ':

Source: IDS, 1978, p. 54 Based on UNESCO statistical yearbook 1978, pp. 597-599.(a) The nearest y1 ar to 1979 for which information was asvilable is presented

(b) average

Table 41: Ecuador. Regional distrlbution of Hlgher Educationeirol lments. 1974-1976

UniversitLieq Regions Population University Schooling Distribution

(Census) Enrollments rates (per of enrollments(per 000)

lPeowIncl.a ) 1074 1076 1074 1918 1973 1D7d 1974 117611978 1977 1974 1077 1915 1877

Ouito CahI 128 472 132 611 35 677 54 489 3a 29Imbabura 22D 649 230 277

CAtWlIc deOuito Pkchinch. 1 033909 1126424 11716 12007 9 7Cotopaxi 248 309 267 706

Polltdcnic NocInal N"pa 63 417 71 003 3 178 11 418 3 0

Sub Total 1 701 925 1 828 020 47 570 78 814 28.0 43.1

Cuenca Call"t 156 408 162 492 4 237 0 032 4 5tauy . .388 3-41 402 680

C&tolca da Cucrncn Moronc S. 64 381 6D 601 1 417 2 363 1 1

Sub-Total 6D5 146 624 673 5 654 11 395 9.B 18.2

Lois Lola 361 641 377 430 2 142 3 566 2 2Tkdnlca PstltculgIr Zatora Ch. 38 176 40 784 768 2 608 t 2

Suib-Total 3DB 817 418214 2900 S6522 7.3 15.8TdcnIca de Anibito Tungutrhus 290 990 303 453 2 127 8 264 2 3

Pastaza 23 930 25 069Sub-Total 214 920 328 511 2 127 6 254 8.8 19.0Poliltcnics tiel Chinbotazo 322 632 332 412 381 2 800 - 2Clilurtbo,o BilIv.r 164 313 168 384Sub-Total 476.045 400 706 381 2 000 0.6 6.0

Total sIra C pyOinta, 3486 763 30U014 68832 105876 18.8 28.7Guayaquil 28 613 60 446 29 26

PolitAcnicAkdlLltoral Guauva . 1 694 346 1 731 912 2 135 7 165 2 4Cat6ica de Qu*oqull Ga(i^oto 4 277 4 662 2 a1l 3 852 3 2Laic& "VIca&ntBocaluart.' 1642 4 618 2 3

Sub-Total 1 689 622 1 736 574 36 361 68 280 22.1 38.21Icnlcaid,tEsalw,Ida Esmeralda 214 366 233078 1 138 3820 6.3 16.6 1 2ldcnics de Mn*nb( Manabi 862 181 906 964 1 876 5 604 2.2 6.2 2 3l4c.ica d.. Machal. El Oro 274 238 300 028 1 383 3 605 6.0 12.0 1 2Ticnica de fJlIovo Los ft(og 404 808 439 467 1 382 6 564 3.4 12.7 1 2

Total Cos.u intulIr 3J344 214 3 018 9D8 41 130 84 073 12.3 23.4

Total d*l Pat. 6 829 987 7 308 000 99 771 190 648 14.8 26.1 100 100

Sou rCe fctasdor JUNAp LA, Canso dC 1974,,u1o, JUNAPLA, dn4o 179; V dato d-l Consoa Nclonal do Sduascl6n $upgrlor.

P1t'.

ANNEX 26

Colombia: Student Achievement by Type of Schooland Regime at the end of High School

(Scores in the University Entrance Examination)

StudentSex Regime Public Private Total

Males only 267.0 279.3Males 256.2

Coed 250.5 252.9 (9,961)

Coed 230.3 231.9Females 239.7

FemalesOnly 246.2 255.6 (11,188)

Total 244.6 250.8 247.5(cases) (10,130) (11,019) (21,149)

Source: Servicio Nacional de Pruebas. Estadisticas SNP No. 28.Instituto Colombiano para el Fomento de la Educaci6nSuperior (ICFES), Bogota, 1984.

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