Ethno History

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Introduction: Travel Literature, Ethnography, and EthnohistoryAuthor(s): Caroline B. BrettellSource: Ethnohistory, Vol. 33, No. 2 (Spring, 1986), pp. 127-138Published by: Duke University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/481769 .Accessed: 16/01/2014 15:33

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ETHNOHISTORY 3(2):127-138

INTRODUCTION: TRAVEL LITERATURE,ETHNOGRAPHY, AND ETHNOHISTORY

Caroline B. Brettell The Newberry Library

Claude Levi-Strauss begins Tristes Tropiques with a declamation against travelaccounts. He is bewildered by their popularity and suspicious of their intentions.Travel books, he claims, have helped to preserve the illusion of something thatno longer exists (1972: 39). Yet, Tristes Tropiques is as much the narrative of

a voyage as it is an ethnographic description and it therefore accentuates a rela-tionship between the traveler and the ethnographer. Although the majority oftravelers in the past clearly did not view themselves as professional ethnographers,modern ethnohistorians and historical anthropologists have frequently used theiraccounts as a source of ethnographic data, and histories of the anthropologicaldiscipline often include discussions of such notable travelers as Herodotus andMarco Polo (Hodgen 1964). While contemporary ethnologists tend to regardfieldwork and participant observation as their primary methods of data collec-tion, a century ago anthropologists depended almost entirely on the accounts ofmissionaries and merchants, traders and travelers for their ethnographic material.As Stocking (1983b) has recently reminded us, Notes and Queries was originallydirected to travelers and non-anthropologists who might provide the raw data forthe armchair ethnologist at home.

This collection of papers, generated from among a group of scholars with varyingintellectual and cross-cultural interests, has as its focus an interdisciplinary andcritical examination of travel literature. Its goal is to encourage dialogue aboutthe merits of travel accounts as sources for ethnohistorical research. The papers,therefore, range widely both in historical period (seventeenth to nineteenth cen-turies), and in kinds of people they are discussing (Australian aborigines, Mediter-

ranean peasants, South American Indians, Neapolitan and Venetian urbanites).Throughout the world, travelers have made observations about peoples and placesthat are of interest to scholars, and no matter where one works and how one works(as a historian, literary critic, or ethnographer), if one wants to learn about thepast or about historical context, delving into travelers' accounts of foreign peoplesand foreign places becomes a necessity. The heterogeneity of the papers in thisvolume is an indication of the shared epistemological questions with which anyresearcher must approach this literature.

In their analyses of diverse bodies of travel literature, the authors of these paperstouch upon a number of issues, though by no means all, related to the use of travel

accounts in ethnohistorical research. This introduction will attempt to outline someof these issues in order to set the papers into a broader context of discourse. Toa certain extent, the issues overlap because they all revolve around the problemof how the ethnohistorian distinguishes the cultural baggage which the travelerbrings with him and through which he sees the world from the actual observa-tions he makes and records. It is no accident that the questions which can be askedin the process of evaluating travel accounts can and are being asked of ethno-graphies themselves. Of central importance, as Clifford (1980: 209) has recently

BRETTELL

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Travel Literature

of continuity which this literature conveys. Constantine (1984: 2) has noted thattravelers were the receivers and carriers of current

literary, aesthetic,and cultural

ideas; they traveled with these and saw . accordingly. Hodgen (1964: 184) at-tempts to correct the notion that travelers were willful frauds, attempting in follyto gull their homebound fellows. They were members of the European commu-nity, they drew upon a stock of ideas common to all. .. .When abroad, their eyessaw no more than their minds, shaped at home, were prepared to accept. WhileHodgen may emphasize too much and too universally the ethnocentric vision ofthe traveler, the stock of ideas about the other clearly influenced the way in whichmany travelers saw and described the other.

Jewkes (1963), from a broader historical perspective, traces the conventionality

of subject matter in travel accounts back to the nineteenth century; of mannerto the eighteenth century, and of aim, intention, and philosophical viewpoint tothe sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Indeed, it was in the sixteenth centurythat travel accounts firmly emerged as a popular literary form. However, withthe exception of the obvious cases of well-known writers who produced travel books(Byron, Shelley, Flaubert, Lawrence, etc.), literary specialists have generally paidmore attention to the voyage as a motif (Clark 1980) than to the travel accountas a work of literature with its own literary devices. Only Adams (1983), in a veryrecent study, has rigorously explored the shared conventions which similarlycharacterize early novels and travel accounts.

In fact, ethnohistorians have rarely considered, where it is possible, using therealist novel en par with the travel account as a source of data. Yet, it is evidentthat the lines between fact and fiction are often blurred when literary devices andconventions are shared. Can something about nineteenth century French peasantlife be learned, for example, from Emile Zola's rendering of it in his novel LaTerre?' Clearly, part of Herbert's (1980) aim in his skillful analysis of three dif-ferent Marquesan Encounters (those of the missionary Alexander, the co-lonial/imperialist Potter, and the romantic novelist Melville) s to achieve this blend-ing of different genres of observation and writing (see also Boon 1982). Noakes

continues in this tradition by suggesting first that novels should be consideredtogether with myriad other sources in any attempt to determine the topoi withinany literary tradition about a specific place or people; and second, that these topoimust be fully understood before an evaluation of the travel account as fact orfiction is possible.

The relationship between rhetoric and ethnographic authority raised by Mar-cus and Cushman (1982) has been most fully addressed by Clifford (1983). Respond-ing in part to Louch's (1966) labeling of ethnographies as traveler's tales, Clif-ford traces the historical development of ethnographic authority and characterizesits changes through time. At present, the ethnographer has a number of options

available and can choose from among a variety of different modes ofethnographic authority in his attempt to bring coherence to the textual chaos ofhis field data.

Clifford alludes early in his essay to the similarities and differences betweenethnographers and travelers. In general, both attempt to transport a reader throughtheir writing to another place and to convey a knowledge of the other, yet we areto take the ethnographer's report more seriously (i.e., on authority) because hisknowledge is presumably informed by science and based on neutrality. The use

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During this century, tourism became common and, consequently, travel books

proliferated.Fussell

(1980: 38)has

suggestedthat the rise of tourism

duringthe

nineteenth century was directly linked to the bourgeois vogue of romantic

primitivism 5 Yet if ethnographies are informed by science, by current and com-monly held theoretical stances, so too were travel accounts, especially those whichproliferated during a time when increasing contacts with the other led to a con-stant formulation and reformulation of scientific ideas about biological andcultural evolution and the nature of civilized man. Although from a twentieth cen-tury perspective these ideas are often labeled culturally arrogant and ethnocen-tric (Cole 1972: 52), at the time they were the prevailing theoretical paradigms,and as such they influenced in a significant way the manner in which the other

was portrayed, be he an Australian aborigine, an American Indian, or even a Euro-pean peasant. Romantic primitivism encompassed prevailing scientific notions.

Both Strong and Brettell address themselves directly to this question and bothconclude that the commonly held notions about the nature of primitive or peas-ant society as distinct from European (i.e., civilized) society emerge clearly intravelers' accounts and need to be kept distinct as one level of textual reading.Although neither one uses the word topos, they are clearly demonstrating thepresence of rhetorical devices similar to those which exist in the literature on Naplesand Neapolitans in descriptions of Australian aborigines and southern Europeanpeasants. And yet, their analyses add further dimensions to our understandingof the process by which the other was imagined, a process which is equallypresent in the accounts of American travelers to Britain who even to this day. . . invent their own Britain before they see it (Lockwood 1980: 461).

Brettell argues that the ideas formulated at home, some derived from scienceand others from literary romanticism, created a complex portrait of the southernEuropean peasantry during the nineteenth century. Travelers seemed to be wrestlingwith the contradictory and changing notions about the rural folk of Europe intheir descriptions of or passing comments on peasant life. On the one hand,peasants were base, dirty, and, like Australian aborigines, low on the totem pole

of evolution. On the other hand, these were also Mediterranean peasants whobelonged to the sensual world of the south rather than the cerebral world of thenorth (Pratt 1981).

Yet there is another point which emerges in Brettell's discussion. In numerousinstances, travelers encountered something contrary to what their minds had beenshaped to expect. They often recorded their shock, and more commonly theirdisgust. In Brettell's view, this reflects something which was really there. Ifthe travel writer errs in including a moral comment or avowal of distaste or disap-proval, the supremely relativist ethnographer errs in the other direction and inthe process offers an incomplete description. Recently, Prattis (1985: 109) has ques-tioned the practice of relegating the experiential collision of unfamiliar culturalassumptions to the poetry which anthropologists write about fieldwork ratherthan to the field reports (ethnographic monographs) themselves.

Despite their ethnocentric biases embodied in particular notions about peasantsociety (the continental European primitive), Brettell believes that travel accountsdo contain a considerable body of useful information about the rural folk ofEurope. A number of years ago, in an analysis of western views of Africa, George(1958: 69) arrived at a somewhat similar conclusion. As early as the seventeenth cen-

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CAROLINE B. BRETTELL

tury, she claimed, a kind of self-conscious craft emerged among travelers whorecorded their observations. They viewed themselves as contributing to a specificliterary genre and as a result felt a certain pride in workmanship, and . . . asense of responsibility to the standards of their task-to be the eyewitness of afact and to tell the truth about it. She associates this concern with an emergingemphasis on the positive aspects of primitive life. Certainly such positive aspectsemerge in some of the accounts from which Brettell quotes.

Descriptions of the Australian aborigines were equally embedded in contradic-tory rhetorical vocabularies. Fathoming the primitive from the perspective of theSouth Seas involved an attempt to reconcile a notion of dirty, unpleasing, and

beast-like creatures with astonishingly (to the traveler and explorer) human at-

tributes of material culture and social organization. Standards of western civiliza-tion were applied by Europeans who went to this region with certain expectationsof what they were going to find, and whose accounts of their findings coloredthe expectations of those who followed them. Thus, Strong gives us a much bet-ter sense of the impact of the accounts she discusses than does Brettell, and thereforeof the way in which specific stereotypes arose and persisted. That Dampier, Cook,and their successors were explorers rather than travelers, and that they were describ-ing a place far from Europe's backyard may help to explain the widespreadpopularity of their accounts. It is certainly worth considering differences in thereception of travel narratives in any analysis and evaluation of the various ac-

counts which are lumped into the travel literature category.In fact, Fussell's distinctions between the explorer, the traveler, and the tourist

may prove useful here. All three, he says, make journeys, but the explorerseeks the undiscovered, the traveler that which has been discovered by the mindworking in history, the tourist that which has been discovered by entrepreneur-ship and prepared for him by the arts of mass publicity (1980: 39). Among themyriad accounts quoted by Brettell, some clearly are the product of tourists ratherthan travelers who set out to study with intense interest the rural folk of southernEurope, and, in some cases, to really get inside that world. As Nash (1983)has pointed out, however, not enough attention is paid to the process of differen-tiation, selection, and transformation to guide us further (in distinguishing be-tween studious travel accounts and touristic fantasies (Fussell 1980). The formof the account itself-a guidebook, an itinerary for those on the grand tour, ajournal, a narrative, a series of letters to a real or fictional person back home-isclearly an important consideration in any attempt to evaluate the observationsit contains. In his identification of the pseudonymous form, Rotenberg alone treatsthis consideration seriously.

There is one final point to be made in a comparison of the contributions ofBrettell and Strong and that is the uncanny parallel fixation of nineteenth century

travelers in particular on the position of women in primitive and peasant societies.Women clearly epitomized the most exotic manifestation of the other. Whetheras toilsome beasts or sensual, often naked, beauties, they presented a dramaticcontrast to the Victorian ideal of womanhood.6

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Travel Literature

Comprehending the Other: Cultures in Contact

The relationships between cultures in contact is, in the view of someethnohistorians, the major focus of their research endeavor. Clearly, travel ac-counts are fundamentally about situations of contact and it is perhaps the pointof intersection between observer and those observed which should receive the mostattention from the ethnohistorian using this corpus of literature as a source. Forexample, the excessive comments about skin color and other attributes of physicalappearance, and about certain cultural deficiencies n comparison with the civilizedworld that are mentioned by Strong may indeed emanate from certain ethnocentricprejudices of the observer, but they also tell us something about the situation of

contact and the context in which the description was formulated. The point ofreference in the travel account is the readership, members of the traveler's ownculture who for varying motives may themselves be contemplating future contact.In this sense, travel accounts are quite different from ethnographies, which self-consciously attempt to describe with reference to the native point of view and at-tempt to eliminate (new experimental ethnographies excepted)7 any notionof contact.

Jones takes this culture of contact and its changing nature between 1740 and1900 as her primary frame of reference. Travel narratives, in her view, do notdocument what is specifically Indian, but an intercultural frontier, or, as Foster(1982: 25) has called it, an interstitial subculture. Similarly, Strong is focusingon the intercultural frontier between pirates or explorers with particular commer-cial interests and the natives of the South Pacific. Brettell documents an inter-cultural frontier between city and country in nineteenth century Europe, and be-tween the industrialized north and the underindustrialized south. Noakes picks upon the latter in her analysis of the city of Naples as a southern city seen througha northerner's eyes.

Yet Jones's paper moves beyond the others in its attempts to understand whatthe contact situation really meant and the motives behind the production of travelaccounts. Just as much of twentieth

century anthropologymust be viewed as the

child of western mperialism Gough 1968), as a body of knowledge which emergedto answer the questions which people had about the various societies which wereunder their colonial umbrella (Maquet 1964), so too did many travelers' accountsanswer the questions which pre-twentieth century individuals had about the worldsout there with which they had commercial or colonial dealings.

British travel accounts of Argentina were strongly influenced by both politicaland economic interests, and they changed over time as these interests changed.In their content, they reflected varying degrees of what people wanted to knowand comprehend about the other. During the early nineteenth century, travel nar-

ratives were propagandistic instruments to encourage settlement and to stimulatetrade-they were commoditized. Their promotional and commercial aspect metthe commercial demand for knowledge.8 Only later in the century did they becomeexotic and mysterious, emerging into a distinct literary form, in part in responseto the appeal for the romantic and the primitive alluded to in the previous sec-tion. The objectification of the form, Jones argues, colored the objectivity ofthe observations. The implication of Jones's arguments is that as users of travelaccounts, ethnohistorians must have an appreciation of the audiences for whom

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travel accounts were written, and therefore of the motives behind their produc-tion in order to fully evaluate them as sources.9 Similarly, and as Marcus andCushman intimate, the pressure of publishers for greater commercial success maynot be insignificant in more recent attempts among ethnographers to experimentwith new styles of writing.

This line of thinking leads to an entire range of questions which can be posedof travel accounts, questions which are more implicitly suggested than explicitlydeveloped in the essays included here. What, for example, do we know about thetraveler himself or herself? What was his education? What were his motives fortravel-professional, educational, commercial, military, missionary, scientific? Towhat extent did the traveler participate n the culture that he observed and recorded?

To what extent might the sex and age of the observer have influenced whatwere determined to be interesting matters to describe? Just as critics of ethnographyurge us to come to terms with the self of the anthropologist (Prattis 1985), so tooshould we come to some terms with the selves of travelers. Individual travelersare unique and each develops a unique style depending on the time at which heis writing, the place he is writing about, the audience he is addressing, and hisown background and motivations. The more we know about the traveler and, fromother sources, about the reality which the traveler describes, the better we willbe able to judge his account.

Such an attitude towards travel literature proposes an analysis of the genresimilar, for example, to the analyses proposed by Bourdieu (1979) and Said (1982)for writing in general. The criteria mentioned are, as Said (p. 7) suggests, theingredients making for a politics of interpretation. In the final analysis, theseare the fundamental methods of history and ethnohistory themselves: asking ofany source, who wrote it, when, where and why?; comparing it to other sourcesdealing with the same subject matter generated from the same or different historicalcontexts (Carmack 1972). Many years ago, Evans-Pritchard (1962) called for anevaluation of ethnographies within a similar framework, but only recently haveanthropologists and others responded to his call.

Conclusion

The subject matter of travel accounts, like ethnographies, is supposedly fac-tual, and yet there is an element of subjectivity, a mark of a writer influencedby literary conventions and intellectual context. Although all of the contributorsto this volume caution us in different ways about this element of subjectivity, noneof them reject the utility of the travel account as an ethnohistorical source. Thereis a great deal to be learned from travel literature about situations of contact and

the way in which stereotypes were played out in the confrontation of others.The moral judgments are often there, but we need simply to be wary of them andto realize that they too are facts of cultures in contact. Furthermore, there aretravelers who took their obligations to record quite seriously and who have leftus with unusually rich documentations of the ways of life in parts of the worldfor which any other written sources are scarce.

The authors of these papers attune us to a number of facets of the travel ac-count as a form that should influence how we select and interpret any single ac-count as an ethnohistoric source. Not all facets have been explored here, however,

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and as ethnohistorians we need to procede in our dialogues about how to distinguishbetween

goodand bad observations, and about the

credibilityof

particulareyewitness accounts (Nash 1983). As Defert (1982: 12) has recently stated, It isnot that nothing existed before anthropology. What there was must be reread asorganized knowledge, coherent and efficient and produced by tactics of domina-tion which can be identified. While I would disagree hat all travel accounts emergedsolely out of this dialectical domination, it is certainly an important aspectto consider.

In the long run, ethnographies and travel accounts are not unhappy bedfellows.All human accounts are mixtures of observation, interpretation and convention.Although Levi-Strauss distinctly expressed his loathing of both travel and

travelers, he left us with a record of his voyages, thereby couching his observa-tions and interpretations within a particular literary genre. MacCannell, in hisbrilliant study of The Tourist, uses this to point to the fact that even at presentthe differences between tourists and social scientists, at least at the outset, maynot be so great- they share a curiosity about primitive peoples, poor peoplesand ethnic and other minorities (1976: 5). He suggests that by following thetourists, we may be able to arrive at a better understanding of ourselves. Is thisnot one of the fundamental aims of the ethnographic enterprise as well?

Acknowledgment

The author would like to thank Mario Carelli for his invaluable critical reading ofthis introduction.

Notes

1. Recent nterest among anthropologists n the affinities between thnography nd fic-tion should also be considered. A session at the 1983 meeting of the American An-thropological ssociation was devoted o this ssue. Perhaps we are ready o reevaluatethe historical mportance f Laura Bohannan's eturn o Laughter. or further iscus-sion, see Boon (1982) and Webster 1982). Along somewhat variant ines, see alsoHandler 1983), Heath (1978), and Prattis (1985).

2. See also the very nteresting iscussion f the shift to the third person n Fernandez(1985), and Stocking's 1983b) account of the way in which Malinowski onstitutedhis authority.

3. Consider he minimal uthority we give them oday except as guides o the best placesto stay or to eat.

4. Although not totally analogous, t is also worth considering he relationship etweenpseudonymous ravel accounts and the wealth of imaginary oyages which achievedin many nstances uch a high degree f realism hat hey were otally believable Adams1962).With regard o a comparison ith he ethnographic nterprise, ne has to wonderabout possible imilarities etween he myth established y the pseudonymous ravelaccount and the euhemerist myth which Stocking 1983b) attributes o Malinowski'ssearch or ethnographic uthority.

5. Baudet 1965: 65) views nineteenth entury romantic primitivism omewhat differ-ently. He describes total abandonment f all notions of self-deprecation hich werepresent n the idealization of the primitive n earlier centuries.

Insofar as the nineteenth entury did develop a specific exoticism-the American n-dian novel, he Crusoe ult, novels of the South Seas, Stevenson, Conrad, Loti, Gauguin,Hesse, Kipling's ungle books-it seldom seems o be directed gainst he country orcontinent of origin.

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6. In this connection, see Foster's (1982) discussion of Flaubert's interest inthe exotic femininity of foreign lands.

7. Clifford (1982: 144), for example, suggests that fieldwork may best be seen not asa process of description or interpretation of a bounded other world, but as an interper-sonal, cross-cultural encounter that produces descriptive-interpretive texts.

8. For a similar discussion of the travel accounts of Africa, see Thornton (1983).9. The emic/etic distinctions that Price (1980) applies to an evaluation of three classes

of ethnohistorical data are useful to consider in this regard. On the context of pro-duction, as well as the public and political destiny of travel literature, see the discus-sion of Defert (1982).

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Ethno History