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Euroracism, Citizenship and Democracy: the role ofteacher educationJohn Clay a & Mike Cole aa University of Brighton , United KingdomPublished online: 09 Jul 2006.

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International Studies in Sociology of Education, Volume 2, No. 1, 1992

Euroracism, Citizenship and Democracy:the role of teacher education

JOHN CLAY & MIKE COLEUniversity of Brighton, United Kingdom

ABSTRACT In this paper, we argue for an acknowledgement of the rise inEuroracism, which we suggest, following Balibar, is a combination ofpost-colonial racism, anti-semitism and fascism. We then proceed to questionthe notion of 'Euro-culture'. Focusing on education, we assess the role, actualand potential, of initial teacher education in combating forms of inequality,such as racism. Rejecting both nationalistic and multicultural curricularmodels, we advocate an empowering curriculum, firmly embedded in ananti-racist politics. We stress the need for a Europe-wide offensive againstEuroracism and urge existing teacher education networks to rethink theirremits. We conclude by pointing out that our concerns with equalityencompass both structures and relationships, and that the interconnectionsbetween all forms of oppression must underpin all new perspectives andproposals for teacher education in Europe, post-1992.

IntroductionIn this paper, we begin by examining Euroracism, an escalating phenomenonwhich, we argue, threatens to engulf the whole continent. There is an urgentneed for a major counter-offensive, for a mass anti-racist movement linkedEurope wide.

One way of promoting anti-racism, we suggest, is through education.Given current realities, and in the light of evidence of extensive institutionalracism already in existence in both schooling and initial teacher education(ITE), the need for teacher education to be anti-racist is greater than ever.The pronounced shift to the Right over the past 13 years has been partiallysuccessful in undermining anti-racist education and the position taken byliberal multiculturalists, in refusing to acknowledge racism as a structural

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feature of post-colonial European societies has, by default, colluded in theprocess. [1]

In the light of the increasing threat of Euroracism, we argue thatexisting anti-racist networks in education, such as the Anti Racist TeacherEducation Network (ARTEN) need to establish links Europe-wide and thatthe Association for Teacher Education in Europe (ATEE) should also widenits brief to take on issues of racism. We conclude by placing anti-racisteducation in a wider movement for the progression towards equality andsocial justice. Therefore, the need for an empowering curriculum in teachereducation must go beyond the rhetoric of empowerment, since this ismeaningless without a clear understanding of the forms of oppression and ofways to combat it. Empowerment that focuses on 'anti-oppression' is abouttrue democracy and the antidote to rampant individualism and nationalism,and to racism and Euroracism. To this end, we have argued elsewhere for aconcept of citizenship that is 'social' and international as distinct from'individual' and nationalist. [2]

Euroracism: Post-colonialism and Anti-semitism

It is accepted by many workers in this field of study that racism as aphenomenon is seen differently in the different countries within Europe andthat these different types of racism have been formed through their ownhistorical pasts. Sivanandan has said that:

fwjhere German racism would appear to stem directly from the aggregation ofone Volk into a nation exclusive of all other Volk, French racism seems tohave taken shape at the point where the Enlightenment, carrying the nationstate in its arms, stubbed its toes against the colonies. Unlike Britain whichtreated its colonies as peoples apart, to be acculturated only to be exploited,France saw the cultural assimilation of its subject peoples into a greater Franceas the burden of its Enlightenment. Where British racism was driven by theeconomic imperatives of the industrial revolution, French racism was drivenby the cultural imperatives of the Enlightenment. Both racisms, however, wereimbricated in the creation of the nation state. German racism, on the otherhand, formed the very basis of that creation. [3]

What these three forms of racism have in common, however, is theneed for cheap labour. For this reason, migration was encouraged, in the1950s and 1960s, from the respective ex-colonies and the poorer regions ofSouthern Europe. As Sivanandan has noted: "What Europe wanted, though,was the labour not the labourer - and towards that end racism was a readyinstrument". [4] Analysing racism in Europe in structural terms in the contextof Europe's colonial past, he suggests that:

We are moving from an ethnocentric racism to a Eurocentric racism, from thedifferent racisms of the different member states to a common, market racism.Citizenship may open Europe's borders to blacks and allow them free

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movement, but racism which cannot tell one black from another, a citizenfrom an immigrant, an immigrant from a refugee and classes all Third Worldpeople as immigrant refugees and all immigrants and refugees as terrorists anddrug dealers — is going to make such movement fraught andfancy. [S]

We would not disagree with the analysis of racism as outlined abovebut we do argue for the necessity to develop a definition of racism that goesbeyond the post-colonial market racism, also described by Sivanandan aspan-European racism. Significantly, as we progress into 1992 in thepost-Maastricht age, racism is feeding off a form of Europeansupranationalism which is accompanied by what has been described asEuroracism, a form of racism that conspires to curtail citizenship rights to .minority ethnic people. The dissolving of the Warsaw Pact has unleasheddeep-seated nationalisms in the countries within the former Soviet bloc andthe reunification of Germany has, in addition, resulted in pressures toreassert German national identity. This has been accompanied by the uglyresurgence of Nazi violence in both 'East' and 'West'. These factors, alongwith the general unrestrained upsurge in anti-semitism throughout Europe,can be superimposed on to the racism against black and other ethnicminorities to constitute the formation of an Euroracism. Etienne Balibar, inan illuminating analysis, incorporates anti-semitism as an ideological schemaalongside the market racism outlined above by Sivanandan. For Balibar:

European culture, and so the very idea or myth of Europe intrinsicallycontains, though is not identical with, two specifically racist ideologicalschemas which are likely to continue producing memory and collectiveperception effects: the colonial scheme, and the schema of anti-semitism. [6]

The threat of mass 'invasion' by 'aliens' from the south and other'foreigners' from the east has caused member states in there EuropeanCommunity (EC) to panic. Martin Woollacott has pithily described theircollective response: "like a neurotic householder warned that robbers areabout, Europe is trip-wiring and barring the continent against all comers". [7]In every country governments are preparing new asylum and immigrationlaws. Administrative procedures have been changed to speed up decisions,limit appeals and narrow definitions of access. New or draft laws have beenannounced in half a dozen countries. At the same time extreme right-wingparties throughout Europe, fostering both post-colonial racism andanti-semitism are gaining ground. Thus the French National Front isheading for a key regional election battle in the south of the country. (JeanMarie Le Pen has warned of future French people begging at the gates ofMosques.) In Austria, the Freedom Party has recently come second in themunicipal poll for Vienna; in Italy, it is estimated that the Lombard Leaguecould take more than 20% of the votes in the north in the 1992 generalelection and in Scandinavia the older right-wing parties like the ProgressParty in Denmark have been joined by new movements like the DanishAssociation and New Democracy in Sweden. Finally, in Germany the

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extreme right-wing Deutsch Volksunion (DVU) broke through the 5%proportional representation barrier in Bremen in September 1991. [8] AsWooUacott points out, the cause for alarm is not so much the possibility ofsuch parties gaining power (which is remote) as the general poisoning of thepolitical agenda - the effect of the moral panic on the more mainstreamparties. The British Conservative Party, for example, by insisting thatimmigration and asylum be a matter decided by individual memberparliaments and not be made a common European issue, is suggesting, byimplication, that it is tougher than its European counterparts. [9]

This shift to the Right across European nation states is accompanied bythe creation of structures such as the Trevi Group and the Schengen Accordwhich provide a co-ordinated EC-wide response to monitor the movement of'aliens' and erect a fortress to keep out, for the immediate future, the peoplesof Eastern Europe and the Maghreb states. [10] It is important to note thatboth the Trevi Group and the Schengen Accord have delegates from ECcountries that are not directly accountable to the people. However, the onebody that does have elected representatives from the member states, theEuropean Parliament itself, has not seriously addressed itself to the issue ofracism. For example, MEPs threatened to veto any recommendation thatappeared remotely 'radical' in the European Parliament's Report of theCommittee of Inquiry into Racism and Xenophobia (1989). [11] This includedsome members who have previously aligned themselves with the Left. Even amodest recommendation, such as the granting of free movement for'immigrants' with residential rights in a member country to seek employmentelsewhere in the EC, was subsequently turned down by the EuropeanCommission on the spurious grounds that it would conflict with the internaldecisions of member states. Liz Fekete, in her trenchant critique of thereport states:

[HJaving assiduously listed the facts (i.e. rise of racism and fascism inEurope), the committee failed to draw the conclusions that demanded to bemade precisely because it would then need to look at racism in the economicand political context of each country (and make recommendationsaccordingly). Hobbled by its remit from doing this, the committee settled forthe soft option of the cultural/psychological view of racism. [12]

This 'soft' view of racism shifts the focus on to individuals andpathologises black and other ethnic minorities whilst exonerating whiteracism at both the individual and, more importantly, at the structural levels.For black and other ethnic minority citizens and immigrants with residentialrights, having a skin colour that distinguishes them from the dominantcommunities of Europe leads to defined 'race-cast' roles within Europeansociety. [13]

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Euro-culture: myth or reality?

In this increasingly racialised Europe, a concomitant and concerted effort isbeing made to appeal to the majority groups in each of the countries; thenotion of a common heritage. This ersatz celebration of the dominant whiteculture is evidenced in the wording of the draft treaty of the December 1991summit on union at Maastricht, which instructs the Community to

contribute to the flowering of the cultures of member states while respectingtheir national and regional diversity, and at the same time bringing thecommon cultural heritage to the fore [and to] improve knowledge anddissemination of the cultural heritage of European significance, culturalexchanges, artistic and literary creation, including the audio-visual sector. [14]

Attempts at defining a 'European culture' by evoking a sharedRomano/Hellenic or a Judaeo-Christian tradition in terms of an 'inheritedcivilisation' not only ignore contemporary realities but are part of an attemptto create a climate of hostility against those who appear not to subscribe tothat myth.[15] In reality, the term 'European', up to the twentieth century,was used principally to refer to groups of colonisers in each of the colonisedregions elsewhere in the world rather than to the citizens of the 'nationstates' of Europe. [16] Moreover, the exaltation of 'European' cultureinvalidates the many variants of the cultures and their derivatives of Africa,Asia and the Americas that exist, reproduce and constantly develop inabundance in a multitude of forms throughout the whole of the EC. Wewould argue that black and other ethnic minority people and their culturesare no more 'foreign' or 'alien' than their white counterparts.

The notion of Europe as embodied in the Single European Act (1987)should be viewed as a legal construction to remove borders and barriers forthe movement of capital and trade, and yet this construction, for many, willevoke the shared history of colonial exploitation. This common heritage ofcolonialism was elevated to a virtue in a supremely arrogant declarationmade in Bruges in 1988 by the British ex-Prime Minister:

Too often the history of Europe is described as a series of interminable warsand quarrels. Yet from our perspective today surely what strikes us most is ourcommon experience. For instance, the story of how Europeans explored andcolonised and - yes without apology - civilised much of the world in anextraordinary tale of talent, skill and courage![17]

Anti-racist Politics and Teacher Education

Balibar has emphasised that the racist politics prevalent in Europe todayneeds to be countered by ant-racist movements that are politically organisedand co-ordinated at a European level. [18] The need for an organisedresponse throughout Europe cannot be over-emphasised. Anti-racist

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movements in Europe, where they exist, tend to have different starting pointsand different foci. The largest and best known anti-racist organisation inFrance, for example, SOS Racisme, is essentially assimilationist. CathieLloyd and Hazel Waters have explained:

[cjampaigning on the slogan of 'Touche pas a mon pote' ('Don't touch mypal'), [with] its emphasis on changing personal, individual attitudes hashampered any closer or tougher fight against the institutions that perpetuateand engender racism. And, broadly speaking, it sees the solution to racism asa variant of assimilation ... in [SOS spokesperson] Desir's words, 'Jeans willeventually win over the chador'.[19]

In our experience, the most fertile country for anti-racist collaborationwould seem to be the Netherlands, where the antecedents to racism mostclosely mirror our own and where there is already a degree of sharedunderstandings of the required anti-racist politics, a politics which is neitherassimilationist nor obsessed with cultural celebration. The timely formationof the Anti-Racist Alliance (ARA) and the reconvening of the Anti-NaziLeague (ANL) in Britain may afford us the opportunity to promote agenuine anti-racist response which will help counter the further rise ofracism and fascism in mainland Europe and forestall the growth ofEuroracism in Britain. [20]

Education has a critical role to play in this process. While we recogniseits pivotal function in the transmission and reproduction of the culture,values and vested interests of the dominant groups in every society, we insistthat education is also an arena of fierce contestation. It is incumbent onanti-racists, therefore, to debate and discuss ways in which education can bepart of the wider struggle of anti-racist politics.

In the case of Britain, the past 13 years of Thatcherism and its legacyhave rekindled memories of a pre-eminent colonial past. [21] This has beenexacerbated by the following:

• The passing of three Education Acts (1980, 1986 and 1988), thecumulative effect of which has been the fostering of a 'common culture'and a sense of narrow nationalism. [22]

• A concerted effort to undermine the whole concept of anti-racist educationby stripping away the powers of local education authorities (LEAs)[23]and the accompanying campaigns in Britain's predominantly right-wingmedia. [24]

• The failure to acknowledge, let alone deal with, the well documentedpersonal and structural racism that operates in schools and at initialteacher education (TTE) institutions. [25]

In the light of the anti-egalitarian ideology epitomised by the currentgovernment proposals for deskilling and deprofessionalising teachereducation (outlined by the Secretary of State for Education in January1992,[26] we believe it is vital for faculties of education in universities and

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ITE institutions in colleges of higher education to promote awareness ofissues of racism (including anti-semitism) and other inequalities within theeducation system. Given the Radical Right's demands for this completerestructuring and reorientation of the entire education system, which hasmoved from the fringes to centre stage in government policy and practice,the case for a counter-hegemonic response is indispensable. The Anti-RacistTeacher Education Network (ARTEN) in the UK has tried to provide sucha forum. The objectives of ARTEN include:

• increased recruitment of black staff and students into ITE;• increased and effective representation of black communities on national

and local committees with responsibilities for teacher education;• the development of effective procedures for dealing with racial harassment

of staff, students and pupils in educational institutions;• the development of effective anti-racist pedagogy within teacher education

for all staff and students.

Laudable as these statements of intent are, within the context ofEuroracism, ARTEN's concerns have been parochial. We would like to see aEurope-wide ARTEN, an EARTEN perhaps, which would widen its brief toinclude countering the increase in nationalisms, anti-semitism and fascism.In addition, the attempts made by racist organisations. and revisionisthistorians to trivialise or even deny the very existence of the Holocaust, makean understanding of the true nature of racism and fascism all the moreimperative. [27]

The Association for Teacher Education in Europe (ATEE) would seeman appropriate forum for such issues to be discussed and debated. Yetracism, as it affects teacher education, is unmentioned. Instead, ATEEcurrently considers issues relating to culture and ethnicity within the aegis ofthe Intercultural Education and Teacher Education Working Group; one of12 working groups. Unfortunately, however, the present focus within thisgroup, viewed from our attendance and participation at the last conference,would lead us to conclude that perceptions amongst many of our ECcolleagues of countering racism still centre around getting foreigners and'migrants' to assimilate and integrate with the dominant communities.Racism and fascism do not seem to be recognised at present. WolfgangMitter, in a recent and typical paper, concentrates on the status, conditionsof service and salaries of teachers across Europe. Finding these considerablydiverse, he outlines the possible future development of teacher education inEurope as trying to "strengthen those aspects of the teacher which are themark of the 'ordinary citizen', the 'educator' and the 'reformer' and therebyfocusing on establishing a degree of parity across Europe". [28]

Hans Vonk,[29] ex-president of and an influential figure in the ATEE,has taken a more radical line and has instead concentrated on examining theissues relating to professionalism in teacher education. He roundly criticisesthe UK's 'Licensed Teacher' scheme for downgrading formal professional

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training and diluting the qualifications necessary for entry to the teachingprofession. He also cogently argues for a shift away from the centralised,bureaucratic and management-oriented approach and maps out his views onprofessionalism by quoting Darling-Hammond:

Professionalization involves not only the status and compensation accorded tothe members of an occupation; it involves the extent to which members of theoccupation maintain control over the content of their work and the degree towhich society values the work of that occupation. [3 0]

The anti-technicist approach is welcome but his 'professional' view ofteacher education has a major weakness for those of us who are interested inpromoting equality. The stance of the 'provider' knowing what is best isusually imbued with well meaning but paternalistic assumptions that areanti-egalitarian in practice. It is for this reason that we, in this paper, willoutline an alternative approach.

We have argued more fully elsewhere that teacher education shouldaim at creating critically reflexive teachers who will in turn enable children tomake informed choices and meanings about the state of the world (real andimagined) in which they live. This includes the examination of issues that areinformed by the concepts of equality and excellence, which should underpinall areas of the curriculum. [31] We reject management-oriented approachesto teacher education where the management of the classroom and inorganicresources takes precedence over all else and would instead advocate a modelof teacher education that strives towards a Freirean praxis, a synthesis ofaction and reflection; in other words theory and practice unified. [32]

A Curriculum for Empowerment

An empowering curriculum should be concerned with the development ofpeople's creative potential and with fostering an understanding of the naturalworld, of the society in which we live and of the work processes of thatsociety. It should entail the development of the capacity to work with othersin shaping and democratically controlling society's collective life. It mustconsider the way in which knowledge is structured and legitimatedinstitutionally to create a hierarchy of trained labour for the economy. Afundamental awareness of the way in which 'race', gender, class, disabilityand sexuality influence outcomes is essential in order to understand the truemeaning of empowerment. An anti-oppression model of empowerment isone that we should strive for.

The current orthodoxy with regards to teaching and learning isunderpinned by the ideology that there is a limited 'pool of talent', which isfurther justified by claiming that scarce resources have to be selectivelydeployed. We reject this limited and limiting view of intelligence and insteadwould wish to consider ways of organising teaching and learning that lead tothe unfolding of human capacity. This potential is currently constrained by a

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social hierarchy and by. dominant cultural attitudes. A stronger case needs tobe made for the social purposes of teacher education. Learning as aco-operative and collaborative enterprise should be both given greatercredence and promoted. Teachers in the future will play a pivotal role inproducing members of a high-trust and high-ability workforce which canthen compete successfully in a post-industrial society to meet the futureconditions for sustainable economic growth and to achieve equality andsocial justice. [33]

This means that we have to acknowledge that intelligence, measured interms of IQ, is a social construct, and a discredited racialised one at that, andnot a reliable indicator of subsequent achievement. In a fundamental rethink,we also need to examine whether the prevalent orthodoxy of 'child-centrededucation' and the heuristic approach has in fact been an impediment to theachievement of a high-trust and high-ability society. To this end, manyeducationalists are beginning to argue that 'new technologies' in a'post-Fordist' economy herald the need to go beyond targeting the'individual' and should be used to benefit the 'collective intelligence' of thecommunity and of society as a whole. [34]

Citizenship, Equality and Self-advocacy

We would advocate that the curriculum and structures in teacher educationneed to be informed throughout by a concept of equality [35] that equipspractitioners with the skills to recognise and combat racism, fascism andother forms of oppression. We aim to liberate the system, so that it becomesa dynamic and co-operative forum that provides a democratic learningexperience for all. In such a forum, where all ideas and concepts are subjectto critical scrutiny, we believe that democratic socialist values would win theday and that rampant individualism, nationalism, racism and Euroracismwould be seriously undermined.

We favour the development of a specific concept of citizenship that iscounter-hegemonic to the dominant ideologies of individualism andnationalism which took root in the 1980s among the G7 nations and whichthreaten to engulf the whole of Europe ('West' and 'East') in the 1990s. Acentral feature of this change in politics has been the focus on the individualand the family at the expense of the community. For the torch bearers of thisphilosophy, such as Margaret Thatcher, the very concept of society isdenied. [3 6]

As a consequence, many citizens of the UK in the 1990s do not knowhow society and state work, and even fewer take part, as citizens, in any tradeunion, political or community project. Where people's civil status is minimal,their personal responsibilities are likely to be high. This is a vicious circle.The further we withdraw from the political domain, the more damaging thedemands it is likely to place on us and the more we have to find personal waysof meeting these demands. This is an ideal scenario for any government that

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wants individuals to be unconnected to the community and to the widersociety and to retain power for itself. [37] This is the free-market model of'active citizenship'; the individual's voluntary action in terms of involvementwith groups whose citizenship is likely to be even more marginalised thantheirs. [38]

Following Croft & Beresford, [39] we have argued elsewhere that theconcept of 'self-advocacy' should be adopted generally and we haveattempted to develop it in the context of teacher education to challenge theprevalent orthodoxies and to promote the concept of citizenship as socialand international. [40] 'Self-advocacy' is about people's real involvement innot only defining their needs but also about the development of strategies inrealising those defined needs. It entails the understanding of civil rights andresponsibilities [41] and the ability to become active and articulate in theirfurtherance. 'Self-advocacy' must be advanced in the context of equality andsocial justice. As Croft & Beresford have said, "[w]hatever our age, ethnicity,gender or sexuality, we are entitled to be ourselves, be accepted for what weare and not devalued or subject to oppression". [42]

Conclusion

In this paper we have analysed the phenomenon of Euroracism and linkedthe two concurrent ideological schemes that underpin it. It seemsself-evident to us that post-colonial racism and anti-semitism cannot becountered by either a nationalistic or a multicultural approach. Neitheremphasising the need to study European composers and authors, Mozartand Moliere(?) at the expense of Marley and Tagore(?), nor publicising the'exotic' nature of the cuisines of the Maghreb will stem the tide ofEuroracism. Only a Europe-wide anti-racist politics has the potential toempower all citizens. As far as Britain is concerned, teacher education, webelieve, needs to arrest the current slide towards narrow definitions of ability,of culture and of nationhood which foster the promotion of citizens as'individual' and nationalist. Only by a commitment to increasing the'collective intelligence', by the fostering of skills to recognise and combatoppressions at both the personal and supranational levels, and by promotinga model of 'self-advocacy*, can we ensure that citizenship becomes 'social'and international. We urge all colleagues in education generally, and inteacher education in particular, to view very seriously the reality ofEuroracism and to resist attempts by governments to deskill anddeprofessionalise future teachers, a project which, by edging out thepossibilities to consider equality issues, is likely to make the task ofcombating Euroracism even more difficult.

Finally, we wish to stress that our concerns with equality encompassboth structures and relationships and would reiterate that these mustnecessarily include all forms of oppression. Their interconnections must

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underpin all new perspectives and proposals for teacher education inEurope, post-1992.

Correspondence

John Clay & Mike Cole, Faculty of Education, University of Brighton,Falmer Campus, Brighton BN1 9PH, United Kingdom.

Notes and References

[1] Here is not the place for rehearsing the extensive arguments against monocultural andmulticultural education and for anti-racist education, but see M. Cole (1992) British values,liberal values or values of justice and equality: three approaches to education in multiculturalBritain, and Reply to Mal Leicester, in J. Lynch, C. Modgil & S. Modgil (Eds) Equity orExcellence: education and cultural reproduction (Lewes: Falmer Press)

[2] M. Cole, J. Clay & D. Hill (1990/91) The citizen as 'individual' and nationalist or 'social' andinternationalist? What is the role of education?, Critical Social Policy, 30, winter.

[3] A. Sivanandan (1991) Editorial, Race and Class, 32(3), p. v.

[4] Ibid., p. vi.

[5] A. Sivanandan, quoted in R. Paul (1991) Black and Third World people's citizenship and1992, Critical Social Policy, 32, p. 54.

[6] E. Balibar (1991) Racism and politics in Europe today, New Left Review, p. 12.

[7] M. Woollacott (1991) Cry of a lost community, The Guardian, 15 November.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Ibid.

[10] T. Bunyan (1991) Towards an authoritarian European state, Race and Class, 32(3), pp.19-27. The Trevi Group, established in 1976 to combat terrorism and drug trafficking, nowhas illegal immigration added to its remit, while the Schengen Accord signed in 1990, has awider brief and includes frontier surveillance, visas, rules on stays of less than three monthsby aliens and the granting of asylum (Paul, op. cit., pp. 60-61).

[11] Report of the Committee of Inquiry into Racism and Xenophobia, Rapporteur: Glyn Ford(Brussels, European Parliament Sessions Document, 1989). Despite the Parliament's overallindifference to racism and the rise in anti-semitism, The Standing Conference on RacialEquality (SCORE) was successful in getting the Maastricht summit to include a statementagainst racism in the treaty. In addition, the European Migrants Forum was set up a yearbefore the treaty to keep up the pressure (The Guardian, 29 January 1992, p. 19).

[12] L. Fekete (1991) Report of the European Committee on Racism and Xenophobia: a critique,Race and Class, 33, p. 148.

[13] I. Grosvenor (1990) Education, racism and the employment of black teachers, MulticulturalTeaching, 8(2), spring.

[14] Maastricht Draft Treaty, EEC, December 1991.

[15] J. Clay, M. Cole & R. George (1992) Racism and teacher education: moving towards aEurope-wide antiracist response, post 1992. Proceedings of the Association of TeacherEducation in Europe Conference, 1991.

[16] E. Balibar (1991), op.cit., p. 7. Following Anderson, we would argue that the very notion of'nation' is a myth. (B. Anderson (1983) Imagined Communities: reflections on the origin andspread of nationalism. London: Verso.) Anderson's argument is that the convergence ofcapitalism and print technology on the diversity of human language created the possibility of'imagined community', that the myth of the 'nation state' became possible only with thedecline of cosmically central religious communities and dynasties.

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[17] Quoted in Paul, op. cit., p . 53.

[18] Balibar (1991), op. cit., p . 12.

[19] C. Lloyd & H. Waters (1991) France: one culture, one people? Race and Class, 32(3), pp.49-65.

[20] There has been some controversy as to whether both organisations are needed and whethertheir separate existences might be counterproductive. Our view is that they may in fact playcomplementary roles, with the ARA finding itself addressing issues of a more parliamentarynature, and the ANL being more concerned with street politics and popular culture.

[21] Thatcher's legacy has been roundly criticised by black Labour MP Bernie Grant who pointsout that: "Thatcher set back race equality issues substantially. She stopped the momentum ofchange that was being achieved in the metropolitan areas, she split people up, set themthinking in terms of individual success and not group development. There arose a feeling ofhopelessness, the lack of government action meant the re-emergence of fascist groups" (TheGuardian, 29 January 1992, p . 19).

[22] In addition, these three pieces of legislation have introduced market principles into educationand have promoted the myth of 'parental choice', while the introduction of the NationalCurriculum and the accompanying testing have firmly established the principle of 'individual'excellence. For a fuller discussion, see Cole et al, op. cit.

[23] The abolition of the Inner London Education Authority (ILEA) and the devolution bf themanagement of schools to individual governing bodies have reduced the influence of thewider community through their elected representatives. In addition, the abandonment ofcurrent methods of inspection by the curtailing of Her Majesty's Inspectorate and theopening up of school inspections to people with no background in teaching or educationaladministration have, it can be argued, undermined the important role these agencies havehad in ensuring a degree of equity within the education system.

[24] D. Hill (1989) Charge of the Right Brigade (Brighton: Hillcole Group/Institute for EducationPolicy Studies).

[25] See, for example, R. Singh (1988) Asian and White Perceptions of the Teaching Profession(Bradford & Ilkley Community College); M. Cole (1989) 'Whose is this country anyway?Who was here first?' An analysis of the attitudes of white First Year B.Ed, students toimmigration into Britain, Multicultural Teaching, 7(2), pp. 15-17; I. Siraj-Blatchford, (1990)Positive discrimination: the under-achievement of initial teacher education, MulticulturalTeaching, 8(2); J. Clay, M. Cole & D. Hill (1990) Black achievement in initial teachereducation -- how do we proceed into the 1990s? Multicultural Teaching, 8(3); J. Clay,S. Gadhia & C. Wilkins (1991) Racism and institutional inertia: a 3-D perspective of initialteacher education (disillusionment, disaffection and despair), Multicultural Teaching, 9(3);Summer, R. Hatcher & B. Troyna (1992) Racism in Children's Lives: a study of mainly whiteprimary schools (London: Routledge) and The Guardian, 21 January, p . 21 .

[26] The Times Educational Supplement, 10 January 1992.

[27] Influential right-wing historians such as David Irving have propagated the myth that Hitlerhad no knowledge of the 'final solution'. However, the recent press reports about the'authentic' Eichmann diaries have brought about a change in stance on his part.

[28] W. Mitter (1991) Teacher education in Europe: problems, challenges, perspectives, BritishJournal of Educational Studies, 39, pp. 138-152.

[29] H. Vonk (1991) Some trends in the development of curricula for the professional preparationof primary and secondary school teachers in Europe: a comparative study, British Journal ofEducational Studies, 39, p . 123.

[30] Quoted in ibid., p . 135.

[31] J. Clay & M. Cole (1991) General principles for a socialist agenda, in The Hillcole Group,Changing the Future: redprint for education (London: Tufnell Press).

[32] Clay et al, op. cit.

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Euroracism, Citizenship and Democracy

[33] P. Blown & H. Lauder (1991) Education, economy and social change, International Studies inSociology of Education, 1, pp. 3-23. In a post-Fordist economy, workers will be required toexercise far greater responsibility and will need to be entrusted to carry out procedures andprocesses with minimal supervision.

[34] Ibid.

[35] Equality is usually defined by highlighting existing inequalities arising out of differences inclass, 'race', gender, sexual orientation, disability and age. However, there is a need also tostate the political, economic and social equality we must seek in terms of outcomes andaccess. Bryan S. Turner has distinguished three forms of equality, corresponding to differentforms of citizenship existing at different levels and informed by a different politics:

Equality Citizenship Level Politics

Opportunity Legal Person Liberalism

Condition Social Society Reformism

Outcome Economic Production Socialism

In this diagrammatic representation, liberalism is a revolutionary movement to liberate whatTurner describes as 'the person' from the fetters of legal restraint under feudalism. It givesrise, he suggests, to the notion of careers open to talent. What liberalism really represents, wewould argue, is the legal and deliberate liberation of white, able-bodied heterosexual malesand an accompanying limited social mobility for them. Reformism, in its turn, attempted tochange the conditions of competition in capitalism by the legislative management of socialconditions. Turner gives the example of free school meals as an illustration of reformism.Finally, socialism attempts to bring about equality of outcome by changing what socialistssee as the real basis of inequality, namely the ownership and control of the productive basis ofsociety (B. S. Turner (1986) Equality. Chichester Horwood Ellis/Tavistock, p . 120).Modern-day socialists stress that equality of outcome should be a reality for all citizens andnot just for while, able-bodied heterosexual males. Socialism does not of course abandon theprinciples of legal and social citizenship, but these will need to be amended, often drastically,to enhance the position of citizens currently excluded and/or discriminated against. There isan urgent need to extend access to those citizens currently experiencing denial or restrictions;in the context of this paper, the black and other minority citizens of Europe.

While believing that equality of outcome can only be achieved by changing the mode ofproduction, as socialists, we also work towards more equality within the context of capitalistsociety. This has the dual benefit of alleviating hardship here and now and increasing theconsciousness necessary for achieving more fundamental change. Such consciousness entailsa vision of a society where competitive values are replaced by co-operative ones, wheredrudgery is either eliminated or shared, where the control of society is genuinely rather thanformally democratic and where the organising principle is from each according to her/hisability to each according to her/his needs. As democratic socialists we would totally distanceourselves from Stalinist bureaucracy and lack of freedom and would embrace the concept ofself-advocacy as outlined below.

[36] Speech to the Conservative Political Centre, October 1989, cited in Cole et al, op. cit.

[37] Clay et al, op. cit. and Cole et al, ibid.

[38] The 'active citizen', initially proposed by Tory patricians in the Conservative Party in terms ofthe individual's giving up some of her/his time and resources to the voluntary sector or byjoining schemes such as 'neighbourhood watch', has gained credence in certain circles. Thepresent Prime Minister's 'big idea', the introduction of a Citizen's Charter in all areas of thepublic services to give individuals redress to grievances, is regarded by many commentators(ourselves included) as encapsulating a view of citizenship that is akin to the establishment of

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basic consumer rights and little else. The overall effect is to treat the citizen as merely aconsumer, thus ignoring her/his role as a provider.

[39] S. Croft & P. Beresford (1989) User-involvement, citizenship and social policy, Critical SocialPolicy, 26, pp. 5-6

[40] Cole et al, op. cit.[41] Ibid, p. 3.[42] Ibid.

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