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Evangelicals represent a growing and active culture ofgiving. The author defnes evangelicals, disczlsses what we know about theirgiving,advancesfie rea- sons why evangelicalsgive, and ruggem five factors that will infEzcence&ture giving. 7 Evangelicals: Linking fervency of faith and generosity of giving Wesley EL Willnzer THE RESEARCH on giving to American religion consistently demon- strates several themes. First, the American giving tradition is reli- gious in its philanthropic and charitable dimension (Payton, 1992, p. 139). Second, religion receives by far more money than any other constituency (for example, $57.15 billion in 1993) (Blumenstyk, 1994). Third, all philanthropic giving and volunteeringis dominated by those most actively involved in organized religion wankelovich, Skelly, and White, 1986; Hodgkinson and Weitzman, 1994). Sev- enty-three percent of all contributions given to charities other than religion come from the group that supports religion and claims reli- gious membership and involvement (From Belief to Commitment, 1991).Fourth, there is a strong correlation between fervency of faith and giving and volunteering. The most important indicators of who gives in America are frequency of church attendance, Bible study, and prayer (White, 1989, p. 8). Fifth, the absence of compelling Judeo-Christian religious inclinations operates as a major factor to explain the lack of giving among nondonors (Barna, 1994, p. 42). NEW DIRECTIONS FOR PHILANTHROPIC FUNDRAISING, NO. 7. SPRING 1995 %) JOSSEY-BASS PUBLISHERS 101

Evangelicals: Linking fervency of faith and generosity of giving

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Evangelicals represent a growing and active culture ofgiving. The author defnes evangelicals, disczlsses what we know about theirgiving, advancesfie rea- sons why evangelicals give, and ruggem five factors that will infEzcence&ture giving.

7 Evangelicals: Linking fervency of faith and generosity of giving

Wesley EL Willnzer

THE RESEARCH on giving to American religion consistently demon- strates several themes. First, the American giving tradition is reli- gious in its philanthropic and charitable dimension (Payton, 1992, p. 139). Second, religion receives by far more money than any other constituency (for example, $57.15 billion in 1993) (Blumenstyk, 1994). Third, all philanthropic giving and volunteering is dominated by those most actively involved in organized religion wankelovich, Skelly, and White, 1986; Hodgkinson and Weitzman, 1994). Sev- enty-three percent of all contributions given to charities other than religion come from the group that supports religion and claims reli- gious membership and involvement (From Belief to Commitment, 1991). Fourth, there is a strong correlation between fervency of faith and giving and volunteering. The most important indicators of who gives in America are frequency of church attendance, Bible study, and prayer (White, 1989, p. 8). Fifth, the absence of compelling Judeo-Christian religious inclinations operates as a major factor to explain the lack of giving among nondonors (Barna, 1994, p. 42).

NEW DIRECTIONS FOR PHILANTHROPIC FUNDRAISING, NO. 7. SPRING 1995 %) JOSSEY-BASS PUBLISHERS

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Given these common features, research shows that evangelicals provide a historical taproot and a vital engine for much of this giv- ing strength in several respects. For instance, they constitute the largest and most active component of religious life in North Amer- ica (almost one-third of the nation’s population) (“Akron Survey,” 1992). Second, a much higher percentage of evangelicals practice their faith actively than either of the two other major faith groups- Catholics or mainline Protestants (“Akron Survey,” 1992). Third, evangelicals give more. As a percentage of their income, they give about two times more than mainline Protestants (2.84 percent ver- sus 4.79 percent) (Ronsvalle and Ronsvalle, 1992, p. 23), and almost three times more than Roman Catholics (Hart, 1990; Greeley and McManus, 1987). And they give at least four times more than the general population. Finally, 80 percent of all adults who give 10 per- cent or more of their income are born-again Christians (Barna, 1994, p. 56).

The purpose of this chapter is to take a closer look a t this key group: key to religious giving and to all of giving. What is it about their fervency of faith and generosity that makes them such an impor- tant giving culture? Five sections follow: (1) an evangelical is defined, (2) what is known about evangelicals’ giving is outlined, (3) reasons why they give are provided, (4) some of the issues that will shape the future of their giving and the influence that they will have on all giv- ing are presented, and ( 5 ) future research needs are suggested.

Wbat is an evangelical? Both evangelicals and their observers have discussed how to define this group for years, and yet today only 18 percent of the general population say they can define the word (“National and Interna- tional Religion Report,” 1994, p. 23). If I were to use the term “con- servative Christians” or “conservative Protestantism” as current media do, you would probably get a variety of images-some posi- tive, some not so positive.

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In order to understand the evangelical culture, it is imperative to understand the theological underpinnings of the evangelical faith. In simplistic terms, the word comes from “evangelion,” which means “gospel” or “good news” (Inch, 1978, p. 10). At the heart of the de- fense and maintenance of conservative Protestantism or evangeli- calism is the tenacious insistence on the intrinsic faultlessness of the Bible as the inerrant Word of God (Hunter, 1987, p. 20).

The roots of the evangelical faith go back to the reformational principle of sola Scriptura (Scripture alone) as a Protestant pre- sumption that has permeated most of American life from the nation’s founding. The forms of Biblicism practiced by the Puritans, for example, endured through the nineteenth century, particularly at the level of common faith (Hunter, 1987, p. 2 1). The Bible was factual and it was assumed to be one’s religious, moral, and social guide-and few in our culture disagreed.

These assumptions started to erode when a faction of Protestants started to pursue a social gospel or liberal Christianity that aban- doned the cornerstones of the “Scripture alone” faith. Without an unerring Bible as the standard and final authority on spiritual, reli- gious, and moral matters, there would be no test by which to mea- sure the ultimate truth or falsehood of doctrine or spiritual innovations.

British historian David Bebbington (1989, pp. 1-19) has identified the key ingredients of evangelicalism as (1) conversion- ism (an emphasis on the “new birth” of belief in Jesus Christ, the Son of God, as a life-changing religious experience-hence the born-again label), (2) Biblicism (a reliance on the Bible as God’s inspired word as ultimate religious authority), (3) activism (a con- cern to live life in such a way that demonstrates and convinces oth- ers of this truth), and (4) crucicentrism (a focus on Christ’s redeeming work on the cross, that His death and resurrection pay the penalty of a person’s sin and restore his or her relationship with God, which is usually pictured as the only way of salvation).

It is important to take the time to explain these theological con- cerns because it is out of these strong beliefs that arise the motives

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and causes that evangelicals support. One of the challenges is to clearly identify and be able to research this group. According to Gallup’s 1988 survey, evangelicals had the following characteristics: They were highly concentrated in the South (41 percent) and Mid- west (29 percent), more likely to be over fifty years old (47 percent) than were nonevangelicals (3 5 percent), less likely to be under thirty (16 percent) than were nonevangelicals (24 percent), and were more likely to be either married (68 percent) or widowed (12 percent) than were nonevangelicals (61 percent and 7 percent, respectively). More evangelicals (56 percent) than nonevangelicals (48 percent) were women, and more nonevangelicals (52 percent) than evangel- icals (44 percent) were men. There was no statistically significant difference between the education of the two groups (Clydesdale, 1990, p. 199).

The key ingredient is the attitudinal fervency of faith that evan- gelicals ascribe to religion. Twice as many evangelicals (versus nonevangelicals) claim religion as “very important.” Behaviorally, they are three times as likely to attend church (60 percent versus 20 percent) (Clydesdale, 1990, p. 199). All these factors correlate strongly with people who give generously. Billy Graham, certainly the preeminent figure for evangelicals and one of the century’s most respected individuals, sums up the fervor of evangelicals with this statement: “My own purpose in life is to help people find a rela- tionship with God, which I believe comes through knowing Jesus Christ” (Centerline, 1994, p. 4).

What do we know about evangelical giving? Given the strong correlation between fervency of faith and gen- erosity of giving, evangelicals are clearly a strong giving culture. Approximately 36 percent of the born-again Christian segment gives 10 percent of their income to churches and other charities. This suggests that about 80 percent of all adults who give 10 per- cent or more of their annual income to charity are born-again Christians (Barna, 1994, p. 56).

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Evangelicals give, as a percentage of their income, about two times more than mainline Protestants, almost three times more than Roman Catholics, and at least four times more than the general population. Similarly, the 198 1 Gallup survey shows that evangelicals volunteer more: 50 percent of evangelicals versus 3 1 percent of nonevangelicals responded that “giving time through volunteer work to charitable religious organizations was absolutely essential or very important” (Clydesdale, 1990, p. 200).

Evangelical giving is generally characterized by giving to min- istries they can readily understand and put their faith in. They do not give much to causes of high culture, the arts, research, or the endowed institutions (Hatch and Hamilton, 1992). They tend to be drawn to charismatic figures like Billy Graham, Chuck Colson, and James Dobson; to organizations that meet human needs like World Vision, World Relief, and the Salvation Army and to obvious “front line” ministries such as Young Life or InterVarsity. Evangelicals generally give to individuals or projects more than institutions. They are more concerned about an individual personally accepting Christ than about changing societal problems. An example is the self-supporting missionaries of the evangelical world, as opposed to the institutionally supported one of the Catholics or mainline Protestants. Evangelicals sponsor over 90 percent of the foreign missionaries that go out from North America (Hatch and Hamil- ton, 1992, p. 23).

While most giving is from individuals, there are about 20 note- worthy evangelical foundations and scores of small, personal foun- dations. Some of the larger ones are Maclellan, Chatlos, Crowell, DeMoss, and Stewardship. These foundations give priority to mis- sionary work, evangelistic activities, evangelical educational insti- tutions such as Bible colleges and seminaries, and general human welfare organizations engaged in relief, development, or other social services. In light of the total number of charitable founda- tions, however, this is a small group.

George Barna’s research (1994, p. 43) shows that religious-moti- vated donors see true value in good work being done by nonreligious organizations. But these donors typically choose to give the lion’s

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share of their money to religious organizations because of the avowed relationship between the religious purposes underlying the work.

This helps explain the explosive growth of parachurch organiza- tions. These are ministries complementing the work of the tradi- tional church and are largely founded and funded by evangelicals. Approximately 1 5 to 40 percent of selected evangelical church membership giving is going to parachurch ministries, and in a few congregations it reaches as high as 50 percent. The growth of the parachurch movement has paralleled the growth of the evangelical movement of the last fifty years and reflects the evangelicals’ cause- oriented giving. Examples of these parachurch ministries include about 800 Christian camps across the country; possibly 5,000 K-12 schools; 100 or more evangelical colleges; 750 North American evangelical mission agencies; 1,600 Christian radio stations; 3 50 television stations; 600-1,000 rescue missions; 1,600 prison min- istries; 600 child and welfare organizations; 400 food banks; 62 Bible literature societies; and numerous evangelic associations such as the Billy Graham Center.

“The proliferation of para-local church movements and organi- zations will be one of the distinguishing hallmarks of evangelicals in the last half of the twentieth century” (White, 1983, p. 35). It is estimated that parachurch organizations have grown more than tenfold in this century. The trend a t this point, however, continues to grow and shows no sign of slowing down.

why do evangelicals give? Alexis de Tocqueville observed 160 years ago that Americans were noteworthy for their participation in voluntary associations and that churches seemed to foster their participation. Tocqueville thought this was important because it got things done, strength- ened the American spirit, and helped preserve democracy (de TOC- queville, 1956).

Most evangelicals would agree with these observations. They would suggest that the reasons behind their giving were a compas-

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sion and a work ethic driven by spiritual values that are enunciated by the faith of evangelicals. Here are five primary factors that encourage evangelical giving.

1 . Earnest concernfor the lost souls of the world. Evangelicals have a worldview with God as the Creator and sustainer of life, and inher- ent in this is a responsibility to share this faith with all the world so that they can experience God’s love and enjoy eternal life (Beb- bington, 1989, pp. 1-19). While many personal agendas come to play in evangelicals’ giving, at the heart of their concerns is a sense of calling from God to share the Good News. “Therefore go and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, and teaching them to obey everything I have commanded you. And surely, I will be with you always, to the very end of the age” (Matthew 28:19-20, New International Verszm). According to Timothy Clydesdale (1990, p. 208), “Evangelicals want people to hear about Jesus and place a high priority on evangelicalism and missionary work. For them, the highest act of caring is the regeneration of a person.”

2. Desire to preserve the nation. A second reason evangelicals give is to preserve the nation’s values that allow freedom of worship. In the last 200-plus years, there has been a steady move away from the conservative Christian faith. As historian Mark No11 (1992, p. 243) points out: “America was ‘evangelical’ not because every feature of life in every region in the United States was thoroughly dominated by evangelical Protestants but because so much of the visible pub- lic activity, so great a propomon of the learned culture, and so many dynamic organizations were products of evangelical conviction.” Today, this influence is fragmented and culturally feeble.

Evangelicals feel a moral and spiritual responsibility to resist the cultural shift that is more focused toward materialism and a person- centered rather than God-centered worldview. This creates a high tension to preserve the founding values. This drive to see spiritual values rekindled is augmented by an institutional and giving frame- work for preserving a nation that honors and respects these values. Because of this giving, political parties pay close attention to evan- gelical concerns.

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3 . Response to biblical stewarddip teaching. To evangelicals, stew- ardship is a total faith and worldview with God at the center, which suggests that God has provided all resources, God has given each person the responsibility to manage these resources as stewards, and God will ultimately hold us accountable for how we use his re- sources (Willmer, 1989). For evangelicals, stewardship is God’s order for man’s relationship to God, not man’s relationship to an organization. The opportunities to give are evidence of God work- ing in their lives to help them become the people God wants them to become through the discipline of giving.

In the concluding chapter of Faith and Philanthropy in America, Virginia A. Hodgkinson addresses the future of individual giving and volunteering with a strong indictment: the decrease in giving to reli- gion may be accounted for by “the decline of transmitting the mean- ing of stewardship to current generations” (1990, p. 302). The Lilly Endowment-funded study, The Reluctant Steward (1992), reaches a similar conclusion. It seems that a critical casualty of the current cul- tural shift is Christian stewardship, which is a significint concern for evangelical giving.

4. Taking the Bible’s instructions about possessions serious&. Martin Luther, a primary reformation thinker, said there are three conver- sions for a Christian-head, heart, and pocketbook. For the evan- gelical, there is a vital link between faith and finances, and this becomes a major reason for giving. There is no single issue more relevant to those who have been saved by faith than how they deal with money. Jesus taught that how a person handles possessions is an accurate barometer reading of the climate of the soul. Evangel- icals have incorporated this into their faith that informs all of life, including their giving. If God is not first with a person’s money, he is not going to be first in faith and belief.

Evangelicals would be in the center of the Hoge and Griffin (1 992) research, which indicates that the three most important rea- sons given for contributing were (1) gratitude to God, (2) feeling that giving is a part of worship, and (3) feeling a privilege to share.

5. To build institutions that mpport their values. As evangelicals see the general cultural values moving away from theirs, they are giv-

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ing to causes that build institutions to support, sustain, and perpet- uate their faith commitments. In essence, they have lost faith in the ability of the broader culture to meet these needs, so they are build- ing separate institutions. As discussed above, the parachurch is cer- tainly a significant part of these efforts that encourage evangelicals to give.

Key questions that will shape the fiture Most futurists do not predict the future. They make their fortune by interpreting the present in a new way: a way that makes more sense and seems more conventional the further into the future one goes. While only God truly knows the future, the strong cultural and religious shifts we are experiencing today are paving the way for a much different future than this country has ever experienced. Religion and giving to religion-including giving by evangelicals- is one area that probably will look very different. Here are five piv- otal questions whose outcome will determine whether evangelical giving will increase or decrease in the future.

1. What will be the lure toward materialism? We live in a culture that worships at the shrine of the four related idols: pleasure, wealth, professional status, and physical appearance. It is a culture of convenience rather than duty, and of avoidance of pain rather than seeking to relieve the burdens of others. To what extent have these idols influenced our quest for the good life above knowing God (Hatch and Hamilton, 1992, p. 3 l)? John Wesley expressed his concern, “I fear whatever riches have increased, the essence of reli- gion has decreased in the same proportion.”

As discovered in the empty tomb study (Ronsvalle and Ronsvalle, 1992), church members have changed from stewards into consumers. The trend toward consumerism is turning the church into a coalition of special interest groups with no overarching sense of mission. The report goes on to state that in the past people used to support the church because it was “the right thing to do.” Now the church does not receive general social support, and the members who supported

110 CULTURES OF GIVING: REGION AND RELIGION

the church are aging and dying. The data suggest that there is a monoculmre of affluence, consumerism, and accumulation develop- ing that is having more influence than traditional teachings or cul- tures of stewardship. This impact has already affected mainline churches, and it is now affecting evangelicals.

Robert Wuthnow recently discussed his three-year study on reli- gious and economic values in The Christian Century (1993). He found that 89 percent of the respondents agreed with the statement, “Our society is much too materialistic”; 74 percent said material- ism is a serious social problem; and 7 1 percent said society would be better off if less emphasis was placed on money. While 92 per- cent of us believe the condition of the poor is a serious problem, our hearts are fundamentally with the rich. While religious tradition provided earlier generations with moral values to curb the pursuit of money, the evidence today suggests that faith makes little differ- ence in the ways in which people actually conduct their financial affairs (Wuthnow, 1993, pp. 238-239). Wuthnow further elaborates these thoughts in God and Mammon in America (1 994). If this trend continues, giving cannot help but be affected. How far will this ero- sion go?

2. Can evangelicals survive the increasingly secularized culture? In the last 200-plus years there has been a steady move by the general pop- ulation away from the values of the conservative Christian faith. This secularization process has been advancing fairly rapidly over the last quarter century, which is evidenced by a culture war marked by deca- dent popular media, a university system that is suspicious of religious commitment, and a political climate that tries to exclude religion from the debate. Can evangelicals find a place of belonging?

Today, charity has been replaced in large measure by professional philanthropy that has less to do with individual redemption than with social reconstruction. The goal is not so much to help indi- viduals succeed within society as to remake society and to act as a powerful catalyst for political, economic, and social change. Mar- vin Olasky (1992) recounts how the emphasis on spiritual material improvement has shifted to support the concept that individuals can live any way they choose, without consequence. So the general cul-

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ture has shifted radically from a people dominated by biblically dri- ven stewardship to a society consumed by secularized victimhood.

Are evangelicals ready to survive and thrive in a culture where they have moved from a comfortable majority position to a taunted minority position? Will this cause giving to decrease with the ranks, or will it cause the tension and commitments to rise that will mean even more generous giving? Or will the general culture’s decline of spiritual emphasis have a negative impact on the faith and giving of evangelicals?

3 . Can evangelicals remain unified? American evangelicalism is diverse, and it would appear that it will continue to fragment because of differences in response to the demise of “Christian Amer- ica.” The diversity and demographics of the evangelical constitu- ency make it unlikely that a united evangelicalism can translate its large number of adherents into a cohesive national force moll and Kellstedt, 1995). While evangelicals are probably the single largest religious influence in our culture, they are strongest among those segments that generally exert the smallest influence in the United States (the less well-educated, the South, nonwhites, and the young). It would appear that the real influence is less than the size of the group might imply.

Another concern is the historical divisiveness among evangeli- cals. They are known for disagreeing with each other and forming splinter organizations and denominations because they cannot agree theologically on the big picture. As greater ethnic diversity, styles of worship, theological leanings, and the pressure to politi- cize the faith enter the equation, there is greater potential for prob- lems. Giving will most likely move toward being more segmented.

4. Will the lge of the mind be valued? While evangelicals decry the dangers of secular humanism, they have rarely been in a position to do anything about it. Because as activists they have not revered the life of the mind, they have not made the investments in higher edu- cation, and most of the dialogue is among themselves and not the culture at large. The vitality of evangelical life does little to reverse the pervasive secularization of American thought (Hatch and Hamilton, 1992, p. 30). This relative inattention to higher learning

112 CULTURES OF GIVING: REGION AND RELIGION

may, in fact, be a strategic mistake. In an age characterized by deep structural change, guidance-in profound and not superficial ways- is needed from the best resources of Christian theology (No11 and Kellstedt, 1995). Few evangelical institutions have responded to this challenge.

An offshoot of this failing is the turn from word-centered Chris- tianity to image-centered (or experience-centered) Christianity. This does not bode well for nurturing the kind of faith that can be renewed by Scripture and Christian tradition, even as it reaches out deeply into the culture. It would appear that if evangelicals are going to thrive and continue their giving patterns, greater attention will need to be given to the life of the mind.

5. Is a spiritual or religious awakening imminent? In the 1740s and 1 750s, biblical stewardship was revitalized through the spiritual renewal of the first great awakening under the leadership of Jon- athan Edwards and George Whitefield. As a result of the second great awakening, led by Charles Finney in the 1880s, communities met human needs by founding such parachurch organizations as the Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) and Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA), the Red Cross, and the United Way. What about the 1990s’ Will history repeat itself? Is a spiritual awakening imminent?

David L. McKenna (1990, p. 10) says, “The answer is ‘yes.’ We have the pattern of American history, the perspective of global revival and the promise of God’s Word.” In a “great awakening,” the cultural conflict must be moral and the social tension must be disruptive (p. 40). According to McKenna, people have a deep spir- itual void that yearns to be filled. Is that not what we are experienc- ing today? Increased giving could be a cause and an effect of a religious revival.

Isslces forfictzcre research and stzuty There remains a dearth of good information for all of religious giv- ing. Many assumptions about evangelical giving patterns need to be

EVANGELICALS 1 1 3

examined, both to understand their giving and to appreciate how it contributes to the total philanthropic giving picture.

There are four basic issues. First, how can one revive and sustain the biblical stewardship motive for giving among evangelicals? Sec- ond, how can a coalition culture formed along a theological belief system remain intact within the increasingly fragmented culture? Third, what causes will remain worth sustaining financially as the cultural values continue to shift? Fourth, how can evangelicals do a better job at capturing the life of the mind?

Considering the potential to raise money from evangelicals, fundraisers need to follow the same solid principles they would use with any constituent groups. Because of the cause and action- oriented thrust along theological lines, fundraisers must dem- onstrate how the mission of their organization will advance the theological concerns of these potential givers. If your cause is aligned with the fervency of evangelicals’ faith, you will reap the generosity of evangelicals’ giving.

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WESLEY K . WLLMER is vice president of university advancement at Biola University, La Mirada, California, and serues as chair of the board of the Christian Stewardship Association.