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RESEARCH ARTICLE Factors Affecting Food Choices of Working Mothers With Young Families MARY C. KIRKl AND ARDYTH H. GILLESPIE 2 IFamily Practice Residency Training Program, Affiliated with University of Washington, Seattle, Washington 98119; and 2Division of Nutritional Sciences, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York 14853-4401 ABSTRACT A two-stage data collection method (focus group interviews followed by an individual probing technique) was used to study influences on working mothers' food choices for their families. Data were analyzed using a thematic content approach through which five categories or perspectives were identified. Three of these perspectives - "nutritionist," "econ- omist," and "manager-organizer" - have been commonly ad- dressed in nutrition education. Two additional perspectives - "meaning-creator" and "family diplomat" - that affect working mothers' food choices were identified. The working mothers also revealed that they experienced guilt related to family meal- time activities. aNE 22:161-168, 1990) INTRODUCTION A major social change in the United States influencing nutrition education for families with children is that in- creasing numbers of mothers of young children work outside their homes. Working outside the home not only affects how these mothers allocate their time, but also affects how their households are organized socially, how they perceive their role as mother, and how well they perform in this role. Barnet and Baruch (1), for example, found that employed mothers spent less time interacting with their children than did non-employed mothers. Gil- lespie and Achterberg found that mothers' working status was related to their attitudes about the importance of nutrition and how much they discussed food and nutri- tion topics with their families (2). These factors ultimately affect how working mothers make family food choices. Previous research has indicated that family food pref- erences have an important influence on mothers when they make food choices for their family (3--5). Other food- related influences that have been identified include taste, cost, ease of preparation, and calorie content (4). The survey methods used in these studies were, however, Address for correspondence: Ardyth H. Gillespie, Division of Nutri- tional Sciences, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY 14853-4401. 0022-3182/90/2204-0161$02.00/0 © 1990 SOCIETY FOR NUTRITION EDUCATION 161 not designed to capture possible influences beyond those identified a priori by the researchers. Thus, some influ- ences may have been overlooked, especially those that may result from other social and environmental changes. This research was designed to better understand working mothers' food choices by exploring their own perspec- tives and understandings related to these choices. METHODS This research used an inductive and qualitative meth- odology to probe the subject of working mothers' family food choices (6). The methodology differs from most pre- vious nutrition education research (7), including studies of family food decision-making, because as Rist (8) ob- serves: Qualitative research is predicated upon the assump- tion that a method of inner understanding enables a comprehension of human behavior in greater depth than is possible from the study of surface behavior, the focus of quantitative methodologies. A qualitative approach affords greater validity in delin- eating characteristics of phenomena (such as food) that have social and psychological as well as physiological dimensions (6). Group interviews were conducted using focus group techniques (9), coupled with an individual response probing instrument adapted from the Grey Benefit Chain technique (10). Both techniques were pretested with a group of working women to refine them and to identify any biasing influences (11). Rather than using the data to test a priori theory, the women's individual responses were analyzed for themes and then relevant theories were reviewed to identify those useful in explaining the themes observed in the data (12). For the data reported here, a theory from a school of thought in social psy- chology, called "symbolic interactionism" (13), was felt to be applicable.

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RESEARCH ARTICLE

Factors Affecting Food Choices of Working Mothers With Young Families

MARY C. KIRKl AND ARDYTH H. GILLESPIE2

IFamily Practice Residency Training Program, Affiliated with University of Washington, Seattle, Washington 98119; and 2Division of Nutritional Sciences, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York 14853-4401

ABSTRACT A two-stage data collection method (focus group interviews followed by an individual probing technique) was used to study influences on working mothers' food choices for their families. Data were analyzed using a thematic content approach through which five categories or perspectives were identified. Three of these perspectives - "nutritionist," "econ­omist," and "manager-organizer" - have been commonly ad­dressed in nutrition education. Two additional perspectives -"meaning-creator" and "family diplomat" - that affect working mothers' food choices were identified. The working mothers also revealed that they experienced guilt related to family meal­time activities. aNE 22:161-168, 1990)

INTRODUCTION

A major social change in the United States influencing nutrition education for families with children is that in­creasing numbers of mothers of young children work outside their homes. Working outside the home not only affects how these mothers allocate their time, but also affects how their households are organized socially, how they perceive their role as mother, and how well they perform in this role. Barnet and Baruch (1), for example, found that employed mothers spent less time interacting with their children than did non-employed mothers. Gil­lespie and Achterberg found that mothers' working status was related to their attitudes about the importance of nutrition and how much they discussed food and nutri­tion topics with their families (2). These factors ultimately affect how working mothers make family food choices.

Previous research has indicated that family food pref­erences have an important influence on mothers when they make food choices for their family (3--5). Other food­related influences that have been identified include taste, cost, ease of preparation, and calorie content (4). The survey methods used in these studies were, however,

Address for correspondence: Ardyth H. Gillespie, Division of Nutri­tional Sciences, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY 14853-4401. 0022-3182/90/2204-0161$02.00/0 © 1990 SOCIETY FOR NUTRITION EDUCATION

161

not designed to capture possible influences beyond those identified a priori by the researchers. Thus, some influ­ences may have been overlooked, especially those that may result from other social and environmental changes. This research was designed to better understand working mothers' food choices by exploring their own perspec­tives and understandings related to these choices.

METHODS

This research used an inductive and qualitative meth­odology to probe the subject of working mothers' family food choices (6). The methodology differs from most pre­vious nutrition education research (7), including studies of family food decision-making, because as Rist (8) ob­serves:

Qualitative research is predicated upon the assump­tion that a method of inner understanding enables a comprehension of human behavior in greater depth than is possible from the study of surface behavior, the focus of quantitative methodologies.

A qualitative approach affords greater validity in delin­eating characteristics of phenomena (such as food) that have social and psychological as well as physiological dimensions (6).

Group interviews were conducted using focus group techniques (9), coupled with an individual response probing instrument adapted from the Grey Benefit Chain technique (10). Both techniques were pretested with a group of working women to refine them and to identify any biasing influences (11). Rather than using the data to test a priori theory, the women's individual responses were analyzed for themes and then relevant theories were reviewed to identify those useful in explaining the themes observed in the data (12). For the data reported here, a theory from a school of thought in social psy­chology, called "symbolic interactionism" (13), was felt to be applicable.

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162 Kirk & Gillespie / FOOD CHOICES

Population. A purposive sample of thirty-nine working mothers representing a wide range of occupations was interviewed in seven small groups. Each of these groups began with one working mother who was identified through community contacts. This woman was contacted and asked to help identify additional working mothers for the focus group. All participants were mothers in the "young family" stage of the life-cycle (14). Each had at least one child six years of age or younger and no children over sixteen years of age. The stage in the family life­cycle was held constant since this variable can affect: 1) homemakers' views of food consumption activities (14); 2) readiness of family members to receive information related to food decisions (5, 14, 15); 3) amount of time spent in food preparation; and 4) number of family meals eaten together (16).

"Dimensional sampling" (17) was used to sample de­liberately populations that varied according to location of residence; thus, mothers living in rural settings or small towns were represented, as well as mothers living in suburban areas. Five focus group sessions, each with six to eight women representing small towns to medium size towns, were completed. Two additional focus groups were conducted with women from suburban households. The participants' ages ranged from twenty-six to forty­five, and their level of education from high school to one year beyond graduation. Half (53%) of the mothers worked forty or more hours per week. The others worked part time.

Focus group interviews. A phenomenological focus group approach was used to allow the researchers to look at food choices from the vantage points of the working mothers (18). The focus group technique allows members of such a group to discuss their common experiences. Many individuals find security in a group setting, and sharing their experiences can stimulate spontaneous expressions that reveal commonly-held perceptions and emotions. This context can also lead to the chance un­covering of important concepts and understandings shared by members of the group, of which they may not have been consciously aware. Thus, focus groups are an effi­cient way to obtain insightful data about a topic such as family food choices. In this study, the focus group in­terviews were tape'recorded so that the discussions could be analyzed in detail later. The focus groups were of the

~

moderated" variety and included acquaintances (ll), since they were formed from people who met the sampling criteria and who were known to the "core" mother.

The focus group discussions centered on the partici­pants' understanding of their own food decision-making processes (19). The primary researcher (Kirk) served as the moderator (ll). She introduced herself as a graduate student and when participants questioned her further, she said that she was interested in food choices. To avoid biasing responses, care was taken not to mention that

the moderator's field was nutrition. The focus group in­terviews served two purposes. The first was to identify influences on family food decision-making as seen by working mothers. Second, since influences on food de­cision-making are not something women often talk or think about, the focus group interview helped them con­sider what influences might affect their own choices, so that they were better prepared to respond meaningfully to the individual probing instrument that was adminis­tered later.

The focus group discussion was opened with the ques­tion, "When you prepare to make a meal for the family, what factors affect your food choices?" To keep the group moving and on target, the moderator asked participants for detailed explanations on some points raised in the ensuing discussion. Additional questions were also asked about differences in food-choice decisions for breakfast, lunch and supper, and whether these decisions were different on weekdays and weekends. The focus group discussion lasted for 30 to 45 minutes, then participants were asked to complete individual probing instruments.

Probing technique. Immediately after the focus group, the women were each asked to explore their own feelings using a probing instrument modeled after the Grey Ben­efit Chain technique. The Grey Benefit Chain is a self­administered probing device that was originally used for sales training and then was adapted for market research (20). Its purpose is to systemically probe product-related attitudes and personal benefits, and how they are linked. Although originally designed for use with large repre­sentative samples in marketing, the technique was adapted to small groups for this study.

The specific probing instrument developed for use in this research project consisted of a booklet containing

My five most important It is important for me to consider when considerations making food choices because:

when making food r-------{======== choices are: I I

Figure 1. Grey Benefit Chain Form.

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J. ofNutr. Educ. Vol. 22, No.4

three pages with carbon paper between them (Figure 1). It was designed to allow each woman to probe and ar­ticulate successively deeper levels of her awareness of factors affecting her food choices. The first page con­tained the statement: "My five most important consid­erations when making food choices are: ," which stimulated the respondent to write down five consider­ations. They were then asked to rank these in order of priority. On the second page was the following state­ment, "It is important for me to consider (the first page responses) when making food choices because: __ "; the respondents were instructed to write in two reasons for the importance of each of their first responses. This was repeated on a third level by asking the respondents to give two reasons for each of the second level responses. The final result was a chain of data for each working mother that showed the spontaneous and conscious cog­nitive and emotional responses that each mother asso­ciated with her food choices. The data for all respondents showed how responses were linked, the level of probing at which particular types of responses surfaced, and the terms and concepts the respondents themselves used.

Data analysis. The data were analyzed qualitatively, using a thematic content analysis procedure (21) to iden­tify themes that appeared and to assess the commonality of themes from one group to another. To do this the responses to the probing instrument were compiled onto large sheets of paper. The 1,191 usable responses to the probing instrument were then scanned to discern themes or patterns in these data. A tentative set of inductive categories representing the themes thought to be rep­resented in the data based on the initial scan was con­structed, and an attempt was made to fit the responses into these categories. Some responses could not be clas­sified by this initial scheme, so the set of categories was modified and another attempt made to classify the re­sponses into the tentative theme categories. This process was repeated until, on the fifth iteration, all the responses were classifiable, and the theme categories were con­sistent with the empirical responses generated by the probing instrument. Finally, these themes were grouped into eight more general categories, called "nominated inductive categories," for each of the first level and sec­ond level responses and ten categories for the third level responses. ~

The next steps in the analysis involved reviewing, syn­thesizing and evaluating the set of nominated inductive categories according to their inclusiveness and congru­ence with the variation in the responses. At this time, parts of the audio tapes of the focus group discussions judged to be pertinent to the nominated inductive cat­egories were transcribed. All of the data were re-ex­amined with the set of categories in mind, and further analysis of the second level responses to the probing tool was discontinued because these responses appeared to

August 1990 163

be merely transitional between the straightforward re­sponses in the first level and the more reflective re­sponses in the third level. The nominated inductive cat­egories were refined slightly (now labeled "revised inductive categories") and a quarter of the responses to the probing instrument were categorized by three per­sons (including Kirk). Interrater differences in classifi­cation were negotiated until all three coders were in conceptual agreement. Kirk then finished coding the re­mainer of the data according to the agreed upon classi­fication.

Within each category, responses were reviewed again to identify internal themes; then each response was grouped into one of these internal themes to arrive at a distribution of reasons for making food choices associated with each of the categories. The transcribed taped dis­cussions were analyzed for verification of these categories and themes. Repeated scanning of all data to identify relationships between inductive categories resulted in more precise definitions of the categories as they were compared and contrasted with each of the other cate­gories. Additional themes that were apparent in the tran­scripts were noted at this stage. The final number of categories for the first level responses was eight and the third level responses was five. Four additional scannings of the mothers' responses and two reviews of the taped focus group discussions in their entirety were made to verify the distinctions made between categories.

The empirically-based generalizations that emerged from this process were compared and contrasted with deductive generalizations from the relevant literature in education, nutrition education, family studies, and psy­chology. Theories from symbolic interactionism were identified as useful in explaining these generalizations and relating them to a broader research data base.

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

The initial responses made by the participants, i. e., those at the first level on the probing instrument, were straightforward and unambiguous and, therefore, easily categorized using thematic content analysis. These were what might be seen as the obvious responses a woman would make when asked what factors affected her food choices. Eight inductive categories were identified in these first level responses when participants were asked to list and prioritize five factors that affected their family mealtime food choices:

1. HEALTH: including physical, mental, and dental. 2. NUTRITION: including nutrition appropriate for age

and well-being. 3. SOCIALIZATION: interaction at mealtime between

family members directed toward adapting children to the family or society.

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164 Kirk & Gillespie / FOOD CHOICES

Table 1. Priority ranking of factors influencing working mothers' food choices.

Levelt # of Times' Factors Mentioned First

Nutrition 41 40 Time 32 25 Catering 46 23 Budget 29 5 Management & 24 5

Organization Health 4 3 Season & Weather 4 0 Socialization 2 0

, 39 women each listed 5 factors for a total of 195 2 columns do not add to exactly 100% due to rounding error

4. CATERING TO INDIVIDUAL FAMILY MEM­BERS' DESIRES: focusing on providing individual food preferences, variety in food, and moods that affect what will be prepared and/or eaten.

5. BUDGET: relating to money as it applies to utilizing food resources.

6. TIME: relating to convenience and ease of food prep­aration.

7. MANAGEMENT AND ORGANIZATION: encom­passing planning, preparing, or allocating resources other than time and money in relation to food.

8. SEASON AND WEATHER: relating to seasonal foods.

Table 1 presents the priority ranking of the mothers' responses at the first level. Nutrition ranked the highest as a priority, with time and catering receiving the next highest. However, when all the responses were totaled, the most frequently mentioned food choice factor was "catering. "

Perspectives. Third level responses were categorized into perspectives. Based on symbolic interactionist the­ory (13, 22, 23), perspectives were defined as mental frameworks that involve assumptions, concepts, and ideas that shape the way a person defines particular situations. Symbolic interactionists believe that perspectives have social origins, because acquiring perspectives and other aspects of becoming human are consequences of inter­acting with other human beings (22). A perspective af­fects a person's behavior because he or she is seen to act based not on sbme "objective" characteristics of a situ­ation, but rather on how he or she interprets what he or she attends to in that situation. Figure 2 illustrates the human qualities that emerge as human beings interact, and that, in turn, are essential to continued interaction.

In symbolic interaction theory, the self is a process (13), rather than some kind of "thing" as is the ego, super ego, and id in Freudian theory. Possessing a self means that a human can be aware of himself or herself, see himself or herself as possessing certain qualities or hold-

Mothers' Priority Ranking,

Second Third Fourth Fifth

Percent2 of respondents

33 18 13 4 10 18 23 7 35 23 15 33 15 20 21 22

3 15 21 26

3 5 3 0 0 0 3 11 3 0 3 0

ing certain positions (e. g., mother, wife, supervisor, etc.) relative to others, can engage in internal conversation with himself or herself, and can act toward himself or herself; in short, having a sense of who he or she is in particular situations and, on this basis, being able to act toward himself or herself in ways similar to those in which he or she can act toward others. With each position is associated a set of expectations for the behavior of the holder of this position, which is more or less shared with others. This set of expectations is called a role (23).

The self is continually changing as the person moves through the life course and achieves, or is assigned, new or altered positions and, through interacting with others, he or she becomes socialized to accept the expectations that comprise the roles associated with these positions. A working mother must, as a potential holder of many positions, develop this self-conscious and self-reflective capacity to note the expectations (roles) of others toward her as the holder of this particular combination of po­sitions (i. e., working woman, mother, and, often, wife):

From Interaction Comes

/\ Social objects Symbols Language Perspectives

Self Self-definition Self-identity Self-control Self-judgment Self-analysis Self-hood

I~ Mind Roletaking

All of these tools are necessary for human interaction

Figure 2. Human qualities resulting from interaction (22).

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J. orNutr. Educ. Vol. 22, No.4 August 1990 165

Table 2. Third level perspectives of 39 women loaded to first level categories.

First Level Manager Categories: Nutritionist Organizer

Health 8 2 Nutrition 105 3 Socialization 0 2 Catering 30 9 Budget 7 12 Time 10 47 Organization & 3 40

Management Season & 8 3

Weather Totals 171 121

a process called "taking the role of the other." She must also note her own expectations of herself in these posi­tions, evaluate her own actions or potential actions in the light of these expectations, and note the anticipated responses of others to potential actions.

As the foregoing might suggest, the roles associated with the positions of working woman, mother, and wife are complex and, therefore, different aspects of these roles can be emphasized by particular working mothers. For example, some might emphasize those aspects of the role that prescribe intellectual stimulation for children, others might emphasize preparing foods that the children find tasty and appealing, and still others might emphasize preparing foods they considered to be nutritious. These differing emphases have behind them differing frame­works for defining situations and thus can be called per­spectives. Perspectives are particularly important for the topic of nutrition. For working mothers in this society, choices of particular foods and the ways in which these foods are prepared and presented are influenced by other members of the family with whom they interact, as well as their prior socialization in a family and into particular subcultures. These women's conceptions of how well they fulfill the role of mother (or their identities as mothers) are affected in part by their interpretations of the reac­tions of other family members to these foods and their own evaluations of it. A mother who emphasizes nutri­tious foods may perceive herself to be fulfilling the role of mother well, even though her children express dis­pleasure that they are served apples rather than candy for snacks. '

The analysis of the level-three responses to the indi­vidual probing tool revealed that the working mothers used several of the five different perspectives identified in this analysis when they made food choices. These perspectives were labeled "nutritionist," "economist," "manager-organizer," "meaning-creator," and "family diplomat." Each of these perspectives is described be­low. The last two of these perspectives have not been reported in the literature previously. Each mother in the

Third Level Perspectives:

Meaning Family Economist Creator Diplomat

0 0 3 18 5 8 0 4 2 9 58 54

76 7 4 6 14 27

21 12 5

3 0 0

124 100 103

sample used between three and five of these perspectives in making food choices. Their relationship to the first level responses are summarized in Table 2.

Nutritionist perspective. From this perspective, moth­ers made food choices in relation to some health goal or desire. They made food choices on the basis of health/ food beliefs and monitored the nutritional and/or health status of their families. When talking from the nutri­tionist perspective, these mothers were disturbed and perplexed by the "scientific community's" lack of con­sistency. Often they asked, "Whom do we believe about the popular topic of nutrition?" That this question was asked so often by these women may be related to the sample's family-life-cycle stage. Young families are more open to influences that would provide information about appropriate food habits (5). Another explanation may be that the women were expressing the conflict arising in integrating the nutritionist perspective with their own mother identities. For example, their mothers may have served bacon, eggs, cream, and butter frequently for breakfast, so serving these foods became unconsciously identified with being a good mother. But a mother con­cerned with her family's intake of fat must eschew this breakfast pattern, even though it may be an integral part of this mother's personal identity as a mother.

Economist perspective. Responses judged to be in the economist perspective referred to planning or budgeting, and allocating or adjusting food choices to meet the family income or mother's or family's standards of thrift. The economist perspective overlapped most with the nutri­tionist and manager/organizer perspectives.

Manager/organizer perspective. Responses also dealt with planning, allocating and/or adjusting food choices according to time and other resources. An example of overlap with the economist perspective was, "It makes me feel better organized if I can spend less." Analysis of the taped focus group discussions revealed "super mother"

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166 Kirk & Gillespie I FOOD CHOICES

aspirations attached to this perspective. Mothers talked about the early "working mother stage," when they had been determined to continue performing all the home­making tasks they had performed when they were not working. "My family was not going to suffer because I worked" was a comment that summarized this attitude. Many of these mothers had eventually adapted by ac­knowledging to themselves that their energy and time were limited. They modified their mother identities by aspiring to more realistic accomplishments. For example, commercially prepared foods were used for many work­day meals, and more elaborate meals and cooking from scratch tended to be done on weekends.

Meaning-creator perspective. An emphasis on organ­izing family mealtime activities to create meaningful in­teraction among family members characterized the re­sponses in the meaning-creator perspective. In this perspective, mothers viewed food as a vehicle for bring­ing family members together, for fostering relationships, and for giving meaning to life. A mother taking this em­phasis had an intuitive sense of what food symbolizes, and she made food choices that would actualize those symbols. The mother's emphasis was on using food to create positive, creative, or constructive family inter­action. The focus on interaction is consistent with Gil­lespie and Achterberg's (2) findings on family interaction from a survey of young families.

Responses in the meaning-creator category also re­vealed conflict and accommodation. Some mothers were concerned that they were failing to create meaningful interaction among family members at mealtime. Most of the mothers had an idealized image of family mealtimes, and they perceived their mealtimes to be at variance with that image. This perspective reflected their striving to achieve a mother identity associated with unselfish giving, creativity, and nurturing of individual and family growth.

Family diplomat perspective. In the meaning-creator perspective, mothers' food choices were made to en­courage their families' growth; while in the family dip­lomat perspective, choices were designed to forestall un­desirable forms of family interaction. Mothers' statements on this perspective indicated that one of their main nmc­tions at mealtime was avoiding hassles in their own and in their family s life by making food choices that were compatible with family tastes and feelings, and thus to avoid mealtime confrontations.

Since the catering responses at the first level in the probing tool were most often linked to the family dip­lomat and the meaning-creator perspectives at the third level (Table 2), this analysis helps to explain other find­ings that family food preferences strongly influence mothers' food choices (3-5). It may be that mothers per­ceive that serving their families the foods they prefer is

a way to prevent family confrontations, and/or create a setting for constructive family interaction. This response, in turn, may conflict with considerations falling into the other three perspectives and so, set the stage for the role conflict which could be a basis for the guilt expressed in the focus' group interviews.

Other influences. In addition to supporting the themes from the content analysis of the probing tool responses, the focus group transcripts revealed additional influences on working mothers' food choices. One set of responses touched on the influence of husbands. The women in­dicated that their husbands took little responsibility for main meal preparation. Also the women reported that they cooked differently for their families when their hus­bands were not home for a meal. In a survey of men and women, Schafer and Schafer also found that wives were primarily responsible for family food-related activities, whether or not they worked (24). In the current study, women commented, "[When] I cook what I like or what the kids like ... the meal is a lot simpler. Why make a big fuss when the kids do not appreciate it and are hap­pier with sandwiches?" The implication was that women believed that men expected and/or needed more elab­orate meals.

The second important influence inferred from the re­sponses was that many mothers had a sense of guilt about the mealtime activities in their households. Although husbands' influence has been noted in other studies, the role of guilt in mother's food choice has not been studied. Therefore, guilt as an influence on a working mother's food choices is discussed in more depth in the next sec­tion.

Guilt. Guilt has been defined by Pinkstaff and Wilk­inson (25) as that which:

fills the gap between the values we hold and the real­ities of the way we actually live our lives. Guilt results when we have done something that we think is wrong or when we fail to do something we think is right. Guilt is the consequence when our behavior is differ­ent from our value system.

The literature from human ecology and the women's movement reports that working mothers with small chil­dren suffer guilt arising from conflicts between their working and homemaking roles. Roland and Harris (26) explain that working women who were reared by tra­ditional homemakers suffer an inner conflict at an un­conscious level when they begin to integrate the mater­nal and working roles. Their behavior as mothers is contrary to values that were instilled in childhood. Al­though it is probably an idealized view, they see their mothers as having been better mothers because they did not work outside the home. Thus, internal conflict arises whenever a working mother fails to perform those meal-

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J. ofNutr. Educ. Vol. 22, No.4

time activities she associates with being a "good mother." In the current study, the focus group transcripts sug­

gest that a major source of guilt for these working moth­ers were feelings that they were neglecting their chil­dren. Many of the mothers experienced that feeling, particularly in the areas of nutrition, family members' eating habits, and their own time management. Many mothers felt they were neglecting their family's health. Conflict arose between providing foods consistent with individual food preferences and providing foods they saw as "nutritious." Eating "fast" foods or other foods they perceived to have little nutritional value generated guilt. Many of these mothers were concerned about the nu­tritional quality of their families diets.

The next most frequent source of mothers' guilt was their family members' eating habits. In this regard, guilt was often expressed when family members did not eat certain foods the mother had prepared. In several of the focus groups, children's eating habits were discussed. New mothers, in particular, expressed concern about their children's lack of appetite or peculiar food choices.

Guilt was also related to not spending "enough" time with families. Women felt they were neglecting their children by 1) not taking more time to bake "goodies" for the family, 2) not being available after school or on weekends to monitor their children's eating habits, 3) not spending time cooking with the children, 4) not tak­ing time to shop for nutritious foods, or 5) not taking time to plan menus. Many of the mothers reported using food to compensate for their guilt. Some said they gave sweets to their children to make up for their going out "too often" to participate in nighttime activities. They gave their children the foods the children desired as substitutes for their time. On the other hand, some said that they had become more cautious about the foods their families ate.

The guilt related to family meals may result from con­fllict between the mothers' perceptions of their families' actual mealtimes and their images of the ideal mealtime. In at least two ways this guilt often reflects clashes be­tween making food choices from the nutritionist per­spective and from the meaning-creator and family dip­lomat perspectives. First, the mothers often set serving "nutritious foods" as contrary to family food preferences. Some mothers had a sense of guilt because they seemed to have equated their families' food preferences with poor nutrition. Because they received much conflicting infor­mation about nutrition, and possibly because more ac­curate information was not easily accessible and under­standable to them, the mothers may have been unable to determine if the meals they provided their families were nutritious. Second, if a mother's perception of nu­tritious is synonymous with what she was served in her family of origin, then her meals, in many cases, may not fit that definition of "nutritious."

The conflict between the nutritionist perspective and

August 1990 167

the meaning-creator and family diplomat perspectives was also apparent when mothers observed that their fam­ilies did not eat the foods they were served. Cooking to meet family food preferences probably elicits expressions of approval from family members that reinforce mothers' feelings that they are being good homemakers (22). In other words, cooking to meet family food preferences sets the stage for positive family interaction (25). There­fore, the mothers may have felt that setting the stage for interaction that would add to their children's growth and development was very important. Hence, their families ate according to their food preferences rather than ac­cording to what the mothers perceived to be nutritious foods and, thus, these mothers suffered a sense of guilt because they appreciated this disparity.

CONCLUSIONS

That different perspectives or combinations of perspec­tives are used by mothers when they make food choices has important implications for nutrition education. Ed­ucators who are aware of meaning-creator and family diplomat perspectives on food choice decision making can better target messages toward the predominant per­spectives used by participating individuals. Nutrition ed­ucators can help women focus not only on the mechanics of meal preparation or rules of mealtimes that are rele­vant from the nutritionist, manager/organizer, and econ­omist perspectives, but also on the emotional attach­ments that can be renewed and expressed during family mealtime gatherings, attachments which are the focus of the meaning-creator and family diplomat perspectives.

It is also important that nutrition educators be sensi­tive to working mothers' guilt related to family food choices. This implies that nutrition educators should present nutrition information in a way that does not add to this guilt, but rather helps working mothers to de­crease it. One way to accomplish this goal is to help mothers to realize that meeting family food preferences need not necessarily be contrary to the value they place on good nutrition. It would also be helpful to reinforce what they are already doing correctly. D

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

The authors would like to thank the working mothers who took time to participate in this study and provide their insights. We would also like to thank Larry Williams for support and guid­ance in the development of the research protocol; David Des­chler for his methodological guidance and his input during data collection and analysis; and Gilbert W. Gillespie Jr. for assist­ance with the theoretical interpretation and extensive contri­butions in clarifying explanations of the methods and results in preparing this manuscript.

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RESUME Vne methode de collecte de donnees en deux etapes (entrevues de groupes suivies d'un approfondissement des reponses par entrevues individuelles) a ete utilisee pour etudier les facteurs influenc;ant les meres travaillant a l' exter­ieur dans leurs choix d'aliments pour leurs familles. Les don­nees ont ete analysees au moyen d'une technique qui regroupe les donnees par theme et au cours de laquelle cinq categories ou profils ont ete identifies. Trois de ceux-ci ont ete sou vent traitees en education en nutrition: profil "de nutritionniste," "d' economiste" et "de gestionnaire-organisateur". Deux profils additionnels ont ete identifies comme facteurs qui peuvent influencer les choix alimentaires des meres travaillant a l' ex­terieur; profil "de createur de symboles" et "de diplomate fam­ilial." Les meres travaillant a l' exterieur ont aussi reveIe des sentiments de culpabilite relies aux activites familiales a I'heure des repas. (JNE 22;161-168, 1990)

Translated by Lise Bertrand

RESUMEN El presente estudio utilizo un metodo de dos etapas para la recoleccion de datos sobre los factores que in­fluyen en la seleccion de los alimentos para la dieta familiar, de un grupo de mujeres que trabajan fuera del hogar. Se lle­varon a cabo una serie de entrevistas con la tecnica de grupos de enfoque y con un instrumento de indagacion individual. Los datos se analizaron usando un enfoque de temas y contenidos, a traves de 10 cual se identificaron cinco categorias 0 perspec­tivas. Tres de estas perspectivas fueron; "nutricionista," "econ­omista" y "administrativa-organizativa"; mismas que han sido las categorias comunmente abordadas en los programas de ed­ucacion nutricional. Otras dos perspectivas; "significado-crea­tivo" y "diplomatico familiar"; que afectaron la seleccion de alimentos de las madres trabajadoras, fueron identificadas. Las madres trabajadoras tam bien relataron su experiencia con sen­timientos de culpa (culpabilidad) relacionados con las activi­dades de alimentacion familiar. (JNE 22;161-168, 1990)

Translated by Maria Teresa Cerqueira