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8/18/2019 FEB Editorials http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/feb-editorials 1/24 CM YK ND-ND MONDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 2015 8  THE HINDU MONDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 2015 NOIDA/DELHI EDITORIAL U nion Minister and Bharatiya Janata Party leader Ravi Shankar Prasad calling for a na- tional debate on whether the words “socialist” and “secular” should continue to be part of the Preamble to the Constitution in the wake of the contro-  versy over the Central government using a “watermark of the original Preamble” in advertisements released in the print media on the occasion of Republic Day — which did not have those words — has set off a debate on a constitu- tional amendment made during the period of the Emer- gency. It followed the Shiv Sena’s demand that the two key words be dropped altogether from the amended Pre- amble. In conceptually adding the words to the Preamble by means of the Constitution (42nd Amendment) Act, 1976, wherein the words “Sovereign Democratic Repub- lic” were substituted with “Sovereign Socialist Secular Democratic Republic”, the Statement of Objects and Rea- sons appended to that Bill said it was to “spell out ex- pressly the high ideals of socialism, secularism and the integrity of the nation, to make the directive principles more comprehensive and give them precedence over those fundamental rights which have been allowed to be relied upon to frustrate socio-economic reforms for im- plementing the directive principles.” That the working of the Constitution shows shortcomings, that the insertion of these two words was done during the period of the Emergency under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and that the Indian ethos is ‘inherently secular’, making the in- clusion redundant, are the main arguments put forward by the ruling dispensation now.  As many legal pundits have convincingly shown, the Preamble embodies the “basic philosophy and funda- mental values on which the Constitution is based”. The inclusion of the words “socialist” and “secular” is best seen as an explication of the ideals modern India has drawn directly from the freedom struggle. Upendra Baxi, citing the great constitutional historian Granville Austin — despite his differences with him — recalls how the “roots of the directive principles” could be traced to the 1931 Karachi Congress resolution, and to the “two streams of socialist and nationalist sentiments in India that had been flowing ever faster since the late 1920s.” Even the Morarji Desai-led Janata Party government, in which the Jan Sangh was a constituent, did not think it necessary to delist these two words when they enacted the 44th Amendment to nullify the objectionable features introduced in the 42nd Amendment Act. Political scien- tists also emphasise that in the S.R. Bommai case, the Supreme Court held that “secularism is an integral part” of the Constitution’s basic structure. With or without the amended Preamble, the Indian Constitution will remain secular, but the signal the dropping of the words would send will be disconcerting to the minorities.  A needless controversy P resident Barack Obama and Prime Minister Narendra Modi carefully omitted mentioning Pakistan dur- ing the U.S. President’s recent visit to India. But that did not stop Pakistani politicians and media from “warning” Amer- ica against trying to “establish India’s dom- inance” in South Asia. Amid talk of Pakistan expanding security ties with China and Rus- sia, its Foreign Office issued an official state- ment complaining that an India-U.S. partnership would alter South Asia’s “bal- ance of power” and create a “regional imbalance.” In reality, the Pakistani reaction reflects the Pakistani security establishment cling- ing to the notion of parity with India. For years, Pakistan has ignored changes in the global environment and accepted the heavy price of internal weakness to project itself as India’s equal. Islamabad also insists on reso- lution of the Kashmir dispute as the essen- tial prerequisite for normal ties with its much larger neighbour. Equality and parity The parity doctrine as well as the empha- sis on Kashmir are rooted in ideology and the two-nation theory that was the basis of Mu- hammad Ali Jinnah’s demand for Pakistan. For a country to base its foreign policy for over 60 years on the same assumptions is unusual. As the world around us changes, so must a nation’s foreign policy. But Pakistan has yet to embrace pragmatism as the basis of its foreign and national security policies. Pakistanis such as me realise that seeking security in relation to a much larger neigh- bour is not the same thing as insisting on parity with it. All nations are equal in in- ternational law but sovereign equality is not synonymous with parity. In any case, Pakistan is India’s rival in real terms only as much as Belgium could rival France or Germany and Vietnam could hope to be on a par with China. India’s population is six times larger than Pakistan’s while its economy is 10 times the size of the Pakistani economy. Notwithstanding internal prob- lems, India’s $2 trillion economy has man- aged consistent growth whereas Pakistan’s $245 billion economy has grown sporadical- ly and is undermined by jihadi terrorism and domestic political chaos. Country comparisons India is expanding by most measures of national power while Pakistan has been able to keep pace with it only in manufacturing nuclear weapons and their delivery systems. Pakistanis are often not told of the widening gap between the two countries in most fields. For example, 94 per cent of India’s chil- dren between five and 15 complete primary school compared with 54 per cent in Pakis- tan. Every year, 8,900 Indians get a PhD in the sciences compared with the 8,142 docto- rates awarded by Pakistan’s universities since Independence. The total number of books published in any language on any sub-  ject in Pakistan in 2013, includi ng religious titles and children’s books, stood at 2,581, against 90,000 in India. The parity doctrine also requires Pakista- nis to see India as an existential enemy. Textbooks still tell Pakistani children that Hindu India threatens Islamic Pakistan and seeks to terminate its existence. Hardly any- one outside of Pakistan believes that to be true. Nuclear deterrence and mutually assured destruction usually freeze conflicts and pave the way for détente as they did between the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. But little has changed in the Pakistani ideology after the induction of nuclear weapons on the subcontinent. There is little recognition that with nuclear weap- ons, Pakistan no longer has any reason to feel insecure about being overrun by a larger Indian conventional force. Kashmir issue The notion of an existential threat to Pa- kistan is now only psycho-political and ide- ological. Pakistan has already fought four wars with India and lost half its territory in the process — the erstwhile East Pakistan, which became Bangladesh in 1971.  As for Jammu and Kashmir, one need not deny Pakistan’s initial claims to recognise that it might not be an issue that can be resolved in the foreseeable future. Jihadi militancy, since 1989, has failed to wrest Kashmir for Pakistan from India as has war and military confrontation. Islamabad should also evaluate realistical- ly its hope of internationalising the Kashmir issue. The last effective UN resolution on Kashmir was passed by the Security Council in 1957, when the United Nations had 82 members. Last year, with 193 members, Pa- kistan’s Prime Minister was the only world leader who mentioned Jammu and Kashmir at the UN General Assembly. In the U.S.’s calculations U.S. economic and military aid ($40 bil- lion to date since 1950) encouraged the per- petuation of Pakistan’s doctrine of parity with India. Pakistanis thought that with the support of external allies, Pakistan could compensate for its inherent disadvantage in size against India. But now Washington sees India as America’s longer-term ally and partner. The size of India’s market and potential for greater trade, investment and defence sales are important elements in recent U.S. calculations. But even immediately after In- dependence, India and not Pakistan was deemed to be America’s natural ally. A 1949 Pentagon report described India as “the nat- ural political and economic center of South  Asia” and the country with which the U.S. had greater congruence of interests. India’s decision to stay non-aligned in the stand-off between the West and the Soviet bloc, benefited Pakistan in its formative years. India argued that it needed to benefit from both sides in the Cold War. Pakistan, a new state unsure of its future and searching for aid to bolster its economy and security, stepped in to become a part of U.S.-led mil- itary alliances. Pakistan’s old school diplomats, politic- ians and military thinkers are now upset that they cannot count on the U.S. as the equalis- er in their quest for equivalence with India. China is already a close ally of Pakistan and cannot tip the balance in Pakistan’s favour on its own. In any case, it is unlikely that China, with its growing Uyghur problem, will remain unaffected by the global percep- tion of Pakistan as an epicentre of Islamist terrorism.  Voicing frustration with the major powers over their redefinition of their national in- terest will not help Pakistan advance its na- tional interests. Just as it has belatedly started acknowledging its terrorist problem, my country would benefit more by giving up the quest for parity with India. We should seek security and prosperity in the context of our size for a territorial state, rather than an ideological one. The process could begin with efforts to address Pakistan’s institu- tional weaknesses, eliminate terrorism, im- prove infrastructure and modernise its economy. (Husain Haqqani, director for South and Central Asia at the Hudson Institute in Washington DC, was Pakistan’s  Ambassador to the United States from 2008-11. His latest book is Magnificent Delusions: Pakistan, the United States and an Epic History of Misunderstanding.  ) Pakistan’s elusive quest for parity Pakistan’s strong reaction to the Obama visit to India reflects its security establishment clinging to a flawed notion of parity with India, when for  years it has ignored changes in the global environment and accepted the heavy price of internal weakness to project itself as India’s equal Husain Haqqani India is expanding by most measures of national power while Pakistan has been able to keep pace with it only in manufacturing nuclear weapons and their delivery systems Letter and aftermath This refers to the report, “Congress goes quiet after Jayanthi storm” (Feb.1). Today, the Congress faces its biggest crisis ever since it was enveloped by corruption, scandals and several other administrative deficiencies which resulted in its crushing defeat at the hands of the BJP in 2014. After the “letter bomb” by party loyalist Jayanthi Natarajan, one is sure that several more Congressmen will now abandon the sinking ship of the Congress. What prompted Ms. Natarajan to come up with insinuations against Rahul Gandhi only now? The timing and her motives are indeed questionable. Politics has only become a platform for selfish and self-centred politicians to secure power, a special status, wealth and comforts. M.Y. Shariff, Chennai The fact that the Rahul Gandhi, the target of Ms. Natarajan’s ire, has not responded to her letter shows that there could be some truth in her charges levelled against him. The way the Environment Ministry functions appears to be murky and laced with controversies and one hopes that there is a thorough probe into all its deals and clearances. C.K. Subramaniam,  Navi Mumbai It is the bane of Indian politics that sycophancy is expected and even encouraged. Rather than exhibiting loyalty to individuals, families and parties, when will our Ministers show loyalty to the law, the Constitution, morality and their conscience? S.V. Venkatakrishnan,  Bengaluru Gone are the days when our leaders were idealistic and used to stick to one form of political ideology. The episode, of Jayanti Natarajan exiting the Congress, shows the need for debate on internal party democracy and interference of party leaders in the functioning of the executive. The new India is witnessing a shift in the way politics will run. The time is ripe for all parties to improve their inner party workings. Badal Jain,  Jalgaon, Maharashtra The fact that there was an extraconstitutional authority in UPA-I and -II has now been confirmed by none other than a “staunch” loyalist (Editorial, Jan. 31). The case shows that there needs to be a thorough probe into the spectrum and coal allotments, the CWG, the fleet purchase for  Air India and d efence deals which were clearly done ignoring the Prime Minister and his directives. The BJP/NDA government should now be proactive and enact a tough anti-corruption law. N. Ramamurthy, Chennai Nowhere in her press conference did Ms. Natarajan allege that Rahul Gandhi had interfered in the functioning of the Environment Ministry. It appears to be a case of his office forwarding letters from NGOs on environmental matters.  What is wrong in this? A careful reading of her letter shows that there is nothing explosive in its contents. C. Damodaran, Vilayankode, Kerala Choosing satyagraha The people of Manipur are sandwiched between the thrust of  AFSPA on one side and the equally dreadful threats of insurgency on the other “Choosing satyagraha over spectacle,” (Jan.31). It is heartbreaking to mention that even after a decade of rigorous protest, neither Irom Sharmila nor any of her fervent supporters has yet to bring about change as far as the internal security of the state is concerned. Peace will prevail only when there is a genuine attempt to work towards the development and welfare of the people in Northeast India.  Yangthouba Mutum,  Imphal It was interesting to have a thought-provoking article contrasting two visually compelling images — loud military might and quiet, inner strength. Nations, like individuals, can mask their true nature. Pride in the form of the spectacle of weaponry is not necessarily a source of comfort for all. When the focus is on the ability to bring about change through  violence, the state can “mirror the  violence of the terrorists” against its own people. We all have the ability to resist injustice by not accepting it as a fact of life and not amplifying it by reacting to it.  Velayudhan Menon,  Batu Pahat, Malaysia Tiger count  One is happy that the editorial (Jan.23) acknowledges the fact that the science of conserving tigers is mostly focussed on saving “source populations” of the cat. However, a major challenge facing tiger reserves in India is the isolation of the species ( Panthera tigris  ) into 30 to 40 groups of discontinuous tiger populations across six major landscape complexes. A degree of isolation can lead to the evolution of local races. The tiger has a very wide ecogeographic range in Asia and several, zoologically identifiable subspecies have been recognised.  Again, if the “source population” is isolated, but the environment is artificially rendered favourable by man, then such a situation becomes conducive to the multiplication of same and similar genotypes beyond the carrying capacity of the particular area. This appears to be the case of the fluctuating tiger population in India: 2,000 in 1998, 1,411 in 2006, 1,706 in 2010 and 2,226 in 2014. The interphase increase in the tiger population may not guarantee its conservation. Therefore, the chief hurdle is inbreeding on account of fragmentation. One way to increase the genetic base is to have corridors between tiger reserves, so as to help in gene flow. But this is not practical due to a paucity of land. The only alternative left is in the introduction of a genetically viable tiger population from other habitats to widen the extent and nature of genetic diversity and which can be done based on data from genetic fingerprinting across reserves.  The dictum “it all depends on the green” was perhaps forgotten in the earlier programmes of conservation in India, which began with “big cats and large mammals” due to their top position in the food chain. The “tiger-deer-grass- water” link is too simplistic a relationship to be applied to the spectrum of diversity and ecosystems. In situ conservation has to be attempted on a holistic basis, taking all forms of data into account. In the ultimate analysis, it is genetic diversity that matters. India, once a tiger land, and now spending crores on ‘Project Tiger’, should now make an attempt to focus on the importance of diversity in the science of saving tigers.  A.N. Henry, Coimbatore Vanishing playgrounds It is true that rapid urbanisation, with gated communities and apartments, has now resulted in less open space available for children to play and enjoy their time (‘Open Page’, “Those disappearing playgrounds,” Feb.1). I know of a situation where educational institutions have been instructed to have a playground but school managements find ways to get around this and avoid this inspection. I am sure that the rise of metabolic diseases among children due to physical inactivity will eventually jolt the authorities into action. J.P. Reddy,  Nalgonda, Telangana It is unfortunate that a l ack of open spaces and playgrounds has forced children in cities to stay indoors and remain glued to computers and other electronic gadgets. The current generation plays all outdoor games like cricket, football, tennis on computers! Physical play is the best way to refresh the mind and is what helps children maintain good health and concentrate on their studies. It is in play that children learn some of life’s most important lessons, like learning to lose but not to be a loser, and not letting success go to their heads nor failure to their hearts. It also involves leadership and team- building skills, all of which cannot be taught in a classroom. T.S. Karthik, Chennai R.K. Laxman R.K. Laxman’s spontaneity in rendering humour and satire in a single blend remains unmatched. In 1998, he visited an Animation  Academy at Hyderabad, of which I was the principal. After his special lecture to the students, we gathered at the conference hall for a coffee break. When he picked up his plate of cashewnuts, a stray fly landed on his hand. While trying to brush it off, he said, “See, this fellow is following me wherever I go.” One of the students asked: “Sir, how do you know this one is the same fly?” Pat came the reply. “He was sitting next to me in the aeroplane!” S. Jayadev Babu, Chennai I still remember a two-frame Laxman cartoon on how road repair is done in India. The first said: “Go slow,work in progress.” In the second it was: “Go, slow work in progress.” At times, the truth is the best joke! J.K.V.R. Setty,  Mysuru I once had the fortune of meeting R.K. Laxman and asked him why there was no common woman instead of the “Common Man”. To this he immediately took out a sheet of paper from a pile, grabbed a pencil and drew his “Common Man” standing in front of a mirror that reflected the image of Mother Teresa. His explanation was that the iconic image at the back of his mind was the great lady. George John,  Dehradun LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Letters emailed to [email protected]must carry the full postal address and the full name or the name with initials. T he inequities in infrastructure could not be starker. While several schools continue to deny the most basic sanitation facilities for poorer children, a select band of them dangle air-con- ditioned classrooms and dormitories and other accesso- ries before the more affluent ones. Repeated knuckle-rapping by the Supreme Court over the years has evidently had little effect on State administrations, as the case of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana illustrates. In October 2012, the Court had issued orders for the build- ing of toilets in all schools within six months. That stric- ture was a sequel to a similar kind of intervention the year before. The Supreme Court had stepped in yet again last year, but to little avail. Matters have got no further in 2015. In this latest instance, a two-judge Bench has been constrained to spell out to the governments of the two neighbouring States as to what type of structures were acceptable as safe and clean toilets. That is proof enough that official specifications were violated both in letter and spirit. Such complacency on the part of the authorities would hopefully be history given the increase in funding for the purpose ever since Prime Minister Narendra Mo- di’s Independence day address. Not unrelated to the situation in schools is the equally callous attitude of many States with respect to the en- forcement of the ban on manual scavenging that was legislated over two decades ago. Underlying the indignity heaped on public sanitation workers, as well as the insani- tary conditions in schools, is a mindset of complete de- nial; that, if anything, compounds the problem. The detrimental long-term effects, especially upon girls, of prolonged lack of access to toilets have been well-docu- mented. Where facilities exist, they are effectively ren- dered dysfunctional because of the most unhygienic conditions in which they are invariably found. This aspect may be linked also to the ratio of toilet facility to user of 1:40 for girls and 1:80 for boys, as per norms laid down by the Union Ministry of Drinking Water and Sanitation. Conversely, the UNICEF standard provides one toilet for 25 girls and a toilet and urinal for 80 boys. The adoption of best practices in one area would critically influence beha-  viour with respect to other health and sanitation in- dicators. Schools thus play a pivotal role in inculcating clean and healthy habits among children, families and the wider community. Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu is a torch-bearer of the country’s information and tech- nology revolution. His counterpart in Telangana, K. Chandrasekhar Rao, won statehood on a promise of de-  velopment for the people. They have both committed themselves to realising Mr. Modi’s mission of Swachh Bharat. They have their task cut out. A toilet is not a luxury — not for human beings. Sanitation in schools CARTOONSCAPE

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    CMYK

    ND-ND

    MONDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 2015

    8   T H E H I N D U M O N D AY , F E BR UAR Y 2, 20 1 5NOIDA/DELHI

    EDITORIAL

    Union Minister and Bharatiya Janata Party 

    leader Ravi Shankar Prasad calling for a na-

    tional debate on whether the words “socialist”

    and “secular” should continue to be part of the

    Preamble to the Constitution in the wake of the contro-

     versy over the Central government using a “watermark of 

    the original Preamble” in advertisements released in the

    print media on the occasion of Republic Day — which did

    not have those words — has set off a debate on a constitu-

    tional amendment made during the period of the Emer-

    gency. It followed the Shiv Sena’s demand that the two

    key words be dropped altogether from the amended Pre-

    amble. In conceptually adding the words to the Preamble

    by means of the Constitution (42nd Amendment) Act,

    1976, wherein the words “Sovereign Democratic Repub-

    lic” were substituted with “Sovereign Socialist Secular

    Democratic Republic”, the Statement of Objects and Rea-

    sons appended to that Bill said it was to “spell out ex-

    pressly the high ideals of socialism, secularism and the

    integrity of the nation, to make the directive principles

    more comprehensive and give them precedence over

    those fundamental rights which have been allowed to berelied upon to frustrate socio-economic reforms for im-

    plementing the directive principles.” That the working of 

    the Constitution shows shortcomings, that the insertion

    of these two words was done during the period of the

    Emergency under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and that

    the Indian ethos is ‘inherently secular’, making the in-

    clusion redundant, are the main arguments put forward

    by the ruling dispensation now.

     As many legal pundits have convincingly shown, the

    Preamble embodies the “basic philosophy and funda-

    mental values on which the Constitution is based”. The

    inclusion of the words “socialist” and “secular” is best

    seen as an explication of the ideals modern India has

    drawn directly from the freedom struggle. Upendra Baxi,

    citing the great constitutional historian Granville Austin

    — despite his differences with him — recalls how the

    “roots of the directive principles” could be traced to the

    1931 Karachi Congress resolution, and to the “two

    streams of socialist and nationalist sentiments in India

    that had been flowing ever faster since the late 1920s.”

    Even the Morarji Desai-led Janata Party government, in

    which the Jan Sangh was a constituent, did not think itnecessary to delist these two words when they enacted

    the 44th Amendment to nullify the objectionable features

    introduced in the 42nd Amendment Act. Political scien-

    tists also emphasise that in the S.R. Bommai case, the

    Supreme Court held that “secularism is an integral part”

    of the Constitution’s basic structure. With or without the

    amended Preamble, the Indian Constitution will remain

    secular, but the signal the dropping of the words would

    send will be disconcerting to the minorities.

     A needlesscontroversy

    President Barack Obama and PrimeMinister Narendra Modi carefully omitted mentioning Pakistan dur-ing the U.S. President’s recent visit

    to India. But that did not stop Pakistanipoliticians and media from “warning” Amer-ica against trying to “establish India’s dom-inance” in South Asia. Amid talk of Pakistanexpanding security ties with China and Rus-sia, its Foreign Office issued an official state-ment complaining that an India-U.S.

    partnership would alter South Asia’s “bal-ance of power” and create a “regionalimbalance.”

    In reality, the Pakistani reaction reflectsthe Pakistani security establishment cling-ing to the notion of parity with India. Foryears, Pakistan has ignored changes in theglobal environment and accepted the heavy price of internal weakness to project itself asIndia’s equal. Islamabad also insists on reso-lution of the Kashmir dispute as the essen-tial prerequisite for normal ties with itsmuch larger neighbour.

    Equality and parity 

    The parity doctrine as well as the empha-sis on Kashmir are rooted in ideology and thetwo-nation theory that was the basis of Mu-hammad Ali Jinnah’s demand for Pakistan.For a country to base its foreign policy forover 60 years on the same assumptions isunusual. As the world around us changes, somust a nation’s foreign policy. But Pakistanhas yet to embrace pragmatism as the basisof its foreign and national security policies.

    Pakistanis such as me realise that seeking

    security in relation to a much larger neigh-bour is not the same thing as insisting onparity with it. All nations are equal in in-ternational law but sovereign equality is notsynonymous with parity.

    In any case, Pakistan is India’s rival in realterms only as much as Belgium could rival

    France or Germany and Vietnam could hope

    to be on a par with China. India’s populationis six times larger than Pakistan’s while itseconomy is 10 times the size of the Pakistanieconomy. Notwithstanding internal prob-lems, India’s $2 trillion economy has man-aged consistent growth whereas Pakistan’s$245 billion economy has grown sporadical-ly and is undermined by jihadi terrorism anddomestic political chaos.

    Country comparisons

    India is expanding by most measures of national power while Pakistan has been ableto keep pace with it only in manufacturing

    nuclear weapons and their delivery systems.Pakistanis are often not told of the wideninggap between the two countries in most fields.

    For example, 94 per cent of India’s chil-dren between five and 15 complete primary school compared with 54 per cent in Pakis-tan. Every year, 8,900 Indians get a PhD inthe sciences compared with the 8,142 docto-rates awarded by Pakistan’s universitiessince Independence. The total number of 

    books published in any language on any sub-

     ject in Pakistan in 2013, includi ng religioustitles and children’s books, stood at 2,581,against 90,000 in India.

    The parity doctrine also requires Pakista-nis to see India as an existential enemy.Textbooks still tell Pakistani children thatHindu India threatens Islamic Pakistan andseeks to terminate its existence. Hardly any-one outside of Pakistan believes that to betrue.

    Nuclear deterrence and mutually assureddestruction usually freeze conflicts and pavethe way for détente as they did between theU.S. and the U.S.S.R. But little has changed in

    the Pakistani ideology after the induction of nuclear weapons on the subcontinent. Thereis little recognition that with nuclear weap-

    ons, Pakistan no longer has any reason tofeel insecure about being overrun by a largerIndian conventional force.

    Kashmir issue

    The notion of an existential threat to Pa-kistan is now only psycho-political and ide-

    ological. Pakistan has already fought fourwars with India and lost half its territory inthe process — the erstwhile East Pakistan,which became Bangladesh in 1971.

     As for Jammu and Kashmir, one need notdeny Pakistan’s initial claims to recognisethat it might not be an issue that can beresolved in the foreseeable future. Jihadi militancy, since 1989, has failed to wrestKashmir for Pakistan from India as has warand military confrontation.

    Islamabad should also evaluate realistical-ly its hope of internationalising the Kashmir

    issue. The last effective UN resolution onKashmir was passed by the Security Councilin 1957, when the United Nations had 82members. Last year, with 193 members, Pa-kistan’s Prime Minister was the only worldleader who mentioned Jammu and Kashmirat the UN General Assembly.

    In the U.S.’s calculations

    U.S. economic and military aid ($40 bil-lion to date since 1950) encouraged the per-petuation of Pakistan’s doctrine of parity with India. Pakistanis thought that with thesupport of external allies, Pakistan couldcompensate for its inherent disadvantage insize against India. But now Washington seesIndia as America’s longer-term ally andpartner.

    The size of India’s market and potentialfor greater trade, investment and defencesales are important elements in recent U.S.calculations. But even immediately after In-dependence, India and not Pakistan wasdeemed to be America’s natural ally. A 1949Pentagon report described India as “the nat-ural political and economic center of South

     Asia” and the country with which the U.S.had greater congruence of interests.India’s decision to stay non-aligned in the

    stand-off between the West and the Sovietbloc, benefited Pakistan in its formativeyears. India argued that it needed to benefitfrom both sides in the Cold War. Pakistan, anew state unsure of its future and searchingfor aid to bolster its economy and security,stepped in to become a part of U.S.-led mil-itary alliances.

    Pakistan’s old school diplomats, politic-ians and military thinkers are now upset thatthey cannot count on the U.S. as the equalis-er in their quest for equivalence with India.China is already a close ally of Pakistan andcannot tip the balance in Pakistan’s favouron its own. In any case, it is unlikely thatChina, with its growing Uyghur problem,will remain unaffected by the global percep-tion of Pakistan as an epicentre of Islamistterrorism.

     Voicing frustration with the major powersover their redefinition of their national in-terest will not help Pakistan advance its na-tional interests. Just as it has belatedly 

    started acknowledging its terrorist problem,my country would benefit more by giving upthe quest for parity with India. We shouldseek security and prosperity in the context of our size for a territorial state, rather than anideological one. The process could beginwith efforts to address Pakistan’s institu-tional weaknesses, eliminate terrorism, im-prove infrastructure and modernise itseconomy.

    (Husain Haqqani, director for South and Central Asia at the Hudson Institute inWashington DC, was Pakistan’s Ambassador to the United States from2008-11. His latest book is  MagnificentDelusions: Pakistan, the United States andan Epic History of Misunderstanding. ) 

    Pakistan’s elusive quest for parity Pakistan’s strong reaction to the Obama visit toIndia reflects its security establishment clinging toa flawed notion of parity with India, when for years it has ignored changes in the globalenvironment and accepted the heavy price of internal weakness to project itself as India’s equal

    Husain Haqqani

    “India is expanding by most measures of national power while

    Pakistan has been able to keep pace with it only inmanufacturing nuclear weapons and their delivery systems

    Letter and aftermathThis refers to the report, “Congressgoes quiet after Jayanthi storm”(Feb.1). Today, the Congress facesits biggest crisis ever since it wasenveloped by corruption, scandalsand several other administrativedeficiencies which resulted in itscrushing defeat at the hands of theBJP in 2014. After the “letterbomb” by party loyalist JayanthiNatarajan, one is sure that severalmore Congressmen will now abandon the sinking ship of theCongress. What prompted Ms.Natarajan to come up withinsinuations against Rahul Gandhionly now? The timing and hermotives are indeed questionable.Politics has only become a platformfor selfish and self-centredpoliticians to secure power, aspecial status, wealth and comforts.

    M.Y. Shariff,Chennai 

    The fact that the Rahul Gandhi, thetarget of Ms. Natarajan’s ire, hasnot responded to her letter showsthat there could be some truth in

    her charges levelled against him.The way the Environment Ministry functions appears to be murky andlaced with controversies and onehopes that there is a thoroughprobe into all its deals andclearances.

    C.K. Subramaniam, Navi Mumbai 

    It is the bane of Indian politics thatsycophancy is expected and evenencouraged. Rather than exhibitingloyalty to individuals, families andparties, when will our Ministersshow loyalty to the law, theConstitution, morality and theirconscience?

    S.V. Venkatakrishnan, Bengaluru

    Gone are the days when our leaderswere idealistic and used to stick toone form of political ideology. Theepisode, of Jayanti Natarajanexiting the Congress, shows the

    need for debate on internal party democracy and interference of party leaders in the functioning of 

    the executive. The new India iswitnessing a shift in the way politics will run. The time is ripe forall parties to improve their innerparty workings.

    Badal Jain, Jalgaon, Maharashtra

    The fact that there was anextraconstitutional authority inUPA-I and -II has now beenconfirmed by none other than a“staunch” loyalist (Editorial, Jan.31). The case shows that thereneeds to be a thorough probe intothe spectrum and coal allotments,the CWG, the fleet purchase for Air India and d efence deals whichwere clearly done ignoring thePrime Minister and his directives.The BJP/NDA government shouldnow be proactive and enact a toughanti-corruption law.

    N. Ramamurthy,Chennai 

    Nowhere in her press conferencedid Ms. Natarajan allege that RahulGandhi had interfered in thefunctioning of the EnvironmentMinistry. It appears to be a case of 

    his office forwarding letters fromNGOs on environmental matters. What is wrong in this? A carefulreading of her letter shows thatthere is nothing explosive in itscontents.

    C. Damodaran,Vilayankode, Kerala

    Choosing satyagrahaThe people of Manipur aresandwiched between the thrust of  AFSPA on one side and the equally dreadful threats of insurgency onthe other “Choosing satyagrahaover spectacle,” (Jan.31). It isheartbreaking to mention that evenafter a decade of rigorous protest,neither Irom Sharmila nor any of her fervent supporters has yet tobring about change as far as theinternal security of the state isconcerned. Peace will prevail only when there is a genuine attempt towork towards the development andwelfare of the people in Northeast

    India. Yangthouba Mutum,

     Imphal 

    It was interesting to have athought-provoking articlecontrasting two visually compellingimages — loud military might andquiet, inner strength. Nations, likeindividuals, can mask their truenature. Pride in the form of thespectacle of weaponry is notnecessarily a source of comfort forall. When the focus is on the ability to bring about change through violence, the state can “mirror the violence of the terrorists” againstits own people. We all have theability to resist injustice by notaccepting it as a fact of life and notamplifying it by reacting to it.

     Velayudhan Menon, Batu Pahat, Malaysia

    Tiger count One is happy that the editorial(Jan.23) acknowledges the fact thatthe science of conserving tigers ismostly focussed on saving “sourcepopulations” of the cat. However, amajor challenge facing tigerreserves in India is the isolation of the species ( Panthera tigris  ) into 30to 40 groups of discontinuous tigerpopulations across six major

    landscape complexes. A degree of isolation can lead to the evolutionof local races.

    The tiger has a very wideecogeographic range in Asia andseveral, zoologically identifiablesubspecies have been recognised. Again, if the “source population” isisolated, but the environment isartificially rendered favourable by man, then such a situation becomesconducive to the multiplication of same and similar genotypes beyondthe carrying capacity of theparticular area. This appears to bethe case of the fluctuating tigerpopulation in India: 2,000 in 1998,1,411 in 2006, 1,706 in 2010 and2,226 in 2014. The interphaseincrease in the tiger populationmay not guarantee itsconservation. Therefore, the chief hurdle is inbreeding on account of fragmentation. One way to increasethe genetic base is to have corridorsbetween tiger reserves, so as to help

    in gene flow. But this is notpractical due to a paucity of land.The only alternative left is in the

    introduction of a genetically viabletiger population from otherhabitats to widen the extent andnature of genetic diversity andwhich can be done based on datafrom genetic fingerprinting acrossreserves.

     The dictum “it all depends on thegreen” was perhaps forgotten in theearlier programmes of conservation in India, which beganwith “big cats and large mammals”due to their top position in the foodchain. The “tiger-deer-grass-water” link is too simplistic arelationship to be applied to thespectrum of diversity andecosystems. In situ conservationhas to be attempted on a holisticbasis, taking all forms of data intoaccount. In the ultimate analysis, itis genetic diversity that matters.India, once a tiger land, and now spending crores on ‘Project Tiger’,should now make an attempt tofocus on the importance of diversity in the science of savingtigers.

     A.N. Henry,Coimbatore

    Vanishing playgroundsIt is true that rapid urbanisation,with gated communities andapartments, has now resulted inless open space available forchildren to play and enjoy theirtime (‘Open Page’, “Thosedisappearing playgrounds,” Feb.1).I know of a situation whereeducational institutions have beeninstructed to have a playground butschool managements find ways toget around this and avoid thisinspection. I am sure that the rise of metabolic diseases among childrendue to physical inactivity willeventually jolt the authorities intoaction.

    J.P. Reddy, Nalgonda, Telangana

    It is unfortunate that a l ack of openspaces and playgrounds has forcedchildren in cities to stay indoorsand remain glued to computers andother electronic gadgets. The

    current generation plays alloutdoor games like cricket,football, tennis on computers!

    Physical play is the best way torefresh the mind and is what helpschildren maintain good health andconcentrate on their studies. It is inplay that children learn some of life’s most important lessons, likelearning to lose but not to be a loser,and not letting success go to theirheads nor failure to their hearts. Italso involves leadership and team-building skills, all of which cannotbe taught in a classroom.

    T.S. Karthik,Chennai 

    R.K. LaxmanR.K. Laxman’s spontaneity inrendering humour and satire in asingle blend remains unmatched.In 1998, he visited an Animation Academy at Hyderabad, of which Iwas the principal. After his speciallecture to the students, we gatheredat the conference hall for a coffeebreak. When he picked up his plateof cashewnuts, a stray fly landed onhis hand. While trying to brush itoff, he said, “See, this fellow isfollowing me wherever I go.” One of the students asked: “Sir, how do youknow this one is the same fly?” Pat

    came the reply. “He was sitting nextto me in the aeroplane!”

    S. Jayadev Babu,Chennai 

    I still remember a two-frameLaxman cartoon on how roadrepair is done in India. The firstsaid: “Go slow,work in progress.” Inthe second it was: “Go, slow work inprogress.” At times, the truth is thebest joke!

    J.K.V.R. Setty, Mysuru

    I once had the fortune of meetingR.K. Laxman and asked him why there was no common womaninstead of the “Common Man”. Tothis he immediately took out asheet of paper from a pile, grabbed apencil and drew his “CommonMan” standing in front of a mirrorthat reflected the image of MotherTeresa. His explanation was thatthe iconic image at the back of his

    mind was the great lady.George John,

     Dehradun

    LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Letters emailed to [email protected] carry the fullpostal address and the full name or the name with initials.

    The inequities in infrastructure could not be

    starker. While several schools continue to deny 

    the most basic sanitation facilities for poorer

    children, a select band of them dangle air-con-

    ditioned classrooms and dormitories and other accesso-

    ries before the more affluent ones. Repeatedknuckle-rapping by the Supreme Court over the years has

    evidently had little effect on State administrations, as the

    case of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana illustrates. In

    October 2012, the Court had issued orders for the build-

    ing of toilets in all schools within six months. That stric-

    ture was a sequel to a similar kind of intervention the year

    before. The Supreme Court had stepped in yet again last

    year, but to little avail. Matters have got no further in

    2015. In this latest instance, a two-judge Bench has been

    constrained to spell out to the governments of the two

    neighbouring States as to what type of structures were

    acceptable as safe and clean toilets. That is proof enough

    that official specifications were violated both in letter and

    spirit. Such complacency on the part of the authorities

    would hopefully be history given the increase in funding

    for the purpose ever since Prime Minister Narendra Mo-

    di’s Independence day address.

    Not unrelated to the situation in schools is the equally 

    callous attitude of many States with respect to the en-

    forcement of the ban on manual scavenging that was

    legislated over two decades ago. Underlying the indignity 

    heaped on public sanitation workers, as well as the insani-tary conditions in schools, is a mindset of complete de-

    nial; that, if anything, compounds the problem. The

    detrimental long-term effects, especially upon girls, of 

    prolonged lack of access to toilets have been well-docu-

    mented. Where facilities exist, they are effectively ren-

    dered dysfunctional because of the most unhygienic

    conditions in which they are invariably found. This aspect

    may be linked also to the ratio of toilet facility to user of 

    1:40 for girls and 1:80 for boys, as per norms laid down by 

    the Union Ministry of Drinking Water and Sanitation.

    Conversely, the UNICEF standard provides one toilet for

    25 girls and a toilet and urinal for 80 boys. The adoption of 

    best practices in one area would critically influence beha-

     viour with respect to other health and sanitation in-

    dicators. Schools thus play a pivotal role in inculcating

    clean and healthy habits among children, families and the

    wider community. Chief Minister N. Chandrababu Naidu

    is a torch-bearer of the country’s information and tech-

    nology revolution. His counterpart in Telangana, K.

    Chandrasekhar Rao, won statehood on a promise of de-

     velopment for the people. They have both committed

    themselves to realising Mr. Modi’s mission of SwachhBharat. They have their task cut out. A toilet is not a

    luxury — not for human beings.

    Sanitationin schools

    CARTOONSCAPE

  • 8/18/2019 FEB Editorials

    2/24

    CMYK

    ND-ND

    TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 2015

    8   T HE HI N D U T U E S D AY, F E B RU ARY 3 , 20 1 5NOIDA/DELHI

    EDITORIAL

    Bharatiya Janata Party president Amit Shahdid well to try and quell the controversy overthe demands for dropping the words ‘secular’and ‘socialist’ from the Preamble of the Con-

    stitution. In his interview to The Hindu, he could nothave been more unequivocal: “The BJP believes thatthe Preamble, as it stands today, should remain. Thereis no need to change it.” What is now needed is forPrime Minister Narendra Modi to endorse his politicalaide, Mr. Shah, and give a public assurance on retainingthe two words, to remove any doubt about the stance of the government on this issue. The point of concern isnot whether India needed the word in the Preamble tobe secular, but as noted in The Hindu’s editorial, “A needless controversy” (February 2, 2015), the discon-certing signal that the dropping of the word would sendto the minorities of the country. While there is littledoubt that Mr. Shah’s thoughts on the subject arealigned with those of Mr. Modi, the Prime Minister canmake a big difference by distancing his government

    from the controversy fanned by the BJP’s far right ally,the Shiv Sena. Otherwise, Ministers and party func-tionaries would feel free to stoke fresh controversies of this nature every now and then.

     While Mr. Shah seemed keen to end the controversy over any change to the Preamble, he did not think thepolitical storm over the ghar vapsi programme under-taken by Hindutva outfits would derail the develop-ment agenda of the government. Indeed, the BJPpresident was intent on using the heat generated by theprogramme of reconversion to Hinduism as an excuseto push for a specific law on banning forcible religiousconversion. Mr. Shah, while defending U.S. PresidentBarack Obama’s speech on religious freedom in India,stuck to the Hindutva line that conversion is a problem,and sought support for an anti-conversion legislationwithout seeing a need for any further debate on thesubject. Actually, the divergence within the BJP onthese crucial issues is becoming increasingly evidentwith Union Home Minister Rajnath Singh saying thatghar vapsi had no place in India, even while describingMr. Obama’s remarks on religious divides in the coun-try as “unfortunate”. This is another reason why Mr.Modi must step in with an assurance that his govern-ment has no plans to bring in changes to the Preamble,or to encourage communally divisive politics. Withouthis intervention, the government and the party willappear to be speaking in different voices on issues of national importance. Development cannot bloom mi-raculously on a separate track insulated from the sub-

     versive political challenges of the day.

    End the

    ambivalence

    Pandemonium is the main currentfrom Libya to Iraq. U.S. PresidentBarack Obama dashed off from New Delhi to greet King Salman, the new 

    ruler of Saudi Arabia. Both had a great deal todiscuss. Neither can be comforted with themess that their countries have made in West Asia. Tragically, the only pathway they seemto favour is the one that would create moredistress in the years to come. Plainly, theirexample is Egypt, where both the U.S. and

    Saudi Arabia backed the coup by General Ab-del Fattah el-Sisi, and now back his govern-ment despite repression against protests.

    The murder of a young socialist, Shaimaael-Sabbagh, as she went to lay a wreath of flowers in Tahrir Square on the fourth anni- versary of the Revolution against Mubarak, isa sign of the rot. It did not stop an “IslamicState” (IS) detachment from an attack in theSinai Peninsula, killing over 30 security per-sonnel and civilians. In Libya, the Saudis andthe U.S. favour the strongman (Khalifa Haf-tar), as they did in Yemen (Abdullah Saleh). InIraq and Syria, both the U.S. and Saudi Arabiadisliked the dispensation and sought to undoit. The Saudis are driven by sectarianism —against the rule of the Shia (and the influenceof Iran). It is what turns them against thegovernments in Damascus and Baghdad, aswell as the rebels in Yemen. Mr. Obama andKing Salman cannot solve the problems in theregion. They have run out of ideas. Others willhave to show the way.

    Chaos in Libya 

    Libya. The Corinthia Hotel is Tripoli’s

    most luxurious. It has been home to succes-sive Prime Ministers, who fear for their livesin the fractious capital city (Prime Minister Ali Zeidan was abducted from there in 2013).It is also home to the United Nations mission,which held a Libya Dialogue in Geneva. OnJanuary 27, gunmen entered the hotel andkilled guards and foreign residents (includinga security contractor from the U.S.). The Tri-poli branch of the IS took credit for theoperation.

    Chaos has been the governing mood in Li-bya since 2011. Two governments claim to runthe country — each backed by militias, eachwith foreign powers behind them. The U.N.mission — abandoned by the West after itswar in 2011 — flounders to create a peaceprocess. The internationally backed govern-ment of Prime Minister Abdullah al-Thanisent a delegation to Geneva to join the U.N.-

    backed peace process. His main muscle restswith the renegade general, Khalifa Haftar,who has been running his own battle against

    Islamist militias in Benghazi under the nameof Operation Karama (Dignity). But al-Tha-ni’s government is in the eastern city of To-bruk, exiled from the capital (Tripoli) and themain cities (Benghazi and Misrata). It sits inthe shadow of Egypt and Saudi Arabia.

    The government of al-Thani is a shell. It isthe heir to those who inherited Libya fromthe West and the Gulf Arabs. Guns on theground favour others. In Benghazi, the tideremains with a radical Islamist outfit, Ansaral-Sharia, which was formed after the fall of Colonel Qadhafi. In the western part of Libya,the movement known as Fajr Libya (LibyanDawn) holds the cards. It includes the power-ful Libyan Shield of Misrata and the remnantsof the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group. Their

    Prime Minister, Omar al-Hassi, lived in theCorinthia and had to be spirited away by security guards. Libyan Dawn refused to go tothe Geneva talks. The most powerful actorhas stayed away from the anaemic processbacked by the West. It illustrates the irrele- vance of the West in contemporary Libya (theU.S. embassy to Libya is in Malta). Qatar andTurkey, the outside backers of Libyan Dawn,call the shots.

    It was only a matter of time for IS to estab-lish itself in Libya. The city of Derna has longbeen a radical Islamist recruitment centre.Its inhabitants joke that Derna has sent themost fighters to Iraq and Syria of any othercity. Last June, the Majlis Shura Shabab al-Islam, an offshoot of Ansar al-Sharia, joinedIS. It declared that it would go after the mardaal-nafous (diseased souls) that had hampered“this oppressed Islamic State.” Operational

    links are not difficult to establish betweenDerna and Syria-Iraq; fighters continue tofind their way back and forth via Turkey.

    Echoes of IS resound between Derna andBenghazi, where Ansar al-Sharia fighters takecomfort in the audacity of Abu Bakr al-Bagh-dadi’s pronouncements. From the gutters of defeat they seek the sensation of victory.

    No call for peace

    Yemen. Old tribal fissures in Yemen thatisolated the Zaydi Shia community led by theal-Houthi family have asserted themselves.In the name of the War on Terror, the long-time autocrat of Yemen, Abdullah Saleh be-trayed and killed the Zaydi leader, HusseinBadreddin al-Houthi in 2004. A reasonablepolitical settlement might have ended thatconflict, but Saleh would not have it. Fully backed by the West, he used drone strikes and

    disbursements to destroy his enemies. Risingto the bait, Saudi Arabia — which once de-spised Saleh — gave in to its anti-Shia preju-dice and backed Saleh’s war against theZaydis. Saleh treated the Zaydis as the mainenemy, rather than al-Qaeda. The terroristgroup had been wiped out of Yemen, but thenreappeared by 2004 through recruitment inprisons, experience in the Iraqi insurgency and anger at the U.S. drone war. But Saleh didnot turn his full fire on al-Qaeda. His enemieswere elsewhere. Operation Scorched Earth in2009 led to a Saudi invasion of Yemen to putdown the Zaydi insurgency. Tens of thou-sands of refugees fled the area; the death tollis unknown. There was no call for a peaceprocess. It was a fight to the end.

    The Arab Spring in Yemen allowed theHouthi rebels to join in the protests againstthe Saleh regime. Al-Qaeda, meanwhile, took 

    control of the cities of Jaar and al-Husn. A national dialogue went nowhere. The Houth-is wanted a political settlement. Saudi Arabiaand Yemen’s government succeeded in get-ting the West to believe that the Houthis werean Iranian proxy. Attention on keeping themfrom the reins of power seemed paramount.It is precisely what has failed, as the Houthishave now seized control of Sana’a. Whetherthe Houthis would be willing to be magnani-mous in victory is to be seen; equally, wouldthe Saudis and the West accept any gesturefrom them?

    Part of a larger war

    Syria. On the day that the Saudi King, Ab-dullah, died, the Saudi proxy force in Syria —Zahran Alloush’s Jaish al-Islam — fired rock-ets into Damascus. Alloush had announced onTwitter that he would “shower the capitalwith hundreds of rockets a day in response tothe regime’s barbaric air strikes on Ghouta.”The fight between Alloush and the govern-ment of Bashar al-Assad has become a minor,but nonetheless deadly, skirmish in the largerwar in Iraq and Syria. Assad’s aircraft andhelicopters continue to drop barrel bombs,killing civilians and combatants — adding upthe dead in this ghastly war. His enemies arenone the kinder, with their ruthless assaulton civilian areas now commonplace.

    Israeli assaults inside Syria against the Le-banese resistance group, Hezbollah, threat-ened to complicate matters. A skirmish in theShebaa Farms, a part of Lebanon occupied by Israel, could have turned into another warbetween Israel and Lebanon. While rocketsflew back and forth, IS released a statementthat the declaration of an emirate in Lebanon

    would be “premature.” Beirut breathed a sighof relief. Good news is rare in the region.Further north, IS has suffered two military 

    defeats. In Kobane, the Stalingrad of theKurds, the Kurdish People’s Protection Units(YPG) finally ejected IS fighters. Air strikesfrom the U.S. coalition helped weaken thesupply lines for IS, although the porous Turk-ish border provided them with so me succour.It was not enough. In Iraq, the Badr Brigade, aShia militia, struck IS in the province of Diya-la, which they liberated. Neither the Iraqi northe Syrian armies had any role in these twodefeats of IS. IS, however, is undaunted. Itslinked out of these areas and found otherplaces to nestle. An IS dash into Kirkuk took the life of a beloved Iraqi Kurdish leader,Brig.-Gen. Sherko Shwany; IS proved it re-mains in the game. Squeezed in Iraq andnorthern Syria, it might finally make its pushinto northern Jordan. IS has held a Jordanianpilot, Lt. Mu’ath al-Kaseasbeh, for a month,and threatened to execute him only after thefall of Kobane and Diyala. It has said it wouldspare his life if Jordan releases a jailed Iraqisuicide bomber Sajida al-Rishawi (her bomb

    did not go off in a 2005 attack in Amman,Jordan); negotiations over her release brokedown and IS executed two Japanese hostages.The Jordanian pilot, it is believed, remainswith IS. Tensions rise in Jordan over thekingdom’s role in the coalition against IS.This is precisely the kind of fissure that ISseeks in Jordan. A move south would setalarm bells ringing in Saudi Arabia.

    Meanwhile, a senior intelligence officerfrom Jordan informs me that the U.S. attemptto create a moderate force against IS hasfallen apart. The CIA’s Müşterek OperasyonMerkezi, set up with its allies in Turkey, isnow threadbare. One after the other, rebeloutfits have abandoned the CIA for other for-mations — most recently, the Mujahedin Ar-my joined the Islamic Front, a group thatincludes the al-Qaeda affiliates, Ahrar al-Sham and Jabhat al-Nusra. Neither the U.S.nor Saudi Arabia have a coherent agenda inSyria. They remain committed to the over-throw of the Assad regime, but are alsoalarmed by the growth of IS. The more auda-cious IS can be in its heartland, the louder theecho it sends to Libya and deep into the Ara-bian Peninsula.

    (Vijay Prashad is the Chief Editor atLeftWord Books, New Delhi. He is acolumnist for  al-Araby al-Jadeed and Frontline.) 

    The architects of West Asia’s chaosNeither U.S. President Barack Obama nor King Salman of Saudi Arabia can be comforted with themess that their countries have made in West Asia.Tragically, the only pathway they seem to favour isthe one that would create more distress

     Vijay Prashad

    “The more audacious IS can be in its heartland, the louder

    the echo it sends to Libya and deep into the ArabianPeninsula.

    Amit Shah interviewBJP president Amit Shah’sstatement that there is no need tochange the Preamble (“No need tochange Preamble: Shah,” Feb.2) isindeed a politically wise one, andlong overdue. His statement thatthere should be a law against“forced” religious conversion willonly lead to controversies. Instead,religious organisations shouldintrospect over why some peopleconvert to another religion, and inthe process try to look into thereasons why they do so. Caste, in my  view, is one such factor that still

    dogs us. Though poverty andexploitation may be the mainreasons, the state should step in andimplement programmes for theremoval of these factors, as part of aconstitutional agenda. It is only then that political and religiousorganisations exploiting religionwill take a back seat. This should bethe real governance that NarendraModi promised.

    N.G.R. Prasad,Chennai 

    Ever since the BJP came to power, itappears to be courting numerouscontroversies and encounteringmany issues and problems. It is butnatural to question the governmenton its proclaimed developmentagenda as it seems to be spendingmore time on solving theseproblems. The recent controversy over ghar vapsi is one such example.One must not forget the words of U.S. President Barack Obama on the

    need to uphold religious freedom. Itwould be good for the ruling party toconcentrate more on constructive

    matters rather than indulge in petty cavils.

    Meenakshi Pattabiraman, Madurai 

    Doctrine of parityThe article, “Pakistan’s elusivequest for parity” (Feb.2), coming asit does from a seasoned diplomat of Pakistan, presents an enlightened view — one that very few Pakistanismight accept. Mr. Haqqani’s articleis a very pragmatic comparisonbetween our two countries, rightfrom parity on the number of bookspublished, to the Kashmir issuewhich is a thorn in our relationship.

    If such a view is embraced by thestate of Pakistan, there would be nodisputes at all. Pakistan needs to“grow up” not only for its own sake,but also for the overall stability andpeace of South Asia.

    Dhanush Kumar, Bengaluru

    The diplomat has rightly outlinedthe problems that are holdingPakistan back. Since Independence,Pakistan has been trying to targetIndia for various reasons. Itsdeliberate quest to retard India’sequilibrium can be seen from itsactivities and policies, past andpresent. It appears to have investeda huge quantum of energy in thewrong directions to counter anddestabilise India. Being envious of our growth and of new alliances inthe neighbourhood will not solve itsstaggering problems. It is sad tonote that Pakistan has weak parameters of development. In the

    South Asian region, there must be agenuine balance among nations toboost economic ties and usher in an

    era of peace and amity. For this,Islamabad must stop the ever-pervasive hate campaign againstIndia and realign its asymmetricexternal and internal policies inorder to enable its rapiddevelopment and progress in various spheres. It must also closedown the “breeding grounds of terror” which collectively poseproblems to the whole world. Morethan this, the establishment muststop being in denial, take moralresponsibility for any weaknessesand correct them. There is no pointin engaging in futile hostilities andwasting valuable energy on things

    that should be invested in theoverall development of Pakistan.

     Arjun R. Shankar,Thiruvananthapuram

    Ironically, our neighbour is stillclinging to this perilous ideology,while its economy is in ruins andradical elements are threatening todestabilise the country. In order toremain relevant in an ever-changing world, Pakistan has tofocus on rejuvenating its economy,infrastructure and its educationsystem that appears to be p reachingonly hatred against India. Pakistanshould view India as a friend andnot as a foe; that will be a movebeneficial to both countries.

     Vishal Banga, Ambala

    It is not so common to find articlesquite pragmatic and frank, and froma Pakistani diplomat! Pakistanshould shed its delusion of being on

    a par with India. India is firmly onthe path to progress anddevelopment despite Pakistan. It

    wouldn’t hurt Pakistan to take thecue from India. Enlightened peoplelike Mr. Haqqani should helpPakistan get out of its ivory tower.

    Haritha Chaganti, Hyderabad 

    Sanitation in schoolsThe construction of a toilet is only the first step in a process (Editorial,Feb. 2). Thought has to be given tomaintenance and its emptying, aswell as the safe confinement andeventual treatment of waste. Iwould like to use this space tohighlight the work done by acolleague, S. Paramasivan at

    ‘Wherever the Need India Services’based in Puducherry, which hasresulted in over 26,000schoolchildren, many of them girls,now having access to eco-toiletsthat should have an indefinite lifecycle due to the way they have beenconstructed and managed. Thechildren will become agents of change for families/villages, and thehygiene message cast even wider.

    David Crosweller,Westbury, U.K.

     At admission time and just after theboard examinations, one comesacross lists of an ever-increasingnumber of schools and educationalinstitutes being opened onsprawling campuses with every classroom fitted out with dozens of fans/lights, and toilets on every floor. At the same time, and away from the media glare, there areschools in many parts of the country where buildings are non-existent,

    and where there are no propersanitation facilities or evenelectricity. The government’s

    initiative to build more toilets islaudable, but merely constructingmore structures is not going to beworthwhile if they cannot be used,and only add to statistics.It is important to keep existingtoilets clean and usable. At the sametime, there must be education onhygiene and regular awarenesscampaigns so that people’sbehaviour changes. Toilet use mustbe encouraged, which will helpIndia achieve its goal of becomingopen defecation free (ODF) by 2019.Good sanitation will ensure thatchildren inculcate good sanitationhabits early in life and bring about a

    positive change.T.S. Karthik,

    Chennai 

    Glory in tennis  To accomplish what Leander Paeshas done at age 41 is an incrediblefeat of human perseverance anddurability. In a sport where one whois “30-something” will beconsidered “old”, this is almostsurreal. This is even moreincredible coming as it does from asportsman who is not from atraditional tennis-playing nation.Even though he has bagged 15 titlesin the doubles format it doesn’tmake it any less anaccomplishment. Paes achievedglory with Martina Navratilova andhas now achieved another with theother Martina and the formerqueen of tennis — Martina Hingis.It’s time we gave him his due andspoke of him in the same breath as aTendulkar or a Dhyan Chand. He is

    the icon of Indian tennis. Anoop Hosmath,

     Mysuru

    LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Letters emailed to [email protected] carry the fullpostal address and the full name or the name with initials.

    India’s intercontinental ballistic missile, Agni V,has been turned into an even more potent weap-on of war. On Saturday, the Defence Researchand Development Organisation (DRDO)demon-

    strated that this missile, capable of sending a nuclear

    warhead to targets over 5,000 km away — thereby bringing much of China within its reach — could belaunched from a truck-mounted canister. The ability tomove ballistic missiles around makes it difficult for anenemy to locate and destroy them. Placed in canisters,the missiles can be easily transported and launchedwith great rapidity in all sorts of weather conditions.The canisters have another advantage as well — they make decoys possible. While these large truck-bornemissile containers can be detected by spy satellitespassing overhead and may well be noticed by observerson the ground, it will be impossible to tell those thatactually carry missiles from ones that are empty. Thus,any attempt at a first strike to take out India’s nuclear-armed missiles becomes far more uncertain and there-fore a risky undertaking for any adversary.

    However, launching a missile from a canister is moredifficult, especially when it involves a large missile likethe Agni V. The missile must be ejected from thecontainer, using a gas generator, before its first stagecan be ignited. Although the DRDO had previously carried out canister launches with the BrahMos super-

    sonic cruise missile and the 700-km-range Shouryamissile, launching the Agni V in a similar fashion wasstill a considerable technological challenge. Hurlingthis 17-metre-long, 50-tonne missile clear of its con-tainer requires far greater force, which must be provid-ed by large amounts of gas produced very rapidly. Indoing so, neither the missile nor its launch systemshould be damaged. Saturday’s flawless launch showsthat the country’s defence scientists have indeed mas-tered this complex technology. Three successive Agni V flight tests have gone without a hitch over the last threeyears and DRDO officials say the missile will be ready for induction into service after just one more trial,which will be carried out later this year. However,India’s strategic planners will need to bear in mind thefact that Pakistan and China have deployed nuclearweapons on their missiles in a way that goes beyondconventional nuclear deterrence. Rather, their strategy appears to create ambiguities over the escalation of aconventional conflict into a nuclear one. Consequently,enhancement of this country’s long-range ballistic mis-sile capabilities must go hand-in-hand with proper

    planning to deal with situations that might lead to suchapocalyptic weapons of mass destruction beinglaunched.

     An ICBM becomes

    more versatile

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    CMYK

    ND-ND

     WE DN ES DA Y, FE BR UA RY 4, 20 15

    8   T HE HI N D U WE D N E SD A Y, F E B RU A RY 4, 20 1 5NOIDA/DELHI

    EDITORIAL

     A fortnight after surprising the markets with a

    0.25 percentage point cut in benchmark in-

    terest rates, the Reserve Bank of India has

    opted for a standstill policy on rates in its

    bimonthly monetary policy review, which is along ex-

    pected lines. When it cut rates on January 15, the RBI

    had clearly said that any further easing would be con-

    tingent upon data confirming the disinflationary trend

    and sustained high-quality fiscal consolidation. Given

    that there has been no significant development on

    either front, the central bank has decided to maintain

    an unchanged stance on interest rates. However, to

    improve liquidity, and in line with its policy of lowering

    the Statutory Liquidity Ratio to increase availability of 

    funds for infrastructure lending, the RBI has reduced

    SLR by 0.50 percentage points to 21.50 per cent. This is

    expected to release about Rs.45,000 crore into the

    system. While the RBI is doing its bit to reduce lending

    cost and increase funds availability, banks seem reluc-

    tant to pass on the benefit to borrowers. After the RBI

    reduced rates last fortnight, only a couple of banks have

    so far attempted to reduce their lending rates. Though

    the transmission of policy rates by banks is always

    sluggish in the down-cycle, the current reluctance by 

    banks is striking and is a direct result of the strain

    caused on their balance-sheets by non-performing as-

    sets (NPAs).

    Meanwhile, the RBI’s bias towards further easing of 

    rates is very clear, but the downward momentum will

    be determined by the pace of disinflation and the gov-

    ernment’s fiscal stance in the coming Budget. Though

    inflationary expectations are at their lowest in 21

    months, the risks stem from the traditional upswing in

    food prices at the onset of summer, the progress of the

    monsoon and a turnaround in global crude oil prices

    that have already rebounded from their lows in the last

    couple of days. The RBI will also be closely watching

    the government’s fiscal math and its commitment to

    keep the deficit within targeted levels. While the cur-

    rent account deficit is projected at a very comfortable

    1.3 per cent of GDP for 2014-15, exports could suffer in

    the coming months thanks to the problems in the

    eurozone, which is India’s largest trading partner. The

    central bank also has reasons to be wary about the

    effects of the quantitative easing programme of the

    European Central Bank on India’s financial and cur-

    rency markets. The projection of 6.5 per cent growth in

    GDP in 2015-16 is realistic, but a lot depends on the

    return of investment momentum and increase in con-

    sumption, both of which are sluggish at this point in

    time. Cautious optimism could well be the catchphrase

    to describe the country’s economic prospects in the

    near-term.

    On expected

    lines

    Since it was passed by Parliament inSeptember 2013, the Right to FairCompensation and Transparency inLand Acquisition, Rehabilitation

    and Resettlement Act (LARR) has been crit-icised from all sides. Farmers and socialmovements have argued that LARR failed toadequately compensate land losers, con-tained large loopholes such as exemptingirrigation projects, and, most importantly,continued to allow land acquisition for pri-

     vate companies. Industrialists, developers,and State governments, on the other hand,have complained that the bill would delay projects, increase the costs of land acquisi-tion, and impede economic growth. It was nosecret that the government shared the latter view, and it was no surprise when it dilutedmany of LARR’s key provisions through anordinance issued on December 31.

    The ordinance effectively eliminates themain features of LARR that gave rural peoplesome protection from arbitrary disposses-sion. First, it removes the requirement thatthe government must obtain the consent of 80 per cent of affected people before takingtheir land for a private project and, and 70per cent of affected people for public-privatepartnership project. The ordinance thus re-stores the ability of the government to ac-quire land for any private purpose it likes,with no need to win the support of the affect-ed. Second, the ordinance eliminates the So-cial Impact Assessments (SIA) that LARR had mandated as a precondition for proceed-ing with land acquisition. This restores theability of the government to dispossess land

    from people without even assessing its nega-tive consequences, much less weighing themagainst projected benefits.

     Without SIAs, there is no way to evendetermine who is affected, thus under-mining the bill’s promise that non-land own-ers — such as labourers, sharecroppers,artisans, and fishworkers — will also be com-pensated. In addition to these major chang-es, the ordinance increases the amount of time that a government or company cankeep unutilised land, and removes LARR’sstrong penalties for non-complying officials.By making these sweeping changes throughan ordinance, the government has under-mined, by executive fiat, the spirit of a legis-lative act that was passed with bipartisansupport after seven years of public debateand revision.

     What is surprising is the justificationsome academics have offered for this un-democratic move. Defending the ordinancein these pages (“Improving an unworkablelaw,” January 7, 2015), the writer, Sanjoy Chakravorty, argued that it would helpfully keep down the cost of land acquisition,

    which LARR had raised to “unsustainablelevels.” Claiming that LARR had created a

    “windfall for land-losers” by doubling orquadrupling land prices, Mr. Chakravorty argued that the ordinance, while keepinggenerous compensation levels in place,would helpfully reduce the indirect costsentailed by conducting SIAs and obtainingconsent from affected people. With India’speri-urban land prices among the highest inthe world, he still worries that compensationlevels are too high, and “may make many public projects unaffordable and privateprojects uncompetitive.” His solution is tolet States come up with their own policesbased on “clear analysis and hard, detailedwork.”

    Calculating compensation

    But there are several problems with hisanalysis. The first is that it paints a mislead-ing picture of how compensation is calculat-ed under LARR. While Mr. Chakravorty is

    right that land prices have skyrocketed inrecent years, he is wrong to suggest that thisforms the basis of how farmers are compen-sated under LARR. Like the Land Acquisi-tion Act that preceded it, LARR takes as itsstarting point the land’s assessed market val-ue — what is known as the “circle rate.” Thecircle rate is based on the land’s past agricul-tural value and not its potential value asindustrial, commercial, or residential land.It is no secret that it is kept deliberately low to minimise stamp duty. The difference be-tween the circle rate and the market rate isusually vast. The Greater Noida IndustrialDevelopment Authority (GNIDA), for exam-ple, became notorious for acquiring land atRs.820 per square metre and reselling it todevelopers at Rs.35,000. This itself was afraction of the ultimate price of the high-endflats to be built on the land. But GNIDA wasnot alone — this is the common practice of urban development authorities and indus-

    trial development corporations across thecountry.

    Capturing the huge gap between marketprices and compensation prices is, in fact,the primary motive behind much land acqui-sition in India today. We might call this gapthe “dispossession windfall” — it exists only because the government is willing to forcefarmers into selling, and provides a subsidy to whoever receives the land. The transpar-ent injustice of this practice was one factorbehind widespread farmer protests that fi-nally pressured the United Progressive Alli-ance (UPA) into passing LARR. But it isimportant to note that LARR did not elim-inate the dispossession windfall. LARR’scompensation formula involves multiplyingthe circle rate — not the market rate — by two in urban areas and four in rural areas (adistinction, moreover, it leaves for States toestablish). Although one might argue thatthis multiplier is arbitrary, it certainly doesnot bring compensation prices up to market

    prices. To argue that farmers are reaping awindfall from LARR, and that the govern-ment must reduce the costs for private de- velopers is to reverse reality. It is still privatecompanies — and government agencies —that are reaping the dispossession windfall.Mr. Chakravorty’s argument amounts to adefence of using eminent domain to gener-ate corporate super-profits.

    In the name of development

    The second problem in this analysis is thatby focussing on prices, it evades the morefundamental question of politics: why should a democratic government forcibly take land from farmers and give it to privatecompanies? Since at least the English enclo-sures, governments have justified takingland from one group to give to another (usu-ally wealthier) group with claims to be fulfill-ing a “public” or “national” purpose. In thelast century, this has usually been done in

    the name of development. Most economistsassume that any “higher value” land use thanagriculture constitutes development andthus a public purpose. But what constitutesdevelopment, and whether that develop-ment is a “public purpose” worthy of dis-possessing farmers, is not a technical or evena legal question, but a political one. And it is apolitical question that should be put in his-torical perspective.

    During the post-Independence years, theIndian state mostly acquired land for publicsector projects. Land acquisition for private

    companies was legal under the Land Acqui-sition Act, but was limited in practice due tothe prevalence of a development model inwhich the public sector built infrastructureand controlled the “commanding heights” of the economy. Most land acquisition was forpublic sector dams, mines, and industry. While tens of millions of people were dis-possessed of their land for these projects, theNehruvian state was fairly effective at con- vincing the public that these projects servedthe national interest in state-led develop-ment. Eventually, people began to point outthat this development involved dispossess-ing farmers and Adivasis with scandalously little compensation. And by the 1980s,groups like the Narmada Bachao Andolanbegan to pose the more fundamental ques-tion: development for whom?

    Climate of dispossession

    This question has only become more rele- vant since economic liberalisation promptedState governments to start acquiring land forprivate companies on a large scale. The re-forms of the early 1990s gave greater impor-

    tance to the private sector, which begandemanding land not just for manufacturing(which remained fairly stagnant), but for re-al estate, mineral extraction, and all mannerof infrastructure under public–private part-nership (PPP) agreements. State govern-ments, now competing with each other forthis investment, began systematically ac-quiring land for private companies for al-most any private purpose that constituted“growth,” whether elite housing colonies,hotels, private colleges, or Formula 1 racetracks. This new regime of dispossession re-ached scale in the mid-2000s with SpecialEconomic Zones and the practice of urbandevelopment authorities simply auctioningoff acquired land to private developers. Cap-turing the dispossession windfall itself be-came the purpose of land acquisition as Stategovernments quietly morphed into land bro-kers for private capital. The flagrant injustic-es of this land brokering produced the “landwars” of the last 10 years, and generated thepolitical pressure for LARR.

    The question now facing India is aboutpolitics, not prices: should the government

    systematically redistribute land from thepoor to the wealthy? Advocates of liberal-isation say yes, ironically conceding thatgrowth in a “free market” economy requiresgovernment expropriation of private prop-erty. They claim that this growth will trickledown to the poor, including those rural peo-ple asked to give their land for it. They areoften not squeamish in admitting that de-mocracy is an impediment to this economicmodel. Farmers, on the other hand, have voiced their scepticism, arguing not only that they are undercompensated but alsothat the profit of private companies is not apublic purpose. They express doubt that spe-cial economic zones (SEZ), hi-tech parks andreal estate colonies represent “develop-ment” that will provide them with jobs orother benefits. And they have used the in-stitutions of electoral democracy to chal-lenge their dispossession. The farmerprotests of the last decade, in short, repre-sent a basic disagreement over the meaningof both development and democracy.

    The current government has ambitiousplans to push forward rapid growth throughprivate investment in mega-projects such asindustrial corridors, smart cities, and thelike. It has now shown that it is willing tosubvert the democratic process to get theland for it. The most worrying question isthis: when the next round of farmer protesterupts, what other threats to democracy arein store?

    (Michael Levien is assistant professor of   sociology at Johns Hopkins University,Baltimore, U.S.) 

    Dispossession, development and democracy  While liberalisation’s backers are not squeamishin admitting that democracy is an impediment tothe free market economic model, farmers who aredispossessed of land argue that they areundercompensated and that the profit of privatecompanies is not a public purpose

    Michael Levien

    “Capturing the dispossession windfall itself became the

    purpose of land acquisition as State governments quietly

    morphed into land brokers for private capital.

    Vandalism in DelhiThis is the kind of news that disturbsyou and makes you insecure in yourown country (“Another Delhichurch vandalised”, Feb.3). As aChristian, I wish to express my strong grief and fear as the silence of the Prime Minister on such growingacts of intolerance is both grave andfrightening. I wonder how one

    cannot say anything when one’sparty men come out withstatements aimed at polarisingcommunities in India. It is diversity that has made India stand tall allthis while. Leaders who makeignorant and vicious statements forshort-term political gains mustremember that the venom they areinjecting today into people’s mindswill continue to cause grave hurt forgenerations together.

     Ambili Thomas, New Delhi 

    I feel the media are being toosensationalist. Have the media everraised the same level of concernthey have over this attack whentemples were destroyed? I feel themedia are only attempting to exploitminority sentiments by makingunwarranted statements implyingthat under the BJP, minorities areunsafe. There is absolutely noevidence of this. Hinduism, by 

     virtue of its values, is secular.Satheesh Kumar R.,

     Mangaluru

    BJP on AAPThe BJP is apparently gettingunnerved by the AAP’s confidenceand hence is being relentless in itsattack, the latest salvo being that“AAP sourced hawala money”(Feb.3). One has to pose thisquestion to the BJP. Has anyonedared question the crores of rupeesspent by the BJP on its election

    campaign in 2014? It was “carpetbombing” in terms of advertisements, media coverage,back-to-back campaigning andmoney spent. Even the ElectionCommission was wonderstruck asthe amount of money spent wasmuch higher than the limits set. Why target only the AAP? It is alsoevident that the governmentmachinery is being utilised by theBJP to make an impact in the Delhi Assembly election. Is it desperation,nervousness or supreme arrogancethat is driving the BJP’s actions?

    Balasubramaniam Pavani, Secunderabad 

    Probing 1984 riotsThis refers to reports of thegovernment being open to areopening of the 1984 Sikh riotscases. I am deeply aggrieved to seethat the carnage that shattered theentire country from within has beenpoliticised by successive

    governments only to gain politicalmileage. The Congress has already inflicted many festering wounds on

    the Sikh psyche. Under noextenuating circumstance can themassacre be condoned. It has notonly besmirched the fair face of India but also opened a Pandora’sbox of issues about the intent of political leaders who haveattempted to further their interestsby politicising the riots. Thedecision to probe the riots afresh isheartening, and it is hoped that the

    perpetrators will get befittingretribution, and their hubris will bedemolished. But if the step has only been taken to propitiate Sikhs as anelection gimmick, then it will only add insult to the injury of those whohave borne the deadly brunt of the riots.

    Shiv Sethi, Ferozpur, Punjab

    Ranipet tragedyEven today we talk emotionally about the Bhopal gas tragedy —rightly so — and lament theinadequacy of compensation. Butnearer home, we appear to be totally indifferent to the enormous damagecaused by unacceptable levels of pollution. It was shocking to know how chromium-bearing waste fromthe leather industry hascontaminated the water table inRanipet, causing irreparable healthhazards to residents (Some editions,“Two decades of callousness,”

    Feb.3). How will they be evercompensated? One can recollect thelone and valiant battle by an

    advocate in Vellore, ‘Shri PS’, intrying to stop the pollution fromtanneries and chemical factories in Vellore district. Ranipet has thedubious distinction of being one of the most polluted regions on earth. Iwonder how residents haveaccepted this without any protest.

     V. Balasubramanian, Bengaluru

     As a former scientist with theCentral Leather Research Institute,Chennai and Editor of Leather Markets Monthly  journal, I wish tosay that newspaper reports give theimpression that tanners in TamilNadu have been callous, have nottaken sufficient measures and thatthe Tamil Nadu Pollution ControlBoard has not followed stringentrules and regulations. It is the otherway round. Of all the tanners inIndia, it is the tanners in TamilNadu who have spent huge amountsin treating tannery effluents. As aresult of the huge cost incurred intreating tannery effluent, the cost of tanning is very high in Tamil Nadu.

    The Central government hasdeclared leather to be a “focus area”under the “Make in India”campaign, and the industry isgetting ready to reach an exporttarget of $27 billion in the next fiveyears. Tanning is at the core of theleather industry. It is the Central

    government that must bear 50 percent of the cost of construction andmaintenance of effluent treatment

    plants. The current method of aeration of effluents needs to bechanged to a marine outlet modewhich is less expensive and easier toadapt. In Italy, tannery effluents arelet out into the sea, after dilution,two or three kilometres away fromthe shore. Gujarat follows thismethod for its chemical andpharmaceutical industrial effluents.

     V.N. Mohamed Hussain,

    Chennai 

    The Chemical Industries Association, based in Chennai, andof which I am the secretary, wouldlike to express its concern overfrequent instances of industrialaccidents in Tamil Nadu. Almost allsuch accidents take place due to thenon-observance of even minimalsafety standards. Workers are rarely trained in safety measures and onmany occasions are not provided thenecessary safety uniforms and kits.Industrial safety regulations arewell standardised and carefully developed over the years.Government departments like theelectrical, boiler and factory inspectorates, health departmentand pollution control board areduty-bound to monitor factoriesand ensure that the rules andprocedures are followed. The case inRanipet shows that enforcementofficials should also be held

    responsible for accidents.N.S. Venkataraman,

    Chennai 

    LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Letters emailed to [email protected] carry the fullpostal address and the full name or the name with initials.

    The purported beheading by Islamic State (IS)

    of two Japanese journalists, and its warning

    that Japan would be one of its military targets

    in future, pose a challenge to Prime Minister

    Shinzo Abe’s government. Its impact would perhapsmark a critical shift in Japanese foreign policy and

    public opinion. Japan has largely been insulated from

    international terrorism in the past decade and radical

    Islam has little or almost nil hold in the country. Ja-

    pan’s pacifism is embodied in its Constitution of 1946,

    through which it has renounced war and outlawed

    belligerent responses to international disputes. Japan

    does not maintain an army with war potential, except

    for the de facto Japan Self-Defence Forces (JSDF) that

    is intended to maintain peace and order. With a pacifist

    foreign policy that strongly distances itself from mil-

    itaristic ventures, why is Japan now a target of Islamic

    terrorism?

    The fact is that Japan’s foreign policy has been un-

    dergoing several changes in the past few years. Prime

    Minister Abe, a conservative-nationalist, has been

    gradually rewriting the pacifist Constitution, especially 

    since his 2012 re-election. The defence budget was

    considerably enhanced, the ban on arms exports was

    lifted and the capabilities of the JSDF were expanded.

     A reinterpretation of Article 9 of the Constitution now 

    allows Japan to use force to defend its allies underattack. Also, Japan’s relations with the Middle East are

    becoming more central — and controversial. Being a

    resource-poor country, it is one of the largest impor-

    ters of crude oil from the region. Political stability in

    the Middle East is in Japan’s own interests. Mr. Abe,

    during his recent visits to Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon,

    Israel and Palestine, pledged $200 million in non-

    military aid for countries fighting IS. He also promised

    humanitarian and infrastructure assistance for those

    fighting terrorism, as well as for refugees displaced

    from Syria and Iraq following IS activity. Mr. Abe’s

    attempts to gain prominence on the international stage

    by playing a bigger role in the West’s counter-terrorism

    policy has clearly drawn bitter reactions from IS, as

    reflected in the outrageous beheadings. With the wide-

    spread shock at these recent events, the Japanese pub-

    lic will be faced with important questions on how to

     judge Prime Minister Abe’s proactive and gradually 

    militarised foreign policy. Regardless, Mr. Abe has u ne-

    quivocally stated that the country “will not give in to

    terrorism” and will “work alongside the international

    community to make them pay for their sins.” It isevident that Japan’s emerging foreign policy is in for

    some testing times.

    Terrorismthreatens Japan

    CARTOONSCAPE

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    CMYK

    ND-ND

    THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 5, 2015

    8   T HE HI N D U T HU RS D AY, F E B RU A RY 5 , 20 1 5NOIDA/DELHI

    EDITORIAL

    The government can justifiably feel a sense of 

    relief at the success of the recent round of 

    Coal India Limited (CIL) disinvestment

    which has brought in some much-needed

    funds to its anaemic coffers. In what was the biggest

    equity offering ever in the country, the offer for sale of 

    10 per cent of its stake in CIL fetched the government a

    whopping Rs.24,557 crore, more than half of the bud-

    geted proceeds of Rs.43,425 crore from disinvestment

    this fiscal year. To put the CIL sale in perspective, the

    government had managed to raise just Rs.1,719 crore

    until now in this fiscal through the sale of shares in

    Steel Authority of India. If the government is to keep its

    promise of keeping the fiscal deficit at 4.1 per cent of 

    GDP in 2014-15, achieving the budgeted revenues from

    disinvestment is crucial. The budgeted fiscal deficit for

    the entire year was exceeded in the first nine months

    until December 2014 since tax revenues did not grow at

    the expected pace. The government will also have to

    look at non-tax revenues such as from disinvestment to

    fill the fiscal hole. Hence the spectrum auction, coming

    up in March, and the disinvestment in other PSUs such

    as ONGC and NHPC, assume great importance.

    The CIL disinvestment may not have been so suc-

    cessful but for some generous help from domestic in-

    stitutional investors, particularly insurance

    companies. As much as Rs.11,360 crore, which is half of 

    the total sum raised, came from insurance companies

    led by the LIC, with the latter accounting for a bulk of 

    the applications in this category. Of course, the LIC

    may have seen genuine promise in CIL while investing

    its money. Yet, this is nothing more than money mov-

    ing from one hand of the government to the other given

    that the LIC is wholly owned by the Centre. Of course,

    foreign institutional investors (FIIs) have also put in

    Rs.5,919 crore in the CIL offer, which is encouraging.

    The government would do well to reappraise the entire

    disinvestment programme which has so far, disap-

    pointingly, amounted to nothing more than selling off a

    few pieces of family silver to tide over difficult times.

     What is required is a privatisation programme whose

    objective will not merely be to raise funds for the

    exchequer but to reform the public sector space. The

    government should identify public sector units that are

    languishing for want of capital and technology and

    bring in strategic private partners to rejuvenate them.

    The trade unions too will be on board to support such

    schemes that will safeguard jobs in these companies.

    Eventually, the Central government should divest it-

    self of enterprises in sectors such as steel and cement

    production, focussing instead on improving social ser-

     vices such as health care and education.

    Coal India success

    and after

    The data on national income re-leased recently give a new twist toIndia’s growth story. The most sig-nificant change is with respect to

    the growth rate for 2013-14. While the earli-er estimate showed a growth rate of 4.7 percent, the growth rate according to the new estimate is 6.6 per cent. Much of the pessi-mism seen in the Indian economy during2013-14 is not vindicated by the new data. While the investment rate did show a sharp

    decline during the last three years, a greaterpart of it was due to the decline in the in- vestment rate of households rather than thecorporate sector. Thus, the slowdown in theeconomy was not as severe or extended aswas feared earlier. Nevertheless, it is usefulto review the developments so that the er-rors can be corrected and the country canmove on to the high growth path.

    Slowdown and its causes

    Under the impact of the financial crisis,the Indian economy registered a growth of 6.7 per cent in 2008-09, after having posted agrowth rate exceeding 9 per cent for threeconsecutive years. The recovery from theimpact of the global crisis was however swiftand sharp. The economy achieved a growthrate of 8.6 per cent in 2009-10, despite asevere drought. The growth rate rose furtherto 8.9 per cent in 2010-11. Then the declinebegan. In 2012-13, the growth rate camedown to 4.5 per cent according to the oldestimate and 4.9 per cent as per the new estimate. In 2013-14 the growth rate was 4.7per cent and 6.6 per cent according to old

    and new estimates respectively.The slowdown has been attributed to sup-ply side bottlenecks, price shocks and weak investment demand. Agricultural output de-clined in 2009-10. Coal output fell and theoutput of iron ore also fell, partly because of certain court decisions. International com-modity prices, particularly that of oil re-mained high, despite the poor performanceof the advanced economies. The investmentsentiment was affected by various factorsincluding non-economic. Perhaps one policy action which affected investors was the deci-

    sion to apply certain tax laws with retro-

    spective effect. The stability of the taxsystem became a cause of concern. More-over, many good decisions of the govern-ment were either delayed or postponed. Theenergies of the government were also ab-sorbed in dealing with issues such as graft. All these created an element of uncertainty in the minds of investors.

    However, recent data do not show a de-cline in corporate investment rate. Whileearlier data showed the Corporate GrossFixed Capital Formation rate going down to8.5 per cent in 2012-13, the new data show the rate at 11.8 per cent in 2012-13 and 11.4per cent in 2013-14. However there is some

    evidence that new projects slowed down. According to a study done by the ReserveBank of India, the total project cost of new 

    investments in 2011-12, 2012-13 and 2013-14were Rs.2,120 billion, Rs.1,963 billion andRs.1,340 billion respectively. Contrast thiswith new investments of Rs.5,560 billion in2009-10.

    Short and medium-term solutions

    The fact that stands out is that the declinein the output growth was much strongerthan the decline in investment. The invest-ment rate in 2007-08 was 38.1 per cent of GDP. By 2013-14, it had come down to 32.3per cent, even according to revised esti-

    mates. With the incremental capital output

    ratio of 4, which has been normal for almosta decade even, this lower investment rateshould have given us a growth rate of 8 percent. But the actual growth rate turned outto be less. The rise in the incremental capitaloutput ratio could have been either becauseprojects were not completed in time or be-cause complementary investments were notforthcoming. In some cases, this could alsobe due to non-availability of critical inputssuch as coal and power. This then points tothe fact that, in the short run, speedy com-pletion of projects by itself can raise thegrowth rate. In the medium term, we howev-er need to ensure that the investment rate

    goes up and the productivity of capital re-mains high. Only then can the country getback to the high growth rate path.

    Speedy completion of projects requires at-tention at the micro and at the policy levels. While every effort should be made to removeadministrative bottlenecks, issues relatingto the environment and land acquisition alsoneed attention. The concerns relating to en- vironment and land acquisition are genuine.They cannot be wished away. We need towork out an acceptable compromise be-tween the compulsions of growth and theconcerns relating to environment and landacquisition. A process of consensus buildingneeds to be initiated.

    Sustained high growth requires macroec-onomic stability which has three dimensions— low inflation, low current account deficitand modest fiscal deficit. In one sense, all thethree are interrelated. We have had difficul-ties on all these fronts in recent years. Themoderation in inflation has occurred only recently. The Current Account Deficit hasagain come under control. We will be thebeneficiaries of the fall in oil prices. Thefiscal deficit continues to remain above thelevel mandated in the Fiscal Responsibility and Budget Management (FRMB) Act. The

    commitment to bring down the fiscal deficitmust be honoured. It is in this context thatsubsidies require a relook. The subsidy re-gime needs reform in three directions. First,there has to be a fix on the total quantum of subsidies as a proportion of GDP, second,they need to be targeted and only directedtowards vulnerable groups and, third, therehas to be a rethink on the appropriate deliv-ery system. Government’s expendituresneed to be reoriented more towards invest-ments and less towards subsidies.

    ‘Make in India’

    Going ahead, “Make in India” is a goodguiding principle. It should imply producingfor India and for the world. Making only forIndia will convert it into a form of importsubstitution. Making for the world makesthe system more efficient. On the otherhand, people wonder whether making for theworld is even meaningful in the changedworld context. It is true that extreme de-pendence on the external world can causeserious repercussions on the domestic econ-omy, when the world environment suddenly 

    changes, as in 2008 and 2009. India howeveris not in any such danger. India’s exports as apercentage of GDP is still modest at 25 percent. Besides, India’s exports of goods do notconstitute more than 2 per cent of theworld’s exports. In this situation, makingIndia the base for the production of goodsand services for exportto other countries isnot a bad idea. But to convert this idea intoreality, the Indian economy has to be muchstronger in terms of infrastructure and theavailability of good human capital. Produc-tivity of capital must increase which impliesa more efficient system of production.

    Reform agenda 

    Reforms must be part of a continuingagenda. The basic principle guiding reformsmust be to create a competitive environmentwith a stress on efficiency. There are stillseveral segments where controls dominate. A classic example is the sugar industry. Weneed to dismantle controls in a phased man-ner. The pricing of products should normally be done by markets. Exceptions should bemade transparent and must be clearly 

    articulated.In many ways the coming decade will becrucial for India. If India grows at 8 to 9percent per annum, it is estimated that percapita GDP will increase from the currentlevel of $1,600 to $ 8,000-10,000 by 2025.Then, India will transit from being a low income to a middle income country. Weneed to overcome the low growth phase asquickly as possible. In the recent period, anumber of schemes have been launchedaimed at broadening the scope of social safe-ty nets. These include the employment guar-antee scheme, universalisation of education,expansion of rural health, and providingfood security. It has been possible to fundthese programmes only because of thestrong growth that we have seen in recentyears. Growth is and must be the answer tomany of our socio-economic problems.

    (Dr. C. Rangarajan is former Chairman of  the Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister.)

    The twist in the growth story Reforms must be part of a continuing agenda.The basic principle guiding reforms must be tocreate a competitive environment with a stress onefficiency. In many ways the coming decade will be crucial for India as growth is the answer tomany of its socio-economic problems

    C. Rangarajan

    “‘Making India the base for the production of goods and

    services for export is not a bad idea. But to convert this ideainto reality, the Indian economy has to be much stronger….

    Donation row With the BJP accusing the Aam Aadmi Party of money-laundering,the electoral battle for Delhi hasbeen taken to the next level.However, the party levelling thecharge in this instance must ponderhow it is spending money on mediaadvertisements — in this instance,huge money. There have beenfront-page advertisements for 20days. Where is all this money coming from?

    The ugly incident (“AAP throwsprobe gauntlet, Modi mocks it,”Feb.4) shows that all parties mustbe transparent about their financialassets and open to public scrutiny. At the end of this, one hopes thepeople of Delhi get the governmentthey deserve.

    Praneet Kumar, Ranchi 

    Collection of funds to fight or standfor elections has become the orderof the day. Can Mr. Modi or the BJPprovide us a source to the crores of rupees that have been ploughedinto electioneering in every election? Mr. Kejriwal’s demandsounds reasonable. Therefore, why single out AAP? All parties must beopen to investigation. Anotherreport, “Most parties have norecords of donors” (Feb.4) isinteresting given that most partiesappear not to have records of donors and that more than 75 percent of funds raised by partiesbetween 2009-2010 and 2010-11have come from unknown sources.

    K. Malikul Azeez,Chennai 

    The BJP government appears to bedoing all that it can to win the Delhielections even if it means thelevelling of ugly allegations. As thePrime Minister himself is

    spearheading the campaign inDelhi, he must check the facts as faras his government and party is

    concerned before launching atirade against other parties. Eventhough it is common to hear aboutsuch accusations and allegations atelection time, one wonders aboutthe extent to which politicians willgo to stay on in power.

    Manju V.N., Secunderabad 

    The Delhi Assembly election is anacid test for AAP — will Delhi-iteshave new loyalties and will they stillback Arvind Kejriwal? As the othermain national party seems to befast sinking and with regionalparties marginalised with the riseand further ascent of the NarendraModi-led BJP in the last Lok Sabhaelection, the results of this electionare vital to other parties too. It is amatter of great interest to seewhether the AAP can stall the BJP’sascendancy.

    Buddhadev Nandi,

     Bankura, West Bengal 

     A party that claims its “exclusivehonesty” amid murky politics istreading on thin ice when it says itis open to investigation onallegations of mysterious andillegal funding. The party whichmakes a show of its internaldemocracy, transparency andaccountability cannot hide behindsuch a defence.

    Mr. Kejriwal is a former memberof the Indian Revenue Service andmust be well aware of the nitty-gritty of finance. Therefore,profound statements will only giverise to suspicion. It is quite clever of  AAP to shift the onus on to thegovernment.

     Anoop Suri, New Delhi 

    On dispossessionLand acquisition is clearly a majortask before the government

    (“Dispossession, development anddemocracy,” Feb.4) as the conflictbetween balancing the democratic

    ethos with developmental aims isonly bound to grow.

    Dispossession should be treatedas “constructive destruction” and itis incumbent on the governmentand private players to help providedue compensation as well asmeaningful livelihood avenues tofarmers who face dislocation anddisplacement. In the long run, faircompensation and successfulrehabilitation will be morerewarding than short-termwindfall gains in land acquisition.The sooner the governmentrealises this the better.

    Divyank Yaduvendu, Bhopal 

    The article highlighted the neglectof social impact assessments whichassume serious dimensions giventhat most of India’s populationcomprises unskilled labourers. Any compensation is a short-term

    solution and does nothing aboutinclusive long-term growth. Eventhough one cannot ignore thebenefits of industrialisation, thegovernment would do well not toacquire contiguous stretches of land but allocate small parcels of land in a cluster for the purpose of industrialisation, reducing thesocial impact.

     Vikram Sundaramurthy,Chennai 

    Though LARR in itself was nopanacea for the high-handedapproach of the state towards itscitizens in the matter of landacquisition, the ordinance is clearly intended to favour private capital.People are well within their rightsto differ with the powers-that-beon the meaning of developmentand democracy as the Constitutionguarantees their right to differ andalso their right to own property.The state acquiring land for public

    purposes is understandable, but tosay that private industrial growthserves a public purpose as it

    generates jobs is far-fetched andseldom results in intended benefits.

     A.P. Govindankutty,Cheruthuruthy, Kerala

    Instead of having land acquisitionin the Concurrent List, it is betterto shift it to the State List. India is a vast and diverse country and it willbe a stretch for the centralgovernment to know in detail whatthe basic regional problems are. Onthe other hand, State governmentshave the authority and are betterplaced to negotiate things.

    Shivakumar Hiremath, Bagalkot 

    Before acquiring land for any purpose, there is the imperativeneed to identify land that is fertileand rich enough for cultivation.Farmers also have to be providedaid to procure seeds and manureand get proper irrigation facilities.

    They have to be encouraged to takeup natural farming with quality seeds, organic manure and, mostimportant of all, good all-weatherstorage facilities.There are farmers who own largestretches of land but who do nothave the financial means to plancultivation. It is in such a situationthat the politician steps in with hisagenda. There has to be a regularplan by which farmers are helped tomanage their affairs. Today they are left to fend for themselves. Why are we neglecting them when they are such an integral part of oureconomy? Dispossessing them andmaking them jobless and “income-less” is not good governance.

    Sheela Chandrachudan, Bengaluru

    Forex limitThe move to increase remittancelimits is welcome, but it must beremembered that such increases

    seem to be arbitrary. Instead, itwould be appropriate to setstatutory limits with gold as an

    equivalent. In order for FDI flowsto become attractive, theremittance limit should be raisedfurther to about $4.3 million (theequivalent of 100 kg of gold). It willalso improve for small businessesthe ease of doing business withminimal bureaucratic hurdles.

    Mohamed Anwar Sadat,Chennai 

    IS and execution After the beheading of the Japanesecitizens, IS militants havecommitted another heinous act(‘International’, “Most brutalexecution yet of a foreign hostage,”Feb.4). Leaders in the westernworld are just providing lipsympathy to the bereaved familiesof the victims of inhuman killings.

    Jordan has done the right thingin retaliating by executing twomilitants held in its prison for actsof terrorism. Such a strong

    response will send out a strongsignal to terrorists across thew