HAVING YOUR SAY: THE ROLE OF DEMOCRACY · 2019. 12. 17. · HAVING YOUR SAY: THE ROLE OF DEMOCRACY IN MODERN BRITAIN POLITICAL STUDIES GUIDE 2015 With Hilary Benn, Jenny Jones and

HAVING YOUR SAY: THE ROLE OF DEMOCRACY IN MODERN BRITAINPOLITICAL STUDIES GUIDE 2015

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CONTENTS

Political Studies GuideThere’s been a lot going on in UK politics of late. From the Scottish independence referendum, through the recent by-elections and the rise of Ukip, to the increasing political posturing ahead of the May 2015 general election, it is an exciting time to be studying this subject.

This latest edition of the New Statesman Political Studies Guide takes a look at what all of this activity means, what role the public has to play in influencing decisions, and whether our democracy is working in the way it should. It considers the potential benefits of both devolution and

The Labour Party’s plans for devolution

4 Hilary BennThe evolution of devolutionGiving more power to local communities

6 Sean KippinHalting the democratic declineHow to reverse political disengagement

8 Vox PopsDoes democracy work?We put the question to a range of experts

11 Katie GhoseCitizen-led decisionsThe role of the constitutional convention

12 Ron Johnston and Charles PattieElection spending and its role in the voteIn politics, money rules – or so they say

Does our democratic system work?

a constitutional convention, the impact of personality on voting habits, and how to halt the decline in political engagement.

And don’t forget to take a look at our new directory (starts page 19) – the place to turn to when researching the best UK universities for politics courses. l

14 Paul GrahamPersonality politicsWhy image has such an impact on voter preferences

17 Dan HillThe face doesn’t lieSensory coding can tell which way a vote will swing

18 BooksThe reading listMust-reads for all politics students

18 ListingsPolitical studies directoryFind the perfect politics course for you

Personality matters

4

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First published as a supplement to the New Statesman of 28 November – 4 December 2014. © New Statesman Ltd. All rights reserved. Registered as a newspaper in the UK.

This, and other policy reports, can be downloaded from the NS website at: newstatesman.com/page/supplements

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4 | NEW STATESMAN | 28 NOVEMBER – 4 DECEMBER 2014

LABOUR POLICY

The burning issue in British politics today is how power is exercised and where: in Europe, Westminster, the

nations of the UK, and in our cities, towns and villages. In an age of unprecedented human interdependence, we need inter-national co-operation to deal with global problems such as climate change, conflict and trade. There is also a growing thirst for more decisions to be made closer to where people live and work.

In the time of Gladstone and Disraeli, our cities were the engines of social pro-gress. Civic leaders and the municipalities they created provided gas and electricity, clean water, housing, schooling, libraries, parks and health care. Communities did not wait for a circular to come from cen-tral government telling them what to do; they looked around, identified the prob-lems and got on with it.

After the Second World War, the chal-lenges that faced us were very different: rebuilding the country out of the ashes of conflict and creating a society that would provide for everyone. People wanted something better and that required na-tional government to act. The 1945 La-bour government did just that, creating the NHS, building the foundations of the modern welfare state and starting a mass housebuilding programme.

But politics has now changed again. Society is being transformed by huge forces such as globalisation, a technologi-cal revolution that has radically increased productivity, and an information revolu-tion in which the sharing of knowledge and ideas, and the generation of social

and economic capital, can now be done at lightning speed. It has also become ap-parent that we have moved from an age when institutions used to command trust and deference to one of uncertainty about the future, not least because of the impact of the global economic crash. And UK governance has also changed fundamen-tally with devolution to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and the restoration of self-government for London. The one part of the nation this revolution passed by, however, was England, but now that has also begun to change.

Not everything can be run from the centre and people want more of a say over what happens in their own communities. Local authorities are already beginning to collaborate to do just that, and in the process are redrawing the boundaries of local government. In Manchester, West Yorkshire, Liverpool, Birmingham and the Black Country, South Yorkshire and the north-east they are working together to grow their economies, improve skills, invest in better infrastructure and pro-vide the houses we need.

Labour is now making a devolution of-fer to all parts of England: to counties and districts as well as towns and cities. We will give every area, in return for working together, power over transport invest-ment, skills, infrastructure and housing, and the chance to work with government on finding jobs for the long-term un-employed. We will also give authorities longer-term budgets.

The second area where things will have to change is the way in which public

services are provided. Take the example of health and social care. We have a growing elderly population but the current system isn’t sufficiently integrated to provide the support that people need in order to re-main healthy in their own homes. It could be a grab rail or a walk-in shower which could prevent someone ending up in hos-pital after a fall. The way to change this is to bring together health and social care so that it focuses on the whole person and not the individual condition, and takes into account the health circumstances and requirements of the local population.

There are lots of other examples where the same localised decision-making could be applied. If we want to build a stronger economy, then we need to ensure we have the skills employers are looking for. And who knows best what is needed than local people and their elected representa-tives? The same is true for decisions about what the priorities are for transport. By devolving these powers and budgets we can build a more prosperous economy.

This new era of more local decision-making is exciting but challenging. It will require all of us to play our part. And as power passes back, so will responsibility for how power and money is used. For too long, the conversation has been one-way, with local communities asking national government: “What will you do for me?” In future, communities should be asking: “What can we now do for ourselves?” In life we get out what we put in; the people of England are ready for the task. lHilary Benn is the shadow secretary of state for communities and local government

Giving more power back to local communities will help create a strong economy

By Hilary Benn

The evolution of devolution

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Public leaders in Manchester are exploring ways to work more closely with other local authorities

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POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT

Our nation could be about to become more democratic. In the wake of the Scottish referendum, we are facing

what could be an extended period of con-stitutional turbulence, offering significant opportunities for renewal. But British de-mocracy also faces real threats, both es-tablished and new.

In 2012, a team led by Dr Stuart Wilks-Heeg of Liverpool University and Dr Andrew Blick of King’s College London carried out an audit of British democracy. The exercise involved collating vast quan-tities of data, incorporating everything from party membership figures to statis-tics on socioeconomic inequalities in or-der to assess the strength and durability of the UK’s democracy. What they found was “long-term, terminal decline”.

Specifically, they pointed to political disengagement and voter apathy, increas-ing business involvement in the political process, and the instability of political institutions. The report’s critical insight was that increasing citizen disengage-ment skews the political process further towards the advantaged, be it through

their education, wealth or connections, and excludes those without these advan-tages. This can create a negative feedback loop of exclusion and disengagement.

These processes are continuing. Big money is tightening its grip on the po-litical process, while citizen lobbying through charities and voluntary organisa-tions has been curtailed by the Lobbying Act. Political party membership contin-ues to decline, and the emergence of Ukip threatens a perverse and unrepresentative election result when filtered through our archaic first-past-the-post system. Addi-tionally, the failure of House of Lords de-mocratisation, the proposed repeal of the Human Rights Act, cuts to Legal Aid, and revelations about the extent of security service surveillance all represent moves in the wrong direction.

One worrying feature of the UK’s con-stitution – or lack thereof – is its reliance on a robust democratic culture to protect it from abuse and subversion from within or without. The doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty allows a majority govern-ment to change, within reason, almost

anything it likes. As the rise of France’s Front National shows, even those coun-tries with the most robust adherence to democracy can be attracted by the siren song of demagogic voices, provided the circumstances are right.

As the Economist’s Philip Coggan ar-gued in his book The Last Vote, democracy in the western world faces threats from a number of different sources.

On the one hand, economic instability tends to undermine support for demo-cratic institutions. On the other, the in-dependence of central banks, “quangos” and the corporations that are increasingly running public services takes key deci-sions out of voters hands. Additionally, many people live in uncompetitive parlia-mentary seats. If citizens feel their views matter little, then opting not to voice them is not seen as a decision of great consequence. As YouGov’s Peter Kellner has observed, voters do not see the main parties as vehicles for political values and policies, but rather as essentially similar brands offering similar products (much like Sainsbury’s and Tesco).

Public disengagement, voter apathy and corporate influence are all having a negative impact on UK democracy

By Sean Kippin

Halting the democratic decline

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Historically, one of the main drivers of political engagement, particularly among the working classes, was membership of trade unions, which forged a link between the political preferences and values of the working classes and government policy, yet trade union membership has halved since its peak in 1980, when 12.2 million individuals were members of TUC-affili-ated unions. Although the current figure is a still-respectable 5.98 million, a combi-nation of structural economic and labour-market change, along with the Thatcher reforms of the 1980s, have led to a decline in their size and influence.

Meanwhile, as Joshua Kurlantzick ar-gued in his recent book Democracy in Retreat, the global middle classes can also no longer be relied upon as a guarantor of democracy if its course diverges from their material and economic interests. It would be complacent to assume that Brit-ain is immune from this trend. The appar-ent decline in the strength of democratic values among both the working and the middle classes holds warning signs for the future.

The statistics confirm this. The propor-tion of people who feel it is everybody’s duty to vote has fallen from 68 per cent to 57 per cent over the past 20 years, and general election turnout is down from a high of 84 per cent in 1950 to 65.1 per cent in 2010. Only 0.8 per cent of the popula-tion are members of the three main par-ties, down from 3.8 per cent in 1983.

However, the Scottish referendum, in which both turnout and membership of the pro-independence parties skyrocket-ed, showed how apathy need not be an ir-reversible trend. Elections have attracted a dwindling turnout – in part because voters feel there is little difference between the main parties. The lesson from Scotland is that when there is a clear choice between two different options with significant im-plications resulting from either outcome, they will vote. That is why turnout was about 42.4 per cent higher than in 2011’s UK-wide AV referendum. If parties are brave enough to diverge in their political offers, rather than to converge on the cen-tre, engagement is likely to increase.

The referendum also looks to have set

in motion a chain of events that could have profound implications. David Cam-eron’s intention to bring about “English votes for English laws” could pull the rug from underneath the whole of Britain’s democratic apparatus, leading to compet-ing majorities in the Commons for do-mestic and international affairs.

The prospect of concurrent House of Lords and English regional and local devo-lution has also been mentioned as a target of reform for the short term. This has its own problems, though, as proposals for greater regionalism in the past have been met with indifference, and local govern-ment encompasses a wide variety of areas, from those with strong identities to those with loose connections.

It is the potential for a constitutional convention, which would involve wide participation stretching beyond the po-litical classes, that offers the most exciting immediate prospect for UK democratic renewal. Two of the three major parties are in favour of holding a convention, with only the Conservatives reluctant as they pursue their own narrow agenda. But constitutional conventions are only as successful as the rules under which they are designed. Close attention must be paid to its remit, its method for inclusiveness, the framing of its questions and the con-sequences of its answers, in order for any convention to be a facilitator of democrat-ic participation in practice as well as con-cept. Nonetheless, the very fact that such a proposal is on the agenda is a source for some optimism.

So we may be on the verge of consider-able change in the way we are governed. But will it be enough to stop the rot? If the momentum garnered during the Scottish independence referendum is squandered, with its consequences amounting to some variant of “English votes for English laws” and greater powers for Scotland, we could end up with an unstable poli-tics distinguished only by contention and incoherence. However, if that momen-tum can be channelled towards bringing about meaningful reform of our voting system, our unelected second chamber, an inadequate party funding system and subnational governance arrangements, we could be on the cusp of a very exciting period for British democracy. lSean Kippin is the managing editor of Democratic Audit UK, based at the London School of Economics

The Scottish referendum showed it is possible to reverse the trend towards disengagement

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VOX POPS

“When you deny people their voice, democracy stops working”Jenny Jones

Democracy is more than just voting or getting elected. Democracy works prop-erly only when people have the right to be seen and heard.

I was recently arrested in Parliament Square. Oddly, I wasn’t demonstrating; I had gone to visit the Occupy camp af-ter hearing reports of over-policing and was arrested while comforting a friend who was being arrested.

The people I went to visit in Parliament Square were peacefully trying to make their voices heard, but they were cleared away by the police.

In recent years more restrictions have been placed on the right to protest near parliament. Changes to the law brought in by Labour in 2005, and then more re-cently by the coalition government in 2011, plus bylaws from the Mayor of Lon-don, have given the police and authorities extraordinary powers to restrict peaceful protest near the Houses of Parliament and in the surrounding area.

I think it is outrageous how many things are prohibited in Parliament Square unless authorised. Audio equipment can-not be used, tents cannot be erected – the list goes on. Nor can I believe that some-one can be arrested for having a piece of plastic, or that two people can be arrested for passing a bottle of water to a fellow protester. Is it not perverse that passing some omelette to a protester counts as

an obstruction, when refusing him food does not?

People have a legal right to protest and the police have a duty to facilitate peace-ful protest. Those who run this country should not want to tuck demonstrators out of sight. The freedom to protest vis-ibly is a part of our democratic tradition and it is a shame those in power want to make the space outside the mother of all parliaments a no-go area for protest.

Protest can be messy and inconven-ient and you may disagree with the aims. However, when you prevent people from protesting peacefully, you deny them their voice. When you deny people their voice, democracy stops working. lBaroness Jones is a former deputy mayor of London, and is a member of the London Assembly (Green Party)

Is democracy as effective as we’d like it to be? Can individuals make a difference? We put these questions to a range of experts

Does democracy work?

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“Many people think they have no power to change anything”Joe Twyman

Working in political polling you hear a lot of people saying things along the lines of: “Everyone in Britain thinks this and I know because I have asked all my friends and they all agree with me.”

As a result, many people believe that democracy does not only fail to work for them, it also does not work for the major-ity of others. They think their views and opinions are not represented. They think that while others are listened to, they are ignored. They think they have no power to change anything and must instead ac-cept perennial subservience.

Of course, what they often seldom real-ise is that their group of friends, however diverse they may be, may not necessarily be an accurate representation of the entire British population. The real opinion of

the public is often more nuanced, more complicated and more diverse than they and their friends realise.

However, all this does not mean that their belief in the failure of democracy is entirely without merit. For example, if you see democracy purely in terms of voting in general elections, then it is

demonstrably true that a vote in a mar-ginal constituency is “worth” a lot more than in a safe seat. One Conservative voter in Liverpool Walton is precisely as ineffectual as a Labour voter in Chesham and Amersham.

Such a situation could be addressed with a more proportional system of vot-ing, but we had a referendum on that and the suggestion was thrown out by a con-siderable margin – even when each and every vote carried equal weight. Perhaps such an outcome was inevitable? After all, everybody knows that nobody would support such a thing. I have asked all my friends and they agree with me.

In fact, it is a perfect example of democ-racy working. lJoe Twyman is the head of political and social research at YouGov

Protests in Parliament Square, such as this one by a group of students, are now prohibited

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The public is often more nuanced, complicated and

diverse than realised


VOX POPS

“If democracy fails in the US, we’re all in trouble”David Runciman

For more than 200 years the United States has been the place people have turned to for an answer to the question: does de-mocracy work? The US is not the oldest continuous democracy (that is Switzer-land), nor is it any longer the biggest (that is India), but it remains the loudest, the brashest, the most visible; it is the show-room model. If democracy stops working in the US, then we are all in trouble.

American democracy is currently in bad shape. The word that sums up what has gone wrong is partisanship. Most Re-publicans and Democrats are no longer talking to each other. Some partisanship is essential for democracy; parties and their passionate supporters are what give shape and focus to diffuse public opinion. As Nancy Rosenblum has argued, being an “independent” often turns out to mean being fickle and unengaged. However, too much partisanship is dangerous. It clogs up the political system with count-less low-level battles and puts a barrier in the way of the big decisions.

The checks and balances of the Ameri-can constitution exacerbate these prob-lems. The US has become what Francis Fukuyama calls a “vetocracy”, which means strongly held views on the mar-gins can block collective action by the cen-tre. Gerrymandering of constituencies by the two main parties has made a bad situ-ation worse. By carving out safe seats for themselves, they have ensured that pri-mary, not general, elections are where the action is, empowering the angry fringes of their parties.

What can be done? Changing the con-stitution might help, but constitutional change in America is a slow and difficult business, and the partisanship it is trying to solve would get in the way of a solu-tion. The other way out is a shock to the system. Would politicians be squabbling like this if the country’s survival were at stake? Previous eras of excessive partisan-ship – for instance, in the 1930s – were broken by the double shock of depression and war. But no one should wish depres-sion or war on America for the sake of re-viving its democracy. lProfessor David Runciman is the head of the department of politics at the University of Cambridge

“Boosting levels of youth participation is essential”Andrea Cooper

The run-up to the general election is un-der way, and political disenchantment among young voters continues. Youth voting has been falling since the 1970s and in the last election less than half of young people aged 18-24 turned out to vote – well below the national average of roughly three-quarters. Boosting levels of youth voting is vital because, without active engagement by young people, their priorities are less likely to be heard and acted upon by policymakers.

There is hope, however. The recent Scottish referendum on independence has proved that young people are not apathetic. Those aged between 16 and 24 were just as likely as any other age group to report having being part of the 81.7 per cent of Scots who voted. Furthermore, there are other ways to increase engage-ment among young people.

First, diversity in politics needs to be increased. Simply put – young people do not think that parliament understands them (or, for that matter, modern Britain).

At present, just 4.2 per cent of MPs are from ethnic-minority groups and only 22 per cent are women. Not to mention that 39 per cent of MPs attended private school, compared to 7 per cent of the total UK population.

Second, social action should be encour-aged. We believe that young people tak-ing social action in their communities will develop a natural passion for democratic change. It stands to reason that when young people are captivated by the is-sues – as they were in Scotland – they will be more likely to vote.

Through the programmes UpRising arranges, young people have delivered countless social action campaigns – from rejuvenating high streets, to creating com-munity gardens, to training young trans-lators, to alleviating loneliness among older people. These initiatives serve the dual benefit of addressing real communi-ty needs, as well as helping young people

to build confidence in the democratic pro-cess and their role within it.

Furthermore, they may even consider a career in politics and diversify the pipeline of talent going into it – leading to greater representation and youth appeal. lAndrea Cooper is the chief executive of UpRising

“A better understanding of language may save our politics”Bene’t SteinbergWith the three mainstream political par-ties together polling just over half of the electorate, you might well argue that de-mocracy isn’t working. It certainly says something about the health of the politi-cal parties, which for decades have been the cornerstone of political engagement. Slowly the word “Westminster” is com-ing to mean something alien and remote – just as the word “Washington” has in the United States.

Yet this is not always an accurate ref-lection. As part of my work for a group of exam boards, it is my job to engage with politicians of all parties and argue out, backed by research and evidence, the best way to structure our education system. The politicians I encounter are thoughtful and intelligent and actually want the best for all our nation’s children. It is a far cry from the prevailing wisdom.

People are not less interested in poli-tics, they are just not terribly interested in mainstream political parties – or, rather, in what they have to say. Look at the rise of organisations like Ukip and people like Nigel Farage on to the political scene, or, for that matter, Russell Brand.

Maybe the dysfunction and disconnect come not from what the politicians are saying, but from how they are saying it. Language has power, and it evolves with time. For words to retain their power, it demands an understanding of elements such as syntax, pragmatics, lexis and dis-course. What joins Brand with Farage – whose politics are utterly different – is that each possesses what is often called the “authentic voice”. They touch a chord in people.

Perhaps a greater understanding of how language works – and the better usage of it – might help save our politics. lBene’t Steinberg is group director for public affairs at Cambridge Assessment

Young people do not think that parliament

understands them



CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION

The fallout from the Scottish indepen-dence referendum has left a whole series of questions unanswered –

what powers should now be devolved to Scotland? What about Wales and North-ern Ireland? Where does English devolu-tion fit in? There is the notorious West Lothian question, of course, but let’s not forget what Hilary Benn has called the West Ealing question: why should Lon-don MPs get to vote on, say, English trans-port policy when they have their own assembly and mayor to deal with London transport policy?

All of these questions can be boiled down to a simpler one: where should power lie? That was also the essence of the question put to Scots on 18 Septem-ber, and we all know what happened then: almost total registration (97 per cent), and an unprecedented 85 per cent turnout. And that was the culmination of months of informed, passionate and (mainly) constructive debate that energised the en-tire nation. It used to be said that people don’t care much about constitutional is-sues: too dry, too dull, too obscure. But as the independence referendum so clearly demonstrated, all the things that people really care about – the economy, jobs, the NHS, housing – are fundamentally linked to the constitution.

Another big lesson from the independ-ence referendum was the extent to which people mistrust Westminster politics – it was the single biggest reason for voting Yes. That is why politicians, when faced with all those questions about where power should lie, cannot hope to answer them by turning inwards and retreating behind closed doors. People simply will not accept top-down pronouncements

from any party about which levels of gov-ernment – UK-wide, national, regional or local – should hold which powers.

That is the first reason why we need a citizen-led constitutional convention to decide where power should lie. It is only if citizens, and not politicians, lead the decision-making process that those deci-sions will command any legitimacy.

The second reason is the intractable, partisan nature of the problems around the British constitution. It seems highly

unlikely that the closed-door processes set in train for making decisions about the future of the country – the Smith com-mission in Scotland and the Hague com-mittee in Westminster, both of which are tasked with reviewing the potential for devolution – will come to conclusions that suit all of the main parties. We can therefore expect a big party-political bun-fight, which can only serve to dampen the passions enflamed in Scotland.

There is one thing on which four of the five largest UK-wide parties agree, how-ever, and that is the need for a nationwide citizen-led constitution to come to some decisions about these issues. But what would that mean in practice?

Fortunately, we can draw on inter-national examples. Constitutional con-ventions in the Canadian provinces of Ontario and British Columbia, as well as the recent convention in Ireland, have used sampling techniques to draw a ran-

dom but representative selection of the citizenry, like a jury. The Irish convention was made up of two-thirds citizens and one-third politicians, and so the delib-erations were citizen-led yet still retained political buy-in. These conventions have shown the value of giving citizens the time and space to evaluate complex infor-mation (usually submitted by the public and experts) and deliberate on constitu-tional issues. Not everyone can be a fully fledged participant, but regional and local events, combined with online evidence-gathering, can give every citizen who wishes the chance to have his or her say.

A UK-wide constitutional convention would naturally have its own shape and design. Most importantly, all the nations and regions would need to be brought into the process. There are many different models for achieving this, but under one of them, England would hold its own pre-liminary convention that then reports to the UK-wide process. After all, England is not used to discussing issues about where power lies, and needs to catch up with the other nations of the UK.

And if the convention is to be taken se-riously, there needs to be a clear mecha-nism for taking forward its decisions, probably including a referendum. The convention cannot be dismissed as a talk-ing shop – it has to be seen as a genuine, decision-making process that puts citi-zens in the driving seat.

It may seem like quite a leap to put the future shape of the UK into the hands of a randomly selected group of people. But it is the only way to ensure that we get a lasting and legitimate settlement. lKatie Ghose is the chief executive of the Electoral Reform Society

Giving people the opportunity to contribute to important constitutional discussions could help rebuild trust in our political system

By Katie Ghose

Citizen-led decisions

This has to be seen as a genuine decision-

making process


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MONEY

General elections in the UK have two distinct, interlinked components. The national campaign promotes

the parties’ leaders and policies through carefully co-ordinated rituals such as press conferences, rallies, media presen-tations and visits. Alongside it are the 650 constituency campaigns, where local par-ty workers and volunteers canvass voters and turn out their supporters.

These are linked because each party’s central organisation is particularly con-cerned to ensure victory in its key con-stituencies – those safe and marginal seats it must win. Much of their national cam-paigns are structured to that end: for ex-ample, through telephone polling of and customised letters to potential supporters in those constituencies, and in the selec-tion of places for leader visits.

Money is crucial to all this activity. Laws limit what parties can spend on national campaigns to just under £20m if they con-test all seats. With no tradition of myriad small donations from supporters (which helped Barack Obama into the White House in 2008 and 2012), UK parties de-pend on a small number of large donors to raise such sums: mainly wealthy individ-uals for the Conservatives and the trade unions for Labour (although Labour’s money comes in small contributions from trade union members). At the 2010 elec-tion they spent £16.7m and £8m, respec-tively, with the Liberal Democrats (who have few large donors) spending £4.8m.

There are also limits to candidates’ spending on constituency campaigns – about £40,000 in the last three months before polling day, including roughly

£12,000 during the last three weeks. Very few receive contributions from their party’s central and regional organisa-tions. Local parties have to raise the bulk of funding through events and donations, most of which then goes towards promot-ing the candidate. In total, roughly £25m was spent on those campaigns in 2010 – a fraction of the £158m allowed across all 650 constituencies.

Most local party branches have little money and few members and cannot raise enough to spend the allowed maximum. For many, this doesn’t really matter: ei-ther they are certain to lose in the constit-uency (so fundraising to spend on a lost cause seems pointless) or they are very likely to win, so a lot of spending may not be needed to ensure the candidate’s vis-ibility and success.

Money rules, or so they say. What impact does it have on voters and does our system need to change to protect British democracy?

By Ron Johnston and Charles Pattie

Election spending and its role in the vote

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Then there are the marginal constituen-cies, which are the minority of seats – less than one-fifth of the total – where elec-tions are won and lost. Campaigning is in-tense there, and money is raised for leaf-lets, for posters and to pay for the agent’s office and IT. But even in many of those vital seats, local parties find it increasingly difficult to raise the relatively small sums allowed. However, the evidence suggests that the more money spent and the more intensive the local campaign, the better the party’s performance there.

Is money being raised and spent in the wrong places? Some think that too much is spent nationally: for instance, on ex-pensive poster campaigns that yield little return. So if the limits were tighter, would campaigns be more focused and effective? Furthermore, if large donations were

banned, would parties have to revital-ise their constituency grass roots, rais-ing more in small sums from individual donors and supporters? Could changing the party funding legislation rejuvenate political activity and revitalise British de-mocracy? Should the state provide some of the funding to ensure a healthy democ-racy by, in effect, compulsory rather than voluntary giving to political parties?

These questions are often asked but rarely answered. Several recent inquiries have found that all the parties support re-form – but there is no consensus on what that reform should look like.

One thing we can say is that reducing the amount of money involved – espe-cially “big money” – would almost cer-tainly not revitalise British democracy under the present system. As money be-

comes scarcer, more of it will be focused on the marginal seats, rather than on the safe seats where the chances of victory are such that it is not worth campaigning hard there. There may be plenty of activ-ity by at least two parties in some constit-uencies, but in others voters may hardly know an election is taking place – they are taken for granted, because of where they live. If this happens, it is quite likely vot-ers in these areas will become the focus of campaigning attention only when they become totally disengaged and turnout falls to the levels now experienced at lo-cal elections (let alone those for police and crime commissioners). And that would not be good for democracy. lRon Johnston and Charles Pattie are the authors of “Money and Electoral Politics” (Policy Press, £21.99)

Canvassing residents for votes, as the Conservative MEP Syed Kamall does here, is a vital part of any election strategy – and that costs money

PSG p12-13 money and elections.indd 13 25/11/2014 12:29:36


IN PARTNERSHIP WITH BUCKINGHAM UNIVERSITY

After the bacon butty incident, Ed Miliband addressed questions about his appearance by suggesting that if

voters want a politician from central cast-ing, he’s not the one – it’s the other guy. David Cameron isn’t exactly from central casting but you can see the point: how a politician looks or sounds is superficial. It should be policies and principles that matter. So why do politicians care so much about their image, and what does it tell us about the quality of democracy?

Makeovers are nothing new. Harold Wilson smoked a pipe in public but pre-ferred cigars in private, and also at times rediscovered his Yorkshire accent. Marga-ret Thatcher famously had speech train-ing to lower her voice. However, there seems to have been an intensification of concerns with image over the past couple of decades. The 24-hour media and Twit-ter play a role. The possibilities for taking an unflattering photo of a politician are just so much greater than in the days of Wilson and Thatcher.

However, something else might also be going on. When voters find it hard to

differentiate between parties, or the is-sues seem complex and technical, or they just don’t know enough about the candi-dates, they fall back on physical cues.

Using morphed photos, the American psychologist Jeremy Bailenson and col-leagues found that people are more likely to vote for candidates who look like them-selves. But this happened only where can-didates were unknown or when people didn’t have strong political views. Other research has revealed a strong preference for low-pitched voices. Hearing recordings of past US presidents, listeners attribute positive personality traits to the deeper voices and express a greater willingness to vote for them. In a war situation, a deeper voice is associated with physical prowess.

Are voters irrational in judging a book by its cover? Not necessarily. If there is a more than 50/50 chance of a visual or acoustic cue being a valid signal of leader-ship qualities, and if it is costly to get other information, then it makes sense to take the short cut and base our judgement on who to vote for on how a candidate looks or sounds. If we take the very long view

of thousands of years of human evolu-tion, picking leaders who are good in war would have been a smart strategy.

The primatologist Robin Dunbar ar-gues there is a limit to the number of peo-ple with whom we can maintain stable relationships. That number – 150 – is de-termined by the size of the human brain; specifically, the relative size of the neocor-tex. “Dunbar’s number” is derived from an equation using data on 38 primate gen-era, but has been tested against real-world examples: villages, church congregations, Christmas card lists and genuinely inter-acting friends on Facebook. If Dunbar is right, there is a problem for democracy. The human brain didn’t evolve to cope with the millions of interactions that take place through the political system.

One way for an individual voter to cope with the complexity of the modern world is to treat Cameron, Miliband and Clegg as if they were members of our village. At a conscious level, we know it isn’t true – we are living in a country of 64 million and not 150 – but at a subconscious level we think we know them. Psychologists have

If only leaders were voted in based on their intellect rather than their looks and charm, the world would be a much better place – wouldn’t it?

By Dr Paul Graham

Personality politics

PSG p14-15 Bucks on personality politics.indd 14 25/11/2014 12:34:19


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found that while most people know that soap actors are not “real”, regular viewers derive satisfaction from watching soaps. The viewers’ brains were implicitly add-ing the stars to their list of friends. From an evolutionary perspective this is quite strange. For most of our 200,000-year history our relationships were two-way; people knew each other. But now we also have one-way relationships. We “know” celebrities but they don’t know us.

And although politicians are not really celebrities – only Barack Obama makes the top ten of Twitter accounts – there is a bit of the celebrity relationship in politics. If Boris (and it is invariably “Boris” rather than Boris Johnson) turned up at the door you might well ask him in for a cup of tea. You would be less likely to extend the same invitation to a complete stranger.

This creates a challenge. Most people aren’t interested in politics. It takes a clear-cut issue and an existential question to engage people, as evidenced by the 85 per cent turnout in the Scottish referendum. Debates over policy can be boring. There is also the question of whether politicians

can be trusted even when we understand what they are saying.

Therefore, it isn’t surprising personal-ity fills the vacuum. Moreover, images are more arresting than words. It may be in-credibly frustrating for him, but the pho-to of an awkward Miliband giving 2p to a beggar is more interesting than his plan for an elected senate to replace the House of Lords. Without images and sounds, voters would never “get to know” the politicians, and this would make politics difficult. Democracy needs a demos, and that demos has features of Dunbar’s vil-lage. We need recognisable leaders with memorable traits. Europe is a case in point. Nigel Farage’s famously rude 2010 “Who are you?” speech, directed at the European Commission president Herman van Rompuy, carried force because it was a legitimate question. And the attempt in 2014 to create a German-style election campaign between the “Spitzenkandi-daten” Jean-Claude Juncker and Martin Schulz to replace Rompuy was not a suc-cess because neither candidate had much recognition outside his home country.

The European Parliament and the Eu-rovision Song Contest have more in com-mon than simply being pan-European. Just as the Eurovision contestants are largely unmemorable because they lack a fan base, so most parliamentarians lack colour. The multilingual nature of the institution, with its simultaneous trans-lation, works against the spontaneity characteristic of national parliamentary debate. But that very dullness also creates an opening for personalities such as Far-age and Marine Le Pen, much in the same way as Tom Neuwirth broke through the monotony of Eurovision 2014 with his outrageous and politically provocative Conchita Wurst persona.

The rise of political marketing has also affected how politicians are perceived. If parties are firms, voters are consumers and policies are products, then politicians need to project a strong brand image if they are going expand market share – that is, win votes. Again, evolutionary psy-chology plays a role. Putting a face on a brand is essential to the effectiveness of the message; early impressions matter. It’s a rule of thumb for a political leader that you shouldn’t let your enemies de-fine you. A negative image acquired in the first months of leadership is hard to shake off, much in the same way that in small communities friendship and enmity take root early on in human relationships.

But political parties are not like normal products. Marketing a future government is not like selling Big Macs. For one thing, the political “sale” is made only every few years, not every day. Buyer’s remorse will take a long time to get over. The huge cur-rent disillusionment may have its roots in the increasing extent to which voters expect a “good service” from politicians but don’t believe they are getting it. Com-bined with the perceived lack of differ-entiation between the main parties, this opens up space for insurgent movements, such as Ukip here, or Beppe Grillo’s Five Star Movement in Italy.

It also explains the difference between the message and messenger. A popular politician such as Boris Johnson can re-ceive undeserved credit for initiatives such as “Boris bikes” and “Boris buses”, but on the other hand, genuinely popu-lar policies can suffer if associated with a toxic political brand or a failing leader. lDr Paul Graham is a senior lecturer in politics at Buckingham University

Thatcher underwent voice coaching after being told she sounded “too high” and “lacked authority”

PSG p14-15 Bucks on personality politics.indd 15 25/11/2014 12:34:22

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FACIAL CODING

In the 2012 Mexican presidential elec-tion, I consulted for the PRI party’s candidate, now the current Mexican

president, Enrique Peña Nieto, support-ing them with their election strategy. I outpredicted the party’s professionals and leading strategists, insisting that they watch out for the socialist candidate, who rose a surprising 8 per cent in the final election, despite their worry over the in-cumbent party’s candidate, who was up just 1 per cent in the final tally.

How did I manage to outpredict the political professionals, even though I wasn’t able to speak their language? The answer is the universal power of facial coding to capture and quantify emo-tional responses. It is a tool originated by Charles Darwin as part of his work on evolution and his questions around why we have emotions.

This question has been answered by MRI brain scans. People feel before they consciously think, and these feelings, or emotions, elicit unconscious movement. Emotional reactions are five times faster than logic because the older, emotion-ally oriented part of the brain kicks in and floods ten times more information to the newer, more rational part of the brain than vice versa. In evolutionary terms, emotions move you first.

From Darwin’s insights came the work of Dr Paul Ekman. Ekman codified Dar-win’s original insights into a methodol-ogy, the Facial Action Coding System (FACS). Although this methodology has been refined over the years, the founda-tion remains the 23 muscle movements that signal the seven core emotions of happiness, surprise, sadness, fear, anger, disgust and contempt.

Though many non-verbal cues display emotions, the face has innate advantages.

Unlike body language, which is affect-ed by gender and culture, facial muscle movement is universal. Facial movement makes up just under 60 per cent of com-munication; words themselves are only 7 per cent of the message.

The real-time data collected during facial coding makes it an effective meas-urement of a politician’s effect on the voting public.

An example of this is how, in 2012, Mitt Romney’s “energiser bunny” smile went beyond friendly and into a realm of un-natural energy, making most Americans uneasy to connect with him.

Voters want to trust a leader and be-lieve they are respected as individuals. Every politician must sell this idea, along with the idea of hope. This ability can be measured through smiles. Smiles come in many types: brief, lingering and true (denoted by muscles around the eyes re-laxing, causing a “twinkle” in the eyes).

The challenge of facial coding is relating these muscle movements to emotions.

The real magic of a selling smile is the difference between a smile and smirk; the difference between hope and arro-gance. A true smile inspires hope and trust, while a smirk is the opposite – an outward showing of arrogance and con-tempt. The areas that generally signal the latter are the corner of the mouth moving up and out, with a noticeable de-gree of tension.

Just as politicians sell hope and trust through their smiles, they must also show a modest, yet robust, degree of anger. Vot-ers want someone to protect the country and their interests. A modest amount of anger shows that you are the candi-date to forge ahead with voter interests. Anger is signified in many ways, but the largest is when the lips are pressed together firmly. Combine that with a true smile, and you could be looking at a win-ning candidate.

An area I would advise against is negative emotions. If the main job of a politician is to sell hope, negative emo-tions should get you fired. The negative emotions are sadness, anxiety and fear. Sadness, illustrated by drooping corners of the mouth, is the opposite of happi-ness, and therefore the opposite of the message that politicians should be sell-ing. Anxiety and fear, on the other hand, can be interpreted as being overwhelmed by candidacy and being incapable of lead-ing with gusto.

Emotional literacy rounds out a poli-tician, giving the opportunity to focus on engagement and persuasion. When voters emote, it shows what issues mat-ter to them. Emotions are constant. What you show often engenders a correspond-ing response. lDan Hill is a facial coder and the founder of Sensory Logic

Politicians frequently give the game away by the manner in which they present themselves – and voters can see right through it

By Dan Hill

The face doesn’t lie

Mitt Romney: the energiser bunny


PSG p17 sensory coding.indd 17 25/11/2014 12:36:08


BOOKS

Shirley Williams: the BiographyMark Peel

Biteback, 480pp, £25There is probably no one alive who has done more than Shirley Williams to de-fine and shape British social democracy. She is one of the leading female politi-cians in postwar politics.

One of her defining issues is Europe. Her commitment started with postwar involvement, as a Labour activist, with the German Social Democrats. Her moth-er’s memoir about the emotional trauma of WWI would have taught Williams the horrors of European conflict.

Williams is now seen almost exclusive-ly as a politician who “broke the mould” She campaigned against racism, throwing punches at a violent anti-colonial rally on Nyasaland, and in government was exer-cised by the foot-dragging of the Wilson government over Ian Smith’s Rhodesia.

Peel describes a lack of self-esteem that prevented her from bidding for top jobs, and attributes this to the shattering of her self-confidence when her first husband went off with another woman. But any-one underestimating Williams’s person-ality or her intellect should reflect on the serious relationships she had with men. Whatever attracted them to her, it was a lot more than “niceness”.Reviewed by Vince Cable, 23 January 2014

Parliament: the Biography, Vol IChris Bryant

Doubleday, 496pp, £25When the radical Liberal MP John Bright described England as the “Mother of Par-liaments” in 1865 it was not to praise his country, but to rebuke it. This belief is one of the myths that Chris Bryant, the La-bour MP, seeks to dispel.

Bryant takes the Oxford Parliament of 1258 as his starting point. Bryant’s volume runs from this period to the establish-ment of the Imperial Parliament following the union between Great Britain and Ire-land in 1801. It is admirably comprehen-sive. Perhaps the most valuable chapter is on the struggle for free speech within and without parliament. This, Bryant writes, “like every other aspect of parliamentary history”, proceeded “in a dance of two steps forward, one step back”. It was not unambiguously resolved until 1688-89.

Despite reform, by the end of the pe-riod covered in this book, the Lords was still dominated “by the great landed families” and most MPs never faced a con-tested election. More than two centuries later, little has improved. Thus, to study parliament’s past is a reminder of its lam-entable present.Reviewed by George Eaton, 4 April 2014

Hard Choices: a MemoirHillary Rodham Clinton

Simon & Schuster, 635pp, £20Given that the book is widely seen as a prelude to a possible 2016 run for the White House, what intrigues the reader is the extent to which it is informed by the nuance of governance rather than the pri-mary colours of politics. It is focused on insight rather than intrigue, and is better because of this.

For four years Hillary Clinton did one of the most difficult jobs in government. Her tenure as secretary of state came to-wards the end of what President Obama described as a “decade of war”.

The book, like its author, is disciplined and organised. She confronts difficult topics such as the rise of China, the de-clining significance of hard power, the

challenge of terrorism and the legacy of past conflicts. One section exemplifying this point is her description of the events surrounding the 2011 war in Libya. She reveals her optimism at the start of the uprising, abruptly tempered by the reality on the ground.

Today, she is a Democrat facing a hard choice; the world will await with anticipa-tion the next chapter of this story.Reviewed by Douglas Alexander, 23 June 2014

The Establishment: and How They Get Away With It

Owen Jones

Allen Lane, 358pp, £16.99When Lehman Brothers collapsed in 2008, it seemed that the end of neoliber-alism, even of capitalism, was close. The party was over, wasn’t it?

On the contrary, almost nothing changed. What had gone wrong, we were told, was not the market but the state. Its reckless overspending, particularly on welfare, was responsible for the crisis. The state’s response to the crisis was to create more money through quantitative easing and to give it not to ordinary consumers but to financial institutions.

How was all this possible? How do the rich in general and bankers in par-ticular get away with it? That is the ques-tion Owen Jones attempts to answer. As Jones shows, British capitalism is highly dependent on state largesse and rich cor-porations are the biggest scroungers of all.

Jones recalls how, throughout the 1950s and 1960s, neoliberals were dismissed as fantasists and dreamers. Paradoxically, it is to their story that the left must now look for hope and inspiration.Reviewed by Peter Wilby, 11 September 2014

The establishment, British parliamentary history and the journeys of two women through politics feature in this year’s list

The reading list

PSG p18 reading list.indd 18 25/11/2014 12:36:37


POLITICAL STUDIES GUIDE 2015

University of AberdeenPolitics and International RelationsSchool of Social Science Edward Wright BuildingAberdeen AB2 3QY01224 272 [email protected]/pir/Head of departmentDr Mervyn Bain

Aston UniversityPolitics and International RelationsSchool of Languages and Social Sciences Aston Triangle Birmingham B4 7ET0121 204 [email protected] aston.ac.uk/lss Head of department Dr Nathaniel Copsey

University of BradfordPeace Studies Pemberton BuildingRichmond RoadBradford BD71DP0800 073 1225course-enquiries@ bradford.ac.ukpeace-ma-admissions

@bradford.ac.ukbradford.ac.uk/peaceHead of departmentProfessor David Francis

University of BristolSchool of Sociology, Politics and International Studies11 Priory Road Bristol BS8 1TU0117 331 7583 [email protected]/spaisHead of departmentProfessor Gregor McLennan

Brunel UniversityDepartment of Politics and HistoryUxbridgeMiddlesex UB8 3PH01895 265 [email protected]/sss/politicsHead of departmentProfessor Matthew Hughes

University of CambridgeDepartment of Politics and International Studies Alison Richard Building7 West RoadCambridge CB3 9DP01223 767 255

The guide

University of Cambridge continued . . . [email protected] of departmentProfessor David Runciman

Cardiff UniversitySchool of European Studies65-68 Park Place Cardiff CF10 3AS029 20 874 [email protected]/europHead of departmentDr Stephen Thornton

University of Central LancashireSchool of Education and Social SciencesLivesey HousePreston, PR1 2HE01772 892 [email protected] of schoolAndrew Churchill

Aberysthwyth UniversityInternational PoliticsPenglais CampusAberystwythCeredigion SY23 3FE01970 622 [email protected]/en/interpolHead of departmentDr Jennifer G MathersMain strengthsThe department is the old-est of its kind in the world, founded in 1919. It continues to be centrally concerned with the major questions in global politics. Widely recognised as the home of the discipline, it has evolved into the UK’s leading centre. It was acknowledged as the

UK number one for the study of international politics (Re-search Assessment Exercise, 2008) and is one of the most successful graduate schools in Europe, and enjoys ESRC recognition for research training and supervision.ResourcesThe university library subscribes to an extensive range of relevant elec-tronic resources that can be downloaded remotely. The National Library of Wales, a copyright library, is located less than 500 metres away.Study abroadThe university offers stu-dents the opportunity to take part in student ex-changes in Europe under the Erasmus scheme as well as exchanges in North America, Turkey, China and Australia.

Work placementsA parliamentary placement scheme enables students to spend a voluntary intern-ship throughout the summer working in Westminster or Cardiff with an MP/AM.Added benefitsThe most popular extra-curricular activity is the International Crisis Simula-tion, a role-playing exercise which allows students to get a feel for the dilemmas and challenges of the real world. Students also have the op-portunity to edit their own journal, Interstate, which enables the publication of their own work.AlumniInclude the environmental campaigner and founder of SolarAid, Jeremy Leggett and the former president of Si-erra Leone, Ahmad Kabbah.

University of BuckinghamDepartment of Economics and International StudiesBuckingham UniversityBuckingham MK18 1EG01280 820 [email protected]

Undergraduate Studies at BuckinghamWe offer Single, Major, Joint and Minor degrees in:•Politics•International Relations•Economics•History

Why Buckingham?•Top for employment among non-specialist insti-tutions (HESA, 2014).

•One of the best staff to student ratios in the UK.•Full honours degrees in two years (eight terms).•Three entry points: Janu-ary, July and September.•Highly competitive fees, with state grants and loans available.•Significant fee reductions for Buckingham graduates (Firsts and 2:1s) on our Masters programmes.•Application through UCAS or direct to the uni-versity, with fast decisions.•High Achiever Scholar-ships (£2,500 pa).•Four Counties Scholarships (Bucks, Beds, Oxon, North-ants) (£2,500 pa).• Buckingham graduates have an excellent employ-ment record.

PSG p19-31 directory.indd 19 25/11/2014 15:24:05



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University of ChichesterHistory and PoliticsBishop Otter Campus, College LaneChichester PO19 6PE0124 379 [email protected]/depart-ment-history-and-politicsHead of DepartmentDr Hugo FreyProgrammes Co-ordinatorDr Marco WyssProgrammesBSc (Hons) PoliticsBA (Hons) Politics and Contemporary HistoryMain StrengthsThe university is the UK’s best for student retention. The department consist-ently achieves sector-leading National Student Survey results for satisfaction. The trans-disciplinary teaching is informed by ourresearch

specialisms, which include Africa and African Diaspora, Nationalism, the memory of war, the Cold War, modern Britain, foreign policy, In-ternational Relations and se-curity. The curriculum also includes international law and economics, and visits to European organisationsResourcesThe newly refurbished library offers excellent study space, and substantial print and electronic resources.Study abroadThe network of partners un-der the Erasmus scheme and other exchange agreements offers students the opportu-nity to study in Europe, the United States, and Canada. Added benefitsWhile living in the beautiful cathedral city of Chichester, students arealso close to the country’s capital. They can also extend their intellectual horizons through the lec-tures of guest speakers from Britain and abroad.

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Canterbury Christ Church UniversityPolitics and InternationalRelationsSchool of Psychology, Poli-tics and SociologyNorth Holmes RoadCanterbury CT1 1QU.01227 782 [email protected]/politicsDirectorDr David BatesMain strengths•We offer a vibrant experi-ence, with a strong focus on excellence in learning, teach-ing and student support;•Our academics are at the forefront of their disciplines. Academic research informs their teaching. They are dedi-cated to helping students achieve their full potential.•Students continually rate us exceptionally highly for

satisfaction in the National Student Survey;•Each course has a key focus on employability. Personal tutors are available at every stage to ensure studies are aligned with career am-bitions. Our internship scheme helps build CVs.Added benefitsUsing cutting-edge learning and teaching methods, we study how politics works in the textbooks, and how it functions in the real world. We use simulations, webi-nars and UK and EU study trips to the House of Com-mons, Brussels, Strasbourg and The Hague. European focusOur new degrees include a Jean Monnet modules and Chair activities, reflecting EU-level recognition for our specialised EU modules.Programmes European Politics BSc/MSc; International Relations BSc/ MSc; Politics BSc/MSc; a range of PhD opportunities.



City University LondonInternational PoliticsWhiskin StreetLondon EC1R 0JD020 7040 [email protected]/ artssocial-sciences/ international-politicsHead of departmentProfessor Inderjeet Palmer University College CorkGovernmentO’Rahilly BuildingCork Ireland00 353 21 490 [email protected]/acad/govtHead of departmentProfessor Neil Collins Coventry UniversityInternational Studies and Social SciencePriory StreetCoventry CV1 5FB024 7688 [email protected] of departmentDr Mary Knyspel

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De Montfort University Department of Politics and Public Policy The Gateway Leicester LE1 9BH0116 250 50 60 70 [email protected]/politics

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Why study Politics at De Montefort University• We are a student-centred academic department that is focussed on delivering a first class university education by scholars who have a national and international profile for their research and teaching.

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• Enjoy the benefits from learning in a department that is recognised for its teaching excellence. We are the only Politics Department in the UK to have two National Teaching Fellows – the most prestigious award for teach-ing excellence.

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University College Dublin School of Politics and International RelationsNewman Building Belfield, Dublin 4 Republic of Ireland00 353 1 716 8397 [email protected] www.ucd.ie/spire Head of schoolProfessor Ben Tonra

University of Dundee Politics and International Relations School of HumanitiesNethergate DundeeDD1 4HN01382 388927 [email protected] www.dundee.ac.uk/politics Programme convenor Professor Cameron Ross

University of Durham School of Government and International AffairsAl-Qasimi Building Elvet Hill Road

Durham DH1 3TU0191 334 [email protected] c.uk www.dur.ac.uk/sgia/politics Head of schoolProfessor Emma Murphy

University of East AngliaSchool of Political, Social and International StudiesNorwichNR4 7TJ 01603 591 [email protected] www.uea.ac.uk/politicsinter-national-mediaHead of schoolProfessor Lee Marsden

University of East LondonSchool of Law and Social ScienceDocklands CampusUniversity WayLondon E16 2RD020 8223 [email protected]/hssDean of schoolFiona Fairweather

University of Edinburgh Government21 George SquareEdinburgh EH8 9LD0131 650 [email protected]/mppDirector of the Academy of Government Professor Charlie JefferyMaster of public policyThe MPP is an intensive 12-month course designed to train future public leaders, providing them with the theoretical frameworks and the skills needed to success-fully tackle the policy chal-lenges of the 21st century.Why choose us?•The MPP is a truly inter-disciplinary programme: it blends insights from politi-cal science, public policy and

administration, business, law, and economics to create a solid knowledge base. •It bridges theory and practice: students learn from practitioners and leading academics in hands-on teaching sessions•Our strong connections to the Scottish Government and Parliament: opening the seats of power to students.•Our work placements: our masters place students in a policy organisation. •Our global reputation for excellence: Our programme is widely considered one of the most prestigious of its kind. The Academy of Gov-ernment is one of Europe’s leading centres for the study of governance and policy making. The University is consistently ranked as one of the top in the world.•Our employment record: our alumni achievements are testament to the quality of our programme and the calibre of our students.

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University of EssexGovernmentWivenhoe ParkColchester CO4 3SQ 01206 872 757 [email protected] (under-graduates); [email protected] (postgraduates)www.essex.ac.uk/governmentExecutive DeanProfessor Todd Landman

University of ExeterPoliticsAmory Building Rennes DriveExeter EX4 4RJ 01392 725 [email protected] Head of departmentProfessor Andrew Massey

University of GlasgowPoliticsAdam Smith Building40 Bute GardensGlasgowScotlandG12 8RT0141 330 [email protected]/politicsHead of PoliticsProfessor Chris Carman

Glasgow Caledonian University History and PoliticsSchool of Law and SocialSciences70 Cowcaddens Road Glasgow G4 0BA0141 331 [email protected]/lssHead of departmentProfessor Duncan McTavish

Goldsmiths College, University of LondonPoliticsNew Cross LondonSE14 6NW020 7919 [email protected]/politicsHead of departmentProfessor Saul Newman

University of GreenwichSocial, Political and Cultural StudiesOld Royal Naval College Park Row, GreenwichLondon SE10 9LS020 8331 [email protected] gre.ac.uk/politicsDean of schoolDr June Balshaw

University of HuddersfieldPoliticsRamsden BuildingQueensgateHuddersfieldWest Yorkshire HD1 3DH01484 472 [email protected] www.hud.ac.uk Head of schoolDr Pete Woodcock

University of HullSchool of Politics, Philosophy & International StudiesWilberforce BuildingCottingham RoadHul Yorkshire HU6 7RX 01482 465 [email protected] www2.hull.ac.uk/ fass/politicsHead of schoolProfessor Caroline Kennedy

Institute of Commonwealth StudiesSchool of Advanced StudyUniversity of Londo South BlockSenate HouseMalet StreetLondon WC1E 7HU020 7862 [email protected]. sas.ac.ukDirector of the InstituteProfessor Philip Murphy

King’s College LondonUniversity of LondonWar StudiesThe StrandLondon WC2R 2LS020 7848 [email protected] kcl.ac.uk/warstudiesHead of departmentProfessor Theo Farrell

Kingston UniversityPoliticsKingstonSurrey KT1 2EE020 8417 [email protected]://fass.kingston.ac.uk Head of departmentDr Radu Cinpoes Lancaster UniversityDepartment of Politics, Philosophy and ReligionCounty SouthLancaster LA1 4YL01524 594 [email protected]/fass/pprHead of departmentDr Patrick Bishop

University of KeeleSchool of Politics, International Relations and Philosophy (Spire)Chancellor’s BuildingUniversity of KeeleStaffordshireST5 5BG01782 733 [email protected]/spireHead of schoolProfessor Bulent Gokay

General informationThe University of Keele has been renowned for pioneer-ing new teaching methods

such as the joint honours system. It also maintains a distinctive community feel, with many lecturers being housed, like the students, on the main university site.

Overseas study As part of the undergraduate courses offered in Politics, International Relations, Environmental Studies and Philosophy, there is an op-portunity to study abroad in Australia, Hong Kong, South Africa, America, Canada and Europe thor-ough the ERASMUS pro-gramme.

AlumniIncludes Sir Nick Partridge OBE, Chief Executive of the HIV and Aids charitable organisation, the Terrence Higgins Trust; and Her Excellency Dr Farah Faisal, the former High Commis-sioner for the Republic of Maldives in London.




University of LeedsSchool of Politics and International Studies – POLISSciences BuildingLeeds LS2 9JT0113 343 [email protected] or [email protected] polis.leeds.ac.uk Head of schoolProfessor Kevin Theakston

Leeds Metropolitan UniversityHealth and Social SciencesCivic QuarterLeeds LS1 3HE0113 812 3113 [email protected] leedsmet.ac.uk/as/sss/ politicsHead of subjectProfessor Iewan Ellis

University of LimerickPolitics & Public Administration Limerick Ireland 00 353 61 202 63300 353 61202 572 [email protected] www.ul.ie/ppa Head of departmentDr Bernadette Connaughton

University of Kent Brussels School of International StudiesCanterbury campus5 Boulevard de la Plaine,1050 Bruxelles00 32 2 641 [email protected]/brussels

Academic directorDr Tom Casier

Courses offered• European Public Policy MA• International Conflict and Security MA• International Development MA• International Political Economy MA• International Relations MA• International Migration MA• Political Strategy and Communication MA• International Law with

International Relations LLM• International Economic Law LLM• Public International Law LLM• Two Capitals MA• International Relations PhD• International Conflict Analysis PhD• Comparative Politics, Phd• Law PhD• Political and Social Thought Phd

School strengthsThe University of Kent’s Brussels School of Interna-tional Studies is a specialist postgraduate centre, which offers advanced English lan-guage based degrees covering the spectrum of international affairs.

SchoolThe broad selection of taught and research programmes available, ranging from politics and international re-lations to law, migration and

conflict studies, means you can choose a degree that best reflects student interests.

SchoolOur strong links with Brussels-based organisations greatly enhance the teach-ing on our programmes and students benefit from many opportunities for research, internships and future employment by studying in Europe’s capital.

SchoolThe School also promotes a culture of flexibility so that students can study on a full-time or part-time basis, completing their programme in an intensive 12 months or over several years.

SchoolCourse start dates in January and September. We have recently developed a suite of professional education programmes and a two-week summer school.

Whatever your career policy,

we have the postgraduate politics

programmes to help you succeed.

For more information, or to find out how to apply, please visit:

surrey.ac.uk/newstatesman



University of LiverpoolPoliticsRoxby BuildingChatham StreetLiverpool L69 7ZR0151 794 2393/0151 794 2413 [email protected] (under- and postgraduate); [email protected] (research students)liv.ac.uk/politicsHead of departmentDr Stuart Wilks-Heeg

Liverpool HopePolitics and HistoryHope ParkLiverpool L16 9JD0151 291 [email protected]/politicsHead of departmentProfessor ChrisWilliams

London Metropolitan UniversityLaw, Governance and International Relations16 Goulston StreetLondon E1 7TP 020 7320 1161 [email protected] londonmet.ac.uk/depts/lgirHead of International Relations Dr Andrew Moran

University of KentSchool of Politics and International RelationsCanterbury campusRutherford CollegeCanterburyKent CT2 7NX01227 823 678polirpgadmissions@ kent.ac.ukwww.kent.ac.uk/politics

Head of SchoolProfessor Richard Whitman

ProgrammesUndergraduate (BA)• Politics and International Relations• Politics• Politics and International Relations with a Language • Politics and International Relations (Bi-diplôme)• Politics and International Relations with a year in Continental Europe, China,

Hong Kong, Japan or North America• War and Conflict• Joint Honours pro-grammes available in Law, History, Economics, Sociol-ogy, Social Policy, Social Anthropology and English Language and Linguistics

Postgraduate (MA/PDip):• Comparative Politics• European and Global Governance*• International Conflict Analysis• International Relations*• International Relations with International Law • International Security and the Politics of Terror• Peace and Conflict Studies• Political Theory and the Practices of Resistance• Security and Terrorism* International Double Award options available

Postgraduate Research:• Comparative Politics• International Conflict Analysis

• International Relations• Political & Social Thought

School strengthsThe School is dynamic and highly international offering exciting and professionally valuable programmes of study. Academic staff are engaged in cutting-edge research on a wide variety of political issues such as ethno-political conflict, hu-man rights, regional integra-tion, critical security studies, social theories of resistance, conflict analysis and democ-ratisation, to name but a few. We host four research centres: the Conflict Analysis Research Centre (CARC), the Centre for Federal Stud-ies (CFS, the Global Europe Centre (GEC). and the Centre for Critical Thought. We have excellent links with prestigious institutions in Europe and beyond and are the only politics and interna-tional relations school in the country with a postgraduate centre in Brussels.

University of LeicesterPolitics and International RelationsUniversity RoadLeicester LE1 7RH0116 252 [email protected]

Head of department Professor Mark Phythian

General informationOur department has a long tradition of academic excellence in providing exciting and innovative postgraduate courses.

We seek to make post-graduate study an intel-lectually stimulating and rewarding experience. Our programmes are designed to enhance students’ under-standing of today’s world.

We pride ourselves on hav-ing a friendly and open de-partment with experienced academics committed

to excellence in teaching and research; whether stud-ying on campus or online via distance learning.

Our MA programmes bring together a vibrant and thriv-ing scholarly community composed of recent gradu-ates and professionals from around the globe looking to develop their expertise, many of whom are work-ing in a wide range of roles within intelligence, security, conflict, diplomacy and governance.

Students who join us meet new people, encounter exciting ideas, have access to award winning student support services, and are challenged to work to their full potential.

We set high academic standards and provide excel-lent support and guidance to help all students achieve their ambitions.

University of LincolnSchool of Social and Political SciencesBrayford PoolLincoln LN6 7TS01522 882 [email protected]/socialsciences

Head of schoolDr Jacqui Briggs About the schoolThe School of Social and Political Sciences aims to combine high-quality teaching and learning with high quality research.

We provide a friendly and supportive environment and a great deal of our work bears the characteristic hallmark of co-operation and interdisci-plinary. This bears fruit with our distinctive curriculum and also in our collaborative research, as we view the two as intricately connected.

We align ourselves closely with the University’s

“student as producer” agenda and there is an active mentoring and placement programme running along-side our courses.

Visiting scholarsWe are very fortunate to have several visiting profes-sors in the form of Lord Victor Adebowale, who is also the university’s Chancellor, Professor Karen Celis, and Sue Duncan. They often visit and give guest lectures to our students.

ResearchThe School is home to the Policy Studies Research Centre, which offers sig-nificant ongoing research programmes and a vibrant seminar series. The School has provided the foundation for a number of national and international conferences.

Find out more at:http://policystudiesresearchcentre.blogs. lincoln.ac.uk




London School of Economics and Political ScienceGovernmentHoughton StreetLondon WC2A 2AE020 7955 7929 [email protected] www2.lse.ac.uk/government Head of departmentProfessor Simon Hix

London South Bank UniversityPoliticsSchool of Social Sciences103 Borough RoadLondon SE1 0AA020 7815 [email protected] Head of course Shaminder Takhar

Loughborough UniversityPolitics, History and International RelationsLeicestershire LE11 3TU 01509 222 [email protected]/phir Head of departmentDave Berry

Manchester Metropolitan UniversityPolitics and International RelationsDepartment of History, Politics and PhilosophyGeoffrey Manton Building Rosamond Street West ManchesterM15 6LL0161 247 [email protected]/hpp

Head of departmentDr Brian McCook

Department overviewThe Department of History,

Politics and Philosophy en-compasses multi-disciplinary strengths in both teaching and research.

SpecialismsWe specialise in: • European philosophy, • Public policy, • European politics, • US politics, • International relations, • Local and international history.

This wide range of topics allows us to offer a varied and thriving programme of study alongside a challenging culture of research.

Undergraduate programmesAt undergraduate level, we have achieved a 94 per cent satisfaction rating in the National Student Survey for our BA (Hons) Politics and BA (Hons) International Politics courses, with 90 per cent of our class of 2013 going into employment or further

study within six months after graduation.

Postgraduate programmesWe recently launched our new MA International Relations and Global Com-munications, which allows students to effectively engage with and critically evaluate the interaction between these two distinct areas of study.

Research programmesOur Politics staff supervise M. Phil and PhD research degrees in a wide range of subject areas including: • The domestic politics and foreign policy of the USA; • Twentieth-century British politics; • Political theory; • Latin American politics; • The politics of the Euro-pean Union; • Energy policy; • Public policy (British and comparative); • The politics of football.

Department of Politics and International Relations

Want to find out more? Visit the Distance Learning Study section at: www.le.ac.uk/politics

Email: [email protected]: www.le.ac.uk/politicsTel: +44 (0)116 252 5164Head of Department:Professor Mark Phythian

The University of Leicester is one of the UK’s leading providers of distance education. Our part-time online MAs include:

MA Diplomatic StudiesMA Human Rights & Global Ethics*NEW* MA Intelligence & SecurityMA in International Relations & World OrderMA International Security StudiesMA Politics of Conflict & ViolenceMA in Politics in the EU

Why Study at the University of Leicester?

• Join a Thriving, Global Academic Community

Share and develop your ideas with a diverse group of students working in the fields of intelligence, security, conflict, diplomacy and governance.

• Pursue Your Research Interests

Our diverse and broad range of optional modules allows you to shape your studies around your own interests and professional goals.

• Teaching and Research Excellence

You will be taught by leading academics who are passionate about their teaching and research.

• Flexibility and Support With two intakes a year,

our courses are designed to enable you to work at a time that suits you. Our structured framework provides academic and pastoral support specifically for distance learners.

ADVANCEDINTERNATIONALSTUDIES IN THECAPITAL OF EUROPEPostgraduate education in international affairstaught in English by a UK university in Brussels.

• Conflict and Security• European Public Policy• International, Public and Economic Law• International Migration• International Relations• Political Economy• International Development• Political Strategy and Communication• Two Capitals Programme

Short courses plus January and September admissionsfor full and part-time study.

T: +32 2 641 1721 E: [email protected] www.kent.ac.uk/brussels



University of ManchesterSocial SciencesOxford RoadManchester M13 9PL0161 275 4883amanda.grimshaw@ manchester.ac.ukwww.socialsciences. manchester.ac.uk/ disciplines/politics Head of politicsProfessor Andrew Russell

Middlesex UniversitySocial Science and PoliticsThe BurroughHendonLondon NW4 4BT 020 8411 5555 [email protected] www.mdx.ac.uk Head of International PoliticsDr Tunç Aybak

University of NewcastleGeography, Politics and Sociology 5th FloorClaremont TowerNewcastle-upon-Tyne

NE1 7RU0191 208 3923 0191 208 [email protected] www.ncl.ac.uk/ campaign /politics Head of departmentDr Nick Randall

University of NorthamptonPolitics Park Campus Boughton Green Road Northampton NN2 7AL01604 735 500 (switchboard) or 0800 358 2232 (course inquiries) [email protected] Dean of Social SciencesChris Moore

University of NorthumbriaArt and Social SciencesLipman BuildingSandyford RoadNewcastle-upon-Tyne NE1 8ST0191 227 4975liz.candlish@ northumbria.ac.uk

www.northumbria.ac.uk Programme directorsDr Siobhan DalyNick Hayward

University of NottinghamPolitics and International RelationsLaw and Social Sciences Building University ParkNottinghamNG7 2RD0115 951 4862politics-enquiries@ nottingham.ac.uknottingham.ac.uk/politicsHead of schoolMathew Humphrey

The Open UniversityPolitics and International StudiesFaculty of Social SciencesWalton HallMilton Keynes MK7 6AA01908 654 [email protected]/courses Head of PoliticsRaja Prokhovnik

University of OxfordPolitics and International RelationsManor RoadOxford OX1 3UQ01865 278 700politics.ox.ac.ukHead of departmentProfessor Elizabeth Frazer

Oxford Brookes UniversitySocial SciencesHeadington CampusOxford OX3 0BP01865 483 [email protected] www.socialsciences.brookes.ac.uk/coursesHead of departmentChris McDonaugh

University of PlymouthPolitics and International RelationsDrake CircusPlymouth PL4 8AA01752 600 [email protected] Director of schoolProfessor Graeme Herd

MA PROGRAMMES POLITICS ANDINTERNATIONALRELATIONS A diverse range of programmes available at Kent’s stunningCanterbury campus, taught by world-leading experts in thefield. Subjects include Comparative Politics, InternationalRelations, International Conflict Analysis, European and GlobalGovernance, Security and Terrorism and Political Theory. You can also study for a Double Award at Kent plus one of our partner institutions in France, Poland, Russia or Germany.Our MAs in International Relations and International ConflictAnalysis also offer you the opportunity to study for one year at Kent’s specialist postgraduate centre in Brussels.

• Access to world-leading research • Inspirational teaching• Flexible and innovative programmes• A global outlook and excellent partnerships• Strong postgraduate community• First-class postgraduate facilities

E: [email protected] T: +44 (0) 1227 827122www.kent.ac.uk/politics

Politics and International Relationsat Royal Holloway, University of LondonRoyal Holloway’s Department of Politics & International Relations offers courses covering an exceptional range of subjects, from African, British, European and Middle Eastern politics, through terrorism, global crime, human rights and foreign policy, to voting behaviour and the impact of the media and new technologies on politics. We also run an internship programme for final-year undergraduates, ‘Politics in Action’, which allows students to gain experience of working in political organisations.

Our degree programmes include:

Politics & International Relations

Economics (PPE)

History, Geography or EconomicsFor more information:

politicsandIR

degrees in Politics & International Relations




University of PortsmouthSocial, Historical and Literary StudiesMilldam Burnaby RoadPortsmouthHampshire PO1 3AS023 9284 8299humanities.admissions@ port.ac.uk port.ac.uk/sshlsHead of school Fergus Carrn

Queen’s University Belfast Politics and International StudiesUniversity Square Belfast BT7 1PA028 90 975 [email protected] qub.ac.uk/pais Head of departmentProfessor Shane O’Neill

University of ReadingPolitics and International RelationsWhiteknightsPO Box 218ReadingBerkshire RG6 6AA 0118 378 [email protected]/GIPIS Head of politics Professor Alan Cromartie

Richmond, the American International University in LondonPolitical ScienceQueens RoadRichmond-upon-Thames SurreyTW10 6JP 020 8332 8200 [email protected] Heads of departmentDr Alex SeagoRobert Gordon

Roehampton UniversitySocial ScienceRoehampton LaneLondon SW15 5PU 020 8392 3232 [email protected] www.roehampton.ac.uk/ socialsciences Head of departmentDr Michele Lamb

University of Salford Politics and History School of Humanities, Languages and Social SciencesSalfordGreater ManchesterM5 4WT0161 295 [email protected] Dean of schoolProfessor Allan Walker

School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University College LondonSocial Sciences16 Taviton StreetLondon WC1H 0BW 020 7679 [email protected] Acting director Professor Slavo Radoševi

University of SheffieldPoliticsElmfield Northumberland Road Sheffield S10 2TU 0114 222 1700 [email protected]/politics Head of departmentProfessor Nicola Phillips

Sheffield Hallam UniversityDevelopment and SocietyCity CampusHoward StreetSheffield S1 1WB 0114 225 5555 [email protected] www.shu.ac.uk/faculties/ds Head of psychology, sociology and politics John Reidy

University of SouthamptonPolitics and International RelationsSchool of Social SciencesSouthampton SO17 1BJ023 8059 [email protected] www.southampton. ac.uk/politicsHead of departmentProfessor David Owen

Staffordshire University School of Journalism, Humanities and Social Sciences College RoadStoke-on-Trent ST4 2DE01782 294 415 [email protected] staffs.ac.uk Head of school Dr Alan Russell

University of St AndrewsInternational Relations Arts Building The ScoresSt Andrews FifeKY16 9AX 01334 462 938 [email protected] st-andrews.ac.uk/intrel Head of school Professor Nicholas Rengger

University of StirlingPoliticsSchool of History and PoliticsStirling Scotland FK9 4LA01786 467 530 [email protected] historyandpolitics.stir.ac.uk Head of department Professor Holger Nehring

University of StrathclydeSchool of Government and Public PolicyMcCance Building16 Richmond Street GlasgowG1 1XQ0141 548 2733contact-government@ strath.ac.ukstrath.ac.uk/humanities/schoolofgovernmentand publicpolicyHead of school Professor Robert Thomson

University of SunderlandPoliticsFaculty of Education and SocietyPriestman BuildingNew Durham RoadSunderlandSR1 3PZ0191 515 2226simon.henig@ sunderland.ac.ukwww.sunderland.ac.uk/ faculties/es Principal lecturerDr Simon Henig

University of SussexDepartment of International RelationsSchool of Global StudiesBrighton BN1 9SJ01273 878 892 [email protected] www.sussex.ac.uk/ir Head of departmentProfessor Rorden Wilkinson

Trinity College DublinUniversity of DublinDepartment of Political Science 3 College Green Dublin 200353 896 1651 [email protected]/Political_Science Head of departmentProfessor Gail McElroy

University of UlsterSchool of Criminology, Politics and Social PolicyJordanstown campus

Nottingham Trent UniversitySchool of Social SciencesDivision of Politics and International RelationsBurton Street NottinghamNG14 4BU0115 848 4460 [email protected] www.ntu.ac.uk/s3

Head of school Dr Rose Gann

Main strengths The division provides a vibrant, close-knit academic community in which to base undergraduate and post-graduate studies.

Resources On the city site our students have access to a great combi-nation of facilities includ-ing the £13m Boots library,

3,000 student open-access PCs and our virtual learning environment (NOW).

ResearchOur courses are research- led and are informed by the latest developments.

Our research areas include Citizens, Parties and Political Action, the Middle East and North Africa, Politics, Innovation and Pedagogy, Political Theory, and Security, Political Violence and Change.

Beyond the course All students have oppor-tunities to broaden their experience and gain a range of skills.

Students can hear directly from professionals and experts, join our lively Politics Society and get the chance to study abroad with the Erasmus foreign exchange scheme.



Shore Road NewtownabbeyCounty AntrimNorthern IrelandBT37 0QB028 90 366 [email protected] cocsci.ulster.ac.uk/policyHead of schoolRuth Fee

University College LondonSchool of Public PolicyDepartment of Political Science The Rubin Building29 Tavistock SquareLondonWC1H 9QU020 7679 [email protected] ucl.ac.uk/spp Director and head of departmentProfessor David Coen

Swansea UniversitySingleton ParkSwanseaWales SA2 8PP01792 606 980

Queen Mary University of LondonPolitics and International RelationsMile End RoadLondonE1 4NS020 7882 [email protected]

Head of SchoolProfessor Adam Fagan

Courses includeUndergraduate: Politics, International Relations, and Politics with Business Man-agement.

Postgraduate: International Relations, International Business and Politics, Inter-national Public Policy, Public Policy and British Politics: Theory and Practice

ResourcesAs well as the QMUL library, students have access to and full user rights at Senate House Library and other University of London libraries.

Other strengthsWe have a strong commit-ment to research, and aim to integrate these interests with our teaching.

A friendly, informal ethos is maintained where everyone can pursue their interests in an atmosphere of mutual tolerance and respect.

As part of our commit-ment to enhancing student employability, we are also building optional intern-ships with MPs into our BA Politics course.

CareersWe are committed to im-proving student experiences, skills, attitudes and opportu-nities, to give our graduates the best possible opportuni-ty to succeed during a highly competitive job market.

Recent graduate destinations include; Amnesty Interna-tional, the BBC, Bloomberg, British Foreign & Common-wealth Office, CNN, Italian Chamber of Commerce for the UK, the Thailand Em-bassy in the UK, UNESCO, UNO and Yahoo!

AlumniMPs Esther McVey, Peter Hain and Caroline Spelman, and George Parker, Politics Editor of the Financial Times, all attended Queen Mary University.

Protester - Tahrir Square, Egypt

In order to change the world, you need to understand it.

and interpret our changing world.

SHAPE

Meet the world at SOAS www.soas.ac.uk

• Languages & Cultures • Arts & Humanities• Law & Social Sciences

WORLD AFFAIRS




Swansea University continued . . .

coahcollegeoffice@ swansea.ac.ukswansea.ac.uk/artsand humanities/pcsHead of departmentDr Alan Collins

University of the West of EnglandPolitics and International RelationsDepartment of Health and Social SciencesFrenchay Campus Coldharbour LaneBristolBS16 1QY0117 965 [email protected]/hlss/politics/ index.shtml Programme leaderDr Phil Cole

University of the West of ScotlandPolitics and SociologySchool of Social SciencesHigh StreetPaisleyPA1 2BE0141 848 3788 [email protected]/schoolsdepts/socialsciencesHead of schoolProfessor Robert Pyper

University of WestminsterPolitics and International Relations309 Regent Street LondonW1B 2HW020 7911 5000dannreuther@ westminster.ac.uk wmin.ac.uk/dpirHead of departmentDr Digbesh Anand

SOAS, University of LondonDepartment of Politics and International StudiesThornhaugh StreetRussell SquareLondon WC1H 0XG020 7637 [email protected]/SoasPolitics@soaspolitics

Head of department Professor Salwa Ismail

General infoThe Department of Politics and International Studies at SOAS is one of the most exciting places in the world to learn about global politics with a focus on the politics of Asia, Africa and the Middle East.

Main strengthsStudents will gain knowl-edge of some of the most

important power shifts and conflicts of ideas taking place in the world today, as well as learning about broader trends in international rela-tions and global politics.

Study abroadStudents combining politics with a language will spend a year of study abroad.

Added benefitsAll staff are leading scholars in their field and commit-ted to teaching and student learning. The excellence of staff research was recognised by the high ranking received in the 2008 RAE.

AlumniGraduates from the depart-ment follow many exciting and varied careers in busi-ness, government, media, journalism, international organisations and NGOs. Students leave SOAS with a knowledge and understand-ing of the complex political and cultural issues of con-temporary global politics.

Royal Holloway, University of LondonPolitics and International RelationsEgham HillEgham TW20 0EX01784 276 [email protected] royalholloway.ac.uk/ politicsandIRHead of departmentDr Alister MiskimmonMain strengthsThe Department is a thriving research community offering an exceptional range of subjects, from African, British, European and Middle Eastern politics, to terrorism, global crime, human rights and the impact of the media and new technologies on politics. Our courses are taught by leading scholars in the field of Politics and International Relations in a stimulating and challenging, yet friendly and close-knit environment.

Our graduates go on to excellent jobs in many fields and we are in the top ten of all UK Politics departments for career prospects (Com-plete University Guide, 2014), actively enhancing employability through our

prestigious Politics in Action placement scheme. This full-year undergraduate study module gives students the opportunity to directly ap-ply what they have learned in their degree to a work-place environment, boost employability and prepare them for their future career.

This is a dynamic community, and creates studying a fascinating field in an innovative and interesting way. Our degree programmes include:•BA International Rela-tions/Politics/Politics and International Relations•BA/BSc Politics, Philoso-phy and Economics (PPE)•BA European Studies•Joint Honours degrees with Philosophy, History, Geography or Economics•MSc Contemporary Political Theory•MSc Elections, Parties and Public Opinion•MSc International Public Policy•MSc International Relations•MSc Media, Power and Public Affairs•MSc Politics•MSc Transnational Security Studies•MA by Research and PhD degrees in Politics and International Relations supported by AHRC and ESRC scholarships.

University of SurreyDepartment of PoliticsFaculty of Arts and Human SciencesGuildford GU2 7XH01483 681 [email protected]/politics

Head of departmentProfessor Alex Warleigh-Lock

General infoPolitics at Surrey takes a lively approach to research, debate and public engage-ment that has earned a place in the Guardian University Guide top 10. We examine the nature of power, how it operates in the real world, and the roles that ordinary people play in shaping policy and politics.

DegreesA rich choice of programmes at undergraduate, post-graduate and PhD level, all taught within the stimulat-

ing and supportive atmos-phere of a Department with a growing reputation for innovative teaching and learning methods.

Professional opportunitiesAll undergraduates can complete one of Surrey’s pioneering Professional Training placements, which provide invaluable experience of a professional or academic environment in the UK or overseas.

Main strengths* European politics* International politics* Political theory and philosophy* Citizenship and policy studies* Educational politics and policy

LocationFacilities are located at the heart of our beautiful cam-pus, which is a short walk from Guildford town centre and train station. London, Heathrow, the south coast and the Surrey Hills are all within easy reach.



University of WolverhamptonLaw, Social Sciences and CommunicationsDepartment of Law, Social Sciences and CommunicationsMillennium City BuildingWulfruna StreetWolverhamptonWV1 1LY01902 323 518 [email protected]/hlssDean of schoolDr Anthea Gregory

University of YorkPolitics, Economics and PhilosophySchool of PEP University of YorkUniversity RoadHeslingtonYorkYO10 5DD01904 323 843 [email protected]/pepDirector of PEPProfessor Neil Carter

University of WarwickPolitics and International StudiesSocial Sciences building Coventry CV4 7AL024 7652 8464 (undergraduate)024 7652 3486 (postgraduate)[email protected]/pais

Head of departmentProfessor Chris Hughes

Main strengthsPolitics and Interational Studies (PAIS) is a diverse, successful and dynamic com-munity situated within one of the UK’s leading univer-sities, with more than 50 academic staff and a growing community of postdoctoral research fellows producing

world-class research across a wide spectrum of specialisms.

Major research centres in PAIS include the Centr for the Study of Globalisation and Regionalisation, the Centre for Studies in Democ-ratisation, and the interdis-ciplinary Centre for Ethics, Law and Public Affairs.

PAIS attracts the highest quality students from more than 50 countries onto three core and several joint under-graduate programmes, ten core and two double Masters programmes and a wide range of PhD topics. Students graduate with very good career prospects in diverse fields, including government, law, business, international organisations and the media.

ResourcesThe library is a member of the SCONUL Access Scheme, which allows use of other member research libraries in the UK. It is also home to the Wolfson Research Exchange.

Study abroadPAIS has strong partnerships for study in the US, Hong Kong, Australia and Eu-rope (through the Erasmus programme). PAIS also offers Double Master programmes with partners in Germany and Singapore.

Added benefitsThere are strong ties to Warwick’s Career Services Centre, including workshops for postgraduate students.

AlumniInclude the former Private Secretary to the Deputy PM, James Clarke, and Shadow Secretary of State for Defence, Vernon Coaker.

As a hub of international excellence in teaching and research, Politics and International Studies (PAIS) delivers the kind of teaching and supervision that will stretch your understanding while also supporting you along the way. With world-leading experts across politics and international studies, this is the place to continue your academic journey alongside some of

PAIS student, you will enjoy intellectual freedom to pursue research you care about, join a diverse multinational

Whether you wish to pursue a taught MA or PhD research, we’re ready to take the journey with you!

Degree programmesPhD Research

MA Political & Legal TheoryMA Research in PAISMA US Foreign PolicyMA Public PolicyMA International Development MA International Politics & EuropeMA International Politics & East AsiaMA International SecurityMA International Political EconomyMA International Relations

Double Masters with partners in Spain, USA, Canada, Germany, and Singapore

warwick.ac.uk/pais/study


Politics and Economics at Buckingham

Buckingham is a unique institution. Founded in the 1970s, for decades it was Britain’s only inde-pendent university and it remains the only one with a Royal Charter.

• Top for employment among non-specialist institutions (HESA, 2014).• One of the best staff to student ratios in the UK.• Full honours degrees in two years (8 terms).• Three entry points: January, July and September.• Highly competitive fees, with state grants and loans available.• Significant fee reductions for Buckingham graduates (Firsts and 2.1s) on our Masters programmes.• Application through UCAS or direct to the university, with fast decisions.

Undergraduate programmes include:• BSc Economics (single, major and joint)• BSc International Relations (major)• BA Politics (joint, major and minor)• BA History (joint, major and minor)• BA International Studies (single, major and minor)• BA Politics, Economics and Law• BA Law with Politics

Course finder: www.buckingham.ac.uk

GCHQ in Cheltenham

For enquiries please contact:Paul Graham, Director of Programmes [email protected] 01280 820187

32 Uni of Bucks fp ad.indd 1 20/11/2014 14:51:36

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