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The Second World War constituted a most painful chapter in the life of a people. For the surviving folks of Central Mayoyao in Ifugao where its ravages were greatly felt, their sufferings emanated from both the Japanese and the guerillas.
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7/15/2019 Journal For Mayoyao WWII Survivors
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/journal-for-mayoyao-wwii-survivors 1/24
Journal of Northern Luzon , Volume XXXIV, Nos. 1-2, June 2011-May 2012
Attanglan, C. & del Rosario, F.Y., Reminiscences of the Second World War Among the
Survivors of Mayoyao
61
Reminiscences of the Second World War among the
Survivors of Mayoyao, Ifugao1
Carina B. Attanglan2 and Fe Yolanda G. del Rosario, Ph.D.3
Abstract
The Second World War constituted a most painful chapter in the life of a people. For thesurviving folks of Central Mayoyao in Ifugao where its ravages were greatly felt, their
sufferings emanated from both the Japanese and the guerillas. This qualitative research thus,
attempted to surface their collective experiences including their reactions to Japanese
presence, the nature of Japanese Occupation, their sufferings, and its aftermath in their socio-
economic life. Key informants revealed that they were confronted with feelings both of
courage and fear as they adapted to these conditions. Moreover, while they were conscious
of their cultural traditions, the circumstances of war prevented its practice. The demands of
survival also had its toll on their social relations. However, opportunities in the form of war
damages gave some of them a chance to explore business and live comfortably after the war.
Although it does not provide a complete picture, it is nonetheless a humble contribution to
Mayayao’s local history.
Keywords: ravages, collective experiences, Japanese Occupation, aftermath
1. Introduction
War has always been a part of human experience. Unforgettable sufferings
including the loss of life and occupations, starvation, forced labor, torture,
violence and deprivation of human rights are not only confined to the battle
fields but also felt in the society as a whole. Its effects leave their imprint not only
1 Likha Award – School of Arts and Sciences, SY 2011-20122AB History student– School of Arts and Sciences, Saint Mary’s University,
Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya – Author3
Director – University Research Center, Saint Mary’s University, Bayombong, Nueva
Vizcaya – Adviser /Co-author
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Journal of Northern Luzon , Volume XXXIV, Nos. 1-2, June 2011-May 2012
Attanglan, C. & del Rosario, F.Y., Reminiscences of the Second World War Among the
Survivors of Mayoyao
62
on the resources of the country and its national economy, but also impress
psychological problems among the people.
In the recorded history of man the Second World War was the most
widespread marked by the death of civilians, soldiers, the destruction of the
environment, and the use of nuclear weapons in warfare. While it had its origins
in Europe, it escalated into Asia when Japan as an ally of the Axis Powers soon
entered the war bringing Asian countries including the Philippines into its path.
As Setsuho and Jose (1999) note, “The Japanese Occupation of the Philippinesstands out as an extreme example of both human and material devastation”.
The surrender of the United States-Philippine forces in Bataan Peninsula in
April 1942 and on Corregidor in May of the same year gave the Philippines its
finality. Meanwhile the Henangas’ first experience of the invaders took place
when prior to their formal occupation of the town, the Japanese sent four planes
to bomb the PC headquarters. Accordingly, people went into hiding because of
their fear. The second was in an ambush in September 1942 that left 30 Japanese
dead. By the second week of October, the Japanese retaliated by burning the
barangays nearest the ambush site where their comrades died.
Already at the outset, war brought with it psychological, physical, and
emotional disruption, which left deep-seated scars and untold pain. Suchmemories weighed heavily in the researcher’s desire to document her own
people’s experiences that the present generation may learn.
This study was, thus, geared towards an in-depth understanding of the
Japanese Occupation in Mayoyao, Ifugao through personal accounts of some
surviving folks. Accordingly it answered the following: (1). What were the initial
reactions of the survivors to Japanese presence?; (2). What was the life situation
of the people during the occupation?; and (3). What was their life after the
liberation with particular attention to their economy and social order?
2. Method
2.1. Research Locale
At the outbreak of the war, there were five municipalities under the old
Mountain Province namely: Burnay (later changed to Lagawe by virtue of R.A
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Journal of Northern Luzon , Volume XXXIV, Nos. 1-2, June 2011-May 2012
Attanglan, C. & del Rosario, F.Y., Reminiscences of the Second World War Among the
Survivors of Mayoyao
63
3380, the capital of the province), Kiangan (seat of government during the
Japanese Occupation), Banaue, Hungduan and Mayoyao which finally gained
provincial status on June 18, 1966 from the Mountain Province by virtue of
Republic Act No. 4695. Bontoc was then the capital (Municipal Socio- Economic
Profile).
Mayoyao, is one of the largest municipalities of Ifugao in terms of land area,
and has the most number of barangays (27). It is bounded on the North by
Paraceles, Mountain Province; on the West by Banaue, on the South by Lagaweand Isabela Province and on the East by the Municipality of Aguinaldo. One of
the tourist spots is the memorial mountain of Nagchajan, the place where the
Japanese Imperial forces and combined Filipino-American forces fought until the
end of the liberation.
The people in Mayoyao are composed of the Henanga occupying the central
portion and the Ayangan occupying the western side of the town. The Henanga
are the subjects of this study.
Figure 1.1. Map of the Ifugao Province highlighting the Municipality of Mayoyao.
Courtesy of the Mayoyao Municipal Planning Office
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Journal of Northern Luzon , Volume XXXIV, Nos. 1-2, June 2011-May 2012
Attanglan, C. & del Rosario, F.Y., Reminiscences of the Second World War Among the
Survivors of Mayoyao
64
Figure 1. 2. Map of Mayoyao highlighting the places where the Japanese Occupation took place.
Courtesy of the Mayoyao Municipal Planning Office
Fig. 1.3. Bgy. Poblacion Fig.1.4. Bgy. Central Mayoyao
2.2. Methods and Sources A historical inquiry, the research employed the use of documentary sources
and informal interviews, unstructured questionnaire, and personal dialogues
with survivors who were direct witnesses of the war. Focus group discussions
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Attanglan, C. & del Rosario, F.Y., Reminiscences of the Second World War Among the
Survivors of Mayoyao
65
were done to validate the information for coherent collection and discussion. The
respondents’ individual experiences were considered to triangulate information.
Photo documentation was also utilized to include pictures of the key informants
and the interviews and of images, relics, and historical marks to give more
substance to the study.
3. Results and Discussion
3.1. The Initial Reactions of the Survivors to the War and the Japanese
Occupation
As earlier stated the Henangas’ first experience of the Japanese occurred with
the bombing of the PC headquarters. Mrs. Josephine Bilagot, who was a mere
child at the time recalls:
“I was at the top of our guava tree in our backyard picking its
fruits when I heard an unfamiliar sound above me; when I
looked up I saw four unfamiliar flying object (s) with scary
sounds…. I did not know how I was able to get down from the
guava tree because I was crying and shaking in fear… When Isaw my younger brother, his face was very pale and was (sic)
shaking also in fear. After a few hours, some of the Philippine
Constabulary soldiers came to check on our welfare; they told us
that those are Japanese planes and the fires are bombs. We
agreed with our neighbors to evacuate in the nearby mountains
because the police made sure that the Japanese would come
back.”
The bombing that took place caused unwarranted fear on the people even
when they have not yet seen the Japanese. Stories about the brutality they
inflicted on soldiers of the “Death March” and others like the rape of women andthe killing of anyone who would not obey them circulated. Accordingly, all of the
people in central Mayoyao evacuated to the nearest forested mountains only to
return a week after, since there was no sign of the Japanese anyway. But even in
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Attanglan, C. & del Rosario, F.Y., Reminiscences of the Second World War Among the
Survivors of Mayoyao
66
the confines of their own homes, they were not at peace because they could not
tell when and what time the Japanese would come.
Given this predicament, Mayor Balajo and the elders devised a plan to inform
them of the coming of the Japanese. Young able-bodied men were assigned to
guard the possible entry points so they could warn people to leave when the
enemy came. To support these volunteers, the people contributed rice, vegetable
and firewood; some younger boys also cooked and fetched water for them. Mr.
Hermoso Bimmutag, one of the boys, said of the runners:
“They were the fastest runners and were able to shout loud.
Two men were stationed at the Habbang River, the boundary of
Banaue and Mayoyao; two men were also stationed every after a
kilometer. The message was relayed from post to post until it
reached the last man who shouted “Hapon!” and anybody who
heard the information would also relay this to their neighbors so
they could leave their homes.”
This strategy kept them from hiding momentarily enabling them to continue
their daily tasks; so from the months of June to August of 1942, they worked intheir rice fields and in their kaingin. Males, however, stopped hunting and the
traders halted business with the Provinces of Isabela and Nueva Vizcaya for fear
of their lives. Since the school was closed as a result of the bombing, the children
were home most of the time waiting for the information from the runners so they
could relay the message to their parents who were working nearby.
The semblance of normalcy, however, was disrupted with the arrival of 19
Japanese soldiers in September of 1942, who, noting the absence of majority of
the people in Central Mayoyao, demanded that they assemble the following day
(Angiwan, 2002). Immediately, the Henangas pounded more rice for their
evacuation and prepared to leave their homes and to cease work in their kaingin.
A week later 29 Japanese led by Lieutenant Tokakora and by a local namedGuzman and his son Lejton with three cargadores from Banaue arrived
(Angiwan, 2002). When they did, Mayor Balajo showed himself to the officer who
commanded him to bring in the people the next morning. The thought bothered
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Survivors of Mayoyao
67
Balajo because he knew that the latter would not heed to the request. He
however, showed himself the next day informing Tokakora that it was
impossible and hard to assemble the people in a short time. Tokakora ordered
him to come with them instead to Kiangan the next day to get some reading
materials about the new government for distribution to the people. Balajo was
restless because he did not want to betray the people who trusted in his
leadership.
Meanwhile, when Sergeant Navara of the Mayoyao Constabulary learned thatthe Japanese planned to stay, he secretly met with the Henanga warriors, elders
and some leaders, and noted shamans of Anchiwog, Mapawoy to plan an
ambush. The leaders especially the parents and relatives of the trainees who died
in Bataan wanted to avenge the loss of their sons (Interview, 2010).
That night shamans or mumpfunies performed the halupoy, a kind of curse-
prayer sacrifice that was directed to the Japanese. It was said that the result of the
halupoy , through the reading of the spleens of butchered animals like chicken and
pigs, was favorable to the plan (Interview, 2010). Before dawn, Navara informed
Balajo about it; accordingly, the latter convinced him to abort the plan to prevent
a possible bloodbath since the enemies were well-equipped. Navara instructed
him instead to wear something white for the warriors to recognize him easily.This presented a serious dilemma to the Mayor, who could not decide if he will
go with the Japanese with knowledge about the plan or to run away with his
family. In the morning, he chose to go with the Japanese.
The ambush did commence and lasted until sundown. In that battle some 28
Japanese including the men from Banaue except two cargadores were killed
(Angiwan, 2002). Lieutenant Tokakora eluded the ambush and escaped, but some
of the Philippine Constabulary who were also waiting at Habbang River killed
him. Those hiding near the ambush site came and helped in carrying the heads of
the Japanese.
The ambush was followed by the celebration of the Tigkaw highlighted by
animal sacrifices, much playing of gongs, and dancing over the heads of the Japanese soldiers.
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Figure 1.5 A re-enactment of the Tigkaw Celebration
In about two weeks, another group of Japanese arrived in Mayoyao,
accompanied by men from the neighboring places to bury the headless bodies of
their comrades. They warned that if the people would not come out and
surrender they would suffer the consequences of what they did. No one dared to
respond to their warning; instead, when the Japanese left, they came out from
their hiding places and pounded more rice and prepared what they needed in
their evacuation, like salt, pots and matches. They no longer worked in their rice
fields because they feared that the Japanese would suddenly show up since the
runners left their post also to prepare for the evacuation.
On the second week of October 1942, a company of Japanese soldiers with
many civilian allies from the neighboring places arrived in Mayoyao and began
burning the town in the afternoon of their arrival (Angiwan, 2002). They started
with Barangay Binhang and Mapawoy, the nearest barangays to the ambush
site. The following day they continued the conflagration up to Barangay Chaya
down to Bongan, Mayoyao Proper, Banhal, Linog, Chumang and Balangbang.
Eastern Central Mayoyao was spared because some of the PC soldiers were
hiding in the forested areas near the barangays.
The people who evacuated to the nearby mountains looked down at their
houses and Central Mayoyao going up in flames. This was the second massive
evacuation of the people in Central Mayoyao. Soon, the Japanese and their
Ifugao collaborators returned to Banaue, after the whole of Central Mayoyaowas razed to the ground.
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3.2. The Condition of the Mayoyao People during the Japanese
Occupation from the Survivors’ Perspective
Fleeing to the mountains, the Henangas left their farms and kaingins
uncultivated, spending most of their time in hiding. Setsuho and Jose (1999)
describing the life of the people in Davao during the Japanese occupation said
that “the people’s life in the evacuation was harsh for they ate any available
plants in that area and made shelters out of bamboo, cogon and coconut leaves”.The Henangas shared similar experiences enduring hunger and sleepless nights.
Their houses were burned and bundles of palay stored in their rice granaries
including other belongings were also burned. Mr. Elorde Lahina attested to this
difficulty, saying:
“Life was very hard because we ate a little and even ate some
fruits that are not familiar to us and we were not used to eat. We
only ate twice but often once because we were economizing the
little rice left for the children. We tried also to eat the runo shoots
and rattan shoots, and it was good that it was safe. We cooked
‘inlugkaw’ (lugaw) which was tasteless because there was no saltor sugar to mix. We bore (sic) that kind of situation, hoping that
the Japanese will never come back.”
They also realized that mosquitoes, flies, leeches, thorny grasses, razor-
leafed undergrowth, insects, worms, and other creeping creatures were as
deadly as their foes. Mrs. Adeline Bummael recalls this situation in the
mountain:
“We evacuated to Liwo to a small cave. At night I kept on
turning because I cannot sleep because of the insects’ noise and
some insects landed on my skin. One of my playmates feared theleeches. In our evacuation area, most of my playmates suffered
diarrhea because of the unclean water. We were also prohibited
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to play because there are sharp woods and stones and my father
once saw a big snake.”
Those who chose to stay in the mountains because they had nothing to go
back to, expressed that they had to make-do with what was available, as
described by Mrs Chagkami Maayon:
“One night, the rain was very heavy, we were like rats thatwere almost drown. Our food for dinner was all wet, but we
still ate it because that was all we have. We did not sleep and we
cannot make fire because our matches and the ground were all
wet, we wanted to go home.”
Most of the people thus, experienced food shortage their only hope being the
second crop ready for the next harvest. But the people would not just come out
and harvest the ripened palay because of the frequent coming and going of
Japanese alongside some Ifugaos who were now collaborators. Moreover, not all
of them had planted the second crop. These developments led some concerned
leaders to accept the challenge of surrender. Consequently, Mr. Bonifacio Atluna,Sr. who lost in his candidacy for mayoralty together with Luchug, Itina and
Polesta, walked from Mayoyao and surrendered to the Japanese officers in
Bontoc, Mountain Province in the mid-week of December 1942 to stop the
sufferings of the people (Interview, 2010)Fig. 2.1. Mr. Bonifacio Atluna, Sr.
Courtesy of Mr. Conrado Atluna
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On January 1, 1943 the Japanese reorganized the municipal government of
Mayoyao. Placing it under the supervision of Japanese authority signified its
formal takeover by the Japanese. Appointed as Mayor was Mr. Bonifacio Atluna;
meanwhile the former Mayor Balajo remained in the mountains and later
became a guerilla. Yet people continued to hide in the mountains and some of
them were now suspicious of the sudden surrender of Mr. Atluna, who by this
time was perceived as a Japanese collaborator.
With peace and order established, the people were forced to come out fromtheir hiding places because of hunger and sickness. They were desperate for
food and root crops, so they dug here and there for some leftovers that hungry
rats and monkeys had missed. Unable to construct new houses the usual way,
they had to sleep in make-shift huts. They also had to do away with the rituals
accompanying the planting and harvesting cycles because of the circumstances
of war.
Moreover, the demands of survival forced them to fend for themselves.
According to key informants, prior to the arrival of the Japanese, people were
generous to their relatives and neighbors. Food being readily available, anyone
could gather fruits from someone else’s backyard after securing permission.
With the onset of food shortage, gathering came to be restricted to familymembers. Sharing and helping was, thus, compromised. Mrs. Mancheng Lahina
said:
“I used to sleep and eat in my cousin’s house, but everything
changed (sic). Her family no longer shared (sic) their foods and I
even heard her father telling her that they reserved their left-
over for their next meal. As a child, I kept a secret disgust to my
uncle. I only understood (sic) when my mother explained the
condition of our living at that time.”
In order to have something to begin with, what was left of their burnedhouses were dugout and carved into wooden spoons and bowls. They got some
lumber from the nearest mountains and built temporary houses. The changnga
(bayanihan) system did not apply because each family must build their own
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house; moreover, food was not enough and there was no viand to be offered. It
was in the last quarter of 1943 when they started to reconstruct their houses from
good wood available from the nearby forest; neither did they perform their
traditional practices in constructing it.
A’hin (salt), ente (sugar cane) and teh’mar (matches) were scarce. They could
not beg from their relatives and neighbors because they were of the same plight.
But the men helped their wives in the rice field and in cleaning their deserted
kaingin in the mountainsides, trying at best to produce what little they can.When the Japanese put up their garrison in Mayoyao, the civilian population
was given the basic orientation regarding Japanese culture and etiquette.
Everybody was taught to bow their heads in greetings. Aside from this, curfew
hours that started from six in the evening until six the next morning were
imposed. Anyone caught in the middle of the curfew hours was jailed for two
days and was penalized by cleaning the trails and the Japanese barracks.
Meanwhile, many of the males were inducted into the local police. Called
“joins”, they accompanied the Japanese at patrol duty while introducing the
Japanese rules.
To the Henangas , bowing was interpreted differently. It meant asking for
confirmation/acceptance such as when a person passes by he would say umuja (Iwill pass), umuy ami (we will pass), and when they meet in the way they would
say itao (goodbye), nangamong (see you again); and if they did not want to
answer verbally, they just nodded or bowed their heads as an affirmative
response. Given the differences in cultural meanings, the Henangas often times
forgot to bow their heads because they were not used it, so they just passed by
the Japanese along their way. This was the reason why the Japanese got
infuriated and often punished them.
The imposition of curfew hours by the Japanese made the life of the people
miserable, especially for the hunters and traders. Moreover, weavers no longer
weaved because they concentrated on producing food.
Meanwhile, the school that was disrupted in the early part of 1942 was re-opened where Niponggo was introduced as an additional subject. During the first
day of classes, only few pupils entered. As such the Japanese forced the parents
to send their children to school. Together with the Mayoyao police they roamed
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around and imposed punishments on those who did not like to send their
children to school. For instance they required them to pound 10 bundles of palay
at the Japanese’s barracks every day while the children had to clean the foot trails
and pathways for one day. Because of this mandatory punishment, the
enrollment increased.
A month after only a few Japanese stayed in Mayoyao as the others returned
to Kiangan. The soldiers who were left served as teachers while the others helped
the police to establish peace and order. The Japanese teachers visited theclassrooms only twice a week to check on the progress of the pupils in the
Japanese language.
Soon, the Japanese transferred the school to Onagol (the same ground where
the CICM missionaries built the Our Lady of Assumption Academy) because of
the increasing number of the pupils. The parents had their changnga (bayanihan),
with the food provided by Atluna and the Japanese (Angiwan, 2002). The
women also got cogon grasses in the mountains for roofing.
Accordingly, the shortage in food, the restrictions provided by the curfew
hours, the suspicions of both sides made earning an honest occupation twice as
difficult; consequently, it led others to stealing and grabbing others’ property.
Moreover, the mutual trust and confidence among the people was breached; forinstance farming tools left in the rice fields were no longer found the next day,
and some of their chickens were missing.
Siblings and relatives vied and competed over real property. In Mayoyao
practice, only a few were looked up to as wealthy; the majority were tenants
because real properties such as pajaw (rice fields), u’pfu (residential lot) including
the pfalay (ancestral home), pinuchu (family forest) and heirloom were owned by
the family clan. But in terms of property inheritance, the first child inherited the
real property of the father who in turn inherited from his parents. The second
child inherited the real state property of the mother, which she also inherited
from her parents.
In the traditional practice, real property was inherited as a whole by one child,from the eldest to the second without division. Accordingly, the cultural and
social philosophy behind this practice was to keep the real property intact so that
it could be passed from one generation to another because such represented the
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soul and life of the clan ownership as himpangapo (Angiwan, 2002). If the parents
were able to acquire some rice paddies as conjugal partners, such property was
given the third and fourth.
These civil cases could not be settled by the Japanese authorities especially
when both parties were relatives. Another reason why the negotiation and
settlements failed under the Japanese government was the problem of
communication. For the sake of settling disputes the Japanese allowed certain
traditional methods, influenced by traditional beliefs and practices, especiallywhen the case was not resolved and the suspect was not known. For instance
theft, some land disputes like the case of huchar (land grabbing), was committed
when a person without permission worked the rice field of another and claimed
it as his own. These traditional methods were commonly understood as trial by
ordeal. The Japanese then allowed the elders to mediate by imposing the trial by
ordeal witnessed by the public. Mr. Benito Pakelman explained that there were
five kinds of settling disputes but these two processes or methods were the most
common and easiest to perform at that time, especially if the complainant
wanted an immediate result.
When the Japanese occupied Mayoyao, following the surrender of local
officials, the people returned from the mountains but they hid every time theysaw the Japanese patrolling with the local police. Their location and dispersed
houses were a sort of defense because they were built within the proximity of the
rice terraces but the allop (double stone walling) enclosing the yard could expose
any passersby. The imposed curfew hour was also a good excuse for them to
shut their doors to the guerillas. As such, they were not only avoiding the
Japanese but even the guerillas as well. Although, they called it peacetime, in
reality there was no peace because they were at the mercy of two opposing
forces: the presence of the secret spies of both the Japanese and of the guerillas.
The mi’ib’ipfun (night neighbor talk), one of the people’s past time before they
slept, where they talked about their whole day’s work and their plans in the
morrow stopped because of the Japanese curfew and the presence of the guerillaslurking in the dark. The men no longer went home late in the evening nor did
they drink rice wine with their neighbors.
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Often times, however, they could not avoid getting in contact with the
Japanese because of the presence of the local police who knew them. According
to the key informants, the women were always distant. This is the reason why
there were no Henanga Japanese mistresses.
When they became tired of hiding and avoiding, they practically pretended to
support the Japanese government by bowing their heads and inviting them
during festivities in their barrios. On the other hand, they gave in to the food
demands of the guerillas and to the men they attended whenever there was anight meeting. So being accommodating seemed a small price to pay for smooth
relationships; yet, the people knew that they were threading on dangerous
grounds.
As the days passed by, everything was changed because a cultured and kind
commander replaced the strict Japanese commander. Another reason why there
was a sudden change of treatment from them was because the new Japanese
commander spoke English fluently and said that he himself did not want war
(Interview, 2010). With his presence and Mr. Balajo on the side of the guerillas,
the people continued their barter and the daily tasks in their kaingin and rice
fields.
In this brief interlude the Henanga discovered that the Japanese loved to watchtheir customs and traditions as long as these were done in public like the practice
of butchering pigs and chickens during healing rites, marriage celebrations and
feasts. Wealthy families invited the Japanese during these occasions for they
could provide and afford the things that were needed at that time. Traditional
wedding rites were of three kinds but the lavishness was dispensed with given
the scarcity of food.
They also loved to watch the hanggor (arm wrestling) or the gkubfu (feet
wrestling). According to Elpidio Lahina, Sr.:
“The Japanese watched the natives dancing and even had
their bets on the arm and feet wrestling. They also drank the pfu’pfud (rice wine) and when intoxicated, they were carried by
the local police to their barracks.”
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Fig. 2.2. Hanggor Fig. 2.3. Gkubfu’
(arm wrestling) (feet wrestling)
In the twenty months that the Japanese stayed in Mayoyao, it was midyear of
1944 when the people particularly the children finally learned to deal with the
Japanese (Angiwan, 2002). Selling vegetables and chickens or trading for salt or
dried fish that the Japanese brought from the lowlands, seemed to work for the
two. They also bought rice from the people or replaced it with one chupa of salt.
They had banana and vegetable plantations and they also introduced gardening
to the people and prohibited the hunting of wild animals and the cutting of tall
trees.
3.3. The Henanga’s life in the aftermath of War
The Japanese-organized government in the Philippines known as the Second
Republic, which was headed by President Jose P. Laurel, marked its end when
the Americans returned to liberate the Philippines. Agoncillo (1990) cites that
General Douglas Mac-Arthur’s army landed in Leyte on October 20, 1944 and
they were welcomed as liberators. The Leyte beaches were severely bombarded
by the American bombers and fighter planes and the path to Leyte was cleared
on that same day, paving the way for the allied forces to liberate the Philippines
(Agoncillo, 1990).
Casualties ran high because of the Japanese feeling that surrender meantdishonor. Ancheta (1977) noted that despite of the Japanese counter- attack,
Allied landings were made at Lingayen Gulf on January 9, 1945. On March 3,
1945 the Americans won the war in Manila and Baguio City was captured from
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the Japanese on April 26 (Ancheta, 1977). The Japanese soldiers had no option for
retreat but to climb the Cordillera Mountains.
Thus, the good relations which the people enjoyed for only two months
because of the appointment of a kindhearted Japanese commander was
shortened with news about the landing of the liberation forces in the Visayas.
Those who were defeated in the lowlands retreated to the mountains of Ifugao;
still others from Isabela, Nueva Vizcaya, Bontoc and Kalinga arrived in Mayoyao
to escape the liberation forces (Angiwan, 2002).This culminated in a battle where four battalions were engaged to liberate
Mayoyao. Finally on August 9, 1945 the Japanese capitulated after 13 days of
fierce fighting. In the commotion that ensued, 1,120 were killed, 153 were
captured, 2.95 canons, trench mortars, machine guns, several rifles, hand
grenades and documents were retrieved (Angiwan, 2002).
Fig. 3.1. Some material remnants from the Japanese Occupation of Mayoyao.
Fig. 3.2. Some of the unspent bullets recovered
from the site of Mt. Nagchahan.
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But the battle for liberation and the aftermath of war proved an even greater
challenge for the people of Mayoyao. Caught in the cross fires, they scattered
everywhere and forced the people to go further into the interior of the mountains
to avoid getting killed. Impressed with American courage, the people supported
them. The arrival of the liberation forces was both a boon and a bane to them.
Having tasted American goods for the first time, the people particularly the
children, suffered from dysentery and diarrhea causing casualties among them.
Fig. 3.3. Mt. Nagchajan where the battle which led to the fall of the Japanese armytook place on August 1945.
When the people finally came out from their evacuation place, they found
Central Mayoyao literally darkened with big flies hovering over the unburied
decomposing corpses of horses and humans. The decaying debris contaminated
water flowing from the streams, brooks, and springs. Hence, water, was not safe
to drink, and the air was unbearable. There were only a few casualties attributed
to food shortage. There were more affected by the epidemics of dysentery, high
fever, cholera and malaria especially since there were no doctors to attend to the
sick nor were there medical supplies to keep the diseases at bay. The people then
resorted to boiling camote until burned and mixing them with boiled water,
which they drank.The forests in the northern and eastern part of Mayoyao that used to be
populated by wild animals like the deer, the wild carabao (malon) , the ever-
present namuloh (wild pig), the panni’i (big bats) and the t u’gwi (monkey-eating
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eagles) were now burned after the bombardment (Angiwan, 2002). Most of the
men who were able to secure rifles and bullets spent weeks in the Eastern
Mayoyao forests hunting what was left of wild animals to have something in
exchange with salt and medicines from Isabela for their families (Angiwan, 2002)
War left many people ravaged, diseased, and undernourished. Most of the
people were left with no livelihood so that the solidarity that kept people
together was broken, leaving individuals to fend for themselves. With the
onslaught of drought, the rice terraces and the kaingins could not sustain theneeds of the people. Forced by circumstances, many of the people left Mayoyao
towards the direction of present day Alfonso Lista and Aguinaldo to toil the vast
unclaimed lands. There was a shift in the mindset of people: their generosity
turned into a businesslike mindset where nothing was free. After the war, classes
resumed. The war damage claims, which they retrieved from the Americans,
made the people materialistic and individualistic; yet, education helped
strengthen and preserve the cultural heritage from the past. Mr. Abraham Aba-ac
gave a good insight on the impact of the Second World War to the people and to
the community of Mayoyao as a whole:
“The experience and effects of the Second World War madethe people realize and accept the importance of education as a
means of social and economic advancement in terms of status.”
Through the influence of education and Christianity, the students who
finished their studies came back and contributed to the educational and social
development of Mayoyao, which started in the 1960s’. The value of inherited real
property and heirloom was now replaced by the value of education so that a
poor but educated man can marry one from the traditional families. While
wealth was the source of honor and prestige in the past, education and
profession now became the means of attaining honor and prestige. Today
reciprocity continues to be in the nature of helping members of the communityand clan who are in need of hachang (money and palay) in times of death/ funeral
or pforhan (giving material help) to anyone who wants to buy a rice paddy or
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anyone who needs to pay huge amounts of money to keep from getting
imprisoned.
In retrospect
On August 8-9, 2011 the Local Government of Mayoyao launched and
celebrated the first year of Lenong Ad Majawjaw (Peace Festival in Mayoyao),
recognizing the sacrifices of the Mayoyao veterans and the unforgettable
experiences of the people for the liberation of Mayoyao. The researcher
participated in the launching of the Tribal Music Festival with the employees
from the Department of Education and some officials and staff of the Local
Government Unit. The LGU approved August 8-9 as the official local holiday in
Mayoyao, celebrating yearly the Peace Festival. To quote from the message of
Major General Rommel Gomez, Commanding General of the 5th Infantry
Division, Camp Melchor Dela Cruz:
“…We are celebrating the LENONG AD MAJAWJAW (PEACE
FESTIVAL) because the real last stand of the Second World War
happened here in Mayoyao and what we are celebrating in
Kiangan is the victory day. But let us not forget that when wesay peace; let us stand for the meaning of that word peace
equally. The memoirs of the Second World War did not only
victimize one race but even Japanese, Americans and Filipinos
were victims too…”
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Fig. 3.4. The Historical Landmark attesting to the battle that took place in Mayoyao.
4. Conclusions and Recommendations
From the historical writings, and first-hand interviews and dialogues with the
key informants, I was able to establish that indeed the survivors’ reminiscencesof the war were stories of survival, fear, tears and sacrifices. They were stories of
endurance as they were like fugitives in their own land, sleeping on cold ground
and on empty stomachs, and learning to serve two masters, the Japanese and the
guerillas.
But the Second World War also helped them gain new ideas outside of their
traditional world, particularly the poor, who freed themselves not just from the
physical and psychological cruelties of war, but also the realization that there
was opportunity outside their place and accepted education as a means of
gaining social and economic advancement.
Recommendations
1. To the Henanga that they may continue to appreciate the value of their own
history and inspire the lives of the next generation.
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2. To the Local Government of Mayoyao that it may be inspired by the wealth of
the people’s history and aggressively support its research and documentation
for the preservation of their oral history.
3. To future researchers and writers , so much more can be learned from the
collective memories of people and which should be done while the informants
are still alive. This study is far from finished. In its simplicity it is just a survey
of the first-hand experiences of my people during the Second World War. Amore in-depth study of the effects of war in the lives of the people can still be
done on the economic, political, and socio-cultural aspects. A further study can
also be done on the issue of collaboration as a means of survival. Probably, a
separate story can be made on the adaptive mechanisms of the people during
and after the war. Indeed there is a wealth of information that can be derived
from the collective memories of people.
References
Agoncillo, T. A. (1965). The fateful years: Japan’s adventure in the Philippines.
Philippines: R.P. Garcia Publishing Company.
Ancheta, C. A. (1983). Liberation of Northern Luzon. Manila: National Bookstore.
Ancheta, C. A. (1977). Triumph in the Philippines. Manila: National Bookstore.
Angiwan, M. Sr. (2002). Mayoyao cultural and political history. Baguio City:
The Alternative Publication, Baguio Colleges Foundation.
Baclagon, U. S. (1952). Philippine campaign. Manila: Graphic House, Liwayway
Publication.
Dumia, M. A. (1979). Ifugao world. Quezon City: New Day Publishers
Hartendorp, A.V. H. (1967). The Japanese occupation in the Philippines. Vol. 1,
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Survivors of Mayoyao
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Makati City: William, J. Slaw Foundation.
Nieva, A. A. (1997). The fight for freedom. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.
Setsuho, I. & Jose, R. T. (1999). The Philippines under Japan. Quezon City: Ateneo
de Manila University Press.
Zaide, S. M. (1994). The Philippines: A unique nation. Manila: All- NationsPublishing Co.
The Commonwealth of the Philippines (2010) Retrieved October 10, 2010 from
Wikipedia.org/wiki/Commonwealth _of the_ Philippines.
Key Informants:
Initial interviews were conducted on October 2010, with intensive sessions from
November to December 2010. Follow up interviews commenced on April 2011
with the following:
Mr. Abraham Aba-ac, 89 years old, retired School Supervisor.
Mr. Martin Abuggao, 79 years old, retired teacher, now a politician.
Mr. Santiago Balajo, 97 years old, appointed Mayor during the Japanese
Occupation.
Mr. William Chugasna, 84 years old, a shaman or native priest, a youngster
during the Japanese occupation.
Mr. Chalanao Maguiwe, 95 years old, a soldier during the Japanese occupation.
Mr. Pedro Mombael, 78 years old, a teacher during the Japanese Occupation.
Mr. Benito Pakelman, 98 years old, family man during the Japanese Occupation.
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Mr. John F. Piligan, 85 years old, a politician today.
Mrs. Josephine Bilagot, 79 years old, a child during the Japanese Regime.
Mrs. Feliza Olguahon-Chulana, 79 years old, retired teacher.
Mrs. Rosie Atluna-Maguiwe, 83 years old, first child of Bonifacio Atluna, who
was appointed Mayor by the Japanese.