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   , I, N. 12, J 2011M 2012 A, C. & , F..,  61 , 1   . 2   . , .. 3    . F C M I , J . , J , J O, , . K . M, , . . H, . A , M . : , , J O, 1. . , , , , . I 1  Likha Award – School of Arts and Sciences, SY 2011-2012 2 AB History student – School of Arts and Sciences, S aint Mary’s Univers ity, Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya – Author 3  Director – University Research Center, Saint Mary’s University, Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya – Adviser /Co-author

Journal For Mayoyao WWII Survivors

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The Second World War constituted a most painful chapter in the life of a people. For the surviving folks of Central Mayoyao in Ifugao where its ravages were greatly felt, their sufferings emanated from both the Japanese and the guerillas.

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 Journal of Northern Luzon , Volume XXXIV, Nos. 1-2, June 2011-May 2012

Attanglan, C. & del Rosario, F.Y., Reminiscences of the Second World War Among the

Survivors of Mayoyao 

61

Reminiscences of the Second World War among the

Survivors of Mayoyao, Ifugao1 

Carina B. Attanglan2 and Fe Yolanda G. del Rosario, Ph.D.3 

Abstract 

The Second World War constituted a most painful chapter in the life of a people. For thesurviving folks of Central Mayoyao in Ifugao where its ravages were greatly felt, their

sufferings emanated from both the Japanese and the guerillas. This qualitative research thus,

attempted to surface their collective experiences including their reactions to Japanese

presence, the nature of Japanese Occupation, their sufferings, and its aftermath in their socio-

economic life. Key informants revealed that they were confronted with feelings both of

courage and fear as they adapted to these conditions. Moreover, while they were conscious

of their cultural traditions, the circumstances of war prevented its practice. The demands of

survival also had its toll on their social relations. However, opportunities in the form of war

damages gave some of them a chance to explore business and live comfortably after the war.

Although it does not provide a complete picture, it is nonetheless a humble contribution to

Mayayao’s local history.

Keywords: ravages, collective experiences, Japanese Occupation, aftermath

1. Introduction

War has always been a part of human experience. Unforgettable sufferings

including the loss of life and occupations, starvation, forced labor, torture,

violence and deprivation of human rights are not only confined to the battle

fields but also felt in the society as a whole. Its effects leave their imprint not only

1 Likha Award – School of Arts and Sciences, SY 2011-20122AB History student– School of Arts and Sciences, Saint Mary’s University,

Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya – Author3

Director – University Research Center, Saint Mary’s University, Bayombong, Nueva

Vizcaya – Adviser /Co-author

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 Journal of Northern Luzon , Volume XXXIV, Nos. 1-2, June 2011-May 2012

Attanglan, C. & del Rosario, F.Y., Reminiscences of the Second World War Among the

Survivors of Mayoyao 

62

on the resources of the country and its national economy, but also impress

psychological problems among the people.

In the recorded history of man the Second World War was the most

widespread marked by the death of civilians, soldiers, the destruction of the

environment, and the use of nuclear weapons in warfare. While it had its origins

in Europe, it escalated into Asia when Japan as an ally of the Axis Powers soon

entered the war bringing Asian countries including the Philippines into its path.

As Setsuho and Jose (1999) note, “The Japanese Occupation of the Philippinesstands out as an extreme example of both human and material devastation”.

The surrender of the United States-Philippine forces in Bataan Peninsula in

April 1942 and on Corregidor in May of the same year gave the Philippines its

finality. Meanwhile the Henangas’ first experience of the invaders took place

when prior to their formal occupation of the town, the Japanese sent four planes

to bomb the PC headquarters. Accordingly, people went into hiding because of

their fear. The second was in an ambush in September 1942 that left 30 Japanese

dead. By the second week of October, the Japanese retaliated by burning the

 barangays nearest the ambush site where their comrades died.

Already at the outset, war brought with it psychological, physical, and

emotional disruption, which left deep-seated scars and untold pain. Suchmemories weighed heavily in the researcher’s desire to document her own

people’s experiences that the present generation may learn.

This study was, thus, geared towards an in-depth understanding of the

 Japanese Occupation in Mayoyao, Ifugao through personal accounts of some

surviving folks. Accordingly it answered the following: (1). What were the initial

reactions of the survivors to Japanese presence?; (2). What was the life situation

of the people during the occupation?; and (3). What was their life after the

liberation with particular attention to their economy and social order?

2. Method

2.1. Research Locale

At the outbreak of the war, there were five municipalities under the old

Mountain Province namely: Burnay (later changed to Lagawe by virtue of R.A

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Attanglan, C. & del Rosario, F.Y., Reminiscences of the Second World War Among the

Survivors of Mayoyao 

63

3380, the capital of the province), Kiangan (seat of government during  the

 Japanese Occupation), Banaue, Hungduan and Mayoyao which finally gained

provincial status on June 18, 1966 from the Mountain Province by virtue of

Republic Act No. 4695. Bontoc was then the capital (Municipal Socio- Economic

Profile). 

Mayoyao, is one of the largest municipalities of Ifugao in terms of land area,

and has the most number of barangays (27). It is bounded on the North by

Paraceles, Mountain Province; on the West by Banaue, on the South by Lagaweand Isabela Province and on the East by the Municipality of Aguinaldo. One of

the tourist spots is the memorial mountain of Nagchajan, the place where the

 Japanese Imperial forces and combined Filipino-American forces fought until the

end of the liberation. 

The people in Mayoyao are composed of the Henanga occupying the central

portion and the  Ayangan occupying the western side of the town. The Henanga 

are the subjects of this study. 

Figure 1.1. Map of the Ifugao Province highlighting the Municipality of Mayoyao.

Courtesy of the Mayoyao Municipal Planning Office

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 Journal of Northern Luzon , Volume XXXIV, Nos. 1-2, June 2011-May 2012

Attanglan, C. & del Rosario, F.Y., Reminiscences of the Second World War Among the

Survivors of Mayoyao 

64

Figure 1. 2. Map of Mayoyao highlighting the places where the Japanese Occupation took place.

Courtesy of the Mayoyao Municipal Planning Office

Fig. 1.3. Bgy. Poblacion Fig.1.4. Bgy. Central Mayoyao

2.2. Methods and Sources A historical inquiry, the research employed the use of documentary sources

and informal interviews, unstructured questionnaire, and personal dialogues

with survivors who were direct witnesses of the war. Focus group discussions

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Attanglan, C. & del Rosario, F.Y., Reminiscences of the Second World War Among the

Survivors of Mayoyao 

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were done to validate the information for coherent collection and discussion. The

respondents’ individual experiences were considered to triangulate information.

Photo documentation was also utilized to include pictures of the key informants

and the interviews and of images, relics, and historical marks to give more

substance to the study.

3. Results and Discussion

3.1. The Initial Reactions of the Survivors to the War and the Japanese

Occupation

As earlier stated the Henangas’ first experience of the Japanese occurred with

the bombing of the PC headquarters. Mrs. Josephine Bilagot, who was a mere

child at the time recalls: 

“I was at the top of our guava tree in our backyard picking its

fruits when I heard an unfamiliar sound above me; when I

looked up I saw four unfamiliar flying object (s) with scary

sounds…. I did not know how I was able to get down from the

guava tree because I was crying and shaking in fear… When Isaw my younger brother, his face was very pale and was (sic)

shaking also in fear. After a few hours, some of the Philippine

Constabulary soldiers came to check on our welfare; they told us

that those are Japanese planes and the fires are bombs. We

agreed with our neighbors to evacuate in the nearby mountains

 because the police made sure that the Japanese would come

 back.”

The bombing that took place caused unwarranted fear on the people even

when they have not yet seen the Japanese. Stories about the brutality they

inflicted on soldiers of the “Death March” and others like the rape of women andthe killing of anyone who would not obey them circulated. Accordingly, all of the

people in central Mayoyao evacuated to the nearest forested mountains only to

return a week after, since there was no sign of the Japanese anyway. But even in

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Attanglan, C. & del Rosario, F.Y., Reminiscences of the Second World War Among the

Survivors of Mayoyao 

66

the confines of their own homes, they were not at peace because they could not

tell when and what time the Japanese would come.

Given this predicament, Mayor Balajo and the elders devised a plan to inform

them of the coming of the Japanese. Young able-bodied men were assigned to

guard the possible entry points so they could warn people to leave when the

enemy came. To support these volunteers, the people contributed rice, vegetable

and firewood; some younger boys also cooked and fetched water for them. Mr.

Hermoso Bimmutag, one of the boys, said of the runners:

“They were the fastest runners and were able to shout loud.

Two men were stationed at the Habbang River, the boundary of

Banaue and Mayoyao; two men were also stationed every after a

kilometer. The message was relayed from post to post until it

reached the last man who shouted “Hapon!” and anybody who

heard the information would also relay this to their neighbors so

they could leave their homes.”

This strategy kept them from hiding momentarily enabling them to continue

their daily tasks; so from the months of June to August of 1942, they worked intheir rice fields and in their kaingin. Males, however, stopped hunting and the

traders halted business with the Provinces of Isabela and Nueva Vizcaya for fear

of their lives. Since the school was closed as a result of the bombing, the children

were home most of the time waiting for the information from the runners so they

could relay the message to their parents who were working nearby.

The semblance of normalcy, however, was disrupted with the arrival of 19

 Japanese soldiers in September of 1942, who, noting the absence of majority of

the people in Central Mayoyao, demanded that they assemble the following day

(Angiwan, 2002). Immediately, the Henangas pounded more rice for their

evacuation and prepared to leave their homes and to cease work in their kaingin.

A week later 29 Japanese led by Lieutenant Tokakora and by a local namedGuzman and his son Lejton with three cargadores from Banaue arrived

(Angiwan, 2002). When they did, Mayor Balajo showed himself to the officer who

commanded him to bring in the people the next morning. The thought bothered

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Attanglan, C. & del Rosario, F.Y., Reminiscences of the Second World War Among the

Survivors of Mayoyao 

67

Balajo because he knew that the latter would not heed to the request. He

however, showed himself the next day informing Tokakora that it was

impossible and hard to assemble the people in a short time. Tokakora ordered

him to come with them instead to Kiangan the next day to get some reading

materials about the new government for distribution to the people. Balajo was

restless because he did not want to betray the people who trusted in his

leadership.

Meanwhile, when Sergeant Navara of the Mayoyao Constabulary learned thatthe Japanese planned to stay, he secretly met with the Henanga warriors, elders

and some leaders, and noted shamans of Anchiwog, Mapawoy to plan an

ambush. The leaders especially the parents and relatives of the trainees who died

in Bataan wanted to avenge the loss of their sons (Interview, 2010).

That night shamans or mumpfunies performed the halupoy, a kind of curse-

prayer sacrifice that was directed to the Japanese. It was said that the result of the

halupoy , through the reading of the spleens of butchered animals like chicken and

pigs, was favorable to the plan (Interview, 2010). Before dawn, Navara informed

Balajo about it; accordingly, the latter convinced him to abort the plan to prevent

a possible bloodbath since the enemies were well-equipped. Navara instructed

him instead to wear something white for the warriors to recognize him easily.This presented a serious dilemma to the Mayor, who could not decide if he will

go with the Japanese with knowledge about the plan or to run away with his

family. In the morning, he chose to go with the Japanese.

The ambush did commence and lasted until sundown. In that battle some 28

 Japanese including the men from Banaue except two cargadores were killed

(Angiwan, 2002). Lieutenant Tokakora eluded the ambush and escaped, but some

of the Philippine Constabulary who were also waiting at Habbang River killed

him. Those hiding near the ambush site came and helped in carrying the heads of

the Japanese.

The ambush was followed by the celebration of the Tigkaw  highlighted by

animal sacrifices, much playing of gongs, and dancing over the heads of the Japanese soldiers.

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Attanglan, C. & del Rosario, F.Y., Reminiscences of the Second World War Among the

Survivors of Mayoyao 

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Figure 1.5 A re-enactment of the Tigkaw Celebration

In about two weeks, another group of Japanese arrived in Mayoyao,

accompanied by men from the neighboring places to bury the headless bodies of

their comrades. They warned that if the people would not come out and

surrender they would suffer the consequences of what they did. No one dared to

respond to their warning; instead, when the Japanese left, they came out from

their hiding places and pounded more rice and prepared what they needed in

their evacuation, like salt, pots and matches. They no longer worked in their rice

fields because they feared that the Japanese would suddenly show up since the

runners left their post also to prepare for the evacuation.

On the second week of October 1942, a company of Japanese soldiers with

many civilian allies from the neighboring places arrived in Mayoyao and began

 burning the town in the afternoon of their arrival (Angiwan, 2002). They started

with Barangay Binhang and Mapawoy, the nearest barangays to the ambush

site. The following day they continued the conflagration up to Barangay Chaya

down to Bongan, Mayoyao Proper, Banhal, Linog, Chumang and Balangbang.

Eastern Central Mayoyao was spared because some of the PC soldiers were

hiding in the forested areas near the barangays.

The people who evacuated to the nearby mountains looked down at their

houses and Central Mayoyao going up in flames. This was the second massive

evacuation of the people in Central Mayoyao. Soon, the Japanese and their

Ifugao collaborators returned to Banaue, after the whole of Central Mayoyaowas razed to the ground.

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Survivors of Mayoyao 

69

3.2. The Condition of the Mayoyao People during the Japanese

Occupation from the Survivors’ Perspective

Fleeing to the mountains, the Henangas left their farms and kaingins

uncultivated, spending most of their time in hiding. Setsuho and Jose (1999)

describing the life of the people in Davao during the Japanese occupation said

that “the people’s life in the evacuation was harsh for they ate any available

plants in that area and made shelters out of bamboo, cogon and coconut leaves”.The Henangas shared similar experiences enduring hunger and sleepless nights.

Their houses were burned and bundles of  palay stored in their rice granaries

including other belongings were also burned. Mr. Elorde Lahina attested to this

difficulty, saying:

“Life was very hard because we ate a little and even ate some

fruits that are not familiar to us and we were not used to eat. We

only ate twice but often once because we were economizing the

little rice left for the children. We tried also to eat the runo shoots

and rattan shoots, and it was good that it was safe. We cooked

‘inlugkaw’ (lugaw) which was tasteless because there was no saltor sugar to mix. We bore (sic) that kind of situation, hoping that

the Japanese will never come back.”

They also realized that mosquitoes, flies, leeches, thorny grasses, razor-

leafed undergrowth, insects, worms, and other creeping creatures were as

deadly as their foes. Mrs. Adeline Bummael recalls this situation in the

mountain:

“We evacuated to Liwo to a small cave. At night I kept on

turning because I cannot sleep because of the insects’ noise and

some insects landed on my skin. One of my playmates feared theleeches. In our evacuation area, most of my playmates suffered

diarrhea because of the unclean water. We were also prohibited

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to play because there are sharp woods and stones and my father

once saw a big snake.”

Those who chose to stay in the mountains because they had nothing to go

 back to, expressed that they had to make-do with what was available, as

described by Mrs Chagkami Maayon:

“One night, the rain was very heavy, we were like rats thatwere almost drown. Our food for dinner was all wet, but we

still ate it because that was all we have. We did not sleep and we

cannot make fire because our matches and the ground were all

wet, we wanted to go home.”

Most of the people thus, experienced food shortage their only hope being the

second crop ready for the next harvest. But the people would not just come out

and harvest the ripened  palay because of the frequent coming and going of

 Japanese alongside some Ifugaos who were now collaborators. Moreover, not all

of them had planted the second crop. These developments led some concerned

leaders to accept the challenge of surrender. Consequently, Mr. Bonifacio Atluna,Sr. who lost in his candidacy for mayoralty together with Luchug, Itina and

Polesta, walked from Mayoyao and surrendered to the Japanese officers in

Bontoc, Mountain Province in the mid-week of December 1942 to stop the

sufferings of the people (Interview, 2010)Fig. 2.1. Mr. Bonifacio Atluna, Sr.

Courtesy of Mr. Conrado Atluna

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On January 1, 1943 the Japanese reorganized the municipal government of

Mayoyao. Placing it under the supervision of Japanese authority signified its

formal takeover by the Japanese. Appointed as Mayor was Mr. Bonifacio Atluna;

meanwhile the former Mayor Balajo remained in the mountains and later

 became a guerilla. Yet people continued to hide in the mountains and some of

them were now suspicious of the sudden surrender of Mr. Atluna, who by this

time was perceived as a Japanese collaborator.

With peace and order established, the people were forced to come out fromtheir hiding places because of hunger and sickness. They were desperate for

food and root crops, so they dug here and there for some leftovers that hungry

rats and monkeys had missed. Unable to construct new houses the usual way,

they had to sleep in make-shift huts. They also had to do away with the rituals

accompanying the planting and harvesting cycles because of the circumstances

of war.

Moreover, the demands of survival forced them to fend for themselves.

According to key informants, prior to the arrival of the Japanese, people were

generous to their relatives and neighbors. Food being readily available, anyone

could gather fruits from someone else’s backyard after securing permission.

With the onset of food shortage, gathering came to be restricted to familymembers. Sharing and helping was, thus, compromised. Mrs. Mancheng Lahina

said:

“I used to sleep and eat in my cousin’s house, but everything

changed (sic). Her family no longer shared (sic) their foods and I

even heard her father telling her that they reserved their left-

over for their next meal. As a child, I kept a secret disgust to my

uncle. I only understood (sic) when my mother explained the

condition of our living at that time.”

In order to have something to begin with, what was left of their burnedhouses were dugout and carved into wooden spoons and bowls. They got some

lumber from the nearest mountains and built temporary houses. The changnga

(bayanihan) system did not apply because each family must build their own

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Survivors of Mayoyao 

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house; moreover, food was not enough and there was no viand to be offered. It

was in the last quarter of 1943 when they started to reconstruct their houses from

good wood available from the nearby forest; neither did they perform their

traditional practices in constructing it.

 A’hin (salt),  ente (sugar cane) and teh’mar (matches) were scarce. They could

not beg from their relatives and neighbors because they were of the same plight.

But the men helped their wives in the rice field and in cleaning their deserted

kaingin in the mountainsides, trying at best to produce what little they can.When the Japanese put up their garrison in Mayoyao, the civilian population

was given the basic orientation regarding Japanese culture and etiquette.

Everybody was taught to bow their heads in greetings. Aside from this, curfew

hours that started from six in the evening until six the next morning were

imposed. Anyone caught in the middle of the curfew hours was jailed for two

days and was penalized by cleaning the trails and the Japanese barracks.

Meanwhile, many of the males were inducted into the local police. Called

“joins”, they accompanied the Japanese at patrol duty while introducing the

 Japanese rules.

To the Henangas , bowing was interpreted differently. It meant asking for

confirmation/acceptance such as when a person passes by he would say umuja (Iwill pass), umuy ami (we will pass), and when they meet in the way they would

say itao (goodbye), nangamong (see you again); and if they did not want to

answer verbally, they just nodded or bowed their heads as an affirmative

response. Given the differences in cultural meanings, the Henangas often times

forgot to bow their heads because they were not used it, so they just passed by

the Japanese along their way. This was the reason why the Japanese got

infuriated and often punished them.

The imposition of curfew hours by the Japanese made the life of the people

miserable, especially for the hunters and traders. Moreover, weavers no longer

weaved because they concentrated on producing food.

Meanwhile, the school that was disrupted in the early part of 1942 was re-opened where Niponggo was introduced as an additional subject. During the first

day of classes, only few pupils entered. As such the Japanese forced the parents

to send their children to school. Together with the Mayoyao police they roamed

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around and imposed punishments on those who did not like to send their

children to school. For instance they required them to pound 10 bundles of palay 

at the Japanese’s barracks every day while the children had to clean the foot trails

and pathways for one day. Because of this mandatory punishment, the

enrollment increased.

A month after only a few Japanese stayed in Mayoyao as the others returned

to Kiangan. The soldiers who were left served as teachers while the others helped

the police to establish peace and order. The Japanese teachers visited theclassrooms only twice a week to check on the progress of the pupils in the

 Japanese language.

Soon, the Japanese transferred the school to Onagol (the same ground where

the CICM missionaries built the Our Lady of Assumption Academy) because of

the increasing number of the pupils. The parents had their changnga (bayanihan),

with the food provided by Atluna and the Japanese (Angiwan, 2002). The

women also got cogon grasses in the mountains for roofing.

Accordingly, the shortage in food, the restrictions provided by the curfew

hours, the suspicions of both sides made earning an honest occupation twice as

difficult; consequently, it led others to stealing and grabbing others’ property.

Moreover, the mutual trust and confidence among the people was breached; forinstance farming tools left in the rice fields were no longer found the next day,

and some of their chickens were missing.

Siblings and relatives vied and competed over real property. In Mayoyao

practice, only a few were looked up to as wealthy; the majority were tenants

 because real properties such as pajaw (rice fields), u’pfu (residential lot) including

the pfalay (ancestral home), pinuchu (family forest) and heirloom were owned by

the family clan. But in terms of property inheritance, the first child inherited the

real property of the father who in turn inherited from his parents. The second

child inherited the real state property of the mother, which she also inherited

from her parents.

In the traditional practice, real property was inherited as a whole by one child,from the eldest to the second without division. Accordingly, the cultural and

social philosophy behind this practice was to keep the real property intact so that

it could be passed from one generation to another because such represented the

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soul and life of the clan ownership as himpangapo (Angiwan, 2002). If the parents

were able to acquire some rice paddies as conjugal partners, such property was

given the third and fourth.

These civil cases could not be settled by the Japanese authorities especially

when both parties were relatives. Another reason why the negotiation and

settlements failed under the Japanese government was the problem of

communication. For the sake of settling disputes the Japanese allowed certain

traditional methods, influenced by traditional beliefs and practices, especiallywhen the case was not resolved and the suspect was not known. For instance

theft, some land disputes like the case of huchar (land grabbing), was committed

when a person without permission worked the rice field of another and claimed

it as his own. These traditional methods were commonly understood as trial by

ordeal. The Japanese then allowed the elders to mediate by imposing the trial by

ordeal witnessed by the public. Mr. Benito Pakelman explained that there were

five kinds of settling disputes but these two processes or methods were the most

common and easiest to perform at that time, especially if the complainant

wanted an immediate result.

When the Japanese occupied Mayoyao, following the surrender of local

officials, the people returned from the mountains but they hid every time theysaw the Japanese patrolling with the local police. Their location and dispersed

houses were a sort of defense because they were built within the proximity of the

rice terraces but the allop (double stone walling) enclosing the yard could expose

any passersby. The imposed curfew hour was also a good excuse for them to

shut their doors to the guerillas. As such, they were not only avoiding the

 Japanese but even the guerillas as well. Although, they called it peacetime, in

reality there was no peace because they were at the mercy of two opposing

forces: the presence of the secret spies of both the Japanese and of the guerillas.

The mi’ib’ipfun (night neighbor talk), one of the people’s past time before they

slept, where they talked about their whole day’s work and their plans in the

morrow stopped because of the Japanese curfew and the presence of the guerillaslurking in the dark. The men no longer went home late in the evening nor did

they drink rice wine with their neighbors.

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Often times, however, they could not avoid getting in contact with the

 Japanese because of the presence of the local police who knew them. According

to the key informants, the women were always distant. This is the reason why

there were no Henanga Japanese mistresses.

When they became tired of hiding and avoiding, they practically pretended to

support the Japanese government by bowing their heads and inviting them

during festivities in their barrios. On the other hand, they gave in to the food

demands of the guerillas and to the men they attended whenever there was anight meeting. So being accommodating seemed a small price to pay for smooth

relationships; yet, the people knew that they were threading on dangerous

grounds.

As the days passed by, everything was changed because a cultured and kind

commander replaced the strict Japanese commander. Another reason why there

was a sudden change of treatment from them was because the new Japanese

commander spoke English fluently and said that he himself did not want war

(Interview, 2010). With his presence and Mr. Balajo on the side of the guerillas,

the people continued their barter and the daily tasks in their kaingin and rice

fields.

In this brief interlude the Henanga discovered that the Japanese loved to watchtheir customs and traditions as long as these were done in public like the practice

of butchering pigs and chickens during healing rites, marriage celebrations and

feasts. Wealthy families invited the Japanese during these occasions for they

could provide and afford the things that were needed at that time. Traditional

wedding rites were of three kinds but the lavishness was dispensed with given

the scarcity of food.

They also loved to watch the hanggor (arm wrestling) or the  gkubfu (feet

wrestling). According to Elpidio Lahina, Sr.:

“The Japanese watched the natives dancing and even had

their bets on the arm and feet wrestling. They also drank the pfu’pfud (rice wine) and when intoxicated, they were carried by

the local police to their barracks.”

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Fig. 2.2. Hanggor  Fig. 2.3. Gkubfu’

(arm wrestling)  (feet wrestling) 

In the twenty months that the Japanese stayed in Mayoyao, it was midyear of

1944 when the people particularly the children finally learned to deal with the

 Japanese (Angiwan, 2002). Selling vegetables and chickens or trading for salt or

dried fish that the Japanese brought from the lowlands, seemed to work for the

two. They also bought rice from the people or replaced it with one chupa of salt.

They had banana and vegetable plantations and they also introduced gardening

to the people and prohibited the hunting of wild animals and the cutting of tall

trees.

3.3. The Henanga’s life in the aftermath of War

The Japanese-organized government in the Philippines known as the Second

Republic, which was headed by President Jose P. Laurel, marked its end when

the Americans returned to liberate the Philippines. Agoncillo (1990) cites that

General Douglas Mac-Arthur’s army landed in Leyte on October 20, 1944 and

they were welcomed as liberators. The Leyte beaches were severely bombarded

 by the American bombers and fighter planes and the path to Leyte was cleared

on that same day, paving the way for the allied forces to liberate the Philippines

(Agoncillo, 1990).

Casualties ran high because of the Japanese feeling that surrender meantdishonor. Ancheta (1977) noted that despite of the Japanese counter- attack,

Allied landings were made at Lingayen Gulf on January 9, 1945. On March 3,

1945 the Americans won the war in Manila and Baguio City was captured from

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the Japanese on April 26 (Ancheta, 1977). The Japanese soldiers had no option for

retreat but to climb the Cordillera Mountains.

Thus, the good relations which the people enjoyed for only two months

 because of the appointment of a kindhearted Japanese commander was

shortened with news about the landing of the liberation forces in the Visayas.

Those who were defeated in the lowlands retreated to the mountains of Ifugao;

still others from Isabela, Nueva Vizcaya, Bontoc and Kalinga arrived in Mayoyao

to escape the liberation forces (Angiwan, 2002).This culminated in a battle where four battalions were engaged to liberate

Mayoyao. Finally on August 9, 1945 the Japanese capitulated after 13 days of

fierce fighting. In the commotion that ensued, 1,120 were killed, 153 were

captured, 2.95 canons, trench mortars, machine guns, several rifles, hand

grenades and documents were retrieved (Angiwan, 2002).

Fig. 3.1. Some material remnants from the Japanese Occupation of Mayoyao. 

Fig. 3.2. Some of the unspent bullets recovered

from the site of Mt. Nagchahan.

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But the battle for liberation and the aftermath of war proved an even greater

challenge for the people of Mayoyao. Caught in the cross fires, they scattered

everywhere and forced the people to go further into the interior of the mountains

to avoid getting killed. Impressed with American courage, the people supported

them. The arrival of the liberation forces was both a boon and a bane to them.

Having tasted American goods for the first time, the people particularly the

children, suffered from dysentery and diarrhea causing casualties among them.

Fig. 3.3. Mt. Nagchajan where the battle which led to the fall of the Japanese armytook place on August 1945.

When the people finally came out from their evacuation place, they found

Central Mayoyao literally darkened with big flies hovering over the unburied

decomposing corpses of horses and humans. The decaying debris contaminated

water flowing from the streams, brooks, and springs. Hence, water, was not safe

to drink, and the air was unbearable. There were only a few casualties attributed

to food shortage. There were more affected by the epidemics of dysentery, high

fever, cholera and malaria especially since there were no doctors to attend to the

sick nor were there medical supplies to keep the diseases at bay. The people then

resorted to boiling camote until burned and mixing them with boiled water,

which they drank.The forests in the northern and eastern part of Mayoyao that used to be

populated by wild animals like the deer, the wild carabao (malon) , the ever-

present namuloh (wild pig), the  panni’i (big bats) and the t u’gwi (monkey-eating

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eagles) were now burned after the bombardment (Angiwan, 2002). Most of the

men who were able to secure rifles and bullets spent weeks in the Eastern

Mayoyao forests hunting what was left of wild animals to have something in

exchange with salt and medicines from Isabela for their families (Angiwan, 2002)

War left many people ravaged, diseased, and undernourished. Most of the

people were left with no livelihood so that the solidarity that kept people

together was broken, leaving individuals to fend for themselves. With the

onslaught of drought, the rice terraces and the kaingins could not sustain theneeds of the people. Forced by circumstances, many of the people left Mayoyao

towards the direction of present day Alfonso Lista and Aguinaldo to toil the vast

unclaimed lands. There was a shift in the mindset of people: their generosity

turned into a businesslike mindset where nothing was free. After the war, classes

resumed. The war damage claims, which they retrieved from the Americans,

made the people materialistic and individualistic; yet, education helped

strengthen and preserve the cultural heritage from the past. Mr. Abraham Aba-ac

gave a good insight on the impact of the Second World War to the people and to

the community of Mayoyao as a whole:

“The experience and effects of the Second World War madethe people realize and accept the importance of education as a

means of social and economic advancement in terms of status.”

Through the influence of education and Christianity, the students who

finished their studies came back and contributed to the educational and social

development of Mayoyao, which started in the 1960s’. The value of inherited real

property and heirloom was now replaced by the value of education so that a

poor but educated man can marry one from the traditional families. While

wealth was the source of honor and prestige in the past, education and

profession now became the means of attaining honor and prestige. Today

reciprocity continues to be in the nature of helping members of the communityand clan who are in need of hachang (money and palay) in times of death/ funeral

or  pforhan (giving material help) to anyone who wants to buy a rice paddy or

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anyone who needs to pay huge amounts of money to keep from getting

imprisoned.

In retrospect 

On August 8-9, 2011 the Local Government of Mayoyao launched and

celebrated the first year of Lenong Ad Majawjaw (Peace Festival in Mayoyao),

recognizing the sacrifices of the Mayoyao veterans and the unforgettable

experiences of the people for the liberation of Mayoyao. The researcher

participated in the launching of the Tribal Music Festival with the employees

from the Department of Education and some officials and staff of the Local

Government Unit. The LGU approved August 8-9 as the official local holiday in

Mayoyao, celebrating yearly the Peace Festival. To quote from the message of

Major General Rommel Gomez, Commanding General of the 5th Infantry

Division, Camp Melchor Dela Cruz:

“…We are celebrating the LENONG  AD MAJAWJAW (PEACE

FESTIVAL) because the real last stand of the Second World War

happened here in Mayoyao and what we are celebrating in

Kiangan is the victory day. But let us not forget that when wesay peace; let us stand for the meaning of that word peace

equally. The memoirs of the Second World War did not only

victimize one race but even Japanese, Americans and Filipinos

were victims too…”

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Fig. 3.4. The Historical Landmark attesting to the battle that took place in Mayoyao.

4. Conclusions and Recommendations

From the historical writings, and first-hand interviews and dialogues with the

key informants, I was able to establish that indeed the survivors’ reminiscencesof the war were stories of survival, fear, tears and sacrifices. They were stories of

endurance as they were like fugitives in their own land, sleeping on cold ground

and on empty stomachs, and learning to serve two masters, the Japanese and the

guerillas.

But the Second World War also helped them gain new ideas outside of their

traditional world, particularly the poor, who freed themselves not just from the

physical and psychological cruelties of war, but also the realization that there

was opportunity outside their place and accepted education as a means of

gaining social and economic advancement.

Recommendations

1. To the Henanga that they may continue to appreciate the value of their own

history and inspire the lives of the next generation.

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2. To the Local Government of Mayoyao that it may be inspired by the wealth of

the people’s history and aggressively support its research and documentation

for the preservation of their oral history.

3. To future researchers and writers , so much more can be learned from the

collective memories of people and which should be done while the informants

are still alive. This study is far from finished. In its simplicity it is just a survey

of the first-hand experiences of my people during the Second World War. Amore in-depth study of the effects of war in the lives of the people can still be

done on the economic, political, and socio-cultural aspects. A further study can

also be done on the issue of collaboration as a means of survival. Probably, a

separate story can be made on the adaptive mechanisms of the people during

and after the war. Indeed there is a wealth of information that can be derived

from the collective memories of people.

References

Agoncillo, T. A. (1965). The fateful years: Japan’s adventure in the Philippines.

Philippines: R.P. Garcia Publishing Company.

Ancheta, C. A. (1983). Liberation of Northern Luzon. Manila: National Bookstore.

Ancheta, C. A. (1977). Triumph in the Philippines. Manila: National Bookstore.

Angiwan, M. Sr. (2002). Mayoyao cultural and political history. Baguio City:

The Alternative Publication, Baguio Colleges Foundation.

Baclagon, U. S. (1952). Philippine campaign. Manila: Graphic House, Liwayway

Publication.

Dumia, M. A. (1979). Ifugao world. Quezon City: New Day Publishers

Hartendorp, A.V. H. (1967). The Japanese occupation in the Philippines. Vol. 1,

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Survivors of Mayoyao 

83

Makati City: William, J. Slaw Foundation.

Nieva, A. A. (1997). The fight for freedom. Quezon City: New Day Publishers.

Setsuho, I. & Jose, R. T. (1999). The Philippines under  Japan. Quezon City: Ateneo

de Manila University Press.

Zaide, S. M. (1994). The Philippines: A unique nation. Manila: All- NationsPublishing Co.

The Commonwealth of the Philippines (2010) Retrieved October 10, 2010 from

Wikipedia.org/wiki/Commonwealth _of the_ Philippines.

Key Informants:

Initial interviews were conducted on October 2010, with intensive sessions from

November to December 2010. Follow up interviews commenced on April 2011

with the following:

Mr. Abraham Aba-ac, 89 years old, retired School Supervisor.

Mr. Martin Abuggao, 79 years old, retired teacher, now a politician.

Mr. Santiago Balajo, 97 years old, appointed Mayor during the Japanese

Occupation.

Mr. William Chugasna, 84 years old, a shaman or native priest, a youngster

during the Japanese occupation.

Mr. Chalanao Maguiwe, 95 years old, a soldier during the Japanese occupation.

Mr. Pedro Mombael, 78 years old, a teacher during the Japanese Occupation.

Mr. Benito Pakelman, 98 years old, family man during the Japanese Occupation.

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Mr. John F. Piligan, 85 years old, a politician today.

Mrs. Josephine Bilagot, 79 years old, a child during the Japanese Regime.

Mrs. Feliza Olguahon-Chulana, 79 years old, retired teacher.

Mrs. Rosie Atluna-Maguiwe, 83 years old, first child of Bonifacio Atluna, who

was appointed Mayor by the Japanese.