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Aegyptus et Pannonia 3, 2006

It has long been acknowledged by scholars interested in Egyptian reli-

gion that there is a remarkable proliferation of Osirian cult facilities at Karnak dur-

ing the first half of the first millennium BC.1

These monuments give proof of theincreasing importance Osirian beliefs held during that period even at the centre

of the old solar god of state Amun-Re, thereby bringing into focus one of the most

significant developments in Late Egyptian religion, namely, the rise of Osiris and

his paredroi to the principal deities of the country's temple cults.

Despite this fact, however, the individual Theban Osiris chapels have

never received appropriate scholarly treatment, and still less attention has been

accorded to the group as a whole. While some monuments have at least been

partly excavated and more or less superficially published by French Egyptologists

such as Mariette, Legrain, Pillet, Chevrier or Leclant2, others have escaped fur-

ther notice until now.3

Fortunately enough, this unsatisfactory situation is likely to improve withthe forthcoming, long-awaited publications of the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet (Pl.

THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE THIRDINTERMEDIATE PERIOD AND THE LATE PERIOD

AT KARNAK

SOME ASPECTS OF THEIR RELIGIOUS AND HISTORICALSIGNIFICANCE*

* This paper deals with some issues of my master's thesis "Die Osiris-Kapellen der Dritten Zwischenzeit und

der Sptzeit in Karnak. Vorarbeiten zu einer Gesamtanalyse des Denkmlerbestands" which was written under

the supervision of Prof. Manfred Bietak at the Institute of Egyptology, University of Vienna and was approved

in August 2004. For their support during my work in Karnak I am especially indebted to Dr. Holeil Ghaly, Dr.

Franois Larch, Dr. Aurelia Masson, Dr. Alain Arnaudis, and Dr. Ibrahim Soliman.

1 To give only two examples: GABALLA - KITCHEN 1969, 32; and more recently: TAYLOR 2000, 362.

2 The most important accounts are: MARIETTE 1875, vol. I, 9-10; 68-69; 76-70; MARIETTE 1889, 28;

LEGRAIN, 1900, 125-136; 146-149; LEGRAIN 1902, 208-214; LEGRAIN 1903, 181-184; PILLET 1925, 19-24;

LECLANT 1950, 365; LECLANT 1951, 458-465; CHEVRIER 1949, 255; CHEVRIER 1950, 437-439; LECLANT

1965, vol. I, passim; esp. 262-264.3 The chapel of Osorkon III near the Sacred Lake, for instance, was accorded only a paragraph in the accounts

of the Prussian Expedition. Cf. LD I/2, pl. 75, no. 10; LD III, 42.

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31, background) by Lyla Brock, Donald Redford, and Gerald Kadish4, as well as

the recently excavated chapel of Osiris Nebdjefau by Laurent Coulon, who is also

supervising a French-Egyptian research project concerned with the Osiris cults of

Thebes in general.In the following I will highlight some results of my master's thesis, in

which I tried to establish a corpus of source material pertaining to the Osirian

monuments of Late Period Thebes. By taking into account as far as possible

the archaeological, topographical, epigraphic, and historical contexts of these

structures, it was aimed at preparing the ground for a future multi-approach inte-

grative analysis which seems to me the only way to deal with this complex issue.

QUESTIONS OF NUMBER AND DISTINCTION

One of the first questions that arose during the course of my studies was

the one about the original number and location of the chapels. Looking at the

general map of Karnak on T.1, one can see that the monuments referred to are

to be found in many different places, mainly interspersed within the temple

precincts of the Late and Graeco-Roman periods. The topographical situation at

the time the chapels were built is a different matter, however. Unfortunately,

unless further excavations are conducted one has great difficulties to gauge the

location of the contemporary temenoi and has therefore to be cautious when try-

ing to assess the relations between the chapels and other (cult-)topographic enti-

ties. At present, at least, it seems that most chapels were originally situated out-side the temple compounds.6

4 The book was scheduled to be published in spring 2005, but so far has not appeared. For the excavations

conducted in the early seventies cf. REDFORD 1973, 16-30; LECLANT 1971-75, 236; 260; 408; 189; 212

respectively.

5 I thank Dr. Coulon for the provided information. For preliminary reports on the Nebdjefau chapel see LAUF-

FRAY 1980, 58, 27 w. fig. 23; LECLANT - MINAULT-GOUT 2001, 409; MATHIEU 2001, 565; MATHIEU 2003,

599-600; COULON 2003, 47-60; GRIMAL - ADLY, 2005, 268-269.

6 There has been a long debate on whether the brick enclosure with buttresses, which can be seen north of the

Eastern Temple of Ramesses II, and which is recognizable on aerial photographs even further to the north, should

be dated to the Third Intermediate Period or to later times (Kushite, connected with reconstruction work by

Montuemhat? For the discussion see BARGUET 1962a, 33-38; SPENCER 1979, 74; COULON - LECLRE -

MARCHAND 1995, 223-225). The bastion built of bricks stamped with the name of the high priest Menkheperre,which is situated immediately north of Ramesses' high-gate (sbA-Hrj), does at least point to building activity in thisarea during the early Third Intermediate Period (cf. also the famous stela of Menkheperre mentioning the erection

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THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE TIP AND LP IN KARNAK

In the list accompanying T.1. a number of provisional designations

have been used which are not always in accordance with the ones employed

in other works and therefore call for a brief comment.7 Because the structures

in question do only seldom provide us with enough inscriptional material to beassociated with a specific cult form of a deity, one has to resort to other modes

of appellation (e.g. conforming to the principal officiate: "chapel of Amenirdis"

etc.). But even if a monument does offer inscriptional material in reasonable

quantities, the identification of the deity it was dedicated to often proves to be

a daunting task indeed. For instance, in the Kushite building commonly labelled

"chapel of Osiris Nebankh" in fact one of the smallest religious structures in

Karnak Osiris is provided with no fewer than five epithets, of which four are

to be found in other chapels as well.8 So the distinction we are used to make

between epitheta ornantia and cult-designations that are specific to a certain

religious structure does not always seem to be applicable to the source mate-rial. Bearing in mind that many chapels also show strong ties with the royal

(funerary) cult (or quasi-royal in the case of the God's Wives), the picture

becomes even more blurred. From a certain point of view the tomb chapels of

the God's Wives at Medinet Habu too can be "read" as sanctuaries dedicated

to Osiris, because the god is not only extensively worshipped in the relief

scenes, but also commemorated above the entrances to the offering chapels

with a central cartouche flanked by those of the deceased. Whether this prox-

imity implies a mergence of identities is not so much of relevance here. What

counts is that these funerary chapels were considered by the Ancient Egyptians

of a new enclosure wall: BARGUET 1962a, 36-38; see also REDFORD 1973, 17). In any case, repair work con-

ducted during the centuries has made it extremely difficult to date the remains of these mudbrick walls.

Additionally there is a certain possibility that the eastern perimeter of the enclosure of Amun was situated fur-

ther to the east in the late New Kingdom and was transferred west only during the 21st Dynasty. The remnants

of east-west oriented brickwalls in the north-eastern sector of the Amun enclosure, which appear to predate the

Osiris chapels situated immediately north of them, may speak in favour of this interpretation. By contrast, the

bases of the sphinxes and obelisks with cartouches of Ramesses II before the present eastern gate cannot be

considered as a proof that Ramesses II enlarged the precinct of Amun (as suggested by BARGUET 1962a,

36), since they may have been relocated there in the 30th Dynasty. For a comparable situation at the southern

gate of the Montu-enclosure see CHRISTOPHE 1951, 10-13.

7 For instance, I have chosen to designate the building south of the chapel of Osiris Nebdjefau as "chapel of

Osiris Nebneheh" (in PM II.2, 192 it is called "B. Chapel of Amasis and Nitocris"), thereby using the first dis-

tinctive epithet of the Osirian hymn engraved left of the entrance to the sanctuary. This is, of course, a purely

provisional designation, as the more "cult-specific" cartouche-name of the god, which was most probably pre-sent on the lintel (cf. the chapel of Nebdjefau: COULON 2003, 52-3, fig. 5-6), has not been preserved.

8 Cf. LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 23-36; 269-273; LECLANT 1955, 202-203.

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to be cult places of Osiris or of an Osirian aspect. In this regard they have a

precursor in the so-called funerary apartments of the House of million years of

Ramesses III, the innermost rooms of which (nos. 23-27) are almost exclusively

dedicated to the worship of Osiris and his consorts.9

Turning to the corpus of Theban Osiris monuments of the 1st millennium

BC, it is important to differentiate between 1) in situ monuments which can be

attributed to Osiris without any doubt (T.1, red circles), 2) in situ monuments

which owe their attribution to secondary contextual criteria such as topographic

sequence (T.1, turquoise circles) for instance, in the case of the so-called

Anepigraphic chapel in the north-eastern sector of the Amun-precinct and 3)

monuments which exhibit some features of Osirian chapels without definite proof

of their Osirian nature (T.1, violet circles). In addition, one has to consider numer-

ous dislocated and reused blocks of the periods in question (T.1, green circles)

whose decoration is either of explicitly Osirian character or is rendered in a man-ner comparable to the known Osiris chapels (what exactly is meant by this, shall

be demonstrated by an example below). Such blocks have been found not only

in Karnak itself, but also in Medamud, on the West Bank and even in Luxor.10

Since many chapels were constructed almost entirely of mudbricks and

have suffered corresponding deterioration, the present picture of the Karnak tem-

ple compounds is somewhat misleading. Originally, nearly all of the little stone

sanctuaries in the area were preceded by mudbrick halls and courts with

columns, giving them the appearance of temples in their own right. It is therefore

not surprising that we know of specially appointed priests for some of them.11As

9 In these rooms the king is never depicted receiving offerings, provided that one does not consider the

vignettes of BD 110 and 148 on the lateral walls of room 24 and 25 as latent representations of the royal offer-

ing cult (cf. LESKO 1969, 455-456). Accordingly, Hlscher designates the complex as a cult place of Osiris.

HLSCHER 1941, 30; see also ARNOLD 1962, 59; HAENY 1998, 124-126. On the "sacralisation" of the tomb

concept during the Ramesside period see ASSMANN 1991, vol. I, 7.

10 Cf. for instance: Karnak: LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 54-56; BARGUET - LECLANT 1954, vol. I, 109-135; LAUF-

FRAY - SAAD - SAUNERON 1975, 18-20; CHRISTOPHE 1951, 117-118, no. 22; Medamud: BISSON DE LA

ROQUE 1926, 47; BISSON DE LA ROQUE 1930, 47; BISSON DE LA ROQUE 1931, 70-76; BISSON DE LA

ROQUE 1933, 59-65. It may well be that the blocks of the 25 th and 26th Dynasties found reused in several

structures at Medamud do originally stem from the Karnak temple compounds. Western Thebes: NAGEL 1929,

12-15, pl. 5-6; DEWACHTER 1986, 159-163. The blocks were found inside a shaft tomb behind the village of

Deir el-Medineh but could, in fact, originate from Medinet Habu. Luxor: LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 142, 41 C;

ABDUL-QADER 1968, 255.

11 Cf. for instance the title Hm-nTr Wsjr HqA-D.t n dwA.t-nTr (^p-n-wp.t)|, which is ascribed to a certain

Djedkhonsiuefankh on a cuboid statue from the Karnak Cachette (Cairo Museum JE 37196). It can clearly berelated to the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet, the inner parts of which were built under the auspices of the God's Wife

Shepenupet I. Cf. BRESCIANI 1976, 13-21; on the date of the statue recently: JANSEN-WINKELN 2003, 35-36.

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can be seen on Pl. 32, the chapel of Osiris Nebdjefau in the north-western sec-

tor of the Amun precinct still features a re-erected papyrus bundle column, the

type of which is also found with the nearby chapel of Osiris Nebneheh, the chapel

of Nitocris, the "Kushite chapel", the chapel of Osiris-Ptah Nebankh, and theAnepigraphic chapel (in the case of the latter two, the columns consisted of a

stone trunk surrounded by a mud coating).12 Of the mudbrick architecture encom-

passing the masonry only scant remains are visible in the foreground.

DEFINING "OSIRIAN CHARACTER"

Closely related to the problem of assessing the original number of

Osiris chapels is the principal question of what characterises such a buildingand what sets it apart from religious structures dedicated to other gods. Of

course, one would expect an Osiris chapel to feature mentions and depictions

of Osiris or his primary cult symbols in a prominent place, as well as represen-

tations of associated gods like Horus, Isis or Nephthys. An example for this pro-

vides the chapel of Osiris Nebankh, where Osiris is present not only as a mum-

miform god, but also as Djed-pillar and Abydos-fetish flanked by his paredroi

(Pl. 33). Additionally, one would also look for certain iconographic motifs or reli-

gious texts embedded in Osirian theology, such as are found in the chapels of

Osiris Nebdjefau and Osiris Nebneheh respectively. Whereas the first one

shows depictions of Osirian protective daemons on the front of the door jambs

leading to the sanctuary (Pl. 34), the latter's sanctuary faade is decorated withtwo hymns evocating the god aspantocratorand provider of fertility (Pl. 35).13

Unfortunately, during the course of time the primary archaeological source

material has in many cases been severely damaged, which make the afore-

12 For the columns of the chapel of Nitocris cf. CHRISTOPHE 1951, 33; chapel of Osiris-Ptah Nebankh:

LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 111; vol. II, pl. 68A; Anepigraphic chapel: LECLANT 1951, 461-462. Columns of this

technique have also been found at other places in Karnak: CHRISTOPHE 1951, 84, pl. 14, 11 ("chapelle

incendie" in Karnak-North); LECLANT 1951, 461-462, n. 1 (unpublished buildings in north-western sector of

Amun-precinct).

13 The hymn on the left side is attested on a number of monuments dating from the 25th Dynasty to the Roman

period: ROGGE 1992, 5-15 (25th Dyn.); 72-76 (26th Dyn.); GRAEFE (1981), vol. I, 239-241 (P38), pl. 16* f (26thDyn.); ABD EL-HAMID 1956, pl. 10 (26th Dyn.); ABKAR 1981, 141-171 (Ptolemy II); HINTZE 1962, 12-19; 33-36

(2nd half of 3rd cent. BC); PETRIE 1908, pl. 34, col. 8-14 (Ptolemy IX Soter II); HERBIN 2003, 106-107 (Roman).

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mentioned criteria sometimes difficult to apply. This is especially relevant for re-

utilised blocks deprived of their original context. A block of unknown prove-

nance, most probably found somewhere at Karnak-North, presently held in the

Egyptian Museum of Cairo (TR 28/5-25/4), may serve as an illustration to this(Pl. 36).14 Its two central scenes show Necho II, the God's Wife Nitocris and her

chief steward Padihorresnet officiating before the Theban triad. On the far left,

Necho II is flanked by Isis and Horus-son-of-Isis, while on the far right the God's

Wife and Padihorresnet stand before Montu. Unbiased, one would not neces-

sarily attribute the block to a cult place of Osiris. A comparison with a lintel of

the chapel of Osiris Nebneheh (fig. 1), which likewise features king, God's Wife

and chief steward officiating before the Theban triad,15 makes clear, however,

that its iconography is very well compatible with such a building. I do certainly

not want to postulate that all unattributable blocks showing a God's Wife before

Amun originate from an Osiris chapel, but such a possibility should at least bekept in mind. All the more so, as we have unequivocal evidence for many

chapels of Osirian character dedicated by the God's Wives of Amun from the

22nd, maybe even from the 21st Dynasty onwards until the end of the 26th

Dynasty,16 but, on other hand, rather few definitive clues for shrines dedicated

to other gods during this period. Or put in other words: Of roughly 15 certainly

identified Osiris chapels, 12 can be associated with at least one of the God's

Wives, while the still standing monuments of the God's Wives at Karnak are

with very few exceptions to be identified with cult places for Osiris. Thus, one

has to reckon with a certain affinity between the institution of the Divine

Consorts of Amun and the worship of Osiris from the start, no matter whether

the implications of this rest more on the religious or on the political side.

14 CHRISTOPHE 1955, 65-70, pl. 1.

15 See LD I/2, pl. 274o (wrongly attributed to "Tempelchen H"; it should be read "Tempelchen J" according to

Lepsius' nomenclature, cf. LD III, 9, n. 4); COULON 2003, 52-53, fig. 5. Most probably, the broken columns in

the centre comprised the royal titulature of Osiris as it is found on the base registers of the first gate of the

Nebdjefau chapel or at the rear of the southern corridor of the Ptolemaic Osiris catacombs in Karnak.

16 The oldest "securely" dated Osiris chapel is Chapel E within the Montu enclosure, now almost completely

destroyed (cf. PM II2, 15). Mariette reports scenes featuring Osorkon II, Takeloth (II) and the God's Wife

Karomama, which sets the t.a.q. at the middle of the 22nd Dynasty (MARIETTE 1875, vol. I, 10). The

Anepigraphic chapel, on the other hand, could be associated with a claustrum found in its neighbourhood which

features the cartouches (MAa.t-kA-Ra)| and (sA.t-nswt @nw.t-tA.wj)|, names, most probably referring to (a)female member(s) of the 21st Dynasty (the God's Wife Henuttaui D?). The circumstances of its discovery, how-

ever, do not allow to base further conclusions on this hypothetical classification. See CHEVRIER 1951, 554-

555; LECLANT 1953, 85, n. 1.

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Fig.

1.

Lintelfromt

hechapelofOsirisNebneheh(a

fterLD

I/2,pl.274o).

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OSIRIS ANDAMUN

The distinction between buildings one would consider to be Osirischapels, and sacred shrines of another kind is further complicated by the fact that

Amun-Re and his triad are depicted on the walls of the still standing Osiris

chapels to such an extent that it has been suggested rather to speak of sanctu-

aries dedicated to both Amun and Osiris.17 The chart shown in Pl. 37, giving fig-

ures for the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet, may illustrate the problem. Of course,

quantities alone cannot provide a definitive tool for evaluation; there is also a

need to consider the placement and orientation of the scenes, which might proof

even more significant. Such a contextual iconographic analysis demonstrates

that Amun-Re and his consorts tend to dominate the outer parts of the structures,

whereas depictions of Osiris or Osirian symbols are almost exclusively foundwithin the inner sanctuary. This may be exemplified by plates 38-43, a visual ren-

dering of the analysis conducted for the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet. The shades of

blue are assigned to the gods of the Theban triad, blacks and greys designate

Osiris and his consorts. The divergent quantities of representations of Amun and

Osiris are further put into perspective by the fact that, with the exception of the

chapel of Osiris Heqadjet, the cult axis of the chapels suited for evaluation cul-

minates in a symmetrically doubled depiction of the mummiform god or in a rep-

resentation of one of his symmetrical cult symbols. A good example for the for-

mer option is offered by the chapel of Osiris-Ptah Nebankh (fig. 2).18

The question of the specific theological relation between Osiris and

Amun, manifesting itself in the individual chapels, is far from being solved and Iwill not go into detail here. It shall be pointed out, however, that there is at least

no explicit evidence in the corpus for a syncretistic form of deity like Amun-

Wenennefer, who features rather prominently in the 4th century BC Opet temple

at Karnak and still earlier in the Hibis temple at el-Charga oasis.19 It remains a

17 COONEY 2000, 34; 41. The remarkable prominence of Amun among the depicted deities of the chapel of

Osiris Heqadjet had already been acknowledged by its original excavator who stated: "En somme, on parle de

tout le monde, except de lui [scil. Osiris]." LEGRAIN 1900, 147.

18 Such symmetrical tableaux are attested for the chapel of Osiris Nebankh (LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 31, fig. 6;

p. 34, fig. 12), the chapel of Osiris Nebdjefau (COULON 2003, 56, fig. 10), the chapel of Nitocris

(CHRISTOPHE 1951, 43), and the chapel of Osiris-Ptah Nebankh (MARIETTE 1889, pl. 82, here fig. 14).Compare also the Abydos chapel of Ramesses I (WINLOCK 1937, pl. 4) and the Osiris complex in the temple

of Ramesses III (THE EPIGRAPHIC SURVEY 1963, pl. 482).

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Fig. 3. Tomb of Djehutiemhab (TT 194), transverse hall, northern wall (after SEYFRIED[1995] pl. 29).

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Fig. 2. Chapel of Osiris-Ptah Nebankh,room II, rear wall (after MARIETTE[1889] pl. 86).

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moot question to what degree the apparent omnipresence of Amun-Re among

the subsidiary shrines of Karnak is a consequence of his status as primary god

of the region, and to what degree it should be regarded as theologically relevant.

Certainly, points of contact between Amun(-Re) and Osiris are not lacking for theperiods considered. One needs only to recall the solar aspects of Osirian resur-

rection that are emphasised in the chapels of the north-eastern sector,20 where

Osiris is associated with the solar iSd-tree,21 or the rites of the primeval Amun ofDjeme, centring on a primeval form of Amun, which are depicted in the chapel of

Osiris Heqadjet and the Edifice of Taharqa by the Sacred Lake.23 On the other

hand, Amun can assume the role of Osiris as a god of fertility and accordingly be

associated with the rise of the Nile.24 In this regard it is interesting to note the

close proximity of an Osiris chapel built under Osorkon III, and Shebitqu's chapel

dedicated to Amun in his aspect as provider of fertility (Pl. 44). Both buildings

relate to the religious-economic facilities in this sector, which were destined forthe production and storage of offerings.25 Surely, it is no coincidence that the

Amun figure represented on the lintel of Shebitqu's chapel is not represented

seated on a throne, as with comparable lintels, but rather rendered as ideogram

of a mummiform god (fig. 4).

A FEW COMMENTS ON THE LOCATIONS

Some further comments seem at place concerning the location of the

chapels. Apart from a few isolated examples, the majority is organised in groups

19 Opet temple: DE WIT 1968, 149; Hibis temple: DAVIES 1953, pl. 7.

20 On the concept of Solar-Osirian unity in the funerary sphere cf. NIWISKI 1988, 89-106; recently with fur-

ther references: DARNELL 2004, passim; esp. 450-453.

21 On this issue see KOEMOTH 1994, 73-74; 97-122; 163; HUGONOT 1985, 25-27; SEYFRIED 1990, 60-61,

colour pl. 3a; pl. 5. The iSd in Karnak has been treated among others by BARGUET 1962b, 34; LECLANT

1965, vol. I, 275-283; COULON - LECLRE - MARCHAND 1995, 222; AUFRRE 1999, 136.

22 GOYON 1979, 49-51; DORESSE 1979, 36-48; FAZZINI 1988, 23; COONEY 2000, 15-47.

23 This association is already attested for the 19th Dynasty: cf. GABOLDE 1995, 235-258.

24 Most of the reliefs of Shebitqu's chapel were dismantled and transferred to Berlin by the Prussian

Expedition (cf. LD I/2, pl. 78, no. 9; LD V/10, pl. 3; LD III, 40). The building has recently been relocated in the

area, thereby confirming Lepsius' plan (personal communication by Aurelia Masson, CFEETK). A shallow

depression situated to the east may mark the location of Osorkon's Osiris chapel (structure no. 10 in Lepsius'plan) of which some stone elements have also been brought to Berlin (Inv.no. 2101-2102, cf. IB II [1924] 218).

25 For the so-called Storehouse and other structures in this area cf. RICKE 1937, 124-131; TRAUNECKER

1987, 147-153; BERG 1987, 48-49.

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Fig. 4. Faade of the Chapel of Shebitqu by the Sacred Lake (after LD V/10, pl. 3a).

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or clusters that seem to correspond with thoroughfares or processional ways.26

The chapels of the north-western sector (Pl. 46) are more or less strictly aligned

with the route leading to the temple of Ptah and further north to the precinct of

Montu. As the famous Ptah stela of Thutmosis III gives proof, this route served asprocessional way from the 18th Dynasty onwards.27 The second group is situat-

ed immediately southwest of the temples of Montu and Maat (Pl. 45). Since the

location of the temenos walls belonging to the Third Intermediate and the Late

Periods cannot be assessed satisfactorily, there is no way of deciding if the

chapels owe their alignment to a pre-existing wall standing either behind or in

front of them.28 Be this as it may, the linear sequence which, by the way, inter-

estingly does not seem to conform to the chronological sequence, is a strong indi-

cation that the chapels were in some way or another connected with religious pro-

cessions.29 One is inclined to think especially of the festivals performed during the

month of Choiak. The same appears to apply to the chapels of the north-easternsector, the "classical" Osirian area of Karnak (Pl. 45). Here they are, of course,

also to be considered in connection with the nearby tomb of Osiris, called jA.t-wr.t, the Great Place, where burials of small Osiris figurines are attested at leastfrom the beginning of the Third Intermediate Period onwards.30 Nevertheless, I

would not regard this Osirian necropolis as the only relevant factor for the place-

ment of the chapels. It is not even clear if there existed a passage between the

two areas at the time the chapels were built. In addition, it should be noted that

all the buildings are oriented to the north, although the faades of their stone

sanctuaries do not form a straight line. The preceding mudbrick enclosures, now

mostly destroyed, could have compensated for those irregularities of course. In

the absence of tangible archaeological evidence it is a matter of speculationwhether this alignment relates to a pre-existing thoroughfare or cult axis.31

26 Cf. LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 216.

27 CG 34013, see LACAU 1909, vol. I, 28; KLUG 2002, 139; cf. also JACQUET-GORDON 1988, vol. I, 156;

ULLMANN 2002, 150.

28 Unfortunately, Christophe's accounts on the excavations of Legrain and Robichon in this sector are not at

all satisfactory. Cf. CHRISTOPHE 1951, 3-14; 61-68.

29 Further circumstantial evidence is provided by some private statues associated with the Osiris chapels.

Inscriptions on these speak of festivals and procession, in which the dedicator is hoping to eternally participate.

See for example REDFORD 1986, 3-15.

30 COULON - LECLRE - MARCHAND 1995, 205-252; esp. 221-223; LECLRE 2002, 24-44; esp. 32.

31 One should note that structures at Karnak-East (among them Akhenaten's Gempaaten) might have been

connected by such a route with a presumed temple palace of the 18th Dynasty, situated further to the west. Cf.the plan in REDFORD 1999, 53, fig. 33. Undoubtedly, though, the buildings of the Amarna period in this area

had all been destroyed long before the end of the New Kingdom. Cf. REDFORD 1993, 3.

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THE "PRIVATE FACTOR"

Taking into consideration that we have archaeological and epigraphic evi-

dence for many more shrines, some of which cannot have been bigger than a

modest tomb chapel,32 a comparison with the so-called cenotaphs at Abydos sug-

gests itself.33 Like these structures, the Osiris chapels of Karnak may have served,

among other things, as a means by which the dedicator could eternally participate

in the local religious festivities, not necessarily of Osirian character alone. In this

aspect, the shrines could be viewed as an elaborated version of the votive temple

statue, which is often found associated with them (see also note 29).

It seems that during the first millennium BC not only kings and the God'sWives of Amun were responsible for the erection of such chapels; the Theban

elite played an equally important part in this process. Thus, for example, on the

front of the so-called chapel of Osiris Wep-ished most probably a double shrine

dedicated to the Osirian triad, and incorporating features of a birth house34 one

can recognize two Djed-pillars flanking the entrance to the left sanctuary (Pl. 47).

They are decorated with an offering formula on behalf of the deceased High

Priest of Amun Nimlot C, thereby adding a personalised aspect to the cult per-

formed in the room. The closest comparison for this scheme is found in some

Theban tombs of New Kingdom date (e.g. TT 194, fig. 3).35

Further examples are provided, for instance, by the chapel of Osiris

Nebdjefau in the north-western sector, featuring an outer gate whose door jambsare adorned with a biographical inscription of Sheshonq A, one of the chief stew-

ards of the God's Wife Ankhesenneferibre. Like one of his successors, Sheshonq

B in the neighbouring chapel of Osiris Nebneheh, he is also shown following his

mistress in several of the chapel's reliefs. 36

32 Inscriptional evidence for the dedication of a minute Osiris chapel is provided by a private votive stela from

the reign of Taharqa. See GRAEFE - WASSEF 1979, 103-117.

33 Cf. O'CONNOR 1985, 168-169, fig. 2.

34 Cf. REDFORD 1986, 1-15; FAZZINI 1988, 13-14.

35 SEYFRIED 1995, 44, pl. 29.

36 For Sheshonq A and B on Theban monuments see CHRISTOPHE 1956/7, 83-100; esp. 89-90; LD I/2, pl.

273e&f; 274c&o; MOSS 1973,128-129, pl. 7; also compare the biographical inscription on the stelophore CairoJE 36158, where Ibi, thejmj-rA-pr-wr dwA.t-nTr during the early "reign" of Nitocris, states that he was respon-sible for the erection of a Hw.t-nTr n nb=s [=s referring to Nitocris] Wsjr Wnn-nfr: GRAEFE 1994, 85-99, fig. 1.

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In the chapel of Osiris Herib-pa-ished, situated near the jA.t-wr.t, theOsirian necropolis on the East Bank, the officiant's role is performed by the God's

Wife Shepenupet II and a member of her priestly entourage, the songstress of the

palace of Amun Diesehebsed.37 The fact that the latter even appears alone beforeOsiris on one of the walls (Pl. 48.) may point to an intervention of her mighty broth-

er Montuemhat, the famous mayor of Thebes during the late 25th and early 26th

Dynasties.38 Most probably it is no coincidence that an analogous association

between Shepenupet II and Diesehebsed can be observed at Medinet Habu, the

other great Theban cult place of Osiris at that time (see Pl. 46.).39 There, at the

ThebanjA.t-Amt, we find the tomb chapels of Diesehebsed and her mistress inclose proximity, facing the Small Temple, which has by then become a primary place

of Osirian worship and was likely regarded as the tomb of Osiris on the West Bank.40

In any event, the setting is quite similar in both cases.

RELATIONS BETWEEN THE CHAPELS AND LITURGICAL TEXTS

The aforementioned chapel of Osiris Herib-pa-ished offers another interesting

feature. On the eastern wall of the first chamber of the sanctuary the ancient

sculptor has inscribed a text behind a pair of divine figures (Pl. 49.) which, despite

its fragmentary state of preservation, is identifiable as a spell from the so-called

Verklrungsbuch II.

The spell can be restored as follows:

10 [Dd-mdw jn As.t ?] mw.t[-nTr? a] nb.t-p.t Hnw.t-nTr.w-nb(.w) hA [Wsjr-...b] 11 [Twt jrj mrr.t] 12 [Ra-Jtm m hrw] 13 [pn nfr m-m] 14 [nTr.w nb.w] 15

37 There have been a number of Hsj.wt Xnw n Jmn named Diesehebsed (cf. YOYOTTE 1972, 48; 50). Theone in question was a daughter of Nesptah A (LEGRAIN 1912, 174-175.).

38 Cf. LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 47.

39 For an early (25th Dynasty) attestation of Osiris hrj-jb jA.t-Amtsee LECLANT 1954, 157-158, pl. 9-10.Also to mention is a narrow stone gate adjoining the rear of the Small Temple of Medinet Habu with the fol-

lowing inscription: (hrq-mry-Jmn)| mry Wsjr xntj sH-nTr. Cf. HLSCHER 1939, 33-35; LECLANT 1965,vol. I, 153, 43 E.

40 HLSCHER states that tomb no. 4 yielded several shabtis with the name of a Diesehebsed "who, as Anthes

informs me [i.e. HLSCHER], is known to have been lady-in-waiting to Shepenupet II and must have lived

about 654 B.C." HLSCHER 1954, 30, pl. 21B-C. On the published photographs of two shabtis one can rec-

ognize the sequence and as part of the filiation. Additionally, a relief from Dieseheb-sed's tomb chapel, depicting her together with Shepenupet II, is preserved in the Museum of the Oriental

Institute of Chicago (OIM 14681: TEETER 2003, 79, no. 40).

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[j.n jmj.w] Smsw n Ra-Jtm r=k jrj.n @r n jtj=f Wsjr wnn=k jm m Hrj-tp n nTr.wTwt wr[jmj s.t=f m-m nTr.w nb(.w) c]

10 [Reciting of words by Isis?], the mother of [God], the lady of heaven, the mis-

tress of all gods: " O [Osiris-]11-12 [, you are the one who does what Re-Atum

loves on this] 13 [beautiful day among] 14 [all the gods,]15 [thus speak] to thee

[those, who are among the] entourage of Re-Atum. Horus has acted on behalf ofhis father, so that you are the chief of the gods there. You are the greatest [of all

gods on his seat."]

a Bouriant, Legrain and Leclant consider the depicted goddess to be

Mut.41 Taking the Osirian context of this glorification spell into account,

however, I would rather opt for Isis. In fact, the preserved group

is positioned too low as that it could have functioned as principal des-

ignation. Instead, it might belong to the well-known epithet mw.t-nTrwith the proleptic nTr, rendered in an uncommonly elaborate manner,thereby filling a square of its own. As such it can be found in room III of

the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet where Isis is called.42

bAlready at the time of Bouriant, the first one to publish the chapel's

inscriptions, there were no traces of the invoked's name. The funerary

papyri offering parallels to this text (see note 44) normally have hA WsjrNN.

41 BOURIANT 1887, 391; LEGRAIN 1912, 172; LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 45.

42 Cf. LEGRAIN 1900, 134 (paroi D).

43 TT36: KUHLMANN - SCHENKEL 1983, vol. I, 123 (Text 265); TT 389: ASSMANN 1973, 60; TT 410: ASS-MANN 1977, 30-31 (Text 10b). On the Verklrungsbuch IIsee also ASSMANN 1986, col. 999 s. v. "Verklrung";

GOYON 1974, 78-80; esp. 80; BURKARD 1995, 6-8.

? ? 10 free space

11

12

13

14

15

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CLAUS JURMAN

122

c The passages in brackets following hA are restored on the basis ofthe text versions attested in the Saite Asasif tombs TT 36, TT 389, and

TT 410.43

The Verklrungsbuch II, a collection of glorification spells later incorpo-

rated into funerary literature, is also drawn upon in many Saite tombs of the Asasif

(see note 43). Sources such as the pSchmitt or the pSkowski make it clear, how-

ever, that its original "Sitz im Leben" was the Osirian temple liturgy.44 Thus, we

are provided here with an early example of the spell in a perfectly appropriate

context.45 It should be noted that the text's solar overtones, speaking of Osiris'

ascension to Atum-Re and his followers, is paralleled by the iconographic ren-

dering of the god as a striding, completely anthropomorphic figure (Pl. 49.).46

At least briefly should be mentioned that a comparable relationship

apparently exists between the pVienna 3865 of Roman times, a text concerned

with offering rites on behalf of Osiris during the Decade Festival,47 and the lower

registers in the innermost room of the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet which incorpo-

rate the well-known tableau of Djeme.48 The provisioning deities enumerated in

44 On pBerlin 3057 (=pSchmitt): MLLER 1900, 2-3, n. 2. pSkowski was destined for the use in private funer-

ary cult, but explicitly states at the beginning: mDA.t n.t sAx Ax jrj m Hw.t-nTr n.t Wsjr nb-d.t(Book ofglorifying the glorified (?), performed within the temple of Osiris, the lord of Busiris.) SZCZUDOWSKA 1970,

50-52; 63.

45 It is an intriguing, yet controversial, question why the Egyptians of that time started to fill up the temple wallswith liturgical and mythological texts that had formerly at least to our knowledge been confined to non-mon-

umental records and oral tradition.

46 The accompanying caption being broken away, there is no definitive proof of the god's identity. Whereas

Legrain calls him Amun in his brief account on the chapel (LEGRAIN 1912, 172), Leclant is inclined to identify

him with Osiris (LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 45). For the following reasons, Leclant's suggestion seems more con-

vincing to me: 1) Room I of the roughly contemporary chapel of Osiris Nebankh has a similar distribution of

deities (Osiris on the lateral walls, Amun-Re and Mut on the rear wall, cf. LECLANT 1965, vol. I, 30-32; 291,

fig. 5-7; 35). 2) There is a parallel for the depiction of Osiris without any attributes in the tomb chapel of

Amenirdis I in Medinet Habu (PM II.2 1972, 476, 5). For Amun, in contrast, I know of no such iconographic ren-

dering in a comparable context. 3) The glorification spell on the right of the wall is surely referring to Osiris. This

argument is also valid for the identification of the female deity as Isis, who would appropriately figure as reciter

of the sAx. Nevertheless, it cannot be fully ruled out that Mut has replaced Isis in this function here.47 HERBIN 1984, 105-126.

48 For the latter cf. GOYON 1979, 49-51, pl. 23.

49 On the north wall of room III, lower register, one can read


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the papyrus have their counterparts in the figures depicted before Osiris on the

lateral walls. The scenes are also remarkable as they quite probably provide us

with the first attestation of Osiris-of-Coptos, one of the principal Osirian cult forms

in Thebes during Ptolemaic and Roman times.49

These last two remarks make it evident that a deeper understanding of

the Osiris chapels of Karnak and their theological significance can only be

achieved when they are considered in their overall context. Studied in such a way,

they will surely shed some new light on a rather obscure period of Egyptian his-

tory and allow to trace important links between the temple tradition of the New

Kingdom and the Graeco-Roman period.

Claus JurmanInstitute of Egyptology,

University of Vienna;

Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity,

The University of Birmingham

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ROGGE 1992 = E. Rogge, Statuen der Sptzeit (750 - ca. 300 v. Chr.), CAA

Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, gyptisch-orientalische Sammlung, Lieferung 9.

Mainz am Rhein 1992.

SPENCER 1979 = A.J. Spencer, Brick Architecture in Egypt. Warminster 1979.

SCHWALLER DE LUBICZ 1999 = R.A. Schwaller De Lubicz, The Temples of Karnak 2.

London 19992.

SEYFRIED 1990 = K.J. Seyfried, Das Grab des Amonmose (TT 373). Theben 4. Mainz

am Rhein 1990.SEYFRIED 1995 = K.J. Seyfried, Das Grab des Djehutiemhab (TT 194). Theben 7. Mainz

am Rhein 1995.

SZCZUDOWSKA 1970 = A. Szczudowska, Liturgical Text Preserved on Skowski

Papyrus, ZS 98, 1970, 50-80.

TAYLOR 2000 = J. Taylor, The Third Intermediate Period (1069-664 BC). in: I. Shaw (ed.),

The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt. Oxford 2000, 330-368.

TEETER 2003 = E. Teeter, Ancient Egypt. Treasures from the Collection of the Oriental

Institute, University of Chicago. Chicago 2003.

TRAUNECKER 1987 = C. Traunecker, Les "temples hauts" de Basse poque: Un aspect

du fonctionnement conomique des temples. RdE 38, 1987, 147-162.

TRAUNECKER 1992 = C. Traunecker, Coptos. Hommes et dieux sur le parvis de Geb.OLA 43. Leuven 1992.

ULLMANN 2002 = M. Ullmann, Knig fr die Ewigkeit Die Huser der Millionen von

Jahren. Eine Untersuchung zu Knigskult und Tempeltypologie in gypten. AT 51.

Wiesbaden 2002.

WINLOCK 1937 = H.E. Winlock, The Temple of Ramesses I at Abydos. MMAP 5. New

York 1937.

YOYOTTE 1972 = J. Yoyotte, Les Adoratrices de la IIIe Priode Intermdiaire, propos

d'un chef-d'oeuvre rapport par Champollion. BSFE 64, 1972, 31-52.

ABKAR 1981 = L.V. abkar, A Hymn to Osiris Pantocrator at Philae. Astudy of the main

functions of the sDm.n.fform in Egyptian religious hymns. ZS 108, 1981, 141-171.

Jurman.qxp 2006.10.24. 17:52 Page 130


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31.THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE SIP AND LP IN KARNAK

TheO

sirischapelsofthenorth-eastern

sector(photobyauthor)

planches1.qxp 2006.10.18. 17:57 Page 31


26/44

32. CLAUS JURMAN

ChapelofOsirisNebdjefauinthenorth-westernsectoroftheAmunprecinc

tasseenfromsouth(photobyauthor).



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33.THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE SIP AND LP IN KARNAK

Chapel of Osiris Nebankh, room I, northern wall; Djed-pillar flanked by Horus

and Anubis (photo by author)



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34. CLAUS JURMAN

ChapelofOsirisNebdjefau,faad

eofsanctuary,right;protectivedaemons(photobyauthor)



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THE OSIRIS CHAPELS OF THE SIP AND LP IN KARNAK 35.

Chapel of Osiris Nebneheh, faade of sanctuary, left; hymn to Osiris (photo

by author)



30/44

CLAUS JURMAN36.

Lintelin

theEgyptianMuseumCairo(TR28/5-25/4)featuringNechoII,Nito

crisandPadihorresnet(photoby

author)



31/44



.Pictorial occurrences of deities in the chapel of Osiris Heqadjet.



32/44

CLAUS JURMAN38.

Iconographic scheme for the Chapel of Osiris Heqadjet / 1



33/44


34/44


35/44






36/44


CLAUS JURMAN42.



37/44


38/44


39/44


45.

MapshowingthenorthernpartoftheAmunprecinctandthesouthernpa

rtoftheMontuprecinct(enclosurewallsof

the30

thDynastyandthePtolemaicperiodhavebeenerased).Arrowsde

signatepossibleroutesofaccess

/proces-

sionro

utes,

brokenanddottedlinesindicatehypotheticalcontemporaryenclosurewalls(adaptedafterSCH

WALLER

DELU

BICZ2[1999]650f,plan12).



40/44

46.

Map of Medinet Habu (adapted after PM II 2[1972] pl. 43).

Tomb chapel ofShepenupet II

Tomb chapel

Diesehebse

Osiris necropolis(Mound of Djeme)



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Chapel of Osiris Wep-ished, entrance to left sanctuary, Djed-pillar with offer-

ing formula (photo by author).


47.



42/44

Chapelo

fOsirisHerib-pa-ished,roomII,s

outhernwall;Diesehebsedbeforemummiformgod(photobyauthor).

48.



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49.

Chapel of Osiris Herib-pa-ished, room I, eastern wall (photo by author).



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50.


Documents

Jurman the Osiris Chapels