KABANATA IIMga Kaugnay na Pag-aaral at Literatura

Dayuhang Pag-aaralAng teorya ni B.F Skiner ay base sa ideya na ang pag-aaral ay The theory of B.F. Skinner is based upon the idea that learning is a function of change in overt behavior. Changes in behavior are the result of an individual's response to events (stimuli) that occur in the environment. A response produces a consequence such as defining a word, hitting a ball, or solving a math problem. When a particular Stimulus-Response (S-R) pattern is reinforced (rewarded), the individual is conditioned to respond. The distinctive characteristic of operant conditioning relative to previous forms of behaviorism (e.g., connectionism, drive reduction) is that the organism can emit responses instead of only eliciting response due to an external stimulus. (Ang teorya ng .bf Skinner ay batay sa ideya na ang pag-aaral ay isang katangian ng pagbabago sa pag-uugali pantao . Mga pagbabago sa pag-uugali ay ang resulta ng tugon ng isang indibidwal na mga kaganapan ( stimuli ) na nagaganap sa kapaligiran. Isang sagot ay gumagawa ng isang kinahinatnan tulad ng pagtukoy sa isang salita , ang pagpindot ng bola , o paglutas ng problema sa matematika . Kapag ang isang partikular na pampasigla - Tugon ( SR ) pattern ay reinforced ( gagantimpalaan ), ang indibidwal ay condition upang tumugon . ng natatanging katangian ng operant conditioning na may kaugnayan sa nakaraang mga paraan ng Sikolohiyang pang-ugali (eg , connectionism , biyahe pagbabawas) ay ang organismo ay maaaring naglalabas ng mga tugon sa halip na lamang eliciting tugon dahil sa isang panlabas na pampasigla .)

Reinforcement is the key element in Skinner's S-R theory. A reinforcer is anything that strengthens the desired response. It could be verbal praise, a good grade or a feeling of increased accomplishment or satisfaction. The theory also covers negative reinforcers -- any stimulus that results in the increased frequency of a response when it is withdrawn (different from adversive stimuli -- punishment -- which result in reduced responses). A great deal of attention was given to schedules of reinforcement (e.g. interval versus ratio) and their effects on establishing and maintaining behavior. (Pampalakas ay ang susi sangkap sa SR teorya Skinner iyon. Ang isang reinforcer ay anumang bagay na strengthens ang ninanais na tugon . Maaaring ito ay may kinalaman sa pandiwa papuri, isang mahusay na grado o isang pakiramdam ng tumaas na mga katangian o kasiyahan . Ang teorya ay sumasaklaw din negatibong reinforcers - anumang pampasigla na nagreresulta sa pinataas na dalas ng isang tugon kapag ito ay kinuha ( iba mula sa adversive stimuli - kaparusahan - na magreresulta sa nabawasan ang mga tugon ). Ang isang mahusay na deal ng pansin ay ibinigay sa mga iskedyul ng dagdag na mga kagamitan (eg agwat kumpara sa ratio) at ang kanilang mga epekto sa pagtatag at pagpapanatili ng pag-uugali )

One of the distinctive aspects of Skinner's theory is that it attempted to provide behavioral explanations for a broad range of cognitive phenomena. For example, Skinner explained drive (motivation) in terms of deprivation and reinforcement schedules. Skinner (1957) tried to account for verbal learning and language within the operant conditioning paradigm, although this effort was strongly rejected by linguists and psycholinguists. Skinner (1971) deals with the issue of free will and social control.

(Isa sa mga natatanging aspeto ng teorya Skinner ay na ito tinangka upang magbigay ng pang-asal mga paliwanag para sa isang malawak na hanay ng mga nagbibigay-malay pangyayari . Halimbawa, ipinaliwanag Skinner biyahe ( pagganyak ) sa mga tuntunin ng pag-agaw at dagdag na mga kagamitan ng mga iskedyul . Skinner ( 1957 ) sinubukan sa account para sa pandiwang pag-aaral at wika sa loob ng operant conditioning tularan , bagaman pagsisikap na ito ay Matindi ang tinanggihan ng linguist at psycholinguists . Skinner ( 1971 ) deal na may ang isyu ng malayang kalooban at social control . )

Application Operant conditioning has been widely applied in clinical settings (i.e., behavior modification) as well as teaching (i.e., classroom management) and instructional development (e.g., programmed instruction). Parenthetically, it should be noted that Skinner rejected the idea of theories of learning (see Skinner, 1950).

(Operant conditioning ay malawak na inilalapat sa klinikal na mga setting (ibig sabihin , pag-uugali pagbabago ) pati na rin ang pagtuturo (ibig sabihin , sa pamamahala ng silid-aralan ) at pagtuturo sa pag-unlad (halimbawa, -program pagtuturo ). Parenthetically , dapat itong nabanggit na tinanggihan Skinner ang ideya ng teoryang ng pag-aaral (tingnan Skinner , )

ExampleBy way of example, consider the implications of reinforcement theory as applied to the development of programmed instruction (Markle, 1969; Skinner, 1968) 1. Practice should take the form of question (stimulus) - answer (response) frames which expose the student to the subject in gradual steps 2. Require that the learner make a response for every frame and receive immediate feedback 3. Try to arrange the difficulty of the questions so the response is always correct and hence a positive reinforcement 4. Ensure that good performance in the lesson is paired with secondary reinforcers such as verbal praise, prizes and good grades.

(Bilang halimbawa , isaalang-alang ang mga implikasyon ng pampalakas teorya bilang inilapat sa pag-unlad ng program pagtuturo ( Markle , 1969 ; Skinner , 1968

Practice dapat tumagal ang form ng tanong ( pampasigla ) - sagot ( tugon) frame na ilantad ang mag-aaral sa paksa sa unti-unting mga hakbang

Principles 1. Behavior that is positively reinforced will reoccur; intermittent reinforcement is particularly effective 2. Information should be presented in small amounts so that responses can be reinforced ("shaping") 3. Reinforcements will generalize across similar stimuli ("stimulus generalization") producing secondary conditioning

The consequences of behavior determine the probability that the behavior will occur again" --B. F. Skinner(Ang mga kahihinatnan ng pag-uugali matukoy ang posibilidad na mangyari na ang pag-uugali ay magaganap muli " --BF Skinner)

In operant conditioning, schedules of reinforcement are an important component of the learning process. When and how often we reinforce a behavior can have a dramatic impact on the strength and rate of the response.(Sa operant conditioning , iskedyul ng dagdag na mga kagamitan ay isang mahalagang bahagi ng proseso ng pag-aaral. Kapag at kung gaano kadalas mapalakas kami ng pag-uugali ay maaaring magkaroon ng malakihang epekto sa lakas at rate ng tugon .

A schedule of reinforcement is basically a rule stating which instances of a behavior will be reinforced. In some case, a behavior might be reinforced every time it occurs. Sometimes, a behavior might not be reinforced at all. Either positive reinforcement or negative reinforcement might be used, depending on the situation. In both cases, the goal of reinforcement is always to strengthen the behavior and increase the likelihood that it will occur again in the future.(Ang isang iskedyul ng dagdag na mga kagamitan ay isa lamang panuntunan na nagsasaad na mga kaso ng isang pag-uugali ay reinforced . Sa ilang mga kaso , maaaring reinforced ng isang pag-uugali sa tuwing nangyayari ito . Minsan, ang isang pag-uugali ay maaaring hindi reinforced sa lahat . Alinman sa positibong dagdag na mga kagamitan o negatibong pampalakas maaaring magamit , depende sa sitwasyon. Sa parehong mga kaso , ang layunin ng dagdag na mga kagamitan ay palaging upang palakasin ang pag-uugali at mapataas ang posibilidad na mangyari ito muli sa hinaharap . )

In real-world settings, behaviors are probably not going to be reinforced each and every time they occur. For situations where you are purposely trying to train and reinforce an action, such as in the classroom, in sports or in animal training, you might opt to follow a specific reinforcement schedule. As you'll see below, some schedules are best suited to certain types of training situations. In some cases, training might call for starting out with one schedule and switching to another once the desired behavior has been taught.(Sa mga setting ng real- mundo, mga pag-uugali ay hindi malamang na pagpunta sa ma- reinforced bawat isa at sa bawat oras na naganap ang mga ito . Para sa mga sitwasyon kung saan kusa na sinusubukan upang sanayin at suportahan ang isang aksyon, tulad ng sa silid-aralan , sa sports o sa hayop pagsasanay , maaari mong piliing sundin ang isang tiyak na iskedyul ng pampalakas . Tulad ng makikita mo sa ibaba , ang ilang mga iskedyul ng pinakamainam na naaayon sa ilang mga uri ng mga sitwasyon sa pagsasanay . Sa ilang mga kaso , pagsasanay ay maaaring tawagan para sa pagsisimula out kasama ang isang iskedyul at paglipat sa isa pang nang isang beses sa nais na pag-uugali ay itinuro .)

Disciplining is an empowering process for both children and parents when done correctly. If you find yourself using punishment too often, think about ways to even out the balance. It won't take long until your children are behaving the way you've always dreamed. (Steve Debenport, istockphoto.com/asiseeit) (Paghutok ay isang proseso ng pag- empowering para sa parehong mga bata at mga magulang kapag tapos na tama. Kung nakita mo ang iyong sarili masyadong madalas gamit ang parusa , isipin ang tungkol sa mga paraan kahit na ang balanse. Hindi ito magtatagal mahaba hanggang ang iyong mga anak ay kumikilos ang paraan lagi mong pinangarap . ( Steve Debenport , istockphoto.com / asiseeit )

Some days, it feels like all we do as parents is discipline our children, but do we understand what discipline really means? The goal of disciplining children is not to punish them for bad behavior. Rather, discipline is a tool to get the behavior we want. Ultimately, children who receive discipline become disciplined in the way they think, act and speak. Discipline is a good thing, so long as it's not always about punishment.(Ang ilang mga araw, nararamdaman tulad ng lahat ng ginagawa namin bilang mga magulang ay disiplina sa ating mga anak , ngunit huwag naiintindihan namin kung ano ang talagang nangangahulugan disiplina ? Ang layunin ng paghutok mga bata ay hindi upang parusahan ang mga ito para sa masamang pag-uugali . Sa halip, disiplina ay isang kasangkapan upang makuha ang pag-uugali ng gusto namin. Sa huli , ang mga bata na makatanggap ng disiplina maging disiplinado sa paraang sila sa tingin , kumilos at magsalita . Disiplina ay isang magandang bagay , kaya hangga't ito ay hindi palaging tungkol sa kaparusahan.

Throughout the 1930s and into the 1950s, psychologist B.F. Skinner studied operant conditioning, or how we use discipline to gain a desired behavior. Through decades of research, Skinner identified effective ways to instill discipline in children. By understanding his three methods, we learn how to get better behavior from our kids.(Sa buong 1930s at sa 1950s , psychologist .bf Skinner pinag-aralan ang operant conditioning , o paano namin ginagamit ang disiplina upang makakuha ng ninanais na pag-uugali . Sa pamamagitan ng mga dekada ng pananaliksik, nakilala Skinner epektibong paraan upang makintal disiplina sa mga bata. Sa pamamagitan ng pag-unawa sa kanyang tatlong mga paraan , alamin natin kung paano makakuha ng mas mahusay na pag-uugali mula sa ating mga anak .)

Overjustification effectFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaThe overjustification effect occurs when an expected external incentive such as money or prizes decreases a person's intrinsic motivation to perform a task. The overall effect of offering a reward for a previously unrewarded activity is a shift to extrinsic motivation and the undermining of pre-existing intrinsic motivation. Once rewards are no longer offered, interest in the activity is lost; prior intrinsic motivation does not return, and extrinsic rewards must be continuously offered as motivation to sustain the activity.[1](Nagaganap ang overjustification epekto kapag ang isang inaasahang panlabas na insentibo tulad ng pera o premyo ay nababawasan tunay pagganyak ng isang tao upang isagawa ang isang gawain . Ang pangkalahatang epekto ng pag-aalok ng isang gantimpala para sa isang nakaraang walang ganti aktibidad ay isang shift upang hindi kailangan pagganyak at ang undermining ng pre- umiiral na tunay pagganyak . Sa sandaling premyo ay hindi na inaalok , interes sa aktibidad ay nawala ; bago tunay pagganyak ay hindi bumalik , at hindi kailangan premyo ay dapat na patuloy na inaalok bilang pagganyak upang magbigay-lakas sa aktibidad. [1])

Contents 1 Experimental evidence 2 Theories 3 Controversy 4 Applications 5 See also 6 References 7 Further readingExperimental evidence (Pang-eksperimentong katibayanThe overjustification effect has been widely demonstrated in many settings. In one of the earliest demonstrations of this effect, Edward Deci and his colleagues conducted a laboratory experiment in 1971 where subjects showing baseline interest in solving a puzzle was exposed to two different conditions. The control group were not paid on all three days while the experimental group were not paid on the first day, were paid on the second day and were not paid again on the third day. The subjects were given a break in the middle of each session and were being observed while doing whatever they wanted. The results showed that the experimental group spent significantly more time than the control group playing the puzzle during their break time on day 2 when they were paid but significantly less on day 3 when they were not paid. This was interpreted as evidence that the extrinsic monetary reward significantly reduced their intrinsic motivation to engage in the task.[2]

(Ang overjustification epekto ay malawak na nagpakita sa maraming mga setting. Sa isa sa pinakamaagang demonstrations ng epekto na ito, isinasagawa Edward Deci at ang kanyang mga kasamahan sa isang laboratoryo eksperimento sa 1971 kung saan lumalabas ang mga paksa baseline interes sa paglutas ng isang palaisipan ay nailantad sa dalawang magkaibang mga kundisyon. Ang control grupo ay hindi na binayaran sa lahat ng tatlong araw habang ang pang-eksperimentong grupo ay hindi na binabayaran sa unang araw , ay binayaran sa ikalawang araw at hindi bayad na muli sa ikatlong araw . Ang mga paksa ay ibinigay ng pahinga sa gitna ng bawat session at ay ina- obserbahan habang ginagawa kung ano ang kanilang nais . Ang mga resulta ay nagpakita na ginugol ang pang-eksperimentong pangkat ay makabuluhang mas maraming oras kaysa sa control group na nagpe-play ang puzzle sa panahon ng kanilang oras sa bakasyon sa araw na 2 kapag sila ay binabayaran ngunit makabuluhang mas mababa sa 3 araw kapag hindi sila ay binayaran. Ito ay binigyang-kahulugan bilang katibayan na ang gantimpala hindi kailangan ng pera ng makabuluhang bawasan ang kanilang tunay pagganyak upang makisali sa mga gawain . [2])

Researchers at Southern Methodist University conducted an experiment on 188 female university students in which they measured the subjects' continued interest in a cognitive task (a word game) after their initial performance under different incentives. The subjects were divided into two groups. Members of the first group were told that they would be rewarded for competence. Above-average players would be paid more and below-average players would be paid less. Members of the second group were told that they would be rewarded only for completion. Their pay was scaled by the number of repetitions or the number of hours playing. Afterwards, half of the subjects in each group were told that they over-performed, and the other half were told that they under-performed, regardless of how well each subject actually did. Members of the first group generally showed greater interest in the game and continued playing for a longer time than the members of the second group. "Over-performers" continued playing longer than "under-performers" in the first group, but "under-performers" continued playing longer than "over-performers" in the second group. This study showed that, when rewards do not reflect competence, higher rewards lead to less intrinsic motivation. But when rewards do reflect competence, higher rewards lead to greater intrinsic motivation.[3]

(Ang mga mananaliksik sa Southern Methodist University na isinasagawa ng isang eksperimento sa 188 mga mag-aaral sa unibersidad babae kung saan sila sinusukat ang patuloy na interes sa mga paksang 'sa isang nagbibigay-malay na gawain ( isang salita laro ) pagkatapos ng kanilang unang pagganap sa ilalim ng iba't ibang mga insentibo . Ang mga paksa ay nahahati sa dalawang grupo . Miyembro ng unang pangkat ay sinabi na ang mga ito ay gagantimpalaan para sa kagalingan . Sa itaas - average na mga manlalaro ay dapat bayaran nang higit pa at sa ibaba - average na mga manlalaro ay binayaran mas mababa . Ang mga miyembro ng ikalawang grupo ay sinabi na ang mga ito ay gagantimpalaan lamang para sa pagkumpleto . Ang kanilang mga pay ay naka-scale sa pamamagitan ng bilang ng mga repetitions o ang bilang ng mga oras ng pag-play . Pagkatapos, kalahati ng mga paksa sa bawat pangkat ay sinabi na sila over- gumanap , at ang iba pang kalahati ay sinabi na ang mga ito sa ilalim - gumanap , hindi alintana ng kung gaano kahusay na aktwal na ginawa sa bawat paksa. Miyembro ng unang pangkat sa pangkalahatan ay nagpakita ng mas mahusay na interes sa laro at patuloy na pag-play para sa isang mas mahabang oras kaysa sa mga miyembro ng ikalawang grupo . "Sa paglipas -performers " patuloy sa pag-play mas mahaba kaysa "sa ilalim -performers " sa unang pangkat, ngunit "sa ilalim -performers " ang patuloy na pag-play ng mas mahaba kaysa sa " over- performers " sa pangalawang group. Nagpakita ang pag-aaral na ito na , kapag premyo ay hindi sumasalamin sa kakayanan , mas mataas na premyo humantong sa mas tunay pagganyak . Ngunit kapag premyo ay sumasalamin sa kakayahan , mas mataas na premyo humantong sa mas higit na tunay pagganyak . [ 3])

Richard Titmuss suggested that paying for blood donations might reduce the supply of blood donors. To test this, a field experiment with three treatments was conducted. In the first treatment, the donors did not receive compensation. In the second treatment, the donors received a small payment. In the third treatment, donors were given a choice between the payment and an equivalent-valued contribution to charity. None of the three treatments affected the number of male donors, but the second treatment almost halved the number of female donors. However, allowing the contribution to charity fully eliminated this effect.[4](Richard Titmuss iminungkahing na nagbabayad para sa mga donasyong dugo ay maaaring bawasan ang supply ng mga donor ng dugo . Upang subukan ito, isang eksperimento patlang na may tatlong treatment Isinagawa . Sa unang paggamot , ang mga donor ay hindi nakatanggap ng kabayaran . Sa ikalawang paggamot , nakatanggap ang mga donor isang maliit na bayad . Sa ikatlong paggamot , mga donor ay bibigyan ng pagpipilian sa pagitan ng pagbabayad at contribution isang katumbas - nagkakahalaga sa kawang-gawa . Wala sa tatlong treatment apektado ang bilang ng mga lalaki donor , ngunit ang ikalawang paggamot halos halved ang bilang ng mga babaeng donor . Gayunpaman , pinahihintulutan ang mga kontribusyon sa kawanggawa ganap na inalis epekto na ito. [4]

TheoriesAccording to self-perception theory, a person infers causes about his or her own behavior based on external constraints. The presence of a strong constraint (such as a reward) would lead a person to conclude that he or she is performing the behavior solely for the reward, which shifts the person's motivation from intrinsic to extrinsic.[5](Ayon sa self- pagdama teorya , ang isang tao infers dahilan tungkol sa kanyang sariling pag-uugali batay sa panlabas na mga hadlang . Ang pagkakaroon ng isang malakas na hadlang (tulad ng isang gantimpala ) ay hahantong sa isang tao upang tapusin na siya ay gumaganap ang pag-uugali para lamang sa mga gantimpala , na shift pagganyak ng tao mula sa tunay na hindi kailangan . [5]

Laboratory studies in the 1970s indicated that individuals under conditions with extrinsic rewards showed diminished intrinsic motivation. Deci and his colleagues (e.g., Deci and Ryan 1985) developed the cognitive evaluation theory to explain the results. As a sub-theory of self-determination theory, cognitive evaluation theory explains that both control and competence underlie intrinsic motivation and how extrinsic rewards affect intrinsic motivation is dependent on the individuals interpretation. Intrinsic motivation increases if individuals interpret rewards as pertaining positive information about their own competence and self-control over results, whereas if they interpret the results as indicative of external control, this decreases their feelings of self-control and competence, which in turn decreases intrinsic motivation. Cognitive evaluation theory also suggests social context as another implication on intrinsic motivation. Social cues can exert either positive or negative effects on intrinsic motivation depending on the messages that the context conveys regarding a persons autonomy and competence. Verbal rewards such as positive feedback and praise are predicted to be experienced as controlling hence decreasing intrinsic motivation. However, verbal rewards that are informational and not experienced as controlling are predicted to exert positive effects.[6](Laboratory pag-aaral sa 1970s na nakasaad na ang mga indibiduwal sa ilalim ng mga kondisyon na hindi kailangan premyo ay nagpakita ng nabawasang tunay pagganyak . Deci at ang kanyang mga kasamahan (eg , Deci at Ryan 1985) na binuo ang nagbibigay-malay pagsusuri teorya upang ipaliwanag ang mga resulta. Bilang isang sub- teorya ng pagsasarili teorya , nagbibigay-malay pagsusuri teorya nagpapaliwanag na ang parehong kontrol at kakayahan pumailalim tunay pagganyak at kung paano hindi mahalaga premyo makakaapekto sa tunay pagganyak ay nakasalalay sa pagpapakahulugan ng indibidwal. Tunay pagganyak nagtataas kung indibidwal bigyang-kahulugan ang premyo bilang tumutukoy positibong impormasyon tungkol sa kanilang mga sariling kakayahan at self- kontrol sa mga resulta , samantalang kung bigyang-kahulugan ang mga ito sa mga resulta ng bilang pinagkakilanlan ng mga panlabas na kontrol, ito ay nababawasan ang kanilang mga damdamin ng self- kontrol at kakayahan , na kung saan ay nababawasan tunay pagganyak . Iminumungkahi rin Cognitive pagsusuri teorya ng social konteksto ng isa pang implikasyon sa tunay pagganyak . Social na mga pahiwatig ay maaaring pilitin ang alinman sa positibo o negatibong epekto sa tunay pagganyak depende sa mga mensahe na konteksto nagbibigay patungkol sa pagsasarili at kakayahan ng isang tao. Pandiwang premyo tulad ng positibong feedback at papuri ay hinulaang na naranasan bilang pagkontrol kaya mababawasan ang tunay pagganyak . Gayunpaman, pandiwang premyo na nagbibigay-kaalaman at hindi naranasan bilang pagkontrol ay hinuhulaan na magpunyagi positibong epekto . [6])

Self-determination theory is a broad theory of motivation in work organizations that maintains the predictions of cognitive evaluation theory but also recognizes the limitations of the theory, such as organizational conditions under which predictions do not apply or are less relevant in real-world settings, which cognitive evaluation theory fails to recognize. The theory differentiates between various types of motivational state, distinguishes the organizational conditions where extrinsic rewards are more effective than intrinsic rewards, examines individual differences in orientation toward intrinsic versus extrinsic motivation and discusses managerial behavior that can enhance intrinsic motivation. Findings from the Deci et al. (1989) study have supported self-determination theory as an approach to work motivation by showing how managers can impact the work attitudes of their employees. The study reported that managerial autonomy support which included provision of options, giving relevant information in a non-autonomous way, acknowledging subordinates perspectives and cultivating self-initiation resulted in employees having more positive work-related attitudes such as higher level of job satisfaction and increased level of trust in corporate management.[7](Pagsasarili teorya ay isang malawak na teorya ng pagganyak sa trabaho organisasyon na nagpapanatili ng mga hula ng mga nagbibigay-malay pagsusuri teorya ngunit Kinikilala din ang mga limitasyon ng mga teorya , tulad ng mga pangsamahang mga kondisyon sa ilalim kung saan ang mga hula ay hindi nalalapat o mas may-katuturan sa mga setting ng makatotohanang , na nagbibigay-malay pagsusuri teorya nabigo makilala. Ang teorya iiba sa pagitan ng iba't ibang uri ng Pampalakas ng Loob ng estado , Tinutukoy ang mga kondisyon ng organisasyon kung saan hindi mahalaga premyo ay mas mabisa kaysa sa tunay premyo Sinusuri ng indibidwal na mga pagkakaiba sa orientation patungo sa tunay kumpara sa nasa labas pagganyak at tinatalakay ng pangangasiwa pag-uugali na mapapahusay ang tunay pagganyak . Napag-alaman mula sa Deci et al . ( 1989) pag-aaral na suportado pagsasarili teorya bilang isang diskarte upang gumana pagganyak sa pamamagitan ng pagpapakita kung paano managers ay maaring makaapekto sa trabaho saloobin ng kanilang mga empleyado . Naiulat na pag-aaral na ang pagsasarili ng pangangasiwa ng suporta na kasama pagkakaloob ng mga pagpipilian , na nagbibigay sa mga may-katuturang impormasyon sa isang non- autonomous na paraan, tinatanggap pananaw subordinates 'at paglinang sa sarili pagsisimula nagresulta sa pagkakaroon ng mga empleyado sa higit pang positibong saloobin na may kaugnayan sa trabaho tulad ng mga mas mataas na antas ng kasiyahan sa trabaho at tumaas na antas ng pagtitiwala sa corporate pamamahala . [7]

Controversy

Directional effects of rewards on motivation, depending on type of task, type of reward, and contingency of reward.(Direksyon epekto ng premyo sa pagganyak , depende sa uri ng gawain, uri ng gantimpala , at kawalang-tiyak ng anumang mangyayari ng gantimpala .)

The overjustification effect is controversial because it challenges previous findings in psychology on the general effectiveness of reinforcement on increasing behavior, and also the widespread practice of using incentives in the classroom. These findings fail to account for situations whereby the nature of activities differ, such as in cases where the initial level of intrinsic interest in the activity is very low, introducing extrinsic contingencies may be essential for producing involvement.[2] These conclusions were challenged in a separate meta-analysis[8] which found that tangible rewards offered for outperforming others and for performing uninteresting tasks (in which intrinsic motivation is low) lead to increased intrinsic motivation,[9] and stated that the detrimental effects of rewards on motivation only occur in a specific, restricted set of conditions that could be easily avoided.[10] This set of analyses included both high-interest and low-interest tasks, whereas the original meta-analyses conducted by Deci and colleagues (1999) restricted analyses to tasks in which participants initially had high interest. In fact, a 2001 meta-analysis showed that rewards can increase intrinsic motivation for tasks that initially hold little intrinsic interest.[11](Ang overjustification epekto ay maaaring pagtalunan dahil ang mga hamon ito nakaraang mga natuklasan sa sikolohiya sa pangkalahatang pagiging epektibo ng dagdag na mga kagamitan sa pagtaas ng pag-uugali , at din ang laganap na kasanayan sa paggamit ng mga insentibo sa silid-aralan . Ang mga natuklasan mabigo sa account para sa mga sitwasyon kung saan ang likas na katangian ng mga gawain mag-iba , tulad ng sa kaso kung saan ang unang antas ng tunay na interes sa aktibidad ay napakababa, ipinapakilala hindi kailangan contingencies ay maaaring maging mahalaga para sa paggawa paglahok . [2 ] Ang mga konklusyon ay hinamon sa isang hiwalay na meta- pagtatasa [8] na natagpuan na nadarama premyo inaalok para madaig ang pagganap ng iba at para sa pagsasagawa ng hindi kawili-wili gawain (na kung tunay pagganyak ay mababa ) lead sa tumaas na tunay pagganyak , [9 ] at ipinahayag na ang mga pumipinsala epekto ng premyo sa pagganyak lamang nagaganap sa isang tiyak na , pinaghihigpitan na hanay ng mga kondisyon na maaaring madaling naiwasan . [10] ang hanay ng mga pagsusuri kasama ang mga gawain ng parehong mataas na interes at mababang - interes , habang ang orihinal na meta- pinag-aaralan na isinasagawa ng Deci at kasamahan (1999) pinaghihigpitan pinag-aaralan upang mga gawain kung saan ang mga kalahok sa una ay nagkaroon ng mataas na interes . Sa katunayan, ay nagpakita na ang premyo ay maaaring tumaas tunay pagganyak para sa mga gawain na sa una matagal kaunti tunay na interes sa isang 2001 meta- pagtatasa. [11])

Also, according to Eisenberger and Cameron, claimed negative effects of extrinsic rewards on task interest derived from the Deci study (1971) do not take into consideration that conditions manufactured in laboratory settings that produce these effects are not true reflections of situations in the real world. For example, in the Deci study the incentive was provided for one session and was then arbitrarily withdrawn in the next and such incentive plans do not exist in the real world. Also, the reduced intrinsic interest seen in subjects may be explained by a negative reaction when the reward was withheld.[12] Eisenberger and his colleges also claimed that the validity of the dependent measure is highly questionable in the Deci study. Laboratory results that used the amount of free time spend on the task as the dependent measure are shown to be far weaker than when self reports are used for these measures. The Deci study gives far less weight to self reports, however self-reports about subjects level of internal motivation seem to be a more direct measure of the psychological state of interest.[13](Gayundin, ayon sa Eisenberger at Cameron , inaangkin ng negatibong mga epekto ng panlabas premyo sa interes ng gawain nagmula sa Deci pag-aaral ( 1971 ) ay hindi isinasaalang- alang na mga kundisyon ginawa sa mga setting ng laboratoryo na gumawa ng mga effects ay hindi tunay na reflection ng mga sitwasyon sa tunay na mundo . Halimbawa , sa pag-aaral Deci ang insentibo ay ibinigay para sa isang session at pagkatapos ay nagkataon withdraw sa susunod na at tulad insentibo plano ay hindi umiiral sa totoong mundo. Gayundin, ang pinababang interes tunay na nakikita sa mga paksa ay maaaring ipinaliwanag sa pamamagitan ng isang negatibong reaksyon kapag ang gantimpala ay mabigay. [12] inaangkin din Eisenberger at ang kanyang mga kolehiyo na ang bisa ng mga taong palaasa sa kapwa panukala ay lubos na kaduda-dudang sa Deci pag-aaral . Resulta ng laboratoryo na ginamit sa halaga ng libreng paggastos oras sa gawain bilang ang umaasa panukala ay ipinapakita na maging malayo mas mahina kaysa sa kapag sariling mga ulat ay ginagamit para sa mga panukala. Ang Deci pag-aaral ay nagbibigay sa higit na mas mababa timbang sa sariling mga ulat, gayunpaman self- ulat tungkol sa antas na paksa ' ng mga panloob na pag-uudyok mukhang may higit pang mga direktang sukatan ng sikolohikal na estado ng interes. )

Considerable research has also shown that rewards tend to enhance feelings of competence and autonomy and high standards, pressure and competitiveness are able to increase these effects. For example, employees view earning incentives as enjoyable rather than a dreaded tool of management control. These findings are in contrast with the psychological mechanism for effects that Deci and his colleges had claimed in the past. Also in the past 30 years, notable academic reviews of rewards have confirmed that monetary incentives have shown to significantly increase performance.[14] Also some activities require a significant level of mastery or engagement before its attractiveness becomes apparent to an individual, in such cases external incentives may be useful to build individuals up to that level. Token economy programs represent one example in which there is evidence showing that such programs have successfully implemented extrinsic rewards to increase interest in certain broad classes of activities.[2](Hindi kakaunti pananaliksik ay ipinapakita din na ang premyo ay may posibilidad upang mapahusay ang mga damdamin ng kagalingan at pagsasarili at mataas na pamantayan , presyon at competitiveness ay magagawang upang taasan ang mga epekto . Halimbawa, tingnan ang pagkamit ng mga insentibo bilang kasiya-siya kaysa sa isang dreaded tool ng kontrol sa pamamahala ng mga empleyado. Ang mga natuklasan ay sa kabilang banda na may sikolohikal na mekanismo para sa mga epekto na Deci at ang kanyang mga kolehiyo ay na-claim sa nakaraan. Gayundin sa nakalipas na 30 taon , kapansin-pansing pang-akademikong mga review ng premyo nakumpirma na insentibo sa pera na ipinapakita sa mga makabuluhang taasan ang pagganap. [14] Gayundin sa ilang mga aktibidad ay nangangailangan ng isang makabuluhang antas ng kadalubhasaan o pakikipag-ugnayan bago pagiging kaakit-akit nito ay nagiging maliwanag sa isang indibidwal , sa ganitong kaso maaaring maging kapaki-pakinabang upang bumuo ng mga indibidwal hanggang sa na antas ng panlabas na mga insentibo . Token ekonomiya programa kumakatawan sa isang halimbawa na kung saan doon ay isang katibayan na nagpapakita na ang mga ganitong programa ay matagumpay ipinatupad nasa labas premyo upang madagdagan ang interes sa ilang mga malawak na mga klase ng mga gawain. [2]

There are also differences in effect among the different age groups. According to Deci et al. (1999), the negative effects extrinsic contingencies have on intrinsic motivation seem to be more severe for children than college students. One possible explanation is that college students have greater cognitive capacity, enabling them to better separate informational and controlling aspects of rewards. Hence they are able to interpret rewards as indicators of effective performance rather than controlling their behavior, which causes them to operate with performance-goal orientations. It is therefore speculated that such differences are far greater between children and employed workers.[6](May mga pagkakaiba sa mga epekto sa mga iba't-ibang mga pangkat ng edad din . Ayon sa Deci et al . (1999 ), ang mga negatibong epekto hindi kailangan contingencies mayroon sa tunay pagganyak tila na maging mas malubhang para sa mga bata kaysa sa mga mag-aaral sa kolehiyo . Ang isang posibleng paliwanag ay na mag-aaral sa kolehiyo magkaroon ng mas malawak nagbibigay-malay kakayahan, pag-enable ang mga ito upang mas mahusay na nakahiwalay na nagbibigay-kaalaman at pagkontrol ng mga aspeto ng premyo . Samakatuwid ay magagawang i-interpret ang premyo bilang mga tagapagpahiwatig ng pagganap epektibo kaysa sa pagkontrol ng kanilang pag-uugali , na nagiging sanhi ang mga ito upang patakbuhin sa orientations pagganap -layunin nila . Ito ay samakatuwid ay speculated na ang mga ganitong mga pagkakaiba ay higit na mas mataas sa pagitan ng mga bata at nagtatrabaho mga manggagawa. [6]

A rebuttal defended the original findings, concluding that this analysis by Cameron (2001) was flawed and that Cameron's inclusion of boring tasks in analyzing potential overjustification effects made little theoretical or practical sense. This rebuttal argued that cognitive evaluation theory is the most consistent structure for explaining the effects of rewards on intrinsic motivation, pointing to several other papers that have supported the theory.[15](Isang pagpapabulaan defended ang orihinal na natuklasan , concluding na ito sa pagtatasa sa pamamagitan ng Cameron (2001 ) ay flawed at ang pagsasama ng mga pagbubutas gawain Cameron sa pag-aaral ng mga potensyal na mga epekto overjustification ginawa kaunti panteorya o praktikal na kahulugan. Ganting-matuwid na ito Nagtalo na nagbibigay-malay pagsusuri teorya ay ang pinaka- pare-pareho istraktura para sa na nagpapaliwanag ng mga epekto ng mga premyo sa tunay pagganyak , na nagtuturo sa maraming iba pang mga papeles na suportado ang teorya. [15]

ApplicationsEducationFindings from the Lepper et als (1973) study suggest that presenting these extrinsic rewards poses central problems in the schooling system in that it fails to preserve the intrinsic interest in learning and exploration that a child may seem to possess during his initial phase in school. This also has severe ramifications on the education system, as it seems to almost undermine childrens spontaneous interest in the process of learning itself, instead their motivation is driven by these extrinsic rewards. Research in this area suggests that parents and educators should rely on intrinsic motivation and preserve feelings of autonomy and competence as much as possible.[16] When the task is unattractive and intrinsic motivation is insufficient (e.g., household chores), then extrinsic rewards are useful to provide incentives for behavior. Student grades may not undermine intrinsic motivation because grades convey information about competence, much like praise.(Napag-alaman mula sa Lepper et ( 1973 ) pag-aaral al ni magmungkahi na ang pagtatanghal ang mga hindi kailangan premyo poses sentro ng problema sa pag-aaral ng sistema sa na nabigo ito upang mapanatili ang tunay na interes sa pag-aaral at pagtuklas na ang isang bata ay maaaring mukhang nagmamay-ari sa panahon ng kanyang unang yugto sa paaralan. Ito ay mayroon ding malubhang ramifications sa sistema ng edukasyon , bilang tila sa halos maghukay sa ilalim kusang interes ng mga bata sa proseso ng pag-aaral ng sarili nito, sa halip ang kanilang mga pagganyak ay hinimok sa pamamagitan ng mga panlabas premyo . Pananaliksik sa lugar na ito ay nagmumungkahi na ang mga magulang at guro ay dapat umasa sa tunay pagganyak at mapanatili ang mga damdamin ng pagsasarili at kakayahan hangga't maaari . [16] Kapag ang gawain ay hindi nakaaakit at tunay pagganyak ay hindi sapat (eg , atupagin sambahayan ) , pagkatapos ay hindi mahalaga premyo ay kapaki-pakinabang na magbigay ng mga insentibo para sa pag-uugali . Mga marka ng mag-aaral ay hindi maaaring maghukay sa ilalim tunay pagganyak dahil grado ihatid impormasyon tungkol sa kakayahan , tulad ng papuri .

School programs that provide money or prizes for reading books have been criticized for their potential to reduce intrinsic motivation by overjustification. However, a study of the Pizza Hut program, Book It!, found that participation in the program neither increased nor decreased reading motivation.[17] Although motivating students to read by rewarding them may undermine their interest in reading, it may also encourage the reading skills necessary for developing an interest in reading.(Mga programa ng paaralan na magbigay ng pera o premyo para sa pagbabasa ng mga aklat ay na- criticized para sa kanilang mga potensyal na bawasan ang tunay pagganyak sa pamamagitan ng overjustification . Gayunman, ang isang pag-aaral ng programa ng Pizza Hut , Book Nag !, natagpuan na paglahok sa programa alinma'y hindi tumaas o nabawasan pagbabasa pagganyak . [17] Kahit na motivating mga mag-aaral na basahin sa pamamagitan ng kapakipakinabang maaaring papanghinain ang kanilang interes sa pagbabasa ang mga ito, ito ay maaari ring hinihikayat ang mga kasanayan sa pagbabasa kinakailangan para sa pagbuo ng isang interes sa pagbabasa

WorkplaceCognitive evaluation theory further predicts the different types of rewards that will exert different effects. According to the theory, task non-contingent rewards like benefits that are based on things other than performance, such as employment that do not consist any information regarding autonomy and competence, will have no effect on intrinsic motivation. Task contingent rewards on the other hand like salary which are awarded for performing or completing a task, will be experienced as controlling and hence will have a negative effect on intrinsic motivation. The study conducted by Deckop and Cirka (2000) reported that introducing merit pay programs in a non-profit organization led to decreased feelings of autonomy and intrinsic motivation, indicating that rewards can undermine intrinsic motivation in work settings.[7](Cognitive pagsusuri teorya sa higit pang hinuhulaan ang iba't ibang uri ng premyo na magpunyagi iba't ibang mga epekto . Ayon sa teorya , gawain na di- maaaring mangyari premyo tulad ng mga benepisyo na ito ay batay sa mga bagay maliban sa pagganap, tulad ng trabaho na hindi binubuo ng anumang impormasyon hinggil sa pagsasarili at kagalingan , ay walang epekto sa tunay pagganyak . Task hindi inaasahan premyo sa kabilang banda tulad ng suweldo na ibinigay para sa gumaganap o makumpleto ang isang gawain , ay nakaranas bilang pagkontrol at samakatuwid ay magkakaroon ng negatibong epekto sa tunay pagganyak . Ang pag-aaral na isinagawa ng Deckop at Cirka ( 2000) na iniulat na nagpapakilala sa mga programa sa kahalagahan pay sa isang non- profit na organisasyon na humantong sa nabawasan ang mga damdamin ng pagsasarili at tunay pagganyak , na nagpapahiwatig na ang premyo ay maaaring maghukay sa ilalim tunay pagganyak sa mga setting ng trabaho. [7]

Performance contingent rewards like monetary incentives that are given for good performance or meeting a certain standard will be experienced as highly controlling hence decreasing intrinsic motivation. The Shirom, Westman, and Melamed (1999) study found that pay-for-performance plans resulted in lower well being in blue-collar workers, and this was especially evident for those who felt that their jobs were monotonous.[7] However, in certain cases where the reward also conveys information about competence that will in turn reduce the negative effect.[6](Pagganap hindi inaasahan premyo tulad ng mga insentibo sa pera na ibinigay para sa mahusay na pagganap o naaabot ang isang tiyak na pamantayan ay nakaranas bilang lubos na pagkontrol kaya mababawasan ang tunay pagganyak . Ang Shirom , Westman , at Melamed natagpuan (1999) pag-aaral na pay- para - pagganap plano nagresulta sa mas mababang rin pagiging sa asul - tubong manggagawa, at ito ay lalo na maliwanag para sa mga nadama na ang kanilang mga trabaho ay hindi nagbabago ang tono . [7] Gayunpaman, sa ilang mga kaso kung saan nagbibigay din ang gantimpala impormasyon tungkol sa kakayahan na siya namang bawasan ang mga negatibong epekto. [6]

GamificationThe term gamification refers to the application of game design elements to non-game contexts[18] in order to drive participation, often with the goal of encouraging greater engagement with the non-game context by providing symbolic rewards such as points, badges, or virtual currency. However, a number of academics and other critics have expressed concern that these rewards may backfire via the overjustification effect. Drawing directly on self-determination theory, these critics of gamification express concerns that gamified contexts such as foursquare might provide expected rewards for activities that do not adequately meet self-determination theorys three innate needs for intrinsic motivationrelatedness, autonomy, and competenceand therefore reduce intrinsic interest in those activities.[19](Ang terminong gamification ay tumutukoy sa application ng laro disenyo elemento sa konteksto non -game [ 18] upang humimok ng paglahok , madalas na may layunin ng naghihikayat sa mas malawak na pakikipag-ugnayan sa mga di- laro ng konteksto sa pamamagitan ng pagbibigay symbolic premyo tulad ng mga puntos, mga badge , o virtual pera. Gayunman, ang isang bilang ng mga akademya at iba pang kritiko na ipinahayag alalahanin na ang mga premyo ay maaaring kalabang apoy sa pamamagitan ng overjustification epekto. Pagguhit nang direkta sa pagsasarili teorya , ang mga kritikong ng gamification express alalahanin na gamified konteksto gaya ng matapat at wagas maaaring magbigay inaasahan premyo para sa mga aktibidad na hindi sapat na matugunan ang tatlong katutubo pangangailangan pagsasarili teorya para sa tunay pagganyak - relatedness , pagsasarili , at kagalingan at samakatuwid bawasan ang tunay na interes sa mga gawain. [19]

CrowdsourcingWebsites that rely on user-generated content sometimes offer monetary rewards for contributions, but these may cause the contributors to succumb to the overjustification effect and stop contributing.[20] For example, Amazon Mechanical Turk allows the creator of a task to offer a monetary reward, but a survey of 431 Mechanical Turk participants showed that they are driven more by intrinsic motivations than a desire for the usually meager monetary compensation.[21] The overjustification effect was also considered in a study on how to maximize contributions when crowdsourcing creative endeavors.[22](Mga website na umaasa sa nilalamang binuo ng user minsan nag-aalok ng premyo sa pera para sa mga kontribusyon , ngunit ang mga maaaring dahilan ng mga kontribyutor sa sumakabilang-buhay sa overjustification epekto at tumigil sa pag-aambag . [20] Halimbawa, nagbibigay-daan sa Amazon Mechanical Turk ang lumikha ng isang gawain upang mag-alok ng isang hinggil sa pananalapi gantimpalaan , ngunit isang survey ng 431 Mechanical Turko kalahok ay nagpakita na ang mga ito ay higit na hinimok sa pamamagitan ng tunay motivations kaysa sa isang pagnanais para sa mga karaniwang manipis kabayaran sa pera . [21] ang overjustification epekto ay isinasaalang-alang din sa isang pag-aaral kung paano i- maximize ang mga kontribusyon kapag crowdsourcing creative mga pagsusumikap . [ 22 ]

VolunteeringEmpirical evidence shows that expected financial rewards "crowd out" intrinsic motivation, while the size of the monetary reward simultaneously provides extrinsic motivation. If the size of the monetary reward is not large enough to compensate for the loss of intrinsic motivation, overall engagement can decline. A survey data-set revealed that small financial payments reduced volunteer hours among Swiss citizens, and that the median financial reward provided to these volunteers caused them to work less than volunteers who were not given any paymen(Ipinapakita ang empirical na katibayan na inaasahan sa pananalapi premyo " karamihan ng tao out" tunay pagganyak , habang ang laki ng mga gantimpala sa pera nang sabay-sabay ay nagbibigay ng hindi kailangan pagganyak . Kung ang laki ng mga gantimpala sa pera ay hindi sapat na malaki upang bumawi para sa kawalan ng tunay pagganyak , pangkalahatang pakikipag-ugnayan ay maaaring tanggihan . Isang survey data - set nagsiwalat na binawasan maliit na mga pagbabayad sa pananalapi volunteer na oras sa mga Swiss mamamayan, at ang panggitna gantimpala sa pananalapi na ibinigay sa mga boluntaryo sanhi ang mga ito upang gumana nang mas mababa sa mga boluntaryo na ay hindi ibinigay na anumang paymen

How Rewards Can Backfire and Reduce MotivationSurely one of the best ways to generate motivation in ourselves and others is by dangling rewards?Yet psychologists have long known that rewards are overrated. The carrot, of carrot-and-stick fame, is not as effective as weve been led to believe. Rewards work under some circumstances but sometimes they backfire. Spectacularly.Here is a story about preschool children with much to teach all ages about the strange effects that rewards have on our motivation.Its childs playPsychologists Mark R. Lepper and David Greene from Stanford and the University of Michigan were interested in testing what is known as the overjustification hypothesisabout which, more later (Lepper et al., 1973).Since parents so often use rewards as motivators for children they recruited fifty-one preschoolers aged between 3 and 4. All the children selected for the study were interested in drawing. It was crucial that they already liked drawing because Lepper and Greene wanted to see what effect rewards would have when children were already fond of the activity.

The children were then randomly assigned to one of the following conditions:1. Expected reward. In this condition children were told they would get a certificate with a gold seal and ribbon if they took part.2. Surprise reward. In this condition children would receive the same reward as above but, crucially, werent told about it until after the drawing activity was finished.3. No reward. Children in this condition expected no reward, and didnt receive one.Each child was invited into a separate room to draw for 6 minutes then afterwards either given their reward or not depending on the condition. Then, over the next few days, the children were watched through one-way mirrors to see how much they would continue drawing of their own accord. The graph below shows the percentage of time they spent drawing by experimental condition:

As you can see the expected reward had decreased the amount of spontaneous interest the children took in drawing (and there was no statistically significant difference between the no reward and surprise reward group). So, those who had previously liked drawing were less motivated once they expected to be rewarded for the activity. In fact the expected reward reduced the amount of spontaneous drawing the children did by half. Not only this, but judges rated the pictures drawn by the children expecting a reward as less aesthetically pleasing.Rewards reduce intrinsic motivationIts not only children who display this kind of reaction to rewards, though, subsequent studies have shown a similar effect in all sorts of different populations, many of them grown-ups. In one study smokers who were rewarded for their efforts to quit did better at first but after three months fared worse than those given no rewards and no feedback (Curry et al., 1990). Indeed those given rewards even lied more about the amount they were smoking.(Ito ay lamang sa mga bata na hindi ipakita ang ganitong uri ng reaksyon sa premyo , bagaman, ang nagpakita sa kasunod na mga pag-aaral ng isang katulad na epekto sa lahat ng uri ng iba't ibang mga populasyon , marami sa kanila ang lumaki -up. Sa isang pag-aaral naninigarilyo na ay gagantimpalaan para sa kanilang mga pagsisikap na umalis ginawang mas mahusay na sa unang ngunit pagkatapos ng tatlong buwan fared mas masahol pa kaysa sa mga ibinigay na walang premyo at walang feedback ( Curry et al . , 1990 ). Sa katunayan sa mga binigay premyo kahit na nagsinungaling nang higit pa tungkol sa mga halaga ng mga ito ay smoking .

Reviewing 128 studies on the effects of rewards Deci et al. (1999, p. 658) concluded that:tangible rewards tend to have a substantially negative effect on intrinsic motivation () Even when tangible rewards are offered as indicators of good performance, they typically decrease intrinsic motivation for interesting activities.(Nire-review ng 128 na pag-aaral sa mga epekto ng premyo Deci et al . ( . 1999, p 658 ) Napagpasyahan na :" Nasasalat premyo ay may posibilidad na magkaroon ng malaki-laking negatibong epekto sa tunay pagganyak (...) Kahit na nasasalat premyo ay inaalok bilang taga-pahiwatig ng magandang pagganap , karaniwang sila bawasan ang tunay pagganyak para sa mga kawili-wiling gawain. "

Rewards have even been found to make people less creative and worse at problem-solving.OverjustificationSo, whats going on? The key to understanding these behaviours lies in the difference between intrinsic and extrinsic motivation. When we do something for its own sake, because we enjoy it or because it fills some deep-seated desire, we are intrinsically motivated. On the other hand when we do something because we receive some reward, like a certificate or money, this is extrinsic motivation.

The children were chosen in the first instance because they already liked drawing and they were already intrinsically motivated to draw. It was pleasurable, they were good at it and they got something out of it that fed their souls. Then some of them got a reward for drawing and their motivation changed.Before they had been drawing because they enjoyed it, but now it seemed as though they were drawing for the reward. What they had been motivated to do intrinsically, they were now being given an external, extrinsic motivation for. This provided too much justification for what they were doing and so, paradoxically, afterwards they drew less.This is the overjustification hypothesis for which Lepper and Greene were searching and although it seems like backwards thinking, its typical of the way the mind sometimes works. We dont just work forwards from our attitudes and preferences to our actions, we also work backwards, working out what our attitudes and preferences must be based on our current situation, feelings or actions (see also: cognitive dissonance).When money makes play into workNot only this but rewards are dangerous for another reason: because they remind us of obligations, of being made to do things we dont want to do. Children are given rewards for eating all their food, doing their homework or tidying their bedrooms. So rewards become associated with painful activities that we dont want to do. The same goes for grown-ups: money becomes associated with work and work can be dull, tedious and painful. So when we get paid for something we automatically assume that the task is dull, tedious and painfuleven when it isnt.This is why play can become work when we get paid. The person who previously enjoyed painting pictures, weaving baskets, playing the cello or even writing blog posts, suddenly finds the task tedious once money has become involved.Yes, sometimes rewards do work, especially if people really dont want to do something. But when tasks are inherently interesting to us rewards can damage our motivation by undermining our natural talent for self-regulation.The Overjustification EffectThe Overjustification Effect Following on the heels of Daryl Bems 1965 theory of self-perception, the overjustification effect states that how individuals will feel toward performing certain tasks is determined by whether they are intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform the task (Deci, 1971). Using the self-perception theorys prediction that when extrinsic motivations are present they will take precedent over intrinsic motivations, the overjustification effect reveals the importance of motivation on performance (Lepper, Greene, & Nisbett). (Ang pagsunod sa takong ng 1965 teorya ng self- pagdama Daryl Bem , na ipinapahayag ang overjustification epekto na kung paano indibidwal ay pakiramdam patungo sa pagsasagawa ng ilang mga gawain ay natutukoy sa pamamagitan ng kung sila ay intrinsically o extrinsically motivated upang gumanap sa mga gawain ( Deci , 1971 ). Gamit ang hula ng mga self- pagdama teorya na kapag nasa labas motivations ay naroroon sila ay dadalhin sa paglipas ng pamarisan tunay motivations , ang overjustification epekto ay ipinapakita ang kahalagahan ng pag-uudyok sa pagganap ( Lepper , Greene , & Nisbett ).

Understanding Motivation In understanding the overjustification effect, it is important to distinguish between the two types of motivation present: intrinsic and extrinsic. Intrinsic motivation is the desire to perform an activity out of the enjoyment derived from the activity itself. In performing an intrinsically motivated activity, an individual expects no external reward; the activity is a reward in itself. An example of an intrinsically motivated activity would be one that a person does as a hobby or in his or her free time. Extrinsic motivation is the motivation to perform an activity because the activity leads to something else. The desire to perform an extrinsically motivated activity comes not from the activity itself, but from rewards or benefits associated with the activity. An example of an extrinsically motivated activity would be chores that are preformed for an allowance. The chores themselves are not pleasurable, but the cash that result from completing them is. Both intrinsic and extrinsic motives can be present in an activity. In such a case, the salience of extrinsic motivation over intrinsic motivation is the basis for the overjustification effect. Sa pag-unawa sa overjustification epekto , mahalaga na makilala sa pagitan ng mga dalawang uri ng pagganyak kasalukuyan : tunay at hindi kailangan .

Tunay pagganyak ay ang pagnanais na magsagawa ng isang aktibidad sa labas ng kasiyahan nagmula sa aktibidad mismo. Sa pagsasagawa ng isang intrinsically motivated aktibidad , Inaasahan ng isang indibidwal na walang mga panlabas na gantimpala ; ang gawain ay isang gantimpala sa sarili nito. Isang halimbawa ng isang intrinsically motivated aktibidad ay magiging isa na ang isang tao ay bilang isang libangan o sa kanyang libreng oras .

Hindi kailangan pagganyak ay ang pagganyak upang magsagawa ng isang aktibidad dahil ang aktibidad humahantong sa ibang bagay . Ang pagnanais na magsagawa ng isang extrinsically motivated aktibidad ay hindi mula sa aktibidad ng sarili nito, ngunit mula sa premyo o mga benepisyo na nauugnay sa aktibidad. Isang halimbawa ng isang extrinsically motivated aktibidad ay magiging atupagin na preformed para sa isang allowance . Ang atupagin kanilang sarili ay hindi kaaya-aya , ngunit ang cash na nagresulta mula sa pagkumpleto ng mga ito ay.Ang parehong ay maaaring nasa isang aktibidad tunay at hindi kailangan motives . Sa ganoong kaso , ang umbok ng hindi kailangan pagganyak sa paglipas ng tunay pagganyak ay ang batayan para sa overjustification epekto.

Origins of the Overjustification Effect In 1971, Deci suggested that in a situation where an individual was to receive a reward for an activity, and knew about the reward prior to participating in said activity, then the individual would attribute his or her behavior to the reward instead of the activity itself. Decis theory led to the hypothesis that once an activity is associated with the external reward, a person will be less inclined to participate in the activity in the future without a reward present. Deci (1971) conducted a study in which students were either asked to solve puzzles for money or no money. After the payment stopped, the researchers noted if the students continued to work on the puzzles. Those that had received money (an extrinsic motivation for solving the puzzles) did in fact become less inclined to work on the puzzles once they were no longer paid to do so. The students who had not been paid (they only had intrinsic motivation) continued to show an interest in the puzzles.

Confirming the Overjustification Hypothesis Two years after Decis study, a group of researchers tested the overjustification hypothesis in a field experiment. Lepper, Greene, and Nisbett (1973) went to a nursery school and observed childrens intrinsic interest in various activities. The children were then put into one of three conditions for the experiment. In the first condition, known as the expected-award condition, children were told they would receive a reward (a certificate with a seal and a ribbon) for partaking in the activity that they were previously doing out of pure intrinsic interest. In the second condition, the unexpected-award condition, the children were not told of the reward until after they finished the activity. In the third condition, also called the no-reward condition, the researchers did not tell or give the children any reward. This group thus served as the control group, since extrinsic rewards were not involved either before or after performance. The extrinsic reward phase ended with the researchers giving the children the certificates based on their condition group. In the following phase, the researchers let the children go about their activities, but this time without offering or giving any rewards. In accordance with the overjustification hypothesis, the children in the expected-reward condition had become less interested in their activities since the introduction of the extrinsic motivation. However, there was no change in the interest of the group who received the reward unexpectedly. This is because the children in this condition did not know about the reward until after the activity, and therefore attributed their behavior to an enjoyment of the activity. Similarly, those who did not expect or receive a reward had no extrinsic motivation, and showed no decline in interest as a result.

Controversies over the Overjustification Effect The overjustification effect is wholly disquieting to behavioral psychologists, whose theories conflict with overjustification. These so-called behaviorists began doing their own studies to disprove the overjustification effect. A reply to this critique was fast in coming by motivationalists (those who support self-perception and overjustification). Deci, along with Cascio and Krusell (1975), acknowledged Calder and Staws doubts as to whether non-contingent monetary rewards would result in the overjustification effect. However, they did not say the overjustification effect was incorrect in this area; merely that other studies needed to be done. In 1983, R. M. Ryan, V. Mims, and Koestner placed their support behind the overjustification effect. They addressed Calder and Staws argument that non-contingent rewards discredit the overjustification effect by countering that non-contingent rewards are not tied to the activity in question. Thus, they run little risk of undermining intrinsic motivation.

Meta-analyses and the Conclusion to the Controversies With so many studies into the overjustification effect, meta-analyses of these studies were eventually done. In one significant meta-analysis in 1995, psychologists Tang and Hall sufficiently concluded that physical rewards which were made contingent upon completing an activity, did in fact undermine intrinsic interest in the activity. Twenty-five years after Calder and Staw (1974) published their firsts doubts, another meta-analysis was performed in 1999 that confirmed that extrinsic motivation has a negative impact on intrinsic motivation. This meta-analysis is the work of Deci, Koestner, and Ryan (1999). It examined 128 carefully conducted experiments and found that tangible rewards do, indeed, greatly weaken intrinsic motivation.

Relevance for Everyday Life The overjustification effect, as stated in Deci, Koestner, and Ryans meta-analysis, has significant consequences for many people. When control is placed on individuals by offering them incentives, the long term effect will be a loss in intrinsic motivation, accompanied by negative performance. This applies to classrooms, sports teams, as well as other environments. Should a reward be present, there is a risk of losing the enjoyment of the activity for itself. Meta - pagsusuri at ang Konklusyon sa KontrobersiyaSa gayon maraming mga pag-aaral sa overjustification epekto , meta- pagsusuri ng mga pag-aaral ay huli na. Sa isang makabuluhang meta- pagtatasa sa 1995, sikologo Tang at Hall sapat na Napagpasyahan ng mga pisikal na premyo na nagawa nababatay sa pagkumpleto ng isang aktibidad, ginawa sa katunayan maghukay sa ilalim tunay na interes sa aktibidad.Dalawampu't-limang taon matapos Calder at Staw ( 1974 ) na-publish ang kanilang mga firsts mga pagdududa , isa pang meta- pagtatasa ay ginanap noong 1999 na nakumpirma na hindi kailangan pagganyak ay may negatibong epekto sa tunay pagganyak . Ang meta - pagtatasa ay ang gawain ng Deci , Koestner , at Ryan (1999) . Napagmasdan ito 128 maingat na isinasagawa mga eksperimento at natagpuan na nadarama premyo ko , sa katunayan, lubhang humina tunay pagganyak .

Kaugnayan para sa Araw-araw LifeAng overjustification epekto , tulad ng nabanggit sa Deci , Koestner , at mga meta - pagtatasa Ryan , na may makabuluhang kahihinatnan para sa maraming tao. Kapag control ay nakalagay sa mga indibidwal sa pamamagitan ng pagbibigay sa kanila ng mga insentibo , ang mga pangmatagalang epekto ay magiging isang pagkawala sa tunay pagganyak , na sinamahan ng mga negatibong pagganap. Nalalapat ito sa mga silid-aralan , mga sports team , pati na rin ang iba pang mga kapaligiran . Dapat ay naroroon sa isang gantimpala , mayroong isang panganib ng pagkawala ng kasiyahan ng mga aktibidad para sa sarili .

Dayuhang LiteraturaLokal na Literatura