Letter to the Editor -Manukant Sharma

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Massages ... 1dqN vuNq, igyw ... 4dqN ;knsa vkSj dqN ckrsa ... 7A Glimphs of Braham Prakash Sharma ... 34Lora=rk la?k"kZ esa iafMr czge izdk’k 'kekZ th dh Hkwfedk ... 36Famous Contempt of Court Case ... 38[kcjksa esa iafMr th ... 43

COURT, JUDGES & LAWYERS

Courts Buildings and Lawyer ... 46Detention without Trial: Bureaucratic Vindictiveness ... 46District Judgeship for Muzaffarnagar ... 47Law of Contempt ... 48Lying Rampant in Lower Courts ... 51Criminal Law Reform: Its Real Character ... 53Law and Nanavati Case ... 55Judiciary and Corruption ... 57

THE PRESIDENT

President’s Election ... 58Presidential Election Controversy ... 58President’s Rule ... 60Oh no, Mr. President ... 61President & Prime Minister ... 62

INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

PAKISTAN

Anglo-Pakistanis ... 63Liaquat’s Half-truths and Untruths ... 64The Pakistan Question ... 64Aggression and Self Defence ... 66The only Answer to Pakistan ... 66Pakistan Pathology Treatment ... 67Tashkent-The balance sheet ... 71East Pakistan & India ... 72Prisoners of War ... 74Charged Against Mr. Bhutto ... 75

CHINA

Mr. Menon and China ... 76Tibet and India ... 76Colombo Peace Proposals ... 78Peking Banquet ... 79

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BRITAIN

Indo-British Relation ... 81

U.S.A.

Careless Talk ... 83Voice of America ... 83Unrepentant Mr. Wilson ... 84Dangerous Illusions ... 85Hats off to US Democracy ... 86Ford and Nixon ... 87

ISRAEL

Israel and India ... 90Diplomatic ties with Israel ... 91

OTHER COUNTRIES

The Fiji Scenario ... 92Distant Neighbours ... 92

INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS

UNO & General MacArthur ... 95Caste in the Common Wealth ... 95Commonwealth, Peace Area and India ... 96

INDIAN FOREIGN POLICY

India and the Bomb ... 98No Alternative ... 99Time to Review Our Foreign Policy ... 100

NATIONAL AFFAIRS

National Flag ... 103Anthem Debate ... 103Vande Manram ... 104Food and Self-Respect ... 104Telephone Tapping ... 104Social Security: A Primary Responsibility ... 105Privy Purses ... 107Who Killed Mr. Mishra? ... 107Remembering Bahadur Shah ... 109Red-Tapism ... 110Why Matten & Lalla were released ... 110

iv

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GOA

Goa and Panch Shila ... 111The Goa Problem ... 113North Atlantic Powers and Goa ... 116

KASHMIR

Pakistan, Kashmir & L.C.C. ... 118Kashmir and United Nations ... 118Pakistan Occupied Kashmir ... 121Kashmir and Abdullah ... 121Kashmir: ill-advised move ... 122Article 370 ... 123

PUNJAB

Legacy of Linguism ... 124Sikhs and Hindus ... 124Punjab Tragedy ... 125Uniforms in Golden Temple ... 126Seven Steps for Amity ... 128Terrorism in Minds ... 129A Valid Plea ... 130Politics of Terrorism ... 131Punjab: The Litmus Test ... 132Akal Takht Hukamnama ... 134Punjabi: What to do? ... 135Syndicating Mischief ... 137

EMERGENCY

Is Emergency to remain? ... 139Accountability ... 140Days of horror in Muzaffarnagar ... 141Muzaffarnagar Firing Probe ... 143

FOODS AND BEVERAGE

Rotten Wheat ... 144Food Crises - Natural or Man-Made? ... 145Colouring Vanaspati ... 147Prohibition-Now or Never ... 147And Now Wine From Milk ... 149Anti-Drink Squads ... 151

AGRICULTURE

Enhanced Canal Water Rates ... 153Upper Ganga Canal ... 153Sugar versus Gur and Khandsari ... 155

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“Sweet” Corruption ... 157Agricultural Co-operative Society ... 159Research on Honey-Bees ... 160Agriculture Exhibition ... 161Windmills for Irrigation ... 161

COTTAGE INDUSTRIES

Cottage Industries in U.P. ... 163Khadi on the Rocks ... 164The Spirit of Khadi ... 165Nationalisation of Industries ... 166

POWER CRISES

Power Shortage ... 168Saving Energy ... 168

TRANSPORT SYSTEM

RAILWAY

Wanted a Railway Over-Bridge at Muzaffarnagar ... 170Railway Amenities For Third Class ... 171Rail - Road Competition ... 171Corruption in Railways ... 172Railway Travel ... 175Our Nationalised railways ... 176

ROADWAYS

Theft on Roadways ... 179Government Roadways ... 179

TRAFFIC

Traffic Hold-Ups ... 182Abolition of Rickshaws ... 183Motor Horns ... 183

COMMON MEN

Begar ... 184Andher Nagri ... 185

WOMEN

Beauty Parades and India ... 186Woman Executives ... 187Kissing in Films and Indian Culture ... 188

vi

The Prince Again ... 189Sati : A Different View ... 190The Roots of Sati ... 191Sati: Reply to the Debate ... 192Section 125 Cr.P.C. ... 193Rapists should be flogged ... 194

POPULATION

Population Control ... 195

HOSPITAL

Government Hospitals ... 197“Rationalizations on-Reverse Gear” ... 198Government Medicos And Hospitals ... 200

EDUCATION

Testimonials ... 202Muzaffarnagar J.T.C. College ... 202Agra University & A Muzaffarnagar College ... 203National Education ... 204Muzaffarnagar Government High School ... 204Aligarh University ... 206‘Pugree’ in Education ... 207

INDISCIPLINE

Indiscipline Among Students ... 209Student Conduct ... 209

LANGUAGE

Lakhnau not Lucknow, Kanpur not Cawnpore ... 211Balia Not Ballia ... 212Names of Cities ... 212Language Problem ... 213Link Language ... 215Legal Phrases in Sanskrit ... 216Urdu broadcasts ... 217Putting on an accent ... 218

LABOUR

Peons, Ordinaries and Jamadars ... 219Is There A Labour Policy? ... 220

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PENSION

Pensioners ... 223Freedom Fighters’ Pensions ... 224

POLITICAL SYSTEM

POLITICAL PARTY

Marshal Bulganin and Congress Session ... 226Congress Socialists and Socialism ... 226The Jan Sangh ... 229

MINISTERS

Ministers & Official Tour ... 230The Defence Minister ... 230

ELECTION

Disqualifications ... 233Election Officer and Elections ... 233Election Expenses ... 234Election Alliances ... 235Officials and Election Funds ... 236Aur bhi bura kiya ... 238

POLICE

Police Firing Deaths ... 239“Towards A New Police’ ... 240Crime Figures in U.P. ... 243

LOCAL ISSUES

Murder of a Journalist ... 244A professor’s death ... 244Mohini Kamble’s Death ... 245

RELIGION

Kumbh Tragedy ... 248Beef Tallow Ban ... 249A temple and a Mosque ... 249

SECULARISM

Elections And Muslim Masses ... 251

viii

COMMUNALISM

Pathology of Communalism ... 253Aspect of Communal Problem ... 254

CASTEISM

Casteism ... 257Casteism in Elections ... 257

RESERVATION

Reservations ... 260Face-saving Formula ... 261

SOCIALISM

Socialist Planning and Feudal Thinking ... 262Muzaffarnagar Function ... 263P.S.P.-Socialist Merger ... 265

COMMUNISM

Himalayan Frontiers and Communists ... 268Poll Stance of EMS ... 269

PERSONALITIES

Mohandas K. Gandhi Gandhi Ji & King George V ... 271Pt. Nehru After Nehru-What? ... 271Pt. Nehru A Socialist Dilemma ... 272Rafi Ahamad Quidwai L’Affaire Quidwai ... 274Acharya Kripalani Our Neutrality-Now? ... 276Dr. Sampurnanand Babu Sampurnanand and Democracy ... 277K. Kamraj Kamraj Plan Reevaluated ... 278S.P. Mookerjee Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerjee ... 279M.C. Chagla Mr. Chagla’s Resignation ... 281Ram Manohar Lohia Ram Manohar Lohia ... 283C.B. Gupta The Other Side of Maniram ... 284Indira Gandhi Prime Minister’s Broadcast ... 285Indira Gandhi Mrs. Gandhi-Desai etc. ... 286Charan Singh Government Servants & Party Politics ... 287Jagjiwan Ram Jagjiwan Ram’s defection ... 291Acharya Vinobha Bhave Vinobha’s Death ... 292Kamlapati Tripathi In times like these’ ... 293Maneka Gandhi Rajiv or Maneka? ... 294Chandra Shekhar Cong (I) And Real Issues ... 295Rajiv Gandhi Means And End ... 296V.P Singh Limit to Mandal ... 297Ram Jethmalani The Art of Advocacy ... 299Dr. Manmohan Singh Economic perestroika ... 301Mulayam Singh Yadav Mulayam’s Minority ... 301

ix

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URDU SECTION

PHOTOGRAPHS

Pt. Braham Prakash Sharma ... 32Smt. Bhagwan Dei ... 33A Family Photograph ‘A’ ... 45.a

A Family Photograph ‘B’ ... 45.b

U.P. C. Qaumi Sevadal Camp Ex. Members ... 303

U.P. C. Qaumi Sevadal Camp Dasta No. 1 ... 304

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Letter to The Editor by a Saint Politician

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5

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6

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7

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8

iafMr th us 1930] 1932 rFkk 1942 ds Lora=rk vkUnksyu esa Hkkxfy;k Fkk vkSj 1937 ds pquko ds nkSjku Øakxzsl lalnh; lfefr rFkkdk;Zlfefr ds lnL; Hkh FkssA 1942 esa iafMr th ds lkFk cqyan’kgj dscsuhizlkn ek/ko rFkk vkj- ds- ekgs’ojh Hkh tsy esa FksA 1946 esa osftyk Økaxzssl ds v/;{k FksA 1948 esa lks’kfyLVksa ds Øakxzsl ls vyx gksusij iafMr th Øakxzsl NksMdj lektoknh vkUnksyu ls tqM x;sA 1965esa rRdkyhu iz/kkuea=h Jh ykycgknqj ’kkL=h th ds O;fDrxr vkxzg ijdakxzsl lsss iqu% tqMssA iafMr tokgj yky usg:] vkpk;Z ujsUnz nso rFkk

panzHkkuq xqIr] panz’ks[kj] ukjk;.k nRr frokjh vkfn ls mudk fudV lEcU/k FkkA,d ckj rRdkyhu ,e- ,y- ,- x;wj vyh ¼1982 esa jkT;lHkk lnL;½ dks la;qDr lks’kfyLV

ikVhZ ls iztk lks’kfyLV ikVhZ esa ’kkfey gksus dk vkxzg djus gsrq iafMr th ds lkFk ckcw f=yksdhflag] vkseizdk’k JhokLro rFkk eSa muds xk¡o tykykckn yqgkjh x;s FksA

1982&83 eas tc eSa jkT;lHkk lnL; Fkk rc iafMr th rRdkyhu dsUnzh; m|ksx ea=h ukjk;.knRr frokjh ls feyuk pkgrs FksA lwpuk feyus ij frokjh th Lo;a feyus vk, vkSj cgqr I;kjo bTtr ds lkFk eqykdkr dhA

1951&52 esa xqM vkankssyu ds nkSjku xqM mRiknu o O;kikj ds izfrca/k ds fojksèk esa nsofj;kds xsank flag ¼dkykarj esa d‘f"k ea=h½ rFkk csuhizlkn ek/ko Hkh ljgn ikj dj iafMr th ds lkFk fxj¶rkjgq, FksA

jktuhfr ds vykok mUgsa vU; lkekftd fo"k;ksa dh Hkh xgu le> FkhA ,e-,- ds nkSjku eSackofj;k tutkfr dk v/;;u djuk pkgrk FkkA tc eSaus muls ml tutkfr ds ckjs esa iafMrth ls i¡wNk rks mUgksaus eq>s f>>kauk ¼ftyk eq-uxj½ tkus dh lykg nh vkSj dgk fd ;fn eSa eq-uxjμ’kkeyh gksrs gq, f>>kauk x;k rks izd‘fr dk Hkh vkuan ys ldwaxkA

lqjsUnz eksgulqjsUnz eksgulqjsUnz eksgulqjsUnz eksgulqjsUnz eksguiwoZ lakln rFkk lektoknh fpUrd


9

1944&45 esa tc eSa X;kjgoha dk fo|kFkhZ Fkk rks frrkoh lseqt¶Qjuxj muds ?kj esa gh jgk tgka esjk dejk muds dejs dsfcYdqy cxy esa Fkk vkSj vf/kdrj yksx eq>s mudk NksVk HkkbZ gh le>rsFks vkSj dbZ ckj esjs uke ^j.kchj* ds vkxs îzdk’k* yxk fn;k djrs FksAesjs firkth Lo- Jh daoy flag rFkk iafMr th ds pkpk th f=iqjkjh ykyth nksuksa flVh cksMZ es VSDl bUliSDVj Fks vkSj cukjl fgUnq fo’ofo|ky;esa iafMr th ds ppsjs HkkbZ izdk’k HkkbZ esjs lgikBh FksA

1952 esa tc eSa ch ,p ;w esa izoDrk fu;qDr gqvk Fkk rks mlh o"kZiafMr th us eqt¶Qjuxj lhV ls iztk lks’kfyLV izkVhZ dh vksj ls fo/kku lHkk dk pquko yM+kFkkA jktukjk;.k rFkk vU; izeq[k iztk lks’kfyLV usrk bl pquko esa izpkj ds fy, eqt¶Qjuxjvk;s FksA bl pquko eSaus Hkh cgknjiqj xkao ¼tkulB½ esa bySD’ku ,tSUV ds rkSj ij dk;Z fd;kFkk vkSj vius dkWyst ds izkpk;Z dh NqV~Vh dh vuqefr ds ekeys esa ukjktxh ds ckotwn vk;k FkkA

1974 esa iafMr th dks mudh vfuPNk ds ckotwn rRdkyhu eq[; ea=h lh ch xqIrk th us,e ,y lh cuk;k FkkA muds firkth dk cMk :rck gqvk djrk Fkk rFkk os iqfyl foHkkx lslsokfuo‘r baLiSDVj FksA muds izHkko dk ykHk ysdj ftl le; osa i<kbZ iwjh dj pqds Fks ljyrkls Åaps in ij fu;qDr gks ldrs FksA ,d ckj ftykf/kdkjh us muds firkth dks lwpuk Hksth fd;fn mudk iq= ekQhukek fy[k nsa rks fczfV’k ljdkj mUgsa ekQ dj ldrh gSA

ijUrq mUgksus ,sls fdlh Hkh izLrko dks fljs ls gh vLohdkj dj fn;k FkkA iafMr th lkjhftUnxh yksdra= ds fy, la?k"kZjr jgs rFkk /kkfeZdrk dV~Vjrk] lEiznkf;drk rFkk tkfr ikfr dhHkkouk muesa fcydqy ugh FkhA lekurk ds fl)kar dks vius thou esa okLrfod :i esa pfjrkFkZdjrs gq, os dHkh fjD’kk esa ugh cSBsA 1989 ds ckn ds o"kksZ esa os dqN lhek rd Hkktik dsi{k/kj gks x, Fks rFkk ,d ckj jktdh; baVj dkWyst ds eSnku esa dY;k.k flag dh lHkk dks lquusesjs lkFk x, Fks A

,d ckj tc iafMr th vesfjdk tkus dh rS;kjh dj jgs Fks rks mUgsa fons’kh eqnzk dh t:jriMhA ml le; eSa jkT; lHkk dk lnL; FkkA esjs lkFk os ubZ fnYyh esa f:Fkr xzSMys cSad x,Aogka muds ikliksVZ dks ns[kdj ogka fu;qDr cSad vf/kdkjh us vkdLekr iwNk fd D;k vki ogheqt¶Qjuxj okys czge izdk’k 'kekZ th gSa ftuds ys[k v[kckjksa esa fujUrj Nik djrs gSaA iafMrth ds gkeh Hkjus ij og vf/kdkjh viuh lhV NksMdj vk;k vkSj iafMr th ds lknj pj.k Li’kZ fd,A

esjs O;fDrRo ds Åij ftu rhu O;fDr;ksa dk cgqr izHkko iMk mues loZizFke iafMr th ghFks vU; nks O;fDr esa igys vkj- ,p- lg=cq)sa tks cukjl esa 'kks/k ds xkbM Fks rFkk nwljs vYlkWQ,p- dksg~;j tku gkWifdUl fo’ofo|ky;] ckYVheksj] ;w,l, esa foHkkxk/;{k FksA vktknh dh yMkbZds le; mUgkus cgqr ijs’kkfu;k¡ >syhA bl nkSjku mudk ?kj dbZ ckj uhyke gqvk rFkk vusdckj os tsy x;sA cjsyh tsy esa os ,dkUr dkjkokl esa Hkh jgsA muds d"Vksa dh >yd bl ckrls feyrh gS fd mudsa X;kjg larku gqbZ vkSj vf/kdrj ds tUe ds le; leqfpr ijofj’k dsvkHkko ds dkj.k mudh vle; e`R;q gks xbZ vkSj dsoy nks iq= gh thfor jg ldsaA ijUrq bulcds ckn Hkh os cgqr ’kkar vkSj lTtu O;fDr FksA

Mk- j.kohj flagMk- j.kohj flagMk- j.kohj flagMk- j.kohj flagMk- j.kohj flagiwoZ lkaln Hkktik ,oe~~

iwoZ izkpk;Z cMkSr fMxzh dkWyst


10

vaxzsth tekus esa esjs firkth Lo- banzizdk’k th dSjkuk esa lcls cMseqvkotsnkj Fks vkSj eqt¶Qjuxj essa lsB fugkypan lcls cMs eqvkotsnkjFksA 1937 esa esjs rkÅth Lo-txnh’k Lo:i th cukjl fgUnq fo'ofo|ky;ds izFke cSp dss Lukrd FksA blh nkSjku mudk ifjp; iafMr enueksguekyoh; ls gqvk vkSj muls izHkkfor gksdj mudh fopkj/kkjk Lora=rkvkanksyu Hkkouk ls vksr”izksr gks xbZA ?kj okil vkus ij rRdkyhuftykf/kdkjh us muls ekun eftLVªsV ds in ij fu;qfDr djus dk izLrkofd;k ijUrq mUgksus ljdkjh ukSdjh ls lkQ bUdkj dj fn;k vfuPNktkfgj dh vkSj okil tykykckn vkdj tc vius firkth dks lkjk

okfd;k lquk;k rks os ukjkt gq,A Lons'k izse ds dkj.k mUgksus tykykckn esa gh vius lkjs fons’khdiM+ksa dh gksyh tykdj xk¡èkh th ds ikl lifjokj lkcjerh vkJe pys x;sA 1937 esa elwjhesa mudh vLi"V dkj.kksa ls vkdkfLed e‘R;q gks x;hA mudh e‘R;q ds ckn fojks/kLo:i gekjsifjokj us fczfV'k ljdkj }kjk iznku fd, x, lkjs ljdkjh f[krkc okfil dj fn,A iafMr thls gekjs ifjokj dk lEcU/k ml le; ls Fkk vkSj iafMr th vkSj esjs rkÅth nksuks dk fudVlEcU/k Lo- yky cgknqj th ls jgk tks ml le; [kknh lR;kxzg ls tqMs gq, FksA

1964 esa esjs firk th dh vkdkfLed bl le; e‘R;q gks xbZ tc os ih-lh-lh- ds lnL; dsrkSj ij fojsUnz oekZ rFkk jktsUnz nRr R;kxh ds lkFk 'kkL=h th ls feyus tk jgs FksA mlds mijkUreSa jktuhfr es vk;k vkSj iafMr th ds infpUgks ij pydj 1967 esa ih-lh-lh- dk rFkk 1974esa ,-vkbZ-lh-lh- dk lnL; pquk x;kA 1967 esa ftys ls ih-lh-lh- ds vU; nkss lnL;ksa es iafMrth rFkk jktsUnz nRr Fks rFkk iafMr th ,-vkbZ-lh-lh- dk lnL; FksA

1971 esa dakxzsl foHkktu ds mijkUr esjh tkudkjh esa ,d ,slk volj vk;k tc iafMr thvius fopkjksa ds lkFk FkksMk lk le>Ssrk dj cgqr dqN izkIr dj ldrs FksA cgqxq.kk th] tks mlle; ,-vkbZ-lh-lh- ds tujy lsØsVjh Fks] us iafMr th dks dakxzsl”vkbZ esa 'kkkfey gksus dk izLrkoysdj Lo;a eqt¶Qjuxj vk, rFkk mUgksus eq>ls iwNk Fkk fd rqEgkjs iafMr th ls laca/k dSls gSArks eSus dgk fd laca/k rks cgqr vPNs gS exj iafMr th fl)karksa ds lkFk le>kSrk ugha djsaxsa] vkSjgqvk Hkh ;ghA iafMr th us bl izLrko dk Li"V bUdkj fd;k vkSj dgk fd bafnjk th us jk”Vªifrds pquko esa ikVhZ ds vf/kdkfjd mEehnokj uhye latho jsM~Mh dk fojks/k dj ^vkRek dh vkoktij* oksfVax djkdj fl)akr ds eqrkfcd dkxzsal dk foHkktu fd;kA vr% vuq’kklufgurk gqbZ gSAeSa dkxzsal dk flikgh jgk gwW vkSj inksa dk ykyp eq>dks ugha gS vkSj iafMr th dkxszal ¼vks½ esagh jg x, FksA ;)fi vkt iqjkuh dkxzsal dk vfLrRo ugh gS ijUrq ;g lp gS fd mlds cknls gh dkxzsal dk pkfjf=d iru gksuk 'kq: gks x;k FkkA

1986 esa fo’oukFk izrki flag ds j{kkea=h ds in ls bLrhQk nsus ds ckn tc jktdh; baVjdkyst esa dkxzsal ds cSuj rys ,d tyls dk izLrko Fkk rks izns’k v/;{k egkohj izlkn us eq>svafre le; esa ;g tylk u gksus nsus dk fuZns’k fn;k ijUrq eSus bls ekuusa esa viuh vleFkZrkizdV dhA bl fo’kky tyls ds mijkUr dkxzsal ls fo’oukFk izrki flag] v:.k usg:] vkfjQeksSgEen [kku rFkk lriky efyd ds lkFk esjk Hkh fu"dklu gks x;kA bl ?kVuk ds ckn iafMrth esjs ikl vk, vkSj cksys fd rqeus cM+s fgEer ds lkFk fl)kar dk lkFk fn;k gSA ftl O;fDrdk dksbZ fl)kar ugh og thou vkSj jktuhfr fdlh es Hkh lQy ugh gks ldrkA

lkseka’k izdk’klkseka’k izdk’klkseka’k izdk’klkseka’k izdk’klkseka’k izdk’kiwoZ fo/kk;d] ofj"B dkaxzslh usrk ,oe~ih-lh-lh- o ,-vkbZ-lh-lh- ds lnL;


11

tc eSa vkBoha esa i<rk Fkk rc dSjkuk ds fudV tlkyk esa iztklks’kfyLV izkVhZ ds lEesyu esa iafMr th eq[; oDrk FksA ml lEesyuesa eSa iSny x;k Fkk vkSj rc iafMr th dks igyh ckj ns[kk FkkA bldsckn 1952 esa iafMr th ds ,e ,y , ds pquko esa dSjkuk fuoklhlqYrku flag ds ,d i= ds tfj, eS dk;ZdrkZ ds rkSj ij dke djusds fy, eq- uxj vk;k tgka Hkxr flag jksM ij Mk- izselq[k ds Dyhfudij pqukoh dSEi yxk gqvk Fkk tgk¡ igyh ckj pquko dh xgekxgeh

ns[kusa dk ekSdk feykA 1958 esa eSausa iafMr th ds lkFk dpgjh esa cSBuk 'kq: dj fn;k vkSj djhcrhu lky rd iafMr th ds lkFk cSBkA blh nkSjku iafMr th ds O;fDrRo ls ifjfpr gqvkA iafMrth LoHkko ls vD[kM rch;r ds Fks vkSj vf/kdrj le; ckj:e esa cSBk djrs FksA odhy dsrkSj ij os vius dsl dh rS;kjh cgqr esgur ls fd;k djrs FksA 1962 esa x;wj vyh [kka dhbySD’ku fifV’ku esjB VkªbO;wuy eas VªkWLkQj gks xbZA ftldh iSjoh ds flyflys esa iafMr th eq>sgh Hkstk djrs FksA blh dsl dh ,d rkjh[k ds nkSjku eSus esjB esa ,l-,l-ch- bUVjO;w fn;k vkSj lsukesa esjh fu;qfDr gks xbZA lsuk ls lsokfuofÙk ds ckn eSa okil vkus ij vyx lhV ij cSBus yxk FkkA

iafMr th 1974 esa ,e ,y lh pqus x, ijUrq vius mlwyksa ds dkj.k ogka cgqr T;knkyksdfiz; ugh gks ldsA ogka Hkh iafMr th ds O;fDrRo vkSj jgu lgu esa dksbZ cnyko ugh vk;kijUrq muds lEidZ esaa vkus okys izR;sd O;fDr dks muds fl)kUrksa us ges’kk izHkkfor fd;kA iafMrth ftruk lVhd cksyrs Fks mlds dghaa vf/kd lVhd vkSj lkjxfHkZr fy[kk djrs FksA bySD’kufiVh’ku dks rS;kj djus esa mudk dksbZ lkuh ugh FkkA iafMr th dHkh fdlh dke dh dksbZ flQkfj’kugha fd;k djrs FksA 1983 esa tc muds dgus ij muds fdlh fj’rsnkj ds ,d vko’;d dk;Zdks eSus djk;k vkSj dk;Z gksus ij lwpuk ds rkSj ij eSaus ,d vkSsipkfjd i= fy[kk rks iafMrth us bldk cqjk ekuk vkSj dgk fd esjk rqe ij gd gSA dbZ o"kZ iwoZ tc eSa vesfjdk izoklij Fkk rkss muds iq= Lo- Lojktfe= jatu us cksLVu esa gksyh feyu ds volj ij eq>s eq[;vfrfFk ds rkSj ij vkeaf=r fd;k FkkA

dSIVu gqdqe flagdSIVu gqdqe flagdSIVu gqdqe flagdSIVu gqdqe flagdSIVu gqdqe flag,MoksdsV

iwoZ dSfcusV ea=h] mÙkj izns'k


12

iafMr th esjk okLro esa ls lh/kk ifjp; ugh Fkk cfYd esjs cMsHkkbZ Lo- fo".kq Lo:Ik th ls mudk fudV ifjp; Fkk vkSj mudsO;fDrRo ij iafMr th dk cgqr izHkko Hkh FkkA blh dkj.k osa vkerkSjij lkbZfdy ls gh vk;k&tk;k djrs FksA iafMr th ls tc Hkh eq>sfeyus dk volj feyk gS rks ;k rks eS HkkbZ lkgc ds lkFk feyk gw¡;k esjs vfHkUu fe= larks"k dqekj 'kekZ ,MoksdsV ds lkFkA mudsO;fDrRo dk ,d [kkl igyw Fkk tks eq>s ;kn vkrk gS fd og cgqr

lknxh ilUn FksA bruk lh/kk&lPpk vkSj ljy O;fDr eSus jktuhfr es ugh nss[kk] ftlds jk"Vªh;Lrj ds vusd jktusrkvksa vkSj vius {ks= ds izfrf"Br O;fDr;ksa ls O;fDrxr lEcU/k jgs gks vkSj,slk gksus ij Hkh ?keaM+ dks dHkh Hkh vius ikl ugh vkus fn;kA iafMr th us vktknh ls igysftys dh jktuhfrd xfrfof/k;ksa dks ,d ldkjkRed fn’kk nh vkSj mUgs ns’k dh Rrdkyhujktuhfrd eq[;/kkjk esa tksMusa dk egRoiw.kZ dk;Z fd;kA ,d ckr eSa vkSj dguk pkgrk gwW fd vkttc Hkh eSa dksbZ egRoiw.kZ jktuhfrd fu.kZ; ysrk gwW rks mudh lh/kh&lknh] ljy ijUrq n`<fu"Bkoku Nfo lnSo esjs lkeus jgrh gS] ftuds lkeus ns’kfgr ls c<dj dqN ugha FkkA

fprjatu Lo:ifprjatu Lo:ifprjatu Lo:ifprjatu Lo:ifprjatu Lo:i v/;{k] m-iz- vkokl fodkl ifj"kn


13

vktknh ds le; ftyk dkxazsl desVh ds ps;jesu esjs firkth Jhjktsanz nRr R;kxh rFkk tujy lsdsVªh iafMr czge izdk’k 'kekZZ th FksAiafMr th dk O;fDrRo izHkko’kkyh FkkA rFkk ns[kus es os yEcs dn ds xksjsO;fDr Fks rFkk ml le; iafMr th gsV yxk;k djrs FksA ml le; ikVhZdk;Z;ky; ds fy, lkgjuiqj jksM ij iafMr th ds uke ls gh ,dedku [kjhnk x;k FkkAiafMr th :fpdj Hkkstu ds fo’ks"k 'kkSdhu Fks vkSj d<h rFkk fljdk mUgs

cgqr fiz; FksA tc iafMr th ftyk ifj"kn ds ps;jeSu cus rks gekjs ?kj Hkkstu ds fy, i/kkjs vkSjHkkstu ds le; fljds dh ewyh rFkk iihrk eaxok;kA iafMr th LoHkko ls Lokoyach O;fDr FksA,d ckj dpgjh eas vius fcLrj ds ikl tgk¡ os yap fd;k djrs Fks] ,d vaxwj dh csy dhfujkbZ”xqMkbZ dj jgs Fks fd mlh le; ftykf/kdkjh egksn; ogk¡ igqap x,A vkSj cksys mBs, “Thisis sportsmanship.”

iafMr th dh egkurk bl ckr esa gS fd ftl le; veweu cMs yksx ikydh;ksa esa lokjh fd;kdjrs Fks ml le; ls iafMr th dHkh fjD’kk es ugh cSBs vkSj muls izHkkfor gksdj muls feyusds ckn eSa Hkh dHkh fjD’kk es ugh cSBkA

vkuUn izdk’k R;kxhvkuUn izdk’k R;kxhvkuUn izdk’k R;kxhvkuUn izdk’k R;kxhvkuUn izdk’k R;kxh funs’kd ¼euksuhr½] ou foHkkx

,oe~ ofj"B dkxazsalh usrk


14

1954 bZ- esa tc eSaus dpgjh vkuk 'kq: fd;k rks ml le; iafM+rth ftyk ifj"kn ds odhy FksA ftyk ifj"kn ds f[kykQ eqdneksa dhiSjoh ds nkSjku iafM+r th ls O;fDrxr ifjp; gqvk ;|fi firkthLoxhZ; ykyk t;izdk’k vxzoky th ls mudk ifjp; igys ls gh FkkAmlh nkSjku dpgjh izkax.k esa fLFkr 'khryokM ikdZ ds Lo:i dkscjdjkj j[kus ds eqn~ns ij brus vf/kd Hkkoqd Fks fd mUgksusa ikdZ dsLFkku ij vf/koDrkvksa ds pSEcj cukus ds izLrko dk Li"V fojks/k

fd;kA xkSjryc gS fd iafM+r th rFkk eqt¶Qjuxj ckj ls tqMs U;k;ky; dh voekuuk ds izfl)okn (AIR 1954 SC 10 ) dh iSjoh ekuuh; LkoksZPPk U;k;ky; ds le{k iwoZ egkU;k;oknh ,e-lh- 'khryokM us dh FkhA Fkk bl okn ds rFkk ikdZ ds mn~?kkVu lekjksg ls tqMs {k.kksa dk o.kZumUgksus viuh vkRedFkk (My Life Law and Other Things) esa Hkh fd;k gSA

iafM+r th vius fujUrj Nius okys ys[kksa rFkk fo’ks"kdj ‘Letter to the Editor’ dkWye dsdkj.k bl dnj izfl) Fks fd bykgkckn esa izfl) bfrgklfon bZ’ojh izlkn us eq>ls eqykdkrds nkSjku vDlj iafM+r th ds ckjs esa iwNrs jgrs Fks A muds ys[k tc tc”tc Hkh bafM;u ,Dlizslesa Nirs Fks rks izk;% os eq>ls v[kckj eaxok fy;k djrs Fks vkSj fu;ekuqlkj okil djrs FksA ,dckj muds iq= ek;kfe= th ls v[kckj dh izfr dgha [kks xbZ rks ek;kfe= th us eq>ls fuosnufd;k fd dì;k iafM+r th vk, rks dg nsuk fd izfr izkIr gks xbZ gSA ckn esa Lo;a iafM+r th esjs?kj ij ;g fuf’pr djus ds fy, vk, fd D;k eq>s v[kckj izkIr gks x;k gSA muds vaxzsth dsys[kksa dh Hkk"kk fo)rkiw.kZ fdarq fdfy"V ugha Fkh cfYd izokgiw.kZ rFkk #fpdj FkhA

iafMrth ds vfrfjDr muds vU; ifjtuksa ls Hkh esjk fujUrj ifjp; jgk gSA mudh ikS=hJhefr e.kkhekyk jkor ,y ,y-,e-ds v/;;u ds nkSjku izk;% ijkeZ’k gsrq esjs ikl vk;k djrh FkhA

rstsUnz dqekjrstsUnz dqekjrstsUnz dqekjrstsUnz dqekjrstsUnz dqekjofj"B ,MoksdsV

iwoZ v/;{k] ckj dkSafly mÙkj izns’k


15

iafMr th ls esjh igyh eqykdkr twu 1958 esa ehjkiqj esa esjs ?kjij gqbZ tc LFkkuh; iqfyldfeZ;ksa dh T;knfr;ksa ds fojks/k esa izn’kZu djjgs esjs ckck th lsB ekjd izlkn th] Jh firkth egs’k pUn th rFkkvU; dbZ iztk lks’kfyLV dk;ZdrkZ;ksa dks fxj¶rkj dj fy;k x;k FkkAiafMr th ml le; ikVhZ ds ftyk/;{k FksA tc og igqpsa rks dbZz gtkjO;fDr;ksa dh vkØksf'kr HkhM us Fkkus dk ?ksjko dj j[kk FkkA iafMr thdh le>cw> ds dkj.k gh ml fnu ogak dksbZ cMh nq?kZVuk ugha ?kVhA

blds mijkUr os gekjs ?kj vk;s vksj esjs ifjtuksa dks lkaRouk nhA vxys fnu iafMr th us lHkhfxj¶rkj O;fDr;ksasa dh tekur djk nh ijUrq esjs ckckth vkSj firkth ds lkFk vU; N% O;fDr;ksaus vius eqpyds Hkjus ls bl 'krZ ij euk dj fn;k fd tc rd Fkkuk/;{k ds f[kykQ dksbZ dkuwuhdk;Zokgh ugh gksxh osa tsy ls ckgj ugh vk;saxsA bl izdkj ;g vkUnksyu vxys yxHkx nks ekgrd pyrk jgk vkSj yksx fxj¶rkfj;ka nsrs jgsA blh nkSjku iafMr th ds lkFk m-iz- o fnYyh dsizeq[k usrk v’kksd esgrk ¼f’kÕk vk;ksx ds v/;Õ½] xsank flag] mfnrukjk;.k 'kekZ] pUnz’ks[kj ¼cknesa iz/kkuea=h½] ukjk;.knÙk frokjh ¼ckn esa dsanh; ea=h o eq[;ea=h½ rFkk ftys ds lHkh usrk tSls&fjiqneu R;kxh] e’kdwj vgen] ';ke flag R;kxh vkfn gekjs ?kj vkrs jgs vkSj eSaa mUgs viusVªSDVj ij cSBkdj vkl ikl ds nsgkrksa esa vke lHkkvksa ds fy, ys tkrk FkkA iafMr th ds Hkk"k.ko muds fopkj cgqr xw< vkSj izHkkfor djus okys gksrs Fks rFkk vke turk mUgs nsork ds :iesa ns[krh FkhA blh vkUnksyu ds nkSjku muls izHkkfor gksdj eSus cEcbZ esa LUkrdksÙkj lekt’kkL=esa ,Mfe’ku uk ysdj flrEcj 1958 esa ,y ,y ch esa ,Mfe’ku fy;k blh vkUnksyu esa iafMrth dks Hkh Ng ekg dh ltk gqbZ vkSj mudh iSjoh izfl) vf/koDrk ckcw Jo.k nso us dh FkhAmuds tsy ls okil vkus ds ckn ehjkiqj ls gh izfl) xqM vkUnksyu dh 'kq:vkr gqbZA

1964 esa tc iztk lks’kfyLV izkVhZ dk dkWxzsl esa foy; gqvk rks x;wj vyh fo/kk;d cus rFkkpUnz’ks[kj tujy lSdsVjh cus rc Hkh lHkh iafMr th ls jk; ysus ds fy, vk;k djrs FksA 1976esa vkikrdky ds nkSjku gqbZ iqfyl Qkbfjax dh baDok;jh ds nkSjku rRdkyhu ftykf/kdkjh fctsUnz;kno ds LFkku ij ;ksxsUnz ukjk;.k dh fu;qfDr esa iafMr th dh fo’ks"k Hkwfedk FkhA

iafMr th jktuhfrd&lektlsoh rFkk lR;ewfrZ ds :i esa tkus igpkus tkrs FksA os cgqr n‘<fopkjksa ds O;fDr Fks rFkk NwvkNwr dks fcYdqy ugh ekurs FksA mudk dguk Fkk thou fcuk pfj=ds ugh gksrkA igys O;fDr dks viuk pfj= lq/kkjuk pkfg, rc jktuhfr esa vkuk pkfg, rkfdnwljksa dks ulhgr feysA

lqHkk"k pUn egs’ojhlqHkk"k pUn egs’ojhlqHkk"k pUn egs’ojhlqHkk"k pUn egs’ojhlqHkk"k pUn egs’ojhofj"B vf/koDrk] loksZPPk U;k;ky;

,oe~ ofj"B dkaxzsl usrk


16

esjs firkth Lo- }kfjdk izlkn feRry ,MoksdsV vkSj iafMr th cgqrdjhch Fks vkSj iafMr th mUgsa viuk cM+k HkkbZ ekurs FksA eSa mUgsa pkpkth dgk djrk Fkk vkSj lEeku Lo:i muds lnSo iSj Nqvk djrk FkkAtc esjs firk th dh e`R;q gqbZ rks mlds mijkar os ges'kk dgk djrs Fksfd ekrk th dk [;ky j[kukA esjs cMs+ HkkbZ gfjeksgu th ls mudh vkSjvf/kd ?kfu"Brk Fkh vkSj gfjeksgu th dpgjh esa muds cjkcj okysfcLrj ij cSBk djrs FksA

firk th ds lkFk gh eSa odkyr ds O;olk; esa vk x;k Fkk ysfduiafMr th ofj"B vf/koDrk gksus ds dkj.k esjs lnSo ekxZ n'kZd jgsaA ;|fi iafMr th cgqr O;LrvfèkoDrk ugha Fks ysfdu mudh odkyr dk rkSj rjhdk cgqr lh/kk&lk/kk FkkA iafMr th fl)kUrksads izfrc) Fks vkSj blh dkj.k U;k;ky; dh vkoekuuk okys ekeys esa muds utfj;s dks ekuuh;lokZsPp U;k;ky; us Hkh vfHkLohd`fr iznku dh FkhA

ckr ml le; dh gS tc 1952 ds igys pquko esa firk th vkSj iafMr th eqt¶Qjuxjdh foèkkulHkk lhV ds pquko esa izfr}U}h Fks vkSj firk th dkaxzsl vkSj iafMr th iztk lks'kfyLVikVhZ ds mEehnokj FksA ml pquko ds fu.kZ; esa dkaxzsl dh yksdfiz;rk dk egÙoiw.kZ ;ksxnku FkkvkSj iafMr th pquko gkj x, FksA jkr ds yxHkx X;kjg cts pquko dh erx.kuk iwjh gqbZ vkSjizkr% djhcu pkj cts iafMr th esjs firk th dks pquko thrus dh cèkkbZ nsus vk x,A os lclsigys O;fDr Fks tks thr dh c/kkbZ nsus vk, FksA Li"V Fkk fd iafMr th ds fy, pquko dh gkj&thrO;fDrxr lEcU/kksa ij vizHkkoh Fkh vkSj iafMr th ds fy, pquko in yksyqIrk ls c<+dj lektvkSj jk"Vª dh lsok ls tqM+k gqvk ekeyk FkkA iafMr th mu yksxks es ls Fks ftuds fy, jktuhfrdk lkoZtfud thou ,d fe'ku FkkA

1977 dh ,d jkspd ?kVuk gS tc eSa muds dgus ij turk ikVhZ dk lnL; cuk Fkk vkSjturk ikVhZ dh ,d jSyh esa cl esa cSBdj fnYyh x;k Fkk tgk¡ jkeyhyk xzkm.M esa Lo- t;izdk'kukjk;.k dh ,d cgqr cM+h tulHkk gqbZ FkhA

os vusd ckj eqt¶Qjuxj ckj ds isazlhMsUV jgs ysfdu mudh ,d [k+kfl;r jgh fd pkgsmudk dksbZ fdruk Hkh fojks/kh gks mudh cqjkbZ ugha dj ldrkA fdlh dk fojks/k djus dk mudkvkèkkj lnSo lS)kafrd gksrk FkkA

iafMr th ds thou ij xk¡/kh th dk cgqr izHkko FkkA xk¡/kh th dh egkurk okLro eas bl ckrls gS fd mUgksusa cq) vkSj egkohj dh rjg vke vkneh ds thou vkSj pfj= dks lq/kkjus dkiz;kl fd;kA muds iz;kl fdlh fo'ks"k mn~ns'; ds fy, ugh cfYd tulk/kkj.k ds fy, Fks vkSjiafMr th xk¡/kh th ds fopkjksa dh lPph izfrewfrZ FksA

mudk thou lknxh ls iw.kZ Fkk vkSj os fdlh cMs caxys esa ugh jgrs Fks ;k cgqr vf/kdèku&nkSyr ds ekfyd ugh FksA ;fn os tjk Hkh voljoknh gksrs rks dkaxzsl NksM+dj iztk lks'kfyLVikVhZ Lohdkj ugha djrs vkSj usg: th ls vius O;kfDrxr lEcU/kksa ds dkj.k dksbZ Hkh egÙoiw.kZin xzg.k dj ldrs FksA ftl le; mUgksaus dkaxzsl ikVhZ NksM+h ml le; iafMr th ikVhZ ds ofj"BreO;fDr;ksa esa ls ,d FksA eSa muds ckjs esa ,d gh ckr dg ldrk gw¡] ^^tkus dgk¡ x, oks yksx**A

eueksgu feÙkyeueksgu feÙkyeueksgu feÙkyeueksgu feÙkyeueksgu feÙkyofj"B ,MoksdsV


17

esjk laokn 1958 ls dkxszal ikVhZ ds lnL; rFkk vf/koDrk nksuks:i ls iafMr th ds lkFk jgkA ifaMr th us ,d vf/koDrk rFkkjktuhfrK nksuks :iksa esa vkn’kZ cjdjkj j[ksA muds ckj”vè;{k dsdk;Zdky ds nkSjku uofu;qDr ftykf/kdkjh rFkk iqfyl vf/k{kd Lo;avkSipkfjd eqykdkr ds fy, vk;k djrs FksA fujarj vusd o"kksZ rdfuZfojks/k v/;{k fuokZfpr gksus ds nkSjku ckj dh tks xfjek jgh] oSlhfQj dHkh ugha jghA

rRdkyhu dkxszal jktuhfr es iwoZ jkT;iky fojsanz oekZ] ftUgs ykyk lqer izlkn lfØ; jktuhfr esyk, Fks rFkk muds leFkZd }kfjdk izlkn ¼iwoZ fo/kk;d½ okLro esa dqyhu rFkk /kfud oxZ ds leFkZdFks] tcfd buds foijhr czge izdk’k th vke vkneh ds iSjksdkj FksA muds lkeus cMs vkSj ncaxO;fDr;kas dk dksbZ vf/kd egRo ugh FkkA eq>s vkt Hkh ;kn gS fd tc vius iz/kkueaf=Ro dkyds nkSjku tc usg: th 'kqØrky vk, rks iafMr th ls cgqr lehI; rFkk vknj ds lkFk feysA

iztk lks’kfyLV ikVhZ ds dky esa ftys esa iafMr th ds lkfFk;ksa esa ckcw gksf’k;kj flag] Mk-jkeukFk] Mk- ckcwjke vkfn vU; izeq[k lks’kfyLV usrk Fks rFkk fjiqneu R;kxh vktdy ds usg:us= fpfdRlky;] vk;Ziqjh fLFkr ikVhZ dk;Zky; dh ns[kjs[k djrs FkssA ,d ckj gqde flag ,MoksdsV¼iwoZ ea=h] m-iz-½ ds lkFk iafMr th esjh lhV ij vk, vkSj vkrs gh vR;ar ukjktxh ls cksys fdrqEgkjh dakxszal ljdkj vktdy D;k dj jgh gSA bl ij eSaus vius cpko es dgk fd ;g rksbu gqde flag th ls iwfN, tks vkids lkFk vk, gS vkSj ftUgksus vkikrdky ds leFkZu es fo/kkulHkk esa c;kyhl feuV dk Hkk"k.k fn;k FkkA

jke dqekj dkSf'kdjke dqekj dkSf'kdjke dqekj dkSf'kdjke dqekj dkSf'kdjke dqekj dkSf'kd,MoksdsV

iwoZ ps;jeSu] ftyk lgdkjh cSad

,oe~ ofj"B usrk dkxzsal


18

1942 esa tc CkMs HkkbZ y{eh pUn o vkRekjke th us vkUnksayu esaHkkx fy;kA vkUnksyu ds nkSjku iafMr th gekjs xk¡o nw/kyh vkrs jgrsFks rFkk ,d [kkys ds ikl Nqirs FksA esjh ekrk th [kkuk cukus ds cknesjs }kjk iafMr th rd igqapokrh FkhA blds mijkUr 1951 bZ- esadkaxzslh fopkj/kkjk ls izsfjr gksus ds dkj.k ds’ko xqIr th ds ;gka vkustkus lss iafMr th ds O;fDrxr lEidZ esa vk;kA tc fojsUnz oekZ us ftyk;qod dkaxzsl dk v/;{k cukus dk izLrko fd;k rks iafMr th us eq>s

vPNk dk;ZdrkZ cuus dk lq>ko fn;kA 1952 esa tc ds’ko xqIr th us fo/kku lHkk dk pquko yMkrks eSa ifMr th ds lkFk ,d iqjkuh lh xkMh esa izpkj gsrq nfr;kuk xkao x;kA bl xkMh dh ckWMhydMh dh Fkh rFkk xkMh nynyh jkLrs esa iyV x;hA bl nq?kZVuk esa esjk iSj VwV x;kA iafMr thus rqjar fpfdRlkYk; esa Hkjrh djkdj LoLFk gksus rd esjh cMh ns[kjs[k dh vkSj jkstkuk feBkbZ;k Qy yk;k djrs FksA rHkh ls eq>s feBkbZ [kkus dk 'kkSd gks x;kA

,d ckj eSus iwNk fd vki pquko D;ksa ugh yMrs rks iafM+r th us tokc fn;k fd ;fn lHkhpquko yMsaxsa odZjh dkSu djsxkA tc iafMr th ,e ,y lh- fuokZfpr gq, rks eSus mUgs c/kkbZ nhrks mUgksus dgk fd u rks ;g jksus dh ckr gS u [kq’k gksus dhA

muds fiz; O;fDr;ksa esa iwoZ fo/kk;d lqxupUn etnwj Hkh Fks ,d ckj mUgksus etkd esa iwNkfd ;g etnwj D;ksa yxkrs gks ;g etnwj D;k gksrk gS\ rks lqxu pUn th us tokc fn;k fd vkSjD;k Hkaxh fy[kwa\ iafMr th dHkh fjD’kk esa ugha cSSBrs Fks blfy, dbZ ckj iafMr th gSV o Nrjhyxkdj rFkk lqxupUn th mudk fcLrj da?ks ij j[kdj dogjh vkrs”tkrs Fks ojuk fcLrj fjD’kkesa j[kokdj os Loa; ihNs iSny pyk djrs FksA

tc eq-uxj ckj dk foHkktu gqvk rks ,M- ';keyky o f’ko’kadj yky foHkktu ds leFkZuesa Fks rFkk iafMr th vkSj iwoZ ea=h gqdeflag fojks/k esa FksA ckj ds foHkktu ds ckn Lora=rk fnolds volj ij iafMr th us nks LFkkuksa ij >.Mk Qgjkus dk dMk fojks/k fd;kA rc ,d gh LFkkuij >.Mk Qgjk;k x;kA

iafMr th ds HkkbZ izdk’k th loksZn; usrk Fks muls izHkkfor gksdj eSa Hkh dkaxzsl NksMdj loksZn;ikVhZ esa 'kkfey gks x;kA vkikrdky ds nkSjku izdk’k HkkbZ vkikrdky ds leZFkd FksA uxj esa'khry izlkn ¼iwoZ izkpk;Z] Mh-,-oh- fMxzh dkyst eq-uxj½ HkkbZ y{eh pUn rFkk dbZ vU; usrkfxj¶rkj gks x, ijUrq rRdkyhu ftykf/kdkjh ;ksxsUnz ukjk;.k ekFkqj ds dkj.k iafMr thvkikrdky ds dVq fojks/kh gksus ds ckotwn fxj¶rkj ugh gq,A

t;izdk’k vktknt;izdk’k vktknt;izdk’k vktknt;izdk’k vktknt;izdk’k vktkn,MoksdsV

iwoZ v/;{k] ckj ,lksf,’ku eqt¶Qjuxj,oe~ xk¡/khoknh fpUrd


19

eSa tc y[kuÅ esa fof/k dk Nk= Fkk rks izk;% lka; ds le;rRdkyhu dqyifr vkpk;Z ujsUnz nso ds fuokl LFkku ij pyk tk;kdjrk FkkA vkpk;Z th Lo;a izdkaM fo}ku Fks rFkk lektoknh gksus dsdkj.k lektoknh fopkj/kkjk ds fparu dk lkfu/; izkIr gksrk FkkA ppkZds nkSjku izk;% iafMr th dh ppkZ gks tk;k djrh Fkh] ftlls izHkkforgksdj eSaus esjB ftys ds ,d lkaln dks ,d larqfr i= fy[kus dh izkFkZukdh ftlls eSa mudk lkfu/; ik ldw¡A dqN le; ckn tc odkyr

O;olk; esa layXurk ds dkj.k lks’kfyLV ikVhZ esa esjh xfrfofèk;k¡ de gks xÃ rks os eq>s brokjhyky dgus yxs FksA mudh ,d vVSph”fcLrj ges’kk ckj vkWfQl esa j[kh jgrh FkhA tc Hkh iqfylfdlh vkanksayu esa fxj¶rkj djrh rks og dpgjh ls gh mBdj tsy pys tkrs FksA

,d ckj iztk lks’kfyLV ikVhZ ds vkg~okgu ij tsy tkus ds mijkar dÃ ekg ckn tc okilvk;s fd ,d vU; vkznkasyu ds nkSjku iqu% tsy tkus dk izLrko vk;kA bl ij e’kdqn~nhu,MoksdsV us fxj¶rkjh gsrq igys tRFks dk nkf;Ro fy;k vkSj fxj¶rkjh dh ?kks"k.kk dh lwpukvMrkfyl ?kaVs iwoZ ftyk iz’kklu dks ns nhA ftl le; fxj¶rkjh gsrq iqfyl ny dpgjh vk;krks mUgksus fxj¶rkjh ls badkj fd;k ftlls cMh fdjdjh gqÃA ,sls esa iafMr th fxj¶rkjh gsrq iqu%rS;kj gks x;s rFkk vU; O;fDr;ksa dks ihNs NksMdj Lo;a tsy pys x;sA

,d ckj vius vuqHko ds vk/kkj ij iafMr th us v[kckj esa fy[kk fd QthZ fpfdRlkizek.ki= crk;s tk jgsa gS arks vusd fpfdRldksa rFkk ljdkjh vLirkyksa ds eq[; fpfdRlkvfèkdkjh us iafMr th dks i= fy[k dj O;fDrxr rkSj ij LiLVhdj.k nsrs gq, bl rF; ls badkjfd;k fd ,slk okLro esa gksRkk gSA bl ckr ls irk yxrk gS fd mlds le; esa lekt ckj la?kds v/;{k ds oDrO; dks fdruh xaHkhjrk ls ysrk FkkA orZeku esa ckj la?k ds v/;{k ls ,sls oDrO;dh vis{kk djuk vR;ar nqyZHk gSA

iafMr th cMs Hkkoqd O;fDr FksA tc gfjeksgu feRry ,MoksdsV ¼uksVjh½ dh e‘R;q gqÃ rks blvkdfLed na[kn ?kVuk ij iafMr th dh vk¡[kksa esa vk¡lw vk x;s vkSj cgqr fujk’kkiw.kZ Loj esa cksysfd HkkÃ tkus dh rks gekjh mezzzzz Fkh ijarq gekjs lkeus gekjs cPps tk jgsa gSaA gfjeksgu th iafMrth ds fe= ';keyky ,MoksdsV ds nkekn Fks rFkk Lo;a ';keyky th muls mez esa dÃ o"kZ NksVs FksA

1971 ds pqukoksa ds ckn tc dkaxzsl dk iqu% foHkktu gks x;k rks mlh nksjku eSusa ;qokrqdZpUnz’ks[kj th ls eqykdkr dh rks esjs ek/;e ls pUnz’ks[kj us iafMr th dks dkaxzsl ¼Ã½ esa 'kkfeygksus dk izLrko Hkstk rks mlds tokc es mUgksus eq>ls dgk fd izR;sd O;fDr dh viuhvkÃfM;ksyksth gksrh gS rFkk izR;sd O;fDr vius utfj;s ds vk/kkj ij fu.kZ; ysus ds fy;s Lora=gSA iafMr th dk ;g tokc tc eSus pUnz’ks[kj th dks lquk;k rks mUgksus izfrfØ;k Lo:i dgk fdiafMr th dk utfj;k fcYdqy lgh gSA

iwoZ j{kk jkT; ea=h egkohj R;kxh ¼nsgjknwu½ iafMr th [kkl fe=ksa esa FksA ,d ckj R;kxh thus vkehZ dh iwjh onhZ /kkj.k dh rFkk dkfQys ds lkFk o[rjcan xkfM;ksa dks rks :Mdh dh vksjjokuk dj fn;k rFkk Lo;a uqekÃ’k xzkmaM ds lehi lSfudksa dks iafDrc) dj dok;n djrs gq,


20

f’kopkSd vkSj Hkxrflag jksM ds jkLrs vkcdkjh jksM fLFkr muds fuokl rd igq¡ps rFkk ogk¡igqapdj iafMr th dks vkokt yxkÃ rFkk iafMr th ds ckgj vkus ij QkSth lSY;qV fd;k] ,slhFkh iafMr th dh 'kf[l;r A

'kkL=h th ,d ckj tc ,d tulHkk dks lacksf/kr djus HkSalh xzke fudV eqt¶Qjuxj igqWpsrks mUgksaus iafMr th dks cqykus ds fy;s lwpuk Hksth fd tc rd iafMr th ugha vk;saxas og tulHkkdks lacksf/kr ugha djaxsaA ;|fi ml le; iafMr th lks’kfyLV ikVhZ ds lnL; FksA lHkk LFky igqWpusij ‘kkL=h th us ?kks"k.kk djkÃ fd iafMr th ls vuqjks/k gS fd os eap ij LFkku xzg.k djsaA ijarqmUgksuas eap ij vkklu xzg.k djuk vLohdkj dj fn;k D;ksafd og dkaxzsl dk dk;ZØe Fkk ftldhlnL;rk ls og R;kxi= ns pqds FksA

dkaxzsl dk foHkktu ds mijkar tc rRdkyhu eq[;ea=h xqIrk th eqT¶Qjuxj vk;s rks ykyktxr izlkn] ps;jeSu flVh cksMZ] eqT¶Qjuxj ds fuokl LFkku ij BgjsaA iafMr th dk ft+Ø vkusij txr izlkn th us dgk fd ;fn vki dgsa rks eSa mUgsa ys vkrk gw¡A ;g lqudj xqIrk th eqLdqjk;svkSj dgk vxj vki ,slk dj ldrsa gSa rks ys vkÃ,A xqIrk th dh xkMh ysdj tc ykyk txrizlkn th x<+h xksjoku fLFkr iafMr th ds fuokl ij igq¡psa rks iafMr th us vkus ls lkQ badkjdj fn;k vkSj dgk fd xqIrk th dkaxzsl ikVhZ ds dk;Z ds flyflys esa i/kkjs gSa vkSj mUgsa Lo;a dksxqIrk th ls dksÃ dk;Z ugha gSA vr% ;fn xqIrk th vko’;d le>rs gSa rks og lg"kZ i/kkj ldrsagSaA tc txr izlkn th vdsys okil ykSVs rks xqIrk th cksys fd eSa vPNh rjg tkurk Fkk fd iafMrth ugha vk;saxsaA blds mijkar lh-ch- xqIrk th Lo;a iafMr th ds fuokl LFkku ij igqWpdjeqykdkr dhA

iafMr th dks oxZ foHksn ls l[+r ukjktxh Fkh vkSj os vkanksykuksa esa dk;ZdÙkkZvksa ds lkFk dUèksls dU/kk feykdj pyus okyksa eas ls FksA pUnz’ks[kj th ds HkkaSMlh vkJe esa ,d dk;Zdze ds nkSjkuiafMr th vius fy;s nh xÃ vyx O;oLFkk dks NksM dj vU; dk;ZdrkZvksa ds lkFk rEcw esa gh:ds rFkk Hkkstu Hkh ges’kk vius dk;ZdrkZvksa ds lkFk gh fd;kA

gqdqe pUn efydgqdqe pUn efydgqdqe pUn efydgqdqe pUn efydgqdqe pUn efydofj"B vf/koDrk


21

iafMr th ds okjs esa fparu djus ij ,d iqjkuh rLohj dkSa/k tkrhgS tc 1958 esa ehjkiqj esa iztk lks’kfyLV ikVhZ ds usr‘Ro esa iqfyl dhdk;Ziz.kkyh ds fo:) ,d l’kDr vkanksyu pyk Fkk] ml le; eSa ch-,- dk fo|kFkhZ FkkA ml vkanksyu esa iafMr th ds n’kZu gq, FksA mlhifj.khfr es eSaa 1960 esa iztk lks’kfyLV ikVhZ dk lnL; gks x;kA iafMrth ml le; izns’k ds izeq[k lektokfn;ksa esa ls ,d FksA

mudk thou ,d vkn’kZ thou FkkA os lR; ds iqtkjh Fks rFkk lR;dks LFkkfir djus ds fy;s mudk thou lnk lefiZr jgkA A muds okjs esa izfl) Fkk fd iafMrth us vxj ;s ckr dgh gS rks dgh gh gksxh vkSj muds fojks/kh Hkh mudh bl [kkfl;r dk yksgkekurss FksA lu~ 1962 ls rks esjk mudk fujarj lEidZ jgk rFkk 1963 ds xqM+ vkanksyu esa rksmuds lkFk tsy esa jgus dk volj izkIr gqvkA ml vkanksyu esa izfl) izlksik usrk ckcw xsank flagHkh ;gha eqt¶Qjuxj tsy esa FksAvktknh dh yM+kÃ esa viuk loZLo gkse djus okys iafMr thvktknh ds ckn Hkh yMrs jgs vkSj tsy tkrs jgs flQZ blfy, fd os lektoknh Hkkjr dk fuekZ.kdjuk pkgrs FksA

iafMr th jktusrk ds lkFk ,d i=dkj Hkh FksA muds gtkjksa i= fofHkUu v[kckjksa esa eq[;r;kvaxzsth esa izdkf’kr gq, gSa ftuds tfj;s mUgksaus jktuhfrKksa rFkk rRdkyhu jktO;oLFkk ij pqVhysizgkj fd;s gSaA mudk izfl) 'kssj gS&

fut+kes eSdnk gS dqN bl dnj fcxM+k gqvk ,s lkdh]fd mUgha dks tke feyrk gSa ftUgs ihuk ugha vkrkA

1965 es tc eSa Mk- jkeeuksgj yksfg;k ls feyk rks mUgksaus lcls igys iafMr th dhdq’ky&{kse iwwWNh rFkk fVIi.kh dh fd iafMr th dHkh gekjs lkFk ugha jgk] ojuk if’peh mRrj izns’kesa lektokfn;ksa dh rLohj nwljh gksrhA

tc v’kksd esgrk ds usr‘Ro esa izlksik ds vf/kdrj lnL; dkaxzsl esa x;s rks iafM+r th ughax;s] os v’kksd esgrk ykÃu ds ?kksj fojks/kh Fks] ijarq ckn esa tc 'kkL=h th iz/kkuea=h cus rks iafM+rth muds cqykos ij dkaxzsl esa pys x,A blds ckn iafM+r th ds vkokl ij lHkh izeq[klektoknh;ksa dh ,d cSBd gqÃ] ftles eSus muds dkaxzsl esa tkus dk leFkZu fd;k Fkk ;|fi eSaLo;a dkxzsal esaa 'kkfey ugha gqvk] esjk ,slk ekuuk Fkk fd 1948 esa lektokfn;ksa us dkaxzsl ls vyxgksdj xyrh dh Fkh bldk lkjk ykHk mu rkuk’kkgh rkdrksa dks igqWp x;k tks /keZ tkfr ds jkLrsij ns’k dks ys tkuk pkgrha FkhA

lR;ohj vxzokylR;ohj vxzokylR;ohj vxzokylR;ohj vxzokylR;ohj vxzoky,MoksdsV

lektoknh fopkjd] laiknd ,oe~ ys[kd


22

t+Qj bl vkyes&ihjh eSa rsjs oks bjkns gSfd ftuls Fkd ds jg tk;s tokuksa dh tokuh Hkh”

cgknqj’kkg t+Qj dh bu iafDr;ksa ds lkFk ftl O;fDr dh rLohjesjs vk¡[kksa ds lkeus vkrh gS og gS”iafMr czã izdk’k 'kekZA 1963 esadpgjh vkus ij bl HkO; 'kf[l;r ls esjk izFke lEidZ gqvkA tuojh 1968 esa gSnjkckn esa Hkkjrh; dkaxzsl ikVhZ dk okf"kZdvfèkos’ku FkkA eq>s muds lkFk gSnjkckn Vsªu }kjk tkus vkSj ,d gh dejs

esa Bgjus dk volj feykA eSa ml le; mRrj izns’k ;qod dkaxzsl esa {ks=h; ea=h FkkA iafMr thrc ,-vkÃ-lh-lh- ds lnL; FksA

,d fnu ?kj ij eSus muls iwNk fd usg: th us bafnjk th dks fQjkst xk¡/kh ls fookg djusdh btktr dSls ns nh Fkh D;ksafd d’kehjh czkã.k rks viuh d’kehfj;r ij cgqr xoZ djrs gSaAml fnu iafMr th us dgk mUgksus izlUurkiwoZd dksÃ btktr ugha nh FkhA bafnjk th ftn~nh FkhavkSj fcuk ek¡ dh csVh Fkha] 'kk;n blh vglkl dh otg ls mUgksusa cjnk’r dj fy;k FkkA oSlsfQjkst xkW/kh ikfdLrku esa Hkkjr ds jktnwr jg pqds FksA

iafMr th ,d /keZfujis{k O;fDr Fks ysfdu vius vafre o"kksZ esa og vius vki dks vkgreglwl djus yxs FksA tc eSusa iafMr th ls iwNk fd D;k ikfdLrku dk cuuk vfuok;Z Fkk rksiafMr th dqN nsj rd ekSu jgs] fQj cksys] ^xk¡/khth esa vczkge fyadu ;k lqHkk"k tSlh n‘<rk ughaFkhA og vanj ls le>kSrkoknh FksA tc mUgksusa c;ku fn;k Fkk fd ikfdLrku esjh yk’k ds mijgh cusxk rks vke turk us pSu dh lk¡l yh FkhA ysfdu 1946 ds Mk;jsDV ,D’ku esa gq, dydRrkds jDrikr us mUgsa d¡ik fn;k Fkk vkSj mUgksaus lkspk Fkk fd lkFk jgdj jkstejkZ ds dRysvke ns[kusls csgrj gS fd ftUuk dks ikfdLrku ns fn;k tk,A*

'kkgckuksa ds QSlys ds ckn iafMr th dk fopkj Fkk fd bl Qslys dks fujFkZd cukrs gq, tksdkuwu cuk;k gS mlls eqfLye efgykvksa dh cqjh vkfFkZd fLFkfr esa xqtkjsa dk dksÃ cankscLr ughadjsxk vkSj lqizhe dksVZ dh loksZPprk ij Hkh lokfy;k fu’kku yx tk;sxkA blds ckn vfiz; ikusij fgUnw cgqer gh D;ksa mlds fu.kZ; dks flj”ekFks yxk;sxkA

mudh Ãekunkjh] fo}rk rFkk izfrf"Br vaxzsth nSfudksa esa ledkyhu leL;kvksa ij vfHkO;fDrcsfelky FkhA og iw.Zkr;k 'kkdkgkjh FksA [khj mudk fiz; O;atu Fkk] mles Hkh og xUus ds jl dh[khj og cgqr ilan djrs FksA muds cPpksa dh mej ds lHkh mUgsa vCckth dgrs FksA okLro esa,d ojngLr Fkk ftldh xjekgV eSusa vius flj ij eglwl dh Fkh] tks vc ges'kk ds fy;s mBx;k gSA

cztjkt Lo:Ik îkjn’khZ*cztjkt Lo:Ik îkjn’khZ*cztjkt Lo:Ik îkjn’khZ*cztjkt Lo:Ik îkjn’khZ*cztjkt Lo:Ik îkjn’khZ*,MoksdsV

,oe~ lkfgR;dkj


23

iafMr th dh lcls cMh [kkfl;r ;g gS fd os 1930 ls yxkrkjlHkh jk"Vªh; vkUnksyuksa esa lfØ; jgsA ckr 1942 ds Hkkjr NksasMksvkUnksyu ds nkSjku dh gS tc eSa xksiuh; rjhds ls ljdkjh rkj O;oLFkku"V djus ds fy, rkj dkVus ds vfHk;ku esa 'kkfey gks x;k Fkk] mlle; iafMr th xk¡èkh th lesr lHkh cMs usrkvksa dh vpkud fxj¶rkjhds ckn vkUnksyu dks lfØ; j[kus ds fy, lEHkkfor fxj¶rkjh dks ns[krsgq, Hkwfexr gks x, FksA iafMr th dh ,d [kkl ckr Fkh fd os dHkh fjD’kk esa ugha cSBrs

FksA os jkstkuk gSV yxkdj iSny dpgjh rd vk;k djrs FksA muds lkFk muds fo’ks"k iz’kaldiz[;kr gfjtu usrk lqxu pan th] tks mez esa iafMr th ls cgqr NksVs Fks] mudk fcLrj mBkdjdpgjh ys tkrs Fks ;k fQj iafMr th fjD’kk esa fcLrj j[kokdj Lo;a ihNs iSny pyrs FksA cknesa lqxu pan th FkkukHkou {ks= ls fo/kk;d Hkh fuokZfpr gq,A fjD’kk ds ckjs esa mudk er Fkk fdbl O;oLFkk esa dsoy xjhch ds dkj.k gh ,d O;fDr nwljs O;fDr dk cks> <ksus ij etcwj gSAbl eqn~ns ij usg: th ds Hkh dqN ,sls gh fopkj Fks vkSj og fjD’kk O;oLFkk dks vktknh ds cknfcYdqy lekIr djus ds i{k esa Fkss vkSj lkbfdy fjD’kk dks 'kq: djus ij Hkh usg: th flQZblhfy, rS;kj gq, Fks fd ;g vis{kkd`r de vekuoh; gSA

iafMr th iw.Zkr;k 'kkdkgkjh FksA ,d ckj tokgjyky th us Hkkstu dk vkxzg fd;k tcekWlkgkjh Hkkstu ijkslk tk jgk FkkA pqVdh ysrs gq, tokgjyky th usa dgk fd vki flQZ 'kksjckys ysukA bl ij iafMr th us Li"V fd;k fd os iw.kZr;k 'kkdkgkjh gSa vkSj ml crZu rd esa Hkkstudjuk Lohdkj ugha djrs ftlesa ekWlkgkj ijkslk Hkh tkrk gSA rc usg: th cksys fd ns[kus esa rksvki dkQh LoLFk utj vkrs gSaA

iafMr th dks xk¡/kh th ds lkfu/; esa dk;Z djus dk dksÃ lkSHkkX; izkIr ugha gks ldk ijarq,d ckj tc xk¡/kh th eqt¶Qjuxj i/kkjs Fks rks mUgksus iafMr th ds ckjs esa fVIi.kh dh Fkh fd;fn muds tSls lkS O;fDr mUgsa fey tk;s rks mUgsa y{; ikus ds fy;s vU; fdlh dh t:jr ugha gksxhA

iafMr czã izdk’k th dks tokgjyky usg: vius cgqr fudV ekurs FksA ckr ml le; dhgS tc bafnjk&fQjkst ds fookg izLrko ij usg: th dks vkifRr FkhA blh fo"k; dks ysdj usg:th fnYyh ls eqt¶Qjuxj vk;s vkSj lh/ks iafMr czã izdk’k th dks ysdj nsgjknwu igq¡psA ogk¡igqWpdj ,d dejs esa lkjs njokts can dj mulss jk; ysus ds fopkj ls crk;k fd dkQh le>kusds ckotwn bafnjk th fQjkst ds lax fookg ds fy, vfMx gSa] eSa D;k d:aA ;g ckr lqudj iafMrth us dgk fd eq>s ;g ns[kdj vk’p;Z gksrk gS fd Hkkjr dk gksus okyk iz/kkuea=h bl fo"k; ijbl n‘f"Vdks.k ls lksp jgk gSA iafMr th dh fVIi.kh dks lqudj usg: th us lkjs f[kMdh njokts[kksy fn, rFkk fnYyh okil ykSV dj bafnjk rFkk fQjkst xk¡/kh fookg izLrko dks Lohd‘fr ns nh FkhA

Mk- izselq[k 'kekZMk- izselq[k 'kekZMk- izselq[k 'kekZMk- izselq[k 'kekZMk- izselq[k 'kekZ fpfdRld


24

esjs firk Lo- Jh ';keyky ,MoksdsV iafMr th ds ije fe= gksus ds dkj.k muls gekjkiqjkuk ikfjokfjd lEca/k jgk gSA

,d ckj dh ckr gS] iafMr th Jh lh-ch- xqIrk th ¼rRdkyhu eq[;ea=h½ ds lkFk y[kuÅtk jgs FksA blh nkSjku ukjk;.k nRr frokjh dk ftdz vk;k tks ml le; dk’khiqj ls igyh ckjfo/kk;d fuokZfpr gq, FksA rc iafMr th us muds izfr lkdkjkRed n‘f"Vdks.k j[krs gq, mUgs ,dl{ke O;fDr crk;k D;ksafd frokjh th ls iwoZ ifjp; y[kuÅ fo’ofo|ky; dh Nk= jktuhfr] rFkkehjkiqj xqM+ vkanksyu esa iztk lks’kfyLV dk;ZdrkZ ds :Ik esa FkkA iafMr th dh bl ckr ls izHkkforgksdj lh-ch- xqIrk th us frokjh th dks ikfyZ;kesUV lsdszVjh cukus dk fu.kZ; fy;kA bl ?kVukds mijkar tc frokjh th dh eqykdkr gqÃ rks iafMr th th us c/kkÃ nsrs gq, dgk fd og mUgsadsoy fo/kk;d cuus dh c/kkÃ ugha ns jgs gSa cfYd dsfcusV esa Hkh 'kkfey gksus dh Hkh c/kkÃ nsjgs FksA ;g lqudj frokjh th nax jg x;sA bl izdkj frokjh th dks izFke ckj ea=h in dk nkf;RolaHkkyus dk ekSdk izkIr gqvkA

ckr ml le; dh gS tc deyk usg: dk nsgkUr gksus ij tc vkuUn Hkou esa Jhefr deykusg: dh rsjgoha dh jLe dh tk jgh Fkh rc Hkkstu ds fy;s usg: th lHkh vkxarqdksa ds gkFkLo;a /kqyok jgs FksA exj tc usg: th us ns[kk ujsUnz nso gkFk /kksus ds fy;s vk jgs gSa rks mUgsns[kdj usg: th us ldqpkdj iafMr czã izdk’k th ls dgk fd eq>s dqN t:jh dke ;kn vkx;k] vc gkFk rqe /kqyokvks vkSj ikuh dk yksVk iafMr czã izdk’k th ds gkFkksa esa nsdj ?kj dsvanj pys x;sA

tc Lo;a lh-ch- xqIrk th us fo/kku ifj"kn dk lnL; cuus dk vkxzg fd;k rks iafMr thmuds vkxzg ls badkj u dj lds vkSj bl izdkj og fo/kku ifj"kn ds lnL; cusA blds mijkar,d ckj fdlh us jkT; lHkk lnL; gsrq tc jktukjk;.k th ls iafMr th ds uke dh laLrqfr dhrks mUgksus dgk fd ;fn Loa; iafMr th ,slk dgsa rks mUgsa dksÃ badkj ugha gS ijarq fdlh in dksizkIr djus ds fy;s fdlh dks ,d 'kCn Hkh dguk muds LoHkko esa u FkkA

U;k;ky; dh vcekuuk ds ekeys esa tc bykgkckn mPp U;k;ky; us fu.kZ; muds fo:)fu.khZr fd;k rks iafMr th dqN vU; 'kqHkfpardks ds lkFk loksZPp U;k;ky; ds eq[; U;k;/kh’k lseqykdkr gsrq loksZPp U;k;ky; uÃ fnYyh igqapsA ml le; mudh eqykdkr ukjk;.k vLFkkuk¼ekuuh; U;k;/kh’k mPp U;k;ky;½ ds iq= jktsUnz vLFkkuk th ls gqÃ] ftUgksaus mudh eqykdkrrRdkyhu egkU;k;oknh ,e-lh- 'khrykokM+ ¼in~eHkw"k.k ls lEekfur½ ls djkÃ vkSj os vius inls bLrhQk nsdj Hkh bl vk/kkj ij iafMr th dk i{k j[kus dks rS;kj gks x, fd lcls igyseSa ,d odhy gw¡A ckn esa dsUnz ljdkj dh fo'ks"k vuqefr ls mUgksus iafMr th dh vksj ls iSjohdh vkSj voeku ds bl okn esa iafMr th ds bl er dks lS)kafrd leFkZu feyk fd ckj la?kdks U;k;ky; ds dk;Zdykiksa ij lkFkZd fVIi.kh dk vf/kdkj gS rkfd U;k;ikfydk dh xfjek cuhjgsA bl okn ds fu.kZ; ds mijkar tc ekuuh; 'khrykokM th eqt¶Qjuxj i/kkjs rks mudk ,slhHkO; o xeZtks’kh ls Lokxr fd;k x;k tks ,d felky gSA blh lekjksg esa dpgjh izkax.k fLFkrikdZ dk ukekdj.k 'khrykokM th ds uke ij dj fn;k x;k FkkA

Mk- 'kSysUnz dqekjMk- 'kSysUnz dqekjMk- 'kSysUnz dqekjMk- 'kSysUnz dqekjMk- 'kSysUnz dqekjofj"B fpfdRld


25

1967 es tc eSaus lkoZtfud thou esaa dne j[kk rks ml le;iafMr czge izdk’k th ftyk dakxzsl desVh ds egkea=h FksaA 1971 esaftyk ;qod dakxzsl ds v/;{k ohjsUnz oeZk dakxzsl NksMdj Hkkjrh;fdlku ny eas ’kkfey gks x,] rc iafMr th us ds’ko xqIr] jktsUnz nRr]ykyk lysd pUn ¼’kkeyh½] cyoUr flag ,MoksdsV] pkS- ’kQDdr tax¼iwoZ lakln½] lqxu pUn etnwj] lkseka’k izdk’k vkfn ds lg;ksx lsikVhZ dh xfrfof/k;ka tkjh j[kh vkSj ikVhZ foHkktu ds ckn vksYM dkaxzslesa cus jgsA ml tekus dh jktuhfr vkt dh jktuhfr ds foijhr FkhA

1969 ds pqukoksa rd lEekuiwoZd mEehnokjks ds ?kj tkdj fVdV fn;as tkrs FksAiafMr th LoHkko ls cgqr xEHkhj o Hkkoqd O;fDr FksA dkaxzslh usrk ykyk lysd pUn dh gR;k

ds mijkUr nq[kn o rukoiw.kZ ekgksSSy esa iafMr th flVh cksMZ ds pS;jeSu ckcw txr izlkn ,MoksdsVds lkFk lEiw.kZ ’ko ;k=k ds nkSjku Qwyksa ls lth xkMh ds Åij jkr Hkj ykyVsu yssdj cSBs jgsrFkk gfjökj esa vafre fØ;k rd lkFk jgsA

iafMr th esa voljokfnrk dh Hkkouk fcYdqy ugha FkhA ,d ckj rRdkyhu eq[;ea=h panzHkkuqxqIr th ds lkFk y[kuÅ tk jgs Fks rks xqIr th cksys fd iafMr th eSus vkt rd vkidks dqNugh fn;k x;k rc iafMr th us dgk fd eS Hkh dHkh dqN ekaxus ugh vk;kA rqEgsa vxj u dqNcukus dk nq[k gS rks eq>s dqN ikus dh [kq’kh ugh gksxhA

iafMr th us eq>s ,d xq: ea= fn;k Fkk fd de cksyks vkSj tks Hkh cksyks lp cksyksA tc eSausbl ckr dk vFkZ iwNk rks mUgksuss dgk fd tc dksbZ O;fDr vf/kd cksyrk gS rks izk;% >wB cksyrkgSA blfy, ekSu ozr dj i’pkrki djuk pkfg, fd >wB cksyk x;kA Lo- fo|kHkwÔ.k th ¼flVhcksMZ ds iwoZ pS;jeSu½ us Hkh jktuhfr ds xqj iafMr th ls gh xzg.k fd;sA ,d ckj mUgksus fo|kHkwÔ.kth ls dgk Fkk fd ;k rks fdlh ls dke dk ok;nk er djuk] ;fn fd;k tks mls ges’kk iwjk djukAesjh ;kn esa tc Hkh fo/kkHkw"k.k th us fdlh ls dksbZ oknk fd;k rks mls ges’kk iwjk djus dh dksf’k’k dhA

cztHkw"k.k xxZcztHkw"k.k xxZcztHkw"k.k xxZcztHkw"k.k xxZcztHkw"k.k xxZofj"B Økaxzslh O;ikjh usrk


26

iafMr th ls esjh eqykdkr esjs ckY;dky ls ysdj mudh e`R;q ds nksfnu iwoZ rd fujUrj jgh gSA cpiu esa esjk ?kj muds fuokl LFkku dsfcYdqy fudV Fkk vkSj os izk;% ds'koxqIr th ls feyus muds ?kj tk;kdjrs Fks] tgk¡ ikfdLrku ¼cgkoyiqj½ ls vkus ds ckn esjh ekrk thukSdjh fd;k djrh FkhA

muls esjh igyh eqykdkr cgqr jkspd <ax ls gqbZ] tc eSusacky&lqyHk mRlqdrk ds dkj.k iafMr th ls iwNk fd iafMr tokgj yky

usg: vkids ?kj D;ksa vkrs gSA ;g okd;k lu~ 1951 ds vkl ikl dk gS tc iafMr th iRFkjokyh ljk; esa fLFkr esjs Ldwy vk;s FksA esjh ckr lqudj os gYds ls g¡ls vkSj vkxs bekeckMs+ds ikl :ds tgk¡ esjh muls dkQh ckrphr gqbZA blds ckn muls bruh vkReh;rk gks xbZ fdtc Hkh os vkrs Fks rks eq>s t:j iqdkjrs FksA eq>s vkt Hkh muds 'kCn ;kn gS] ^ns[kuk] ;g yM+dkvkxs pydj ,d cM+k f[kykM+h cusxk**A

muds lkFk esjs cpiu dh dqN cgqr ehBh ;knsa tqM+h gqbZ gSA eq>s ;kn vkrk gS fd eSamuds lkFk dkyh unh ij ugkus tk;k djrk Fkk vkSj tc unh Vhys ds fcYdqy ikl ls cgk djrhFkhA eSa muds ?kj ds lkeus ds frdksuss ikdZ esa daps [ksys djrk Fkk vkSj os vius ?kj ds lkeuscSBdj eq>s ns[krs jgrs FksA

muds ?kj ij VsyhQksu cgqr ckn esa yxk vkSj eSa izk;% muls feyus ds fy, tc muds ?kjtk;k djrk Fkk rks os izk;% ?kj ds ckgj pcwrjs ij gh feyk djrs FksA muds fe=ksa esa egk'k;eaxr flag] txrizdk'k ,MoksdsV] ds'ko xqIr ,e-,y-,- rFkk ps;jeSu dhfrZHkw"k.k izdk'k izeq[k Fksftuds ikl os vDlj vk;k&tk;k djrs FksA

tc eSaus igyh ckj v[kckj fudkyk Fkk rks igys fnu gh os esjs ikl vk;s FksA nSfud v[kckjfudkyus dh izsj.kk eq>s lu~ 1972&73 dh ,d ?kVuk ls feyh] tc rRdkyhu ftykf/kdkjh Jhds-ih- cgknqj us ,d izsl dkWÝsal cqykbZ vkSj iafMr th ml izsl dkWÝasl esa us'kuy gsjkYM vkSjeSa mÙke cqysfVu ¼ekfld i=½ ds izfrfuf/k ds rkSj ij mifLFkr FkkA ,d LFkkuh; nSfud v[kckjds izfrfuf/k ds nsjh ls vkus ds dkj.k gq, foyEc ls iafMr th ukjkt gq, vkSj ogk¡ ls pyus dksm|r gks x;s FksA mudk dguk Fkk fd O;fDr dks vius lEeku dh j{kk dk /;ku lnSo j[kukpkfg,A iz'kklu ds n`f"Vdks.k esa LFkkuh; nSfud i= ds egÙo dks ns[krs gq, mlh {k.k eSuas Hkheqt¶Qjuxj gsrq ,d LFkkuh; i= ds izdk'ku dk fu.kZ; fy;k FkkA izkjEHk esa eqt¶Qjuxj cqysfVulIrkfgd vkSj fQj 'kh?kz gh nSfud gks x;kA

iafMr th bl i= ds izdk'ku esa le;≤ ij viuk vewY; ;ksxnku fn;kA mUgksaus eq>sfn'kk funZs'k fn;k fd eSa tc Hkh dksbZ [kcj izdkf'kr d:¡ rks dksbZ nqfo/kk esjs eu esa uk gks rFkkdHkh Hkh dksbZ [kcj iSls ysdj uk izdkf'kr d:¡A mUgksaus ;g Hkh dgk fd ;fn dksbZ [kcj fookfnrgks vkSj lekt ds fgr dh gks rks fojks/k dk lkeuk n`<+rkiwoZd d:¡A

muds ijke'kZ ij muds ?kj ds ikl ijpwu dh nqdku djus okys ,d ;qod ls eSauas v[kckjesa fy[kokuk 'kq: fd;k tks enuyky xEHkhj mQZ eyax ds uke ls eqt¶Qjuxj cqysfVu esa ^NhaVk*ds uke ls LrEHk fy[kk djrk FkkA LrEHk dh fo"k; lkexzh dVk{kiw.kZ vkykspuk gqvk djrh Fkh


27

vkSj iafMr th }kjk vfUre :i ls tk¡pus ds ckn lh/ks izsl esa pyh tk;k djrh Fkh vkSj eSa Lo;aHkh ml LrEHk dks izdkf'kr gksus ds mijkUr i<+k djrk FkkA

iafMr th yksdrkaf=d ewY;ksa ds cMs fgek;rh FksA vkikrdky ds nkSjku jkeukFk xks;udk th¼bf.M;u ,Dlizsl½ ds n¶rj ij tc ljdkjh uhfr;ksa ds f[kykQ ys[k Nkius ds dkj.k tc NkikiM+k rks iafMr th us bl d`R; ds f[kykQ ,d ys[k fy[kk ftldk lkj Fkk fd yksdra= esa lÙkki{k dks fojksf/k;ksa dh cnkZ'r djus dh {kerk gksuh pkfg,A

iafMr th ds O;fDrRo dh egRoiw.kZ [kkfl;r ;g gS fd tks os dgrs Fks oks ogh djrs FksA mudhlksp Li"V Fkh vkSj tks og fu.kZ; dj ysrs Fks mls fdlh ds Hkh dgus ij ugh cnyrs FksA iafMrth dk jgu&lgu fcYdqy lk/kkj.k Fkk vkSj os lnSo [kknh iguk djrs FksA eq>s ;g rks /;ku ughgS fd D;k osa Lo;a dh dkrh gqbZ [kknh igurs Fks] ijUrq esjh ;kn esa mUgksusa dHkh [kknh ds vykokdksbZ vU; izdkj dk oL= dHkh ugh iguk FkkA

iafMr th vDlj iksLVdkMZ fy[kk djrs Fks vkSj eq>s Hkh dbZ ckj mUgksusa blh ek/;e ls lwfprfd;k FkkA os ges'kk cgqr ckfjd vkSj lko/kkuh ls fy[kk djrs FksA dbZ ckj iafMr th v[kckjksaesa iksLVdkMZ dks gh VkbZi djds Hkst fn;k djrs Fks mudk ekuuk Fkk fd iksLVdkMZ dks yksx T;knkxaHkhj rjhds ls i<+rs gSA viuh e`R;q ls yxHkx ,d lIrkg igys mUgksaus eq>s ,d iksLVdkMZ fy[kktks ges'kk dh Hkkafr gkFk ls uk fy[kdj vaxzsth esa VkbZi fd;k gqvk Fkk] ftlesa mUgksaus eq>s vk'khZoknfn;k FkkA tc eSa muls feyus mudh e`R;q ds nks fnu igys igq¡pk rks eSaus vaxszth esa iksLVdkMZ VkbZidjus dk dkj.k iwNk rks mUgksausa tokc fn;k fd eq>s vc T;knk vPNh rjg ls utj ugh vkrkvkSj iksLVdkMZ ds tfj;s lans'k Hkstus dk viuk ,d egRo gSA

iafMr th ls tc Hkh eSa feyus tkrk Fkk] rks os VkbZijkbVj ls VkbZi djrs gq, feyrs FksA muds?kj dk eq[; njoktk lnSo [kqyk jgrk Fkk vkSj os vius vkWfQl esa pqipki cSBs VkbZi djrs FksAdejs esa mudh mifLFkfr dk Hkku VkbZijkbVj ds pyus dh vkokt ls gh gksrk FkkA os lnSoVkbZijkbVj dks vius ikl j[krs Fks vkSj eq>s ;kn gS fd iafMr th ,e-,y-lh- ds dk;Zdky dsnkSjku Hkh tc y[kuÅ tkrs Fks rks VkbZijkbVj lnSo muds cSx esa jgk djrk FkkA mudk fopkjFkk ^VkbZijkbVj mudk lcls vPNk vuqpj gS D;ksafd og ogh lc fy[krk gS tks os fy[kokrs gSA**

iafMr th dks O;oLFkk dh xgjh le> FkhA nsgkUr ds djhc ,d lky igys iafMr th esjsv[kckj ds n¶rj vk, vkSj pqipki yxHkx ,d ?k.Vs rd cSBs jgsA tc eSa ckgj fudyk rkseSaus mUgsa ns[kk vkSj iwNk fd mUgksaus vkus ij eq>dks [kcj D;ksa ugh dhA bl ckr ij mUgksaus tokcfn;k ^êSa n¶rj ds deZpkfj;ksa dk vkxUrqdksa ds izfr joS;k ns[k jgk FkkA eq>s cw<+k O;fDr tkudjfdlh Hkh deZpkjh us ;g tkuus dh dksf'k'k Hkh ugh dh fd eSa fdl flyflys esa ;gk¡ vk;k gw¡A;g joS;k fcYdqy mfpr ugh gSA**

mÙke PkUn 'kekZmÙke PkUn 'kekZmÙke PkUn 'kekZmÙke PkUn 'kekZmÙke PkUn 'kekZiz/kku lEiknd] eqt¶Qjuxj cqysfVu

,oa lnL; izsl dkmafly vkWQ bf.M;k


28

esjk lkoZtfud thou esa inkZi.k 1975 esa gqvk tks jk"Vªh;

efgyk o"kZ ?kksf"kr fd;k x;k FkkA ;)fi esjs 'olqj oS| iafMr

Qwy flag 'kekZ th dk iafMr th ls ikfjokfjd rkYyqdkr FkkA

ewy :i ls eSa Lo;a gkiqM ds ,d Lor=ark lsukuh ifjokj ls

gwWA esjs firkth Jh y{ehukjk;.k feJk rFkk esjs pkpkth

';kelqUnj feJk Lora=rk lsukuh Fks rFkk esjs pkpkth esjB ds

izfl) Lora=rk lsukuh iafMr meknRr 'kekZ ds lkFk dkjkokl

esa Hkh jgs vkSj mudh fxj¶rkjh ds fy, gekjs edku dh dqdhZ Hkh gks xbZ FkhA blh

dkj.k esjh iafMr czge izdk'k th ds izfr cgqr J)k rFkk lEeku dk Hkko ges'kk jgk gSA

iafMr th ls feyus tc eaS izFke ckj MkDVj lkgc ds lkFk xbZ rks muds O;fDrRo

ds ,d egRoiw.kZ igyw ds ckjs esa irk pykA eq>s ;kn gS fd ml le; iafMr th ,d

vaxzsth dh dksbZ fons'kh if=dk i<+ jgs Fks] ftldk uke eq>s bl le; ;kn ugh gSA

mRlqdrko'k eSaus ml if=dk ds ckjs esa iwNk rks mUgksus tokc fn;k fd ;g if=dk

lkjs 'kgj esa dsoy esjs ikl gh vkrh gSA

ftyk efgyk dkxzsl dh vè;{kk ds lkr o"kZ ds lfØ; dk;Zdky ds nkSjku eS

vusd ckj jktuhfrd xfrfof/k;ksa o lekjksgks ds nkSjku iafMr th ls :c: gqbZZA xk¡èakh

tUe'krh o"kZ ds nkSjku ftu Lora=rk lsukuh;ksa dk lEeku fd;k x;k muesa iafMr

th loZizeq[k FksA mlh nkSjku tc ,d ckj eksjkjth nslkbZ xk¡/kh vkJe ds lekjksg

ds nkSjku eqt¶Qjuxj vk, rks eS iafMr th ds lkFk muls feyus xbZ FkhA

lSVaªy cSad] :Mdh jksM 'kk[kk dk mn~?kkVu iafMr th us vius djdeyks }kjk

fd;k FkkA ml volj ij iafMr th ds dgus ij eSus mlh fnu cSad esa ,dkmUV

[kqyok;k Fkk rks iafMr th us dgk Fkk fd tc esjs dgus ls [kkrk [kqyok jgh gks rks

esjh ,d ckr dk ges'kk /;ku j[kuk fd thou esa /ku mruk gh t:jh gS fd eS Hkh

Hkw[kk uk jgw vkSj vfrfFk Hkh Hkw[kk uk tk,A

iafMr th ds NksVs csVs [kks[kk ¼Lo:ife= jatu½ dh 'kknh gekjs iMksl ds iafMr

cukjlh nkl th dh yMdh ls gqbZ Fkh ftls cpiu esa I;kj ls fuCch dgrs FksA eSa ml

'kknh eas nksuks vksj ls 'kjhd gqbZ FkhA eq>s ;kn gS fd eSus ?kqM+p<+h ij [kks[kk dk Vhdk

fd;k] Qsjkas ij dU;knku fd;k vkSj fonk ds le; Hkh [kks[kk dk Vhdk fd;k FkkA

iafMr th ds fo"k; esa ,d ckr dgh tk ldrh gS fd os cgqr bZekunkj] usdfny

vkSj ,sls vPNs bUlku Fks fd ,sls bUlku vc dgk iSnk gksrs gSA iafMr th ftl nkSj

es gq,] ml nkSj esa cgqr lkjh vPNh vkRek, yxHkx ,d lkFk i`Foh ij vorfjr gqbZ

vkSj ns'k dh Lora=rk dk ,d egku mn~ns'; iwjk dj okfil pyh xbZA iafMr th

okLro esa mu egku vkRekvksa es ls ,d Fks tks ,d egku mn~ns'; dh iwfrZ ds fy;s

vk;s FksA

Mk- ¼Jherh½ eatwnÙk 'kekZMk- ¼Jherh½ eatwnÙk 'kekZMk- ¼Jherh½ eatwnÙk 'kekZMk- ¼Jherh½ eatwnÙk 'kekZMk- ¼Jherh½ eatwnÙk 'kekZiwoZ vè;{kk] ftyk efgyk dakxzsl] eqt¶Qjuxj


29

iafMr th ds ofj"B iq= ek;kfe= th LoHkko ls cgqr gh ladksph ls rFkk ljy gS vdlj mUgksus eq>s le;≤iafMr th ds ckjasa esa ij vusd ckrsa cryk;h exj vius ladksph LoHkko ds gh dkj.k mUgksus eq>ls ;g Hkhdgk fd esjs uke ls gh esjs firk ds ckjs esa fy[kuk eq>s cgqr vthc lk yxrk gS exj eq>sa ;g t:jh yxrkgS fd tks egRoiw.kZ ckras iq= gksus ds ukrs ek;kfe= th dh gh tkudkjh esa gS vkSj mudk fooj.k Hkh bl iqLrdesa gksuk vko’;d gS&larks"k 'kekZ

vCck th LoHkko ls cMs xEHkhj O;fDr Fks rFkk vR;Ur de cksyrsFks rFkk vius fo"k; esa rks vkSj Hkh de dgrs FksA muds ckjsa esa tks HkhdqN eSaus lquk og lc dqN nwljksa ls lqukA eSa muds ckjs esa T;knk dqNugh tkurk D;ksfd cpiu esa jktuhfrd xfrfof/k;ks esa O;Lrrk dsdkj.k mudk lkFk de gh jgk vkSj mlds mijkUr iz’kklfud lsok dsdkj.k eSa Lo;a cgqr O;Lr jgk vkSj esjs thou dk vf/kdka’k le;eqt¶Qjuxj ls ckgj gh O;rhr gqvkA

vCck th dk cpiu muds ukuk iafM+r 'kkgtknk jke th ds ikl vEckyk esa O;rhr gqvkFkkA muds ukuk th eksrh yky usg: ds fudVorhZ O;fDr;ksa esa ls FksA vCck th ds ekek th Jhlwjef.k 'kekZ ,oe~ iafM+r tokgjyky usg: lgikBh Fks rFkk nksuksa us baXySM ls odkyr dh ijh{kkikl dh FkhA ijUrq muds firkth us :f<oknh [;kyksa ds dkj.k lwjef.k 'kekZ th dks foyk;r lsokil ykSVus ij okil ?kj esa jgus dh btktr ugha nh A rc og bEiks ¼eyk;k½ esa pys x;s FksvkSj mUgksus ogha odkyr dk O;olk; fd;kA blls vf/kd vuds fo"k; esa dqN ekywe ugh gSA

vCck th ls lEcfU/kr izlaxksa esa 1942 bZ- ds nkSjku utjcanh dk izlax cgqr izsjd gS] tcmUgksuas cjsyh tsy esa dkjkokl ds nkSjku iksbZ uked ikS/ks rFkk gYnh ls viuh yqaxh dks jaxdj frjaxk>.Mk cuk;k vkSj mls tsy dh fiNyh nhokj ij yxk fn;k FkkA blh dkjkokl ds nkSjku fQjkstxk¡èkh Hkh iafM+r th ds lkFk FksA blh dkjkokl ds nkSjku vCck th us ,dkUr dkjkokl >syk Fkkftlesa dsoy 8 oxZ QqV dh ,slh dksBjh esa dbZ ekg fcrk, Fks ftlesa ckgj ds izdk’k ds fy, dsoy,d NksVh lh f[kMdh FkhA blh dksBjh esa vCck th lHkh nSfud deZ djus dks ck/; Fks vkSj blhdksBjh esa os pDdj yxkdj Vgy fy;k djrs FksA

vCck th O;fDrxr Lora=rk ds izcy leFkZd FksA 1975 esa vkikrdky dh ?kks"k.kk ds ckniafM+r th us fo/kku ifj"kn esa vkikrdky ds f[kykQ Hkk"k.k fn;k Fkk tcfd og Lo;a ml le;dkaxzsl ds fVdV ij fo/kku ifj”kn ds lnL; FksA mYys[kuh; gSa fd pkS- pj.kflag us fo/kku lHkkesa vkikrdky ds f[kykQ Hkk"k.k fn;k FkkA rRdkyhu eq[;ea=h gseorh uUnu cgqxq.kk th dks tcvCck th ds Hkk"k.k dh lwpuk feyh rks mUgksusa izfrfØ;k Lo:i dgk fd iafM+r th tks djsxsa oksBhd djsxsa vkSj mUgsa eSa dqN dgus ls ugh jksd ldrkA

ek;kfe= jatuek;kfe= jatuek;kfe= jatuek;kfe= jatuek;kfe= jatu,MoksdsV

lsokfuo‘r iz’kklfud vf/kdkjh


30


31


32

33

34

A Glimphs of Braham Prakash Sharma

Early Life: Pt. Braham Prakash Sharma was born on 15th November, 1903 atMuzaffarnagar in a prominent Brahmin family. His father Mr. Murarilal Sharmaserved as Inspector of Police during the British period. In his childhood, he lived atAmbala with his maternal grand father Mr. Shazada Ram who was a leading PublicProsecutor, and have a good relation with Mr. Motilal Nehru, a leading lawyer andfather of Pt. Jawarahalal Nehru. His meternal uncle Mr. Soormani Sharma wasalso law graduate and class fellow of Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru in England.

Active Youth: During the period of education, he completed his High Schoolfrom St. John's College, Agra. He was not only a brilliant student but also a goodplayer of hockey and wallyball and also won lauries as Captain of the college cricketteam. He rose to be designated as a Maj. Genaral in the Universiy Cadets Training.He completed M.Sc. & LL.B. at the age of 21 years. He was specially permited toattend both exams i.e. M.Sc. & LL.B. in a singal session.

He started legal practice at District Court Muzaffarnagar in 1924 and soon hegetting fame as a crimnal lawer. During that period he also started writing articaleson current topics in magazines & newspapers. It gave him a background that broughthim face to face with the freedom moment and he became an active member ofIndian National Congress. During the perion of freedom, he was punished forinprisionment a number of times.

Political Activities: In 1937-38 when the Congress desided to take part in thegeneral election, Pt. Braham Prakash Sharma was elected as Secretary ofMunicipal Board of Muzaffarnagar. His activities brought him inclose contact withprominent national leaders of his time. He was the leader of the Qaumi SevadalCamp 1940 at Naini, Allahabad specially with Pt. Nehru, Shiv Prakash, ChandraBhal, Thakur Malkhan Singh, Rajendra Pandit & Mohammad Yunus and others. Heworked closely with Molana Abul Kalam Azad and in continous touch with Pt.Jawaharlal Nehru both prior and post independance period though he quit congressin 1948 and joined Parja Socialist Party (PSP) and worked as a leading socialistleader with Mr. Ashok Mehta. In 1964, when Pt. Jwaharlal Nehru was passedaway, he joined again Congress on the personal request of Prime Minister Lal BhadurShashtri when the Hon'ble Prime Minister visited at Muzaffarnagar. In 1971, hewas elected Member of Lagistative Council (MLC) as a candidate of Congress. In1975, when the emergacy was declared, he apposed and condemned the decision ofthe Central Goverment on the floor of U.P. Lagistative Council on the grounds of

,sls Fks iafMr th & A Glimphs of Braham Prakash Sharma

35

democratice ethics. During the political era of Congress & Janta party, he wasfrequently visited by Pt. Nehru, Lal Bhadur Shashtri, V.P. Singh, Chadra Sekharduring their repective tenure as Prime Minister. On the other hand, he was veryclose to legal stalwarts like Attorney-General M.C. Setalvad & Justice Tek Chandas well.

He continued to act as Secretary or President of the District Bar AssociationMuzaffarnagar for more than twenty seven year. During his tenure as President in1949, he was involved in a case of contempt of court in which the Apex Court finallydecided the matter in his favour in 1954. He was also elected as member of discipilinecommittee of Bar Council of U.P.

On 12th June, 1992 at the age of 89 as a sequel of Gadgil Award, he wasfelicitated by the Speaker of Lok Sabha, Mr. Shivraj Patil at Muzaffarnagar as aveteran freedom fighter.

Departure: He was passed away on 22nd April, 2001 at his parental residencesittuated at Ghari Gorwan, Aabkari road, Muzaffarnagar. Till the last day of hisactive social life, as he encouraged number of labour unions being a socialist leader,he was at the helm of a number of unions and committees like District freedomfighter Union and Distric Central Library etc. His departure from this world wasmourned by people all over India in respect of his contribution to the struhhle forIndependence.


36

Lora=rk la?k"kZ esa iafMr czge izdk’k 'kekZ th dh HkwfedkLora=rk la?k"kZ esa iafMr czge izdk’k 'kekZ th dh HkwfedkLora=rk la?k"kZ esa iafMr czge izdk’k 'kekZ th dh HkwfedkLora=rk la?k"kZ esa iafMr czge izdk’k 'kekZ th dh HkwfedkLora=rk la?k"kZ esa iafMr czge izdk’k 'kekZ th dh Hkwfedk1930 bZ- lfou; voKk vkanksyu ¼ued lR;kxzg½”1930 bZ- lfou; voKk vkanksyu ¼ued lR;kxzg½”1930 bZ- lfou; voKk vkanksyu ¼ued lR;kxzg½”1930 bZ- lfou; voKk vkanksyu ¼ued lR;kxzg½”1930 bZ- lfou; voKk vkanksyu ¼ued lR;kxzg½” ds

nkSjku iafMr th v/;kns’k ¼vkfMZusUl½ 10 ds rgr fxj¶+rkj fd;s x;sftldh vof/k 29 uoEcj 1930 dks lekIr gks jgh FkhA mDr eqdnesaesa vxyh lquokÃ gsrq rkjh[k vkxkeh 1 fnlEcj fu;qDr Fkh ijUrqrRdkyhu fczfV’k ljdkj ifaM+r th o muds dk;ZdrkZvksa dks ltkfnyokus ds fy;s bl dnj cspSu Fkh fd U;k; iz.kkyh ds lkjsfu;e”dkuwuksa dks vuns[kk dj fnukaad 29 uoEoj 1930 dks gh N% ekgdk dBksj dkjkokl vkSj 50 :i;s tqekZus dh ltk lquk nh xÃA

1932 bZ- lfou; voKk vkanksyu ¼nwljk pj.k½” 1932 bZ- lfou; voKk vkanksyu ¼nwljk pj.k½” 1932 bZ- lfou; voKk vkanksyu ¼nwljk pj.k½” 1932 bZ- lfou; voKk vkanksyu ¼nwljk pj.k½” 1932 bZ- lfou; voKk vkanksyu ¼nwljk pj.k½” f}rh; xksyest lEesyu dhvlQyrk ds mijkar iafMr th dks iqu% fxj¶rkj dj fy;k x;k rFkk fnukad 01 Qkojh 1932dks ,d o"kZ dk dBksj dkjkokl vkSj 100 :i;s tqekZus dh ltk lqukÃ xÃA bl nkSjku mudkLFkkukarj.k cukjl lSUVªy tsy esa ,d [krjukd dSnh ds rkSj ij fd;k x;kA csfM+;ka yxkus dsfojks/k esa mUgksusa èkkjk 52 tsy vf/kfu;e ds rgr eqdnek nk;j fd;k] ftlds ifj.kkeLo:irRdkyhu tsy v/kh{kd dk LFkkukarj.k dj fn;k x;k FkkA blh dSn ds nkSjku os fQjkst xk¡/kh dslEidZ esa vk;sA

1935 Hkkjr 'kklu vf/kfu;e” 1935 Hkkjr 'kklu vf/kfu;e” 1935 Hkkjr 'kklu vf/kfu;e” 1935 Hkkjr 'kklu vf/kfu;e” 1935 Hkkjr 'kklu vf/kfu;e” dh ?kks"k.kk ds mijkar dakxzsl us Lo’kklu esa Hkkxhnkjhdk fu.kZ; fy;k vkSj blh izØe esa iafMr th 1935 ls 1937 rd eqt¶+Q+juxj uxjikfydk dsmikè;{k fuokZfpr gq, vkSj ,d l{ke iz’kkld ds rkSj ij viuh Hkwfedk ck[kwch fuHkkbZA ml le;uxjikfydk Hkou ij igyh ckj dkaxzsl dk /ot Qgjk;k x;kA

vizSy 1940 dakxzsl lsok ny dSEi uSuh ¼bykgkckn½” vizSy 1940 dakxzsl lsok ny dSEi uSuh ¼bykgkckn½” vizSy 1940 dakxzsl lsok ny dSEi uSuh ¼bykgkckn½” vizSy 1940 dakxzsl lsok ny dSEi uSuh ¼bykgkckn½” vizSy 1940 dakxzsl lsok ny dSEi uSuh ¼bykgkckn½” esa Vªsfauax ds nkSjku iafMr thlsokny ds uk;d FksA mYys[kuh; gS fd bl dSEi esa iafMr tokgjyky usg:] vkj-,l- iafM+r]Jh izdk’k] d‘".knRr ikyhoky] Bk- ey[kku flag] ekS- ;quql] czãs’oj ik.Ms; rFkk pUnzHkky vkfnizeq[k dk;ZdrkZ Hkh FksA bl Vsªfuax ds mijkar ftyk eqt¶+Q+juxj esa lsok ny xBu djus gsrq dbZdSEi vk;ksftr dj yxHkx ,d gtkj vuq’kkflr dk;ZdrkZvksa dh ckonhZ QkSt rS;kj dj nh xÃA1946 esa tc izns’k dkaxszl vf/kos’ku esjB esa gksuk r; gqvk rks mlh nkSjku fudVorhZ x<+eqDrs’ojesa lkaiznkf;d naxk HkM+d x;k rFkk ,slh lwpuk;sa izkIr gqÃ fd vf/kos’ku ds nkSjku eqfLye yhxls lacfU/kr eqfLye us’kuy xkMZl geyk dj O;o/kku iSnk dj ldrs gSaA bl vf/kos’ku ds nkSjku1200 lsokny dk;ZdrkZvksa ds lkFk iafMr th usa O;oLFkk cuk;s j[kh] buesa ls 601 Lo;alsodeqt¶Qjuxj tuin ls FksA bl ;ksxnku ds QyLo:i tuin lsokny dks vky bafM;k dkaxszldesVh dh vksj ls ,d thi iznku dh xÃ FkhA

1941 O;fDrxr lR;kxzg” 1941 O;fDrxr lR;kxzg” 1941 O;fDrxr lR;kxzg” 1941 O;fDrxr lR;kxzg” 1941 O;fDrxr lR;kxzg” f}rh; fo’o ;q) esa Hkkjr dks Hkkjrh;ksa ls fcuk fdlh ijke’kZfy, 'kkfey djus dh fczfV’k lkjdkj dh ?kks"k.kk ds fojks/k esa xk¡/khth us O;fDrxr lR;kxzg dkvkgokgu fd;k ftlesa dsoy mUgha dkaxszl dk;ZdrkZvksa dks lR;kxzg dh vuqefr Fkh tks xk¡/kh th}kjk cuk;s x;s fu;eksa dks l’kiFk Lohdkj djrs FksA vius bl lR;kxzg ds nkSjku iafMr th us

Manu Kant, Advocate

,sls Fks iafMr th & Lora=rk la?k"kZ eas iafMr th dh Hkwfedk

37

viuh fxj¶rkjh nhA blds mijkar 24 Qjojh 1941 dks iafMr th dks ,d o"kZ dk lJe dkjkoklvkSj 100 :i;s tqekZus dh ltk lqukÃ xÃA

1942 Hkkjr NksMks vkanksyu”1942 Hkkjr NksMks vkanksyu”1942 Hkkjr NksMks vkanksyu”1942 Hkkjr NksMks vkanksyu”1942 Hkkjr NksMks vkanksyu” fØLi fe’ku vlQy gksus ds mijkar 8 vxLr 1942 dksvkanksyu dk izLrko ikfjr gqvk vkSj 9 vxLr dks izkr% gh jk"VªO;kih vk/kkj ij dkaxzslh usrkvksadks fxj¶rkj dj ut+jcan dj fn;k x;kA eqt+¶Qjuxj esa vU; dk;ZdrkZvksa dh fxj¶rkjh dhlwpuk ik dj iafMr th Hkwfexr dks x;s vkSj fnYyh vkSj vkl&ikl ds vU; usrkvksa ls lEidZdjus dk iz;kl fd;k rkfd vkanksyu dks ;FkklaHko xfr iznku dh tk ldsA ijUrq dqN fnu ckniafMr th dks Hkh eqt+¶Qjuxj dpgjh izkax.k ls fxj¶rkj dj utjcan dj cjsyh tsy Hkst fn;kx;kA bl nkSjku iafMr th 15 ekg rd utjcan jgs vkSj mUgsa ,dkar dkjkokl esa Hkh j[kk x;kvkSj vktknh ds mijkUr 1947 esa eqDr fd;k x;kA

euqdkUreuqdkUreuqdkUreuqdkUreuqdkUrvf/koDrk] loksZPp U;k;ky;

,oe~ fnYyh mPp U;k;ky;


38

FAMOUS CONTEMPT OF COURT CASE

In 1949, Pt. Braham Prakash Sharma as President andfive other executive members of Muzaffarnagar Bar As-sociation was prosecuted in a case under section 3 ofContempt of Court Act 1926 for passing a resolution bythe Bar association against two judicial officious withpointing out there conducts in reference to the dischargeof their duties. The three Judges Bench of Hon'ble HighCourt of Allahabad decided after accepting apology(though Pandit Ji was disagree to plead apology but ac-

cept only on the technical basis) and directed them to pay the costs of theGovernment Advocate assessed at Rs. 300. (AIR 1950 All. 556 F.B.). Pandit Jiwanted to challenge this judgement before the Apex Court and Mr. Motilal C.Setalwad, presiding Attorney General of India appeared for them on specialpermission and the Supreme Court of India agreed his views and set aside thejudgement of the High Court by the Constitutional Bench of five Judges pre-sided by The Chief Justice of India Mr. Justice Patanjali Sastri (AIR 1954 S.C.10 F.B.).Mr. M.C.Setalwad described the facts and other connected incidentsin details specially about his visit at Muzaffarnagar and the opening of'Setalwad Park' situated in Court compound at Muzaffarnagar in his autobi-ography 'My Life' on pages 196 to 199. The brief facts of the abovementionedcase was mentioned as under:-

Facts of the case : The Bar Association of Muzaffarnagar had received numerous complaints bylitigants relating to the conduct of to judicial officers, both of whom functioned atMuzaffarnagar at the relevant time. One of them named Kanhaya lal Mehra as ajudicial Magistrate while the other, named Lalta Prasad was a Revenue Officer.The received complaints were regarding the way in which these officers disposedoff cases in their Courts and behaved towards the lawyers and the litigant public.The Executive Committee of the Association residing by Pt. Braham Prakash Sharmatook the matter in hand and, after satisfying themselves that the complaints werelegitimate and well-founded, they held a meeting on 20th April 1949 in which thefollowing resolutions were passed :RESOLVED THAT :

Whereas the members of the Association have had ample opportunity of forming anopinion of the judicial work of Sri Kanhaya Lal judicial Magistrate and Shri Lalta Prasad,Revenue Officer,

Motilal C. Sitalwad

,sls Fks iafMr th & Famous Contempt of Court Case

39

It is now their considered opinion that the two officers are thoroughly incompetent inlaw, do not inspire confidence in their judicial work, are given to stating wrong facts whenpassing orders and are overbearing and discourteous to the litigant public and the lawyersalike Besides the above mentioned defects common to both of them, other defects areseparately catalogued as hereunder :

Then followed a list of complaints against each of these officers separatelyunder specific heads. The resolution father stated that "copies of the resolution besent to the Hon'ble Premier, the Chief Secretary of the Uttar Pradesh Government,the Commissioner and the District Magistrate for suitable action", and that the Dis-trict Magistrate and the Collector be requested to meet a deputation of the Execu-tive Committee at and early date. (The names of five members who were to formthe deputation, were then mentioned).

The resolutions were typed out by the President himself and the meeting of theExecutive Committee of the Association was held in camera and no non-memberwas allowed to be present at it. The proceedings were also recorded in the MinuteBook of the Association. On the following day, that is on 21st April 1949, thePresident sent a copy marked as ' Confidential' to the Distract Magistrate,Muzaffarnagar, the immediate superior of the officers concerned. Copies of theresolutions were similarly despatched to the Commissioner of the Division, the ChiefSecretary and the Premier of Uttar Pradesh, the higher executive authorities in theofficial hierarchy.

The covering letter of the resolution contained the following statement:"Complaints against these officers had been mounting ans a stage was reached when

the matter had to be taken up formally. The resolution is not only well-considered ansunanimous but represents a consensus of opinion of all practitioners in the Criminal andRevenue side".

The post-script of the letter addressed to the District Magistrate contained aprayer that he might find it convenient to fix an early date to meet the deputation offive members as indicated in the 3rd resolution.

On 27th April 1949 the Divisional Commissioner, by his letter addressed to thePresident to request him to supply specific details of cases tried by these officers insupport of the allegations contained in the resolution. Without waiting for this infor-mation however, the commissioner on the day following wrote a letter to the ChiefSecretary of the U.P. Government suggesting that the matter should be brought tothe notice of the High Court inasmuch as instances were not rare where influentialmembers of the Bar got resolutions like these passed by their associations with aview to put extra-judicial pressure upon the judicial officers so as to make themamenable to their wishes which often were questionable.

On 10th May 1949, a deputation fo five members waited upon the District


40

Magistrate and discussed the entire situation with the letter. The magistrate also toldthe deputationists that the details of complain as required by the commissioner shouldbe furnished at an early date. the details were sent to the District Magistrate on 20thJune 1949 and specific instances were cited, the accuracy of which was vouchedby a number of senior lawyers who actually conducted those cases.

On 20th July 1949, the District Magistrate through the Divisional Commissionerwrote a letter to the Registrar of the High Court of Allahabad requesting the latterto draw the attention of the High Court to resolution passed on 20th April 1949 bythe member of the Committee and suggesting that suitable action might be takenagainst them under Section 3 of the contempt of court Act 1926.

The Views of High Court:On 16th November 1949, the High Court directed the issue of notices on eight

persons (including six members of the Committee) to show cause why they shouldnot be dealt with for contemp of Court in the respect of certain portions of theresolution which were set out in the notice. In the answer to these notices theopposite parties appeared and filed affidavits. The case was heard by a Bench ofthree Judges, who by their Judgement on 5th May 1950, came to the conclusion thatwith the exception of two of the opposite parties who were not members of theopposite parties who were not members of the Executive Committee, the remainingsix were guilty of contempt of court. It was held that the opposite parties were notactuated by any personal or improper motives; the statement made on their behalf,that their object was not to interfere with but to improve the administration of justice,was accepted by the Court. But it was observed that the terms used in the resolu-tions were likely to bring the two officers into contempt and lower their authority.The concluding portion of the judgement was: -

"We think that the opposite parties acted under a misappropriation as to the position,but they have expressed their regrets and tendered an unqualified apology, but we direct thatthey pay the costs of the Government Advocate which we access at Rs. 300."

According to the learned Judges of the High Court, the allegations made againstthe judicial officers came within the category of contempt, which is committed by'scandalizing the Court'. In the opinion of the learned Judges the resolutions passedby the Executive Committee exceed the bounds of fair and legitimate criticism.

The Views of Apex Court:Dealing with the contentions put forward by the learned Attorney- General who

appeared on behalf of the Appellants (the Executive Committee ) in this SpecialLeave Petition, Mr. Justice B.K. Mukherjea delivered the judgement.

He said,"It admits of no dispute that the summery jurisdiction exercised by superior


41

courts in punishing contempt exists for the purpose of preventing interference with thecourse of justice and for maintaining the authority of law as is administered in the courts. Itwould be only repeating what has been said so often by various Judges that the object ofcontempt proceedings is not to afford protection to Judges personally from imputations towhich they may be exposed as individuals; it is intended to be a protection to the publicwhose interests would be very much affects if by the act or conduct of any party, theauthority of the court is lowered and the sense of confidence which people have in theadministration of justice by it is weakened."

The Allegations:His lordship said, “with regard to Shri Kannaya lal, the allegations are that he does not

record the evidence in cases tried by him properly, that in all the criminal maters transferredto his court where the accused are already on bail, he does not give them time to furnishfresh sureties, with the result that they are sent to jail, and lastly, that he is not accommodat-ing to lawyers at all. So far as the other officer named Shri Lalta Prasad is concerned, oneserious allegation made is that he follows the highly illegal procedure of hearing to causesat one and same time, and while he records the evidence in one case himself, he allows theCourt Reader to do the thing in the other. It is said also that he is short tempered andfrequently threatens lawyers with proceedings for contempt.

“It can not be disputed that in regard to the matter of content, the members of a BarAssociation do not occupy any privileged or higher position then ordinary citizens. Thefacts in which the disparaging statement is made also not material, but one very importantthat has to be noted in the case before us, viz. that even assuming that the statement wasderogatory to the dignity of the judicial officer, very little publicity was given to thisstatement, and in fact, the applicants made their best endeavorence to keep the thing out ofthe knowledge of the public. The representation was made to four persons who were theofficial superiors of the officers concerned; and it has been found as fact by the High Courtthat the appellants have ‘bono-fide’ with no intention to interfere with the administration ofjustice thought they might have been under a misapprehension regarding the precise legalposition. No copies of the resolution were even sent to the officer concerned and from thecontents of the representation by the appellants and the language used therein, in factwould have been a bearing on the question is to whether the conduct of the appellantsbrought them within the purview for the law of contempt.”

Mr. Justice Mukherjea observed, “Some of these complaints are not at all seriousand no judge, unless he is hypersensitive, would at all feel aggrieved by them. It is un-doubtedly a grave charge that the Revenue Officer hears to causes simultaneously andallow the Court Reader to do the work for him. If true, it is a patent illegality and is preciselya matter which should be brought to the notice of the District Magistrate who is theadministrative head of these officers.”

“The only portion of the resolution to which prima facie objection can be taken is thatwhich describes these officers as thoroughly incompetent in law and whose judicial workdoes not inspire confidence. These remarks are certainly a sweeping nature and can scarcelybe justified. Assuming, however, that this portion of the resolution is defamatory, thequestion arises whether it can be held to amount to contempt of court.”

Finely the Hon’ble Justice held, “on the material before us, it is difficult to say thatthe circumstance under which the representation was made by the appellants was calcu-lated to have such effect. There might have been sound remote possibility but that cannot


42

be taken not of. We are clearly of the opinion that the contempt, if any, was only of atechnical character, and that after the affidavits where filed on behalf of the appellantsbefore the High Court, the proceedings against them should have been dropped.”The Suggesstions of Mr. Setalwad:

Mr. M.C. Setalwad contended the applicants as under (part of is autobiogra-phy- My Life) :

“Appearing for the six appellants I contended that an act or publication calculated tolower the authority or dignity of a Judge did not per se amount to contempt of court. Thetest was whether the allegations were of such a character or were made in such circum-stances as would tend to obstruct or interfere with the course of justice or the due admin-istration of the law. An imputation affecting the character or conduct of the Judge eventhough it could be the subject-matter of a libel proceeding would not necessarily amount toa contempt of court. The resolutions were passed and the representations were made bythe members not for the purpose of exposing before the public the alleged shortcomings ofthe officers concerned, but in order to have the grievances of the lawyers and the litigatingpublic which were genuinely felt removed by an appeal to the authorities who alone werecompetent to remove them. I urged that such conduct could no tin any way be calculated tointerfere with the due administration of law and could not be held to be contempt of court.”

“The Attorney-General laid very great stress on the fact that the resolutions passedand the representations made by the appellants in the present case were not for the pur-pose of exposing before the public, the whole object was to have grievances of the lawyersand the litigants.” observed by Hon'ble Justice.

Mr. Sitalwad pointed out in his book that, “The result was thus an important victoryin vindication of the action not only of members of the Executive Committee concerned butof the rights of the Bar in general.”

“My appearance for the Bar in this case had an interesting and gratifying sequel.About a year or two later my wife and I were invited by some of the members of theAssociation, to spend a week-end at Muzaffarnagar which is situated very near the Gangesand has a beautiful shrine on a hillock facing the holy river. Having accepted the invitationwe found to our surprise that one of the tasks which I had to perform during the visit wasthe opening of a park surrounding the building of the Muzaffarnagar Bar Associationwhich they had named “Setalvad Park”. It has been my practice over the years at the Bar notto charge fees in matters which concerned brother lawyers. It had followed that practice onthis occasion. But I never expected that my assistance to the Muzaffarnagar Bar in doingthe appeal for them would earn such graceful recognition!” as narreted by Mr. Sitalwadin his book.

Collected by :Manu Kant

Advocate


43

[kcjksa esa iafMr th[kcjksa esa iafMr th[kcjksa esa iafMr th[kcjksa esa iafMr th[kcjksa esa iafMr th

vk; c<kuk ,dek= mís’; ughavk; c<kuk ,dek= mís’; ughavk; c<kuk ,dek= mís’; ughavk; c<kuk ,dek= mís’; ughavk; c<kuk ,dek= mís’; ughamRrj izns’k ds Jh czã izdk’k ’kekZ th us dgk ;fn jktLo c<kuk gh ,dek= mís’; gks rks

paMw[kkuksa] os’;ky;ksa vkfn ij Hkh dj yxk fn;k tk;] vkSj tsc dVh ij dj yxk;k tk;sA vk;c<kuk ,dek= mís”; ughaA nksigj rd gqÃ ppkZ esa izLrko dk fojks/k xksok dh Jhefr vk;juckjksl] dsjy ds Jh dfqj;u vkSj fnYyh ds Jh txnh’k dqnsfl;k us fd;kA ckdh lHkh oDrkvksaus izLrko dk leFkZu fd;kA izLrko dk leFkZu djus okyksa esa mRrj izns’k ds Jh czã izdk’k ’kekZ]fcgkj ds Jh lhrkjke dsljh vkSj e/; izns’k ds Jh jke lgk; eq[; gSaA izLrko dk leFkZu djusokys dqN lnL;ksa us vius la’kks/ku Hkh j[ks rFkk e|fu’ks/k dh uhfr dks izHkko’kkyh <ax lsdk;kZfUor djus ij tksj fn;kAÛ

uo Hkkjr VkÃEl” uoEcj 06] 1968

mRrj izns’k ds Jh czã izdk’k ’kekZ th us Hkh pqukSrh nh fd vxj egklfefr ’kjkc canhdk dk;Zdze rS;kj djus dh fLFkfr esa ugha gS rks xk¡/kh tUe’krh eukus vkSj xk¡/kh th dh t;t;dkj djus ls dksÃ Qk;nk ugha gSAÛ

fnueku” uoEcj 1968

ia- czãizdk’k ’kekZ ,e-,y-lh- fuokZfpria- czãizdk’k ’kekZ ,e-,y-lh- fuokZfpria- czãizdk’k ’kekZ ,e-,y-lh- fuokZfpria- czãizdk’k ’kekZ ,e-,y-lh- fuokZfpria- czãizdk’k ’kekZ ,e-,y-lh- fuokZfprfo/kku ifjÔn ds f}oÔhZ; pquko esa fo/kku lHkk dh vksj ls 13 lhVksa esa laxBu dkaxzsl ds

izR;k{kh ds :i esa Lora=rk laxzke ds lqfo[;kr lsukuh if.Mr czãizdk’k ’kekZ fuokZfpr ?kksfÔrfd;s x;sA

iafMr th ds fojks/k esa laxBu dkaxzsl ds ,d ny us nks izR;f{k;ksa dks Hkh [kMk dj fn;k Fkkij var esa mUgksaus vius uke okfil ys fy;sA ny ds fgr ds fojks/k dh dk;Zokgh ds fy;s mUgsny dh lnL;rk ls fudky fn;k gSA

iafMr th dh bl fot; ij turk esa vikj gÔZ gqvkA t:jr ifjokj iafMr th dks bllQyrk ij gkfnZd c/kkbZ iznku djrk gSAÛ

t:jr” viSsy 1963

Hkkjrh; Øakfr nyHkkjrh; Øakfr nyHkkjrh; Øakfr nyHkkjrh; Øakfr nyHkkjrh; Øakfr nyJh czge izdk’k th us dgk fd Hkkjrh; Øakfr ny ds :i esa tks ,d u;k rRo mHkj dj

vk;k gS] oks 1930&31 dh ;wjksi dh jktuhfr ds mlh rRo ds leku gS ftlds dkj.k f}rh;fo’o ;q) gqvkA Hkkjrh; dzakfr ny us pquko esa tks :i viuk;k os ogh rjhds Fks] tks teZuho bVyh esa viuk;s x;s FksA e/;kof/k pquko esa xk¡oksa esa yksaxksa dks oksV nsus ls jksdk x;k] fgalkvkSj vkdze.k ds tfj;s yksaxksa dk /kedk;k x;kA


44

mUgksus dgk fd lkFk gh Øakfr ny ds ,d usrk us ^cxqyk Hkxr* dk Lokax cuk;kA ;g nrQkflLrkokn dk gh ,d :Ik gSA Û

“tqykbZ 1969

czãz izdk’k ’kekZ&lrr ys[kuczãz izdk’k ’kekZ&lrr ys[kuczãz izdk’k ’kekZ&lrr ys[kuczãz izdk’k ’kekZ&lrr ys[kuczãz izdk’k ’kekZ&lrr ys[kueqt¶Qjuxj ds o;kso‘) i=dkj ,oa Lora=rk lsukuh iafMr czãizdk’k ’kekZ us vius fuokl

ij i=dkjksa dks tyiku djk;k] dkj.k Fkk&vc rd muds 1]111 ys[kksa dk izdk’kuAiafMr th dk izFke ys[k 1930 esa izdkf’kr gqvk FkkA rc ls vc rd mudh ys[kuh lekt

vkSj jk”Vª ds fgr esa lrr la?kZÔjr gSA cãizdk’k th jkT; fo/kku ifjÔn~ ds lnL; Hkh jg pqdsgSA

bl le; Hkh i=dkfjrk ds {ks= esa iafMr th dh ys[kuh l’kDr :i ls py jgh gSAfooj.k % /kesZUnz xqeukeÛdjaV”twu 12] 1982

Moral fallMr. Bhahim Prakash Sharma (UP) said the main malady of the party was

its ‘’moral deterioration”. This was inevitable as the party was infested with‘’arrogant and self-seeking persons”

Unless it weeded out these corrupt elements, people would not regard theCongress a party distinct from others.

Another member from Uttar Pradesh made a strong plea for removingcorrupt people from the party. It that was not done, both the party and thecountry would suffer greatly he said.

Priority for farmingSeveral other members including Mrs Susheta Kripaiani, Mr. Brahma Prakash

Sharma and Mr. Arjun Singh, demanded effective implementation of the party’saccepted socialist policies, including the ten-point programme, giving top priorityto agriculture in the Plan, toning up of the public sector ad firm handling ofreactionary communal forces. It was also said that since the leadership did notidentify itself with the youth, the conflict between the order and youngergenerations might result in chaos.

,sls Fks iafMr th & [kcjksa esa iafMr th

45

A Family Photograph of Pt. Braham Prakash SharmaPhotograph 'A'

1960

46

Sum

mer

- 19

80

A F

amily

Pho

togr

aph

of P

t. B

raha

m P

raka

sh S

harm

aPhotograph - 'B'

47

PHOTOGRAPH - 'A'

A FAMILY PHOTOGRAPHof

Pt. BRAHAM PRAKASH SHARMA(1960)

Siting : Pt. Murari Lal Sharma (father), Ratandeep Ranjan alias Pappu (grandson), Pt. Braham Prakah Sharma.Standing : Mayamitra Ranjan (son)

A FAMILY PHOTOGRAPHof

Pt. BRAHAM PRAKASH SHARMASummer - 1980

Siting : Smt. Gora Ranjan (w/o R.D. Ranjan), Radhika (grand daughter), Smt.Urmila (w/o S.M. Ranjan), Smt. Bhagwan Dei (wife), Subhadra Ranjan (w/oM.M. Ranjan), Shivashish Rawat (grand son), Smt. Manimala Rawat (granddaughter).Middle : Banmala (grand daughter), Abhishek Ranjan alias Bittu (grand son),Priyanka alias Kittan (grand daughter), Kamaldeep (grand son).Standing : Chandrika Sharn Rawat (grand son-in-law), Swarajmitra Ranjanalias Khokha (son ), Pt. Braham Prakah Sharma (Abba ji), Mayamitra Ranjanalias Botu Bhai (elder son), Ratandeep Ranjan alias Pappu (grand son).

A Family Photograph

45.c

46

COURT, JUDGES & LAWYERS

Courts Buildings and LawyerSir, —The bar is an integral part of the judicial system of democratic

states. Practicing lawyers are called officers at the court. There is frankre-cognition of the fact that the judiciary cannot function, much less functioneffectively, with-out the active assistance of the bar.

But the State Government seems to have other ideas. On no otherhypothesis can it be explained why court buildings under construction inmany districts, while they provide, be-side court rooms, not only retiringrooms for individual presiding officers but also separate bath rooms for them,have no provision at all for lawyers, be it the district government counsel,the panel of lawyers to conduct cases on behalf of the Government, or therest of the body of lawyers.

Before the Constitution, such buildings were called public buildingsmerely by courtesy. Now they should be so in such stance and not only inform. Even if they cannot provide for seating accommodation for the partiesand their witnesses, especially against sun and rain, they should have built-inpro-vision on the premises for at least a roof for their lawyers.

It is not too late to make the necessary provision even now.•Leader - February 28, 1959National Herald - March 03, 1959

Detention without Trial: Bureaucratic VindictivenessThe District Bar Association of Muzaffarnagar, (U.P.), has unanimously

passed a resolution at a meeting of its Execu-tive held on December 15. Thedecision is important, involv-ing as it does the questions of civil liberties, freedevelopment of our legal institutions, the right of the profession to a fearlessadvocacy in causes that may be unpalatable to the Powers-that-be for the timebeing, as well as for the good name of the first popular government.

Detention without trial is always obnoxious; it is doubly so when there is awide-spread feeling that the invocation of law is merely a cloak for thesatisfaction of per-sonal, bureaucratic or otherwise wholly irrelevant ends. Inthe nature of things, there can be no real sifting of what is, after all, only ex-parte and confidential evi-dence, presented to the higher levels of the Executiveby the lower, dressed up in the most plau-sible manner.

Considering that either as a matter of policy or of conviction, our Ministershave now come to regard the police as infallible, only the Fourth Estate now


47

remains to fight the battles of the people against the Executive.I have no doubt that your es-teemed journal, with its reputation for

championing the cause of the people, would give due publicity to our well-considered resolution, which is as follows: —

“This Bar Association is surprised at the arrest and detention of Shri Shamlal,its Secretary, for reasons of alleged active participation in the activities of theR.S.S. The Association is of the opinion that, to the best of its information andbelief, the charges against Mr. Shamlal, such as they have been made, arebaseless.

“The members of this Association knowing facts as they are, regard Mr.Shamlal’s arrest and detention as due to prejudiced reports which seem to havebeen made against him on account of his public activities in furtherance of theanti-corruption policy of the Government, and his fearless advocacy in casesinvolving R.S.S. men as accused.”•

Blitz- January 04, 1949Leader-January 05, 1949

District Judgeship for MuzaffarnagarSir, —The creation of a District Judgeship for Muzaffarnagar, would probably

be soon coming up for decision. For when Mr. Justice Harish Chandra recentlycame here on his visit of inspection and representations were made to him inthis connection, the purported of his reply was that what only stood in the waywas the want of a suitable building to accommodate the records which wouldhave to be shifted from Meerut.

Muzaffarnagar is a big enough and important enough district. It has at presenta Sessions Judge, an Additional Sessions Judge, and an Assistant Sessions Judgeall with full civil owners. There are also two Munsifs; occasionally there arethree. I daresay that when compared to many districts, which have full DistrictJudgeships, Muzaffarnagar means more to the public exchequer in terms ofcourt-fees.

Most of the cases from this district, which go to the court of the DistrictJudge at Meerut, are transferred back for disposal to the Civil Judge’s courtshere. Only its institution has to be done at Meerut. That means that litigantshave to incur double expenses, en-gaging a lawyer at Meerut and another atMuzaffarnagar, unless one is taken to both places, which would work out perhapsas more expensive.

Litigation in our country is proverbially costly. Why need we suffer it to beunnecessarily costlier, so long, as we can convenient-ly avoid it? If funds be not

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im-mediately available, the question of the construction of a building to housethe records may wait, and a room or even a verandah in the present Sessionscourt-house be meantime converted and equipped for the purpose. To beginwith, only the last two or three years’ records need be shifted from Meerut.That would relieve three-fourths of the difficulty experienc-ed by litigants innot having a full judgeship at Muzaffarnagar.

The litigant public and the law-yers of Muzaffarnagar sincerely hope that afavourable decision in this connection would soon be taken. •

Anand Bazar Patrika - August 12, 1953National Herald - August 12, 1953

Law of ContemptSir, —The charge against, Mr. D. N, Pritt before the Kenya Supreme Court

spotlights the altogether unsatisfactory state of the Law of Contempt in coun-trieswhich follow the pattern of Eng-lish law. His stand was even-tually vindicatedonly accentuates the thoroughly uncertain nature of this peculiar andextraordinary jurisdiction of superior courts as it is understood and applied inthose countries.

The Law of Contempt of Court in England and in those countries whichfollow its lead contemplates, broadly speaking, two categories: (a) contempt inface of the court or in its immediate vicinity, or in respect of disobedience ordisregard of its orders; this is called direct contempt; and (b) all other actswhich have a tendency of lowering the, dignity of the courts and thus byimplication interfere with the adminis-tration of justice; this is called indirect orconstructive contempt. So far as the first category is concerned there can beno two opinions that law courts must have reserved to them adequate powersto deal with it effectively. It is only with regard to the second cate-gory that thedifficulty arises. In Britain itself motions for this category of contempt havebecome obsolete. Though an attempt was once made in the House of Commonsto give this law an element of certainty and defini-tion, yet nothing came out ofit—probably on the maxim of letting well alone.

But in our country and especially since Independence, the State Govern-mentshave been rather liberal with motions for contempt particularly where the partiesto be proceeded against have tended to expose mal--administration and while

doing so, have only incidentally and inadvertently trodden on the toes ofwhat are almost ubiquitous powers of the court in that behalf.

It goes without saying that in a democracy where the Rule of Law is


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intended to be made supreme, nothing should be done to impair the confidenceof the people in its judicature. At the same time it should be frankly admit-ted

‘that undefined and uncontrolled power in the hands of one arm of the State hasitself the tendency to defeat the very abject for which it may bf sought to bepreserved. And while it is only fair to say that High Courts seldom take noticeof contempt suo motu, it is everyday experience that their powers areincreasingly invoked, with the result that they have perforce to hear anddetermine whether their own authority has been infringed or not. They are, as itwere, asked to be judges in their own cause—a role re-quiring very much morethan what human institutions have a right to ex-pect. And so all-embracing isthis authority that even seasoned practitioners in the High Courts as a rulerefuse to handle cases unless the party proceeded against is prepared, in spiteof all his submissions and arguments, to offer an “unqualified apology.”

For the healthy development of democracy in our country, with thepreservation of the authority of the judi-ciary the fullest scope should bepre-served for the growth of the entire body politic, lest in our anxiety to armthe judiciary with supreme powers of preventing encroachment on people’srights by the executive we fall into the error on the other extreme—the judiciaryitself encroaching on the rights of the other component parts of the body politic.A fearless Press, Bar, and public opinion are no less essential for a democracythan a powerful Judicature.

In the United States, the powers of the courts to punish for contempt nowstand defined, and rigidly exclude everything other than the power (i) to preventmisbehaviour in the presence of the court or so near thereto as to obstruct theadministration of justice, (ii) to preserve discipline among the officers of thecourt, and (iii) to enforce obedience to the process and orders of the court. OurConstitution, too, seems to have taken its cue from American practice, althoughso far there has been no pronouncement of the Supreme Court on this point.Without entering into any elaborate discussion, I would just point out how thatis.

Freedom of Speech and Expression has been guaranteed, subject to laws inpresent operation or to be made hereafter, in relation to certain specified matters.Contempt of Court is one such matter. But is has also been made clear that thelaws which have been saved are those which are “existing law,” which termagain has been defined by the Constitution as including only enacted law, asdistinguished from practice or precedent. Now category (b) of contempt is not

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enacted law, it is purely practice based on the British theory. That the frames ofour Constitution could not have intended to preserve the British theory of indirector constructive contempt would be clear from the fact that the British conceptis based on the fiction that the King is present in all superior courts in somemystic way to administer justice, is personified by the Judges who are but themouthpieces of this Royal Will, and their dignity and authority to punish summarilywithout regular procedure and in disregard of fundamental principles ofjurisprudence are only a projection of the Royal prerogative.

Now, no sooner than we declared ourselves a Republic that fiction with itsentire superstructure toppled over. Judges are no longer appointed by RoyalWarrant, are not now extensions of the Royal personality administering theKing’s will—the law upto his subjects. They are now appointees of the President,himself a creature of the people; they are just commoners, administering thelaw according to the Constitution. Apart from what their probity and integrity,independence and ability, both as individuals and as an institution would entitlethem to, there is now to be no extraordinary sanctity attached to their office.Their halo would now be of their own earning, not a conferment of the RoyalPalace. They now command peoples’ respect and confidence, not because ofthe royal source of their authority, but because of the authority, which the peoplehave conferred on them through the instrument of their collective with theConstitution. It is now the Court situation, which is basic, in place of the King’swill, or precedents arising from that concept. In a recent case of a Bombayjournalist who was hauled up before the bar of a State Legislature for concept,the Supreme Court ruled to the effect that it is the Constitution, and theConstitution alone, which is henceforth to be our guide in interpreting and applyinglaw, pre-Constitution practice and precedents being no longer applicable

The position of contempt law in India at present is as follows. Againstcontempt of category (a), relevant provisions of the Penal, Civil and CriminalProcedure Codes provide adequate powers to the courts. As regards contemptof category (b) the practice even after the inauguration of the Republic hascontinued to follow the British theory. This I have shown to be unconstitutionalnow. Even a Judge of our Supreme Court in a foreword to a book on the subject,while referring to the change in the juristic basis of the concept, has observedthat in a Republic it would be of importance to discuss historically the basis ofthe jurisdiction of courts in matters of contempt.

Be that as it may, it is high time that Parliament took steps to bring the lawof contempt into some sort of order easily understandable by the people who,


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our Constitution says, are the source of the authority of the State. And as I saidbefore, while care should be taken to assure that the authority of the judiciary isnot impaired, the freedom and independence of the other organs of the Stateshould also be protected from encroachment or unreasonable interference byarbitrary law.•

Hindustan Standard- January 13, 1953Leader- January 13, 1953National Herald - January 14, 1953

Lying Rampant in Lower CourtsJ. P. Narain last month wrote to the Prime Minister: “The lower courts

have become a breeding and training ground for lying deceit forgery,per-jury and worse.” The author, a lawyer, in this arti-cle discusses a majorevil prevalent in the lower courts: perjury. —Editor

I was acting as Arbitrator in a case arising out of a law-suit when one ofthe witnesses hesitated over a question. “Come on, tell the truth. You are not inCOURT”, coaxed the other party. As if lies have to be reserved for the courts!So when Jai Prakash Narain, in his correspondence with the Prime Ministerlast month, said: “The lower courts have become a breeding and training groundfor lying, deceit, forgery, perjury, and worse”, he was not at all overstating thecase. To his list, he might have added corruption, with a capital C. It is a by-word in law courts that even the ground you stand on expects to be paid for.

It a country with a written constitution such as ours, the judiciary as an armof the state should be supreme. It is indeed gratifying that India’s judiciary, in itshighest reaches, has a tradition of integrity, independence, wisdom and a highmoral tone and fully deserves the role assigned it by the Constitution. But,unfortunately, the same thing cannot be said of the sub-ordinate courts, which,for various reasons, do not inspire confidence in their solicitude for a capacityto get at truth.

One need not be a lawyer or a judge to discover that lying is rampant in thelower courts. People go there not so much to get redress against injustice asto obtain decisions in their favour. Our legal institutions are governed by theconcept that they should confine themselves to the evidence produced beforethem and discard hearsay or knowledge gathered from private sources. Theirfunction is reduced to one of mechanical assessing as to which party has beenable to procure the stronger evidence, instead of finding out the truth by whatevermeans possible.

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“Padding” of Evidence:Any mofussil lawyer would tell you that the evidence produced in a case is

hardly ever completely true. Even where a plaintiff or a defendant has truth onhis side, he often finds it necessary to “pad” his evidence. Even should thecourt think and be convinced that parti-cular cause is just, a decision in itsfavour might not be returned un-less there is “legal’’ evidence on record tosupport it.

Strict adherence to truth is at a discount. And once the necessity of a lieeven an innocuous one—to obtain a correct decision is con-ceded, the moralfoundations of the institution are shaken. Then the flood-gates of “lying, deceit,forgery, perjury and worse”, are opened wide.

In a case in which a man had been charged with murdering his wife, thefacts were that on returning at midnight from his field he found his wife in bedwith this brother. The brother escaped, while he hacked the woman to death ina fit of uncontrollable anger. For reasons best known to the police, this detail ofthe woman’s affair with her brother-in-law, was not brought out in court andthe husband was charged with unprovoked murder, for which the punishment isdeath.

The defence produced a 10-year-old son of the couple, who was sleepingnearby, to speak of his mother’s affair with his uncle. His evidence was ‘proved’and the accused got a lighter sentence. Had it not been for his false (yet true)testimony, the boy might have lost both his father and mother.

The commonest example is that of a simple money loan for which the debtorexecutes a receipt and a promissory note in the creditor’s favour. In nine casesout of ten, the transaction is strictly private between the parties. But should itbecome necessary to recover the debt through the process of law, the creditorbefore filing the suit gets two men to sign their names on the marginal spacereserved for the witnesses’ signatures in token of their having witnessed thetrans-action. If the debtor denies the existence of the loan, these ‘wit-nesses’would be ready to swear that he received the money in their presence.

Police Search:Take the matter of house search for contraband or incriminating articles.

Law prescribes that the search shall be conducted in the presence of tworespectable witnesses belonging to the locality. In the nature of things, policemenare averse to giving advance in-formation of their contemplated action for fearof defeating the very purpose of the search. So what is usually done is that firsta search is made, unaided. If nothing worthwhile turns up, that is the end of thematter. Otherwise, two men are called in to sign the search papers and are


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produced at the trial to swear that they were present at the time of the search.The procedure governing the re-cording of evidence lays down that as soon

as the evidence of a witness is concluded it shall be read over to him. As amatter of fact this is seldom done, except in sessions trials.

This writer does not believe for a moment that we Indians, as a peo-ple, aredeprived or devoid of character or conscience. It is the system, a hybrid bornout of a combination of outlandish concepts and an indigenous legal system.Our lower law courts are so hem-med in by matters of form and procedure thattruth is generally obscured. For national reconstruction, a good deal of rethinkingin this direction is called for—I.N.F.S. •

National Herald- April 04, 1953

Criminal Law Reform: Its Real CharacterSir, —Our judicial system with the jurisprudence on which it is based is one

of the few good things in the legacy which the British have left us. This is not tosay that our law, especially the criminal procedural law, does not permit offurther im-provement. But the scheme of re-form of the criminal procedureintroduced in the Lok Sabha, viewed as a whole from the standpoint ofimprovement in the administration of criminal justice, far from promoting itsinterests according to well-established concepts of juris-prudence, has thetendency only of strengthening the hands of the exe-cutive at the expense ofthe citizen.

The Bill as a whole has apparent-ly been designed and drafted from thepoint of view of the prosecution. The speeches made by the Union I HomeMinister and his deputy in Parliament indicate unmistakably that what really isat the back of their mind is concern, not so much for the promotion of justice, asfor the failure of the prosecuting authorities to obtain favourable ver-dicts fromthe courts. In their anxiety to make the task of the police easier they seem quitevisibly to be straining at the elementary principle of criminal jurisprudence onwhich the laws of modern civiliz-ed countries are based: that the benefit of thedoubt must go to the accused. They seem to want, without putting it in so manywords, that it should go to the prosecution—in the interests of the State. Theyappear willing to throw to the winds the principle that it is better that a hundredguilty persons escape than that a single innocent person be convicted, and toadopt instead the rule that it does not matter if some innocent persons areconvicted so long as the guilty ones do not escape.

The fundamental conception of democracy is that society exists for thegood of the individual and not that the individual exists for society. Totalitarianstates on the other hand hold the reverse view: that the state is dominant while

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the subject is subservient. It is true that in times of dire national emergencydemocratic states too have to modify their practice of individual liberty to aconsiderable extent, but in fascist or communist states, the in-dividual has tosubserve the interest of the state all the time; it is their normal feature. There isno such emergency in India; at any rate none is pleaded. Then are we beingunwillingly led on to authorita-rian ways of national life?

A passage occurs in the speech of Dr. Katju which is as striking as it srevealing. He says, Out of every 100 prosecutions before sessions courts,generally speaking, 75 were acquitted; and of the persons convicted at leastone-third were acquitted by the High Courts. That is the state of affairs whichone had to tackle.” One scans in vain the proposed legislation to discover aclause, which directly by itself or in conjunction with others is calculated to‘tackle’ the state of affairs. So, nothing is left to us but to infer that by sayingwhat he has said he intended nothing but to convey scarcely veiled hints to thesession judges and even, to some extent to the High Courts. Has the HomeMinister ever stopped to think, and to flee out the real reasons, which leave thejudges no alternative, but to acquit the accused in cases that come to trial, or onappeal, before them? Being Home Minister and responsible for internal affairs,he is naturally partial to his police and sides with them instead of finding faultwith them for their defective investigations leading to results which he deplores.He has to find space-goats for the failures of his police. So he blames them onthe sessions judges. And considering that session judges are subordinate to theexecutive Government in matters of service, it is easy to see through the insidiousand subtle game of tampering with and undermining their judicial independence.He does not stop there. He goes on obliquely to blame the High Courts forreducing the percentage of convictions still further. But does he not see whatthat adds up to? That means that the session judges lean towards the side ofconviction more than the side of conviction more than they should, for one thirdof their judgments of convictions are reversed in appeal. It took as if, had theHome Ministry had its way, not only the sessions judges but even the Judges ofthe High Courts would need to be properly indoctrinated into its new-fangledlegal theories.

Significantly enough, the Home Minister has not cared to give the figures ofacquittals and convictions in Magistrates courts. He was wise in this for if hehad given them, he would have spoiled the case he was presenting to Parliamentand through it, to the people, his masters. As every one knows under the newdisposition the magistrates are more executive-minded than heretofore. Somemagistrates have made it a rule of practice (I speak from experience) not to


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acquit a single police challan, as rightly or wrongly (rightly I believe) they thinkthat their confirmation or promotion, as the case may be, depends on their keepingon the right side of the police. Not less than eight per cent of cases before themagistrates, I think, result in conviction which considering the reputation of ourpolice and the present standard of its integrity, should be enough of anachievement for the Home Ministry without its wanting to better record stillfurther and to go in for session judges, leaving the police exactly as it is.

If the Home Minister early wants that police prosecutions should be moresuccessful in session courts, he should set about improving his police-investigatingagency, instead of blaming its shortcomings on the judiciary. In trying to achieveresults through short cuts, he is likely to destroy almost the only really a goodlegacy we have inherited from the British—a judicial system independent ofthe executive.

There is not the least doubt that our criminal law needs reform. But thedirection must first be carefully determined by all those who are concernedwith the administration of justice and not just left to the police or its head todecide. Moreover, tinkering with the problem here and there won’t do. If therewas ever a case for a full-blooded Law Commission, it is here. The DeputyHome Minister’s excuse that this would take a long time is most unconvincing.Firstly, it need not secondly, even if it would. It is eminently worth it. Reform ofthe criminal law is a vast subject and the time that it may take to tackle thestate of affairs should not be grudged to it. At any rate the quick remediesprescribed by the Home Minister do not touch even the fringe of the real problem.

On his part the Home Minister would do well to apply himself to the settingup also of a Police Commission. The country needs it badly-both for improvingthe investigating machinery and in the larger interests of the state. The Bill toamend the Criminal Procedure Code, in its pith and substance, has very little tocommend it. It must be replaced by a well-considered and widely deliberatdmeasure, after a Law Commission has reported on the real requirements of thecountry in the matter of criminal law.•

National Herald – June 25, 1954

Law and Nanavati CaseSir, —Speaking at the inaugu-ration of the All-India Bar Asso-ciation, the Prime

Minister, among other matters, asked the judiciary to give a new direction to theinterpretation of the laws of Parliament. Great Judges in other countries, he said,had built up by interpretation a very far-reaching system of social ethics and socialadvance. “It is not”, to quote his words, merely a kind of, if I may say so withrespect, blind following of the letter but also of the spirit which is always necessary,

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and that function comes to the judiciary as it comes to the legislatures. He couldhave added the execu-tive also and I may refer in passing to that significant omi-ssion.

The difficulty in our country is that its Constitution, unlike those countries,which the Prime Minister has in mind, is rather rigid and does not leave muchroom for interpre-tative maneuverability such as he wants. If it had the flexibilityof say the American Constitution, there appears to be reason to think, for instance,that the powers of the Governor, discussed in the case of the unexecuted writof arrest of Commander Nanavati, could not have been held to cover the purposefor which they had clearly been exercised. It Is apparent that it was only the“blind following of the letter of the law” that enabled the Governor’s act tohave been held as within his powers. Had the spirit of the law been allowedplay in its interpretation? It seems obvious that the action of, the executive incountermanding (shorn of platitude, it was no less) the order of the judiciarywould have been held to be ultra vires.

While every progressive would hope that our legislatures would go on makinglaws for social pro-gress and the judiciary likewise interpreting them to advancethe case for which they have been made, it is equally to be hoped that theexecutive, on its part, would give up taking shelter be-hind the letter, ignoringthe spirit of the law, as was done in the case above-mentioned.

The Governor’s action in sus-pending the sentence on Nanavati, upheld asconstitutional by the Bombay High Court, has nonetheless left a bad taste in themouth. Far from its avowed purpose of minimizing the rigours of impersonaljudicial decisions, it looks very much like an affront to the judicial process averitable dam in the even flow of the administration of justice. The least thatthe “spirit” of the constitutional provision relating to the prerogative reserved tothe heads of States in this behalf required was that a decent inter-val shouldhave been allowed to elapse after the judicial conse-quence of the sentencebefore the special power was invoked. To say that the accused person wouldhave suffered damage ac-cording to some provision of the law relating to theNavy is neither here nor there. For one thing, that law or rule or regu-lation, ifconsidered unreason-able (as prima facie it is), could have been suspended,changed or scrapped, as called for. The Governor has all the time the power toissue ordinance. Or the law could have taken its course. Hard cases, as everybody knows, do not make good law.

All said and done, it is the executive much more than the judiciary, whichstands in need of being reminded of its functions. The judges have to interpretthe law and the constitution within a very limited range-limited by or Constitution-makers. It is the executive, rather than any other organ of the State, whichbears to be constantly reminded of the “spirit” of the Constitution and the laws,especially where they refer to the fundamental rights of the citizens.•

Hindustan Standard – April 09, 1960


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Judiciary and CorruptionSir, —It may be galling to our self-respect but it has to be ad-mitted that

there has been rather a steep tailing off in standards all round since we, as anation, took over the management of our own affairs. But unless we resolutelyrefuse to mince matters and decide to lace the reality, the efforts we make andthe measures we devise to check this decline are bound to fall short ineffectiveness, it not fail altogether. So When Mr. Pratap Narain Singh, deliveringhis presidential address at the 19th U.P. Lawyers’ Conference at Nainital, said“the only silver lining in the present set-up is that the judiciary has not beencorrupted and each one of us is proud of the same”, he should be understood tohave been referring to the high court level. We would be living in a world ofmake-believe if we embraced all the levels of the judiciary in his observation.

Let us put the record straight. The fact is, and I am sure there would begeneral agreement with what I am saying, that the subordi-nate judiciary is notwhat it used to be. The civil judiciary used to be practically free from corruptionsince the time when the then Chief Justice Grimwood Mears made it his businessto see it to that even a breath of suspicion against any of its members wasenough to send him packing. ‘Today un-fortunately, to say the least, that is farfrom being the case. As for the criminal side where previously only a minority—a small minority; —was corrupt, now-a-days It is roughly speaking, the otherway round.

I am not saying all this in a mood of churlish contrariness. I am stating whatI believe to be the truth, and with a full sense of responsibility. It is no goodde-ceiving ourselves and those who may want to base their future course ofaction on the unqualified observations made at a conference of members of thelearned pro-fession of law.

We have now a Vigilance Commission in the State. Unfortunate-ly, unlikewhat the position is at the Centre it is hamstring by keeping back from it thepowers to initiate enquiry on its own. It must wait till the Government themselvesare pleased to refer a case, to it for enquiry. Having constituted a commission itis hard to find why it is not entrusted with the authority to go ahead with itswork. The suspicion is bound to arise in public mind that even in a matter of finskind, political considerations are being allowed to impair seriously the good workthat the commission can do. May we hope that the commission, skippered as itis with the best that can be found, would he invested with the fullest powers ofdealing directly with an evil, which is literally eating into tine very vitals of thebody politic? •

National Herald- October 20, 1964

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THE PRESIDENT

President’s ElectionSir, —The Prime Minister was perhaps not altogether well-advised in giving a

plausible excuse to com-munal parties to import unworthy considerations into theelection of the President. Without having to plead for Dr. Zakir Husain on theground, inter alia of secularism, he had a good enough ease. On the retirement Dr.Rajendra Prasad the then Vice President, Dr. Radhakrishnan, thought of as acandidate in the normal course to step into his shoes. Similarly, when Dr.Radhakrishnan is vacating that office, Dr. Zakir Husain is a natural succes-sor—that is, unless there were some other overriding considera-tions. Since there were,none, the Vice-President’s nomination to the office was, as it was, a matter ofcourse. No plea of secularism was necessary or need have been ad-vanced. Itcould well have been left to those who tee everything from a restricted vision toimport considerations of communalism, if they thought it helpful to then cause.

The attitude of the Jana Sangh is, in the circumstances, perfectly intelligible.What is amazing is the behavior pattern of the parties of the Left, more especiallyof the so-cialist parties. They know that the Swatantra Party had reasons of its ownto sponsor the name of Mr. Subba Rao, whose views on the immutability offundamental rights to private property are now en-shrined in a court judgment.The attitude of the Jana Sangn and the Swatantra Party should have been enoughto put the socialists on their guard. It is disappointing to find that in deciding tooppose Dr. Zakir Husain they should be consciously but-tressing the forces of reactionand blow that they are thereby aiming at the independence of the judi-ciary,

We know they want to defeat and humble the Congress. This they have everyright to do. But in doing so, let them ponder whe-ther it is wise to burn the burn toget rid of the rats. •

Patriot- May 04, 1957

Presidential Election ControversySir, —A concomitant of the independence of the judiciary is a scrupulous

avoidance on the part of the judges of all controversy, political or other, in order toassure an equable atmosphere, free from bias and prejudice. This is necessary notonly for the impartial administration of justice but also for faith and confidence inthat administration. A lifetime spent in such environs of detachment naturallyincapacitates judges from looking forward, in the closing stages of their tenure, toany preferment by any political party, including, of course, the ruling party itself.It is better that the experience and wisdom of judges were allowed to run to seed in


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adequately-pensioned retirement than drafted on to work in controversial or politicalspheres, lest the prospect of office other than on which they are engaged, warp oraffect their objectivity of judgment. Exceptions there have been; frankly, perhaps,these had better been avoided.

The nomination by several political parties of Mr. Subba Rao, till yesterday theChief Justice of India, for the office of President Is, therefore, a step in the wrongdirection. It is “sad to note that” the candidate himself, after first making it knownthat he wrong direction. It is sad to note was consensus in his favour, should laterhave decided to fight an election which seems to promise to be both fierce andhard. Apart from this, there are already overtones, which would doubtlessly beexploited to damage the cause of secularism in the country by certain parties.

But there is very much more to it than that. To say that the ex-Chief Justice hadresigned his post before his nomination was filed is puerile. For one thing, he hadallowed his candidature to be canvassed and become a subject of controversywhile he was very much in that high office. For another, even from the point ofview of propriety, he should have allowed himself a decent interval of time afterretirement before he looked around for a political career. The total effect on theentire field of judicial administration of what he has permitted himself to do is likelyto be unwholesome and unfortunate. In the heat of the moment when party passionsblind us to cold reality, we may not visualize the extent of its repercussions. It isalmost as good as good-bye now to the independence of the judiciary as we haveknown it.

From now on, we are establishing a precedent that a judge may openly canvassor be canvassed for any political or other post even during service. A corollarywould be that he would in that case be free to prepare the ground before- hand incase of high posts, perhaps years in advance. Would he not then, to ensure success,be naturally persuaded to trim his sails according to the weather? His brother judges,who have been sitting with him, would be less than human if they do not entertainsuch suspicions. And what about the litigating public? It is not yet too late to rectifythe mistake. The Swatantra Party, which was the first to sponsor his name, wouldbe the first, and sure, to retrace its steps once it realizes the grave consequences ofits move. True to its professions of trying to conserve all that is best in our nationallife, would it be too much to expect of its mature and sagacious leadership to re-examine its stand? If light does not dawn in that quarter, however, there, is nothingleft for us but to appeal to our legislators both at the Centre and in the States toretrieve what is possible from a situation fraught with such incalculable hazards toour polity? •

Hindustan Times- May 02, 1967

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President’s RuleSir, —The apparent reasons for bringing Uttar Pradesh under President’s rule

redound to the credit neither of those who have abdicated nor of those who takeover. The position is curious. There was a ministry whose stability was not in seriousdoubt. There was no breakdown of the Constitution in the sense that ordinarilyinvites the suspension of the normal course of democratic administration. And yetwe are helpless witness to a situation where a ministry has stepped down to inductwhat is essentially unadulterated bureaucratic governance.

According to a press summary, “the formula worked out between the PrimeMinister and the Chief Minister seems to stipulate that the leader of the CongressParty would again be called on to form a government as soon as it is felt that thedrastic measures to tone up the administration, difficult for a popular Governmentto undertake, have been completed.”

Can there be a sorrier reason for the resignation of a Government under asystem sporting the democratic facade? Three things glaringly stand out. First,while off and on we pat ourselves for accomplishing small things in the field ofreform, we go into blue funk when it comes to the first function of any Government,the duty to govern. No ministry worth its salt should shirk unpleasant tasks shouldthey become necessary, especially after allowing matters to drift and lead to amiserable pass as the result of its own action, when nothing but drastic surgery canbe effective. It is the height of irresponsibility that when it comes to putting thingsin order, we should step aside to make room for the bureaucracy to do the hatchetwork for, us. It will now be nothing but bureaucratic government by remote controlof the same political party at a different level. In other words, it would be exerciseof political authority but without accountability.

Secondly, although we never tire of calling the bureaucracy names—that itstands athwart the national highway to progress—we have to our shame to fallback on it to pull us out of our difficulties.

And thirdly, party interests are treated as paramount while democratic usagesare allowed go to dogs. A party which rights shy of showing firmness in the face ofdifficulties has no right to govern.

The Tripathi ministry, in spite of big claims made for it when it was inducted,has easily been the worst in the succession of governments in the state. Composedas the ruling party in the state is of largely those who crossed the floor £or a messof pottage, it was, apart from a few honourable exceptions, headed by quite a fewwho had a name for corruption and or incompetence. While in some ministriesfiles just did not move unless palms were greased all along the line, others werepresided over by men who were “araam men hain” whenever called on. The way


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the ministry exposed its spinelessness in the face of even the most unpopular strikeof power engineers, any group of men in high places with a modicum of commonsensewould have foreseen other more serious problems coming. I am sure there wouldhave been no PAC revolts had the engineers strike been handled firmly.

It is conceded that in a democratic system a balance has to a struck betweencompetence and ability on the one hand and representative character on the otherwhile forming ministries. All the same, there are certain basic norms that must beobserved. A, reputation for corruption is never tolerated; even a suspicion thereofshould not get the benefit of the doubt. Then, men chosen to hold portfolios musthave some knowledge of the subject they are to deal with, or at any rate the capacityto acquire it speedily. Above all, they should place duty before popularity. And theyshould work for the people and not merely for votes.

The Tripathl Ministry goes unwept, unhonoured and unsung. To resurrect itafter the bureaucracy has done the cleaning up would be a confession that thiscountry has only the trappings of democracy. •

National Herald (Lucknow)- June 18, 1973Northern India Patrika- July 01, 1973

Oh no, Mr. PresidentSir, —The President has himself to thank if his august office is brought into

the vortex of controversy. Of all the possible courses open to him, he has chosenthe most questionable.

The most obviously dictated course in the circumstances for next claimant theleader of the party whose claim he had passed over in favour of Mr. Charan Singh.Common sense, fairness and constitutional, democratic and political proprietydemanded no, dictated that the next claimant (there were no others) should begiven the chance to prove his title just as Mr. Charan Singh had been given chance,If he too could not, there was an end to the matter and there would have beennothing more to be said.

People should not be blamed if they suspect motives in the action of thepresident. It is Difficult to result the conclusion that he has been partial to a particularleader.

The nation exalted Mr. Sanjiva Reddy to the highest office in its gift. It had rightto expect him to preserve him dignity and protect it from animadversion. It is said tohave to say that it has been let down. •

Indian Express-September 01, 1979

The President - Oh no, Mr. President

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President & Prime MinisterSir, —This refers to Arum Shourie’s—‘Speaker: Then and Now’, and the letters

which have appeared on the subject.Much rhetoric has been wasted lover the defense of the Prime Minister in the

dereliction of his constitutional duty towards the President by the P.M. himself, hisparty and now Justice Kudal (IE. March 21).

All executive power of the Central Government vests in the President. It isonly in his name that it is exercised. He does so directly or through sub ordinates(Article 53).

The President appoints the Prime Minister, the PM advises the President in thechoice of other ministers for his Council. All the ministers, including the PrimeMinister, hold office during the picture of the President (Article 75).

The President exercises his executive functions with the aid and advice of hisCouncil of Ministers headed by the Prime Minister (Article 74). A clause of thisprovides that this advice shall not be enquired into by any court. (Justice Kudal,arguing for the P.M. and his supporters, says, “The Council of Ministers is to advisethe President. Such advice or communication cannot be summoned or questionedeven in a court of law”. I wonder from where he has imported the restrictive ‘even’.The plain reading of the Article is that the question of advice is not justifiable.That is all. There is no bar, or can there be any, against Parliament going in to thematter.

Then, there is Article 78. This says that the President shall be kept informed ofall, repeat all the decisions of the Council of Minster shall furnish all searchinformation to him as may be called for. There is no bar here against the jurisdictionof the courts to inquire into the subject matter of this Article information called forParliament, in its sovereign power, has always the right-to inquire into and discusswhether any information asked for by the President was furnished or not.

It is case of proved failure on the part of the Prime. Minister, an appointee of,and holding office at the pleasure of the President, to carry out his constitutionalobligation to keep the President informed, particularly when directed to do so. Hecannot shield himself behind pleas that he passed on all the important informationwhereas his duty was to communicate all information.

All the special pleadings to the contrary are irrelevant pettifogging. •Indian Express- March 28, 1987


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INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

PAKISTAN

Anglo-PakistanisSir, —What do those who have re-cently begun to call themselves. Anglo-

Pakistanis really mean by the appellation? It is obvious that the term been coinedin contradistinction he term ‘Anglo-Indian’. An Anglo-Indian is a person born ofparents, one, at whom is an Indian and the other a Britisher, just as Nawabzada is aperson born of a Nawab. No one can become (or for that, matter cease to be) aNawabzada by just wishing it. Similarly to style one’s self as an Anglo-Pakistaniwhen one is born of, Indian, (and not Pakistani) and British parentage, is to fly in theface of facts. To entitle oneself to be called an Anglo-Pakistani one must be born ofparents one of whom must be Pakistani. The term can therefore obvi-ously beapplicable to those who may hereafter (or to be more exact, after the 15th August,1947) be born of such ‘mixed parentage, but not to anybody already in existence onthe “appoint-ed date.” Pakistan citizenship may be conferrable but to be an Anglo-Pakistani one shall have to choose one’s parents with care. The term Anglo-Indian,like the term “Nawabzada, registers a fact and so would the term Anglo-Pakistani.One cannot shake it off, or assume it, by mere wishing, Domicile and residencemay be renounced or adopted but origin is a matter over which even opportunistshave no control.

The avidity with which a section of Anglo-Indians have adopted the illogicalappellation of only betrays their dormant anti-Indian mentality. They have shakenoff their “Indianism” at the first available opportunity. Disowned by their rulingclass parent, the British Colonial flaunting a superiority complex (which in reality isinferiority complex) before the other, the Indian those have plumped for a name,which leaves them free to indulge in their anti-Indian propensities. It is clear thatthey have thrown with the most reactionary of the seeders for we refuse to believethat in the Pakistan of near future there will be those who would be silently waitingwatching and working for a reunion with India. The so-called Anglo-Pakistanishave unmistakably declared that they at least are not among them.

Incidentally, would it not be advisable for Anglo-Indians (of India) to drop“Anglo” altogether from their names and be in everyday life what they already arein the eyes of law—just simply Indians. Thereafter let Anglo-Pakistanis revel asmuch as they like in confusing still further their mixed parentage to their heart’scontent. •I.N.C.- July 10, 1947

International Affairs (Pakistan) - Anglo Pakistanis

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Liaquat’s Half-truths and UntruthsSir, —A sentence in the letter of Janab Liaquat All Khan to our Prime Minister

during their recent exchanges has intrigued the people here a great deal. Says he,“Your claim to Kashmir as Indian territory does not rest upon the free will of thepeople of the State upon the action of the Hindu Maharaja, who despite the clearlyexpressed wishes of the people for joining Pakistan, conspired with the Indianleaders......” (underlines mine).

We had thought that by now the full facts of the Kashmir situation were verywell known to everybody, the distortions of Pakistan notwithstanding. And yet thePrime Minister of Pakistan seems to imply that at some time or the other theKashmiris had, formal-ly and clearly, expressed a definite wish for acceding toPakistan.

Now where did he get that?Could any of your numerous readers kindly throw light on what possible facts,

or semblance .of facts, has the Nawabzada, with all his flair for twisting them builtup this tall and fanciful claim? •

Anand Bazar Patrika- August 13, 1951

The Pakistan QuestionSir, —Being a professional sol-dier, Gen. Ayub Khan of Pakis-tan had no

political excuse for saying things he does not mean. He had no need to do that; andhis utterances, therefore, cannot be dismissed as just playing to the gallery. It wouldnot be po-litic now not to take notice of the war-like tone and attitude, which headopted while referring to the canal waters and the questions. Side by side, thereforewith our military preparedness to meet all eventualities—there is no doubt that ourGovernment, in spite of outward complacencies is fully alive to that necessity—thepeople of our country, so long lulled into a make-believe sense of complete securityso far as Indo-Pakistan relations are concerned, have likewise, to be psychologicallyconditioned for at possible showdown with Pakistan. For that is what the mad menpresently at the helm of affairs in that country seem to be driv-ing themselves to.

The truth is that our rulers have so far been too soft with Pakistan. While it isright and understandable that we have to be consistent in our policy and professionof peace and good-neighbourly conduct, it must not be forgotten at the same timethat our policy should be objec-tive, that is, it should be calcu-lated to bring aboutthe result aimed at. With all the goodwill in, the world for Pakistan we have wehave to realise that its rulers are not of the same stuff as ours are. Both politicallyand tempera-mentally, they belong to a class different from ours. Their psychologyand mental make-up is different, they react differently to given approaches. The


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reason is not far to seek. While our rulers had been fighters against foreign rule andin the process had to develop certain qualities of head and heart under the leadershipof Mahatma Gandhi, the present generation of rulers of Pakistan have naturally tobe those who were the henchmen of that foreign rule, with all the qualities whichpay in henchman-ship. Our role, even when we were battling for freedom, wasalways constructive; theirs was consistently negative and des-tructive. So whatimpresses us does not necessarily impress them. While our rulers have al-waysbeen open to reason but are apt to react sharply against im-position of any kind,those of Pakistan appreciate no language but that of strength. Conceived in fearand reared in hate, Pakistan’s birth is the result of a big blackmail; and so theleaders that were churned up to he top were bound to be bullies. However gentleand peaceful your approach, you cannot reason with, a bully, just as you cannotrea-son with a mad dog. The big stick is the only argument they understand. Ourpeaceful over-tures they have all the time been mistaking for signs of weakness,we must decide now to talk to them in terms, which they under-stand.

As we all know, the two mo outstanding differences between Pakistan and usare over the Canal Waters and Kashmir. Our conciliatory attitude on these questionshas been mistaken by them and by the world at large not only as a sign of ourweakness, but also due to an inner-doubt on our part in the justice of our case. Weshould now de-cide to give no ground for any illusions in any quarter. Re-gardingcanal waters, we appear to have given them a unilateral understanding that wewould continue the present supply till 1961, by which time we expect they shouldhave made alterna-tive arrangements. I think the date should be substantiallyad-vanced. There is no case for generosity. That would make Pakistan see reasonand at any.

I disagree with those who aver that the Western Powers have a hand in thePakistani coup. There could have been a suspicion about that so long as IskanderMirza was in power; after his fall there is no doubt that Ayub Khan, to use thelanguage of cricket, is playing off his own bat. No westerner in his proper sensescan view with equanimity a development, which definitely means a set-back to thegrowth of demo-cracy in this part of the world. Moreover, no American or Britoncan view without alarm a situation, which by a mere turn of adventurism, bringabout a right-about-face in Pakistan’s pro-Wes-tern policy. Be that as it may, thesepowers must be clearly given to understand that India cannot, and shall not, toleratea continuing threat to its peace and security at its very door-step come what may. •

National Herald- November 15, 1958Anand Bazar Patrika- November 15, 1958

International Affairs (Pakistan) - The Pakistan Question

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Aggression and Self DefenceSir, —Even in game sanctuaries and other reserved areas, regulations which

place a limited or total ban on hunting have obviously no application when a personacts in self-defence. If, say a tigers were to attack one with intent to kill or maul, nolaw can stand in the way of the intended victim destroying the animal but right.

Viewed in this light the announcement of the Minister of State for ExternalAffairs in Parliament that “arms received from friendly countries were not beingused and WOULD NOT BE USED (capitals mine) against Pakistan” appears tobe very unrealistic. One wonders what really Mrs. Menon meant to convey by thisassurance—surely not that resolve to get killed without lifting a finger in self-defence?

We know for a fact that, whatever the reason, Pakistan has of late been adoptinga very bumptious attitude. Never well-disposed at any time, its relations with ourcountry are; at present touching an all-time-low. For no reason other than sheerspite, it is all the time engaged in hatching plots against us, in collaboration withChina, by passing all its commitments in the SEATO and the CENTO. We must stillhope that for its own sake, if for nothing else, it will not be so foolish as to embarkon any military adventure against our country.

But should it choose to do so, are we to understand from the Minister statementthat we will have to stand by what has been said that even if Pakistan attacks ourcountry with weapons obtained from foreign countries, we will still be obliged toabstain from using foreign arms in our self-defence? Have we arrived anywherenear the stage we are militarily self-sufficient and can do without foreign militaryaid? We must remember that at no time has Pakistan given any assurance that themilitary aid it is receiving will not be used against India, howsoever assured somecountries may pretend, to feel on that score.

Is it not sufficient for us to say, as we have said times without number, thatnotwith-standing Pakistan’s occupation of part of Kashmir as a result of itsaggression, we would not use force to eject it, that is to say, we will not be aggressorseven with respect to that, in other words, we will not draw the first blood? Morethan this nobody has the right to say, and commit the nation. For when it comes toa question of defence against aggression, i.e. of national self-preservation, no holdscan possibly be barred.•

National Herald - November 26, 1963Leader- November 29, 1963Northern India Patrika- November 29, 1963

The only Answer to PakistanSir, —The Kashmir question has been with us for about 18 years now. Contrary

to expectation, it shows no signs of solving itself. Our experience over the yearsshould be enough to convince us that its essentially unsolved nature is a standinginvitation to our neighbour across the border to be constantly making trouble. Unless


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therefore we want to live with this thorn in the flesh from generation to generation,something has got to be done about it. It is heartening to find evidence that thegov-ernment is beginning to give fresh thought to the matter.

Two courses are open to us. The first is that, to buy peace, we offer the stateto Pakistan on a platter and have done with it. But as any one can see, even this actof ours would not alter that country’s atti-tude towards us. Born of hate, it can findsustenance only in hate; in the ultimate analysis hate has been, is, and would alwaysbe a built-in reason for its separate existence. So the stark reality must be faced.Or, we decide to take calculat-ed and determined steps to finally, effectively andonce for all close the question.

We aught to give notice to the United Nations that since it has not been able todo any-thing all these 18 years to re-solve the Kashmir problem, we regard ourselvesat liberty, after a given date, to take whatever steps may be neces-sary to recoverwhat is indis-putably the territory of the state of Jammu and Kashmir, a constituentunit of India. The so-called Azad Kashmir under the illegal occupation of Pakistanmust be liberated.

And as it is, are we not at war already, undeclared and thinly disguised thoughit is? Unpleasant is the long-drawn, out agonising situation, which obtains today.The longer we delay in coming to grips with the problem, the greater would be itsmagnitude when eventu-ally we have no choice. Are we still so unrealistic as notto concede that the effort, which was needed to drive out the Pakistani invaders in1947, would have been much smaller than what it is today, and far smaller than itwould be, say five years hence? If there be some other and better way of solvingthis problem, we should be told what that is. •

National Herald - August 25, 1965Leader- August 26, 1965

Pakistan Pathology TreatmentSir, —A child of the two-nation theory of Mohammad Ali Jinnah—that Hindus

and Muslims of India, descended from the same stock and even blood-brothers, aretwo distinct nations solely on the ground of difference of religion—Pakistan is anartifact of British imperialistic design Muslim politico-communal intransigenceand impatient Indian nationalism. Since co-existence with Hindus was impossibleaccording to Jinnah, hostility to them and to India, their homeland is a built-in proclivityin the very rationale of its make-up. Conceived in antagonism and nourished onanimosity, its birth heralded, not in paeans of joy song and exultation, but by thecries and shrieks of the dying, in a blood-bath the like of which has never beenwitnessed in human history. Millions had to die for Pakistan to be born.

International Affairs (Pakistan) - Pak Pathology Treatment

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Chauvinism is of its essence. For is it not the “Land of the Pure”? All othercountries, but particularly India with which, it parted in malevolence and malice togive itself its fancy name, are ‘no-pak’, unclean. Islam is the sole unify-ing link inits territorial make-up. Except for the bond of religion, the units of which are an adhoc conglomeration, the people of Pakistan are all unlike in culture, customs, language,ethnic derivation and the very way of life.

It is a fact of’ history that in the national movement for inde-pendence, theMuslims of pre-independent India almost as a body, took no part. Ever since 1857when Hindus and Muslims had made common cause against the foreign rulers, thelatter had been on the look-out for the opportunity of effecting a cleavage betweenthe two major communi-ties. In the eighties of the last century, when political opinionin India started organising itself, a decision was taken by the British rulers as part oftheir policy of divide and rule, to start favouring Muslim community and thus weanit away from the mainstream of national life. A British-Muslim axis was forged andin time it comes to pass that it was against this combination that the rising ofnationalism had to fight. Jinnah, once a nationalist but frustrated when the movementoutgrew his sophisticated ways, after a close study of the British mind, conceivedthe idea of putting a pseudo-nationalist exterior on communalism so that it lookedand sounded respectable perfected it into a fine art and then applied it withconsummate finesse to his co-religionists. The time came when the surge ofnationalism became irresistible and Britain had to quit. By that time Muslimintransigence had also built itself up into undeni-able proportions. Pakistan be-camea corollary to independent India.

Followed substantial exchanges of population, necessitated by the orgies ofcommunal killings. Those who had been fed on the two-nation theory trekked out ofIndia behind Jinnah into the Promised Land, accompanied by others who betterprospects and opportunities of gainful employment. Quite a sizable proportion,migrated or reasons of safety after the carnage they had witnes-sed. But the bulkof Pakistan comprises the original residents of the areas, which came to consti-tuteit. They had no choice, and stayed where they were irrespec-tive of their belief inthe theory.

The leadership of the new na-tion, however, naturally went into the hands ofthose who had worked for it: the Muslim Leaguers who were the profounder of theidea, just as in the rest of the sub-continent, it went to the secular Congress. Theresult was that while in new India, Muslims have equal citizenship rights andopportunities with the rest of the people, such non-Muslims as still remain in Pakistanstay there on sufferance and have only a kind of second-class citizenship: at themercy of the Muslim majority and of a theocratic Government with a mandatoryMuslim head of State.


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Then, the leaders of new India, whether in non-official life or in the Government,are mostly those who participated in the national struggle for independence, underwentsuffering for a cause and generally paid the price which freedom demands. Theleaders of Pakistan, on the other hand, are those who not only never lifted their littlefinger for freedom but also are mostly from the tribe of collaborators who had sidedwith the foreign power in opposing the national movement. Lackeys of imperialism,they got Pakistan as it were on a platter, free, without having to shed a drop ofblood, as a reward for loyalty to the rulers and disloyalty to their country.

They never valued freedom enough to strive or suffer for it; they do not caretwo hoots if they have to barter their sovereignty away to foreign powers for materialgifts. Sporting a medieval ideology, it is all the same to them whether it is democracyor dictatorship, capitalism or communism; matter of complete indifference. Aftergoing through a series of Prime Ministership during the short span since their country’sbirth but during which there has been not even one general election, there has beena reversion to the primitive system of one man’s rule; a British-trained soldier is itsPresident, who came into power by a coup d’etat and keeps himself there by thefamiliar tactics of dictators. The only quality common of Pakistani rulers has beenan inveterate and obsessive enmity for India.

That rule by a military dictator has endured there very much longer than anyprevious regime is evidence of the fact that its masses are content to be governedthus, that is suits them admirably: at any rate they have not rebelled against it in themanner people rebel against unwanted rulers. No progressive legislations havebeen undertaken except such as can be fitted in any benevolent feudalist autocracy.Private exploitation is practically unlimited; there are still big landlords and serfs.What more convincing proof is needed to show that Pakistan, in spite of itsmodern facade is essentially primitive in its ideological base than that in a conferenceof world jurists, its Chief Justice has seri-ously advocated the maiming of criminalsas punishment by the State: a harking-back to the law of the jungle?

Such, then, is Pakistan, its peo-ple and their rulers with whom we have to deal.No amount of wishful thinking can wash away the fact that Pakistan has, andwould continue in the foreseeable future to have, an inborn and congenital antipathyand antago-nism to our country. When against this background, military dictatorcomes into power (and dictators everywhere sustain themselves by adventurism),the results are not difficult to presage. Our policy in relation to Pakistan has been tillrecently utterly di-vorced from reality and reason; it has been based on sentimentand. emotion, actuated more by sensitivity to world opinion than any regard tonational interest.

The most outstanding of our problems with Pakistan is Kash-mir. It is astonisheshow most western countries which call them-selves modern and civilised shouldcountenance territorial claims on the sole ground of religious affi-nity. For apartfrom that, Pak-istan has not a leg to stand on in its claim to Kashmir. The trouble is

International Affairs (Pakistan) - Pak Pathology Treatment

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that even before it came into being, the founders of Pakistan in their mind’s eye hadintegrated Kashmir into its very name, for does not the “K” in its name stand forKashmir? Pak-istan feels itself incomplete, baulk-ed, thwarted and mortified be-causeKashmir has not come to it. Unfortunately for it, Kash-mir is now a constituentstate of India by all the laws of civilised conduct. After its accession to India, whichwas strictly in accord-ance with form there have been several general electionsand the elected representatives of Kash-mir have ratified the accession severaltimes over. And vet the protectors of Pakistan keep harp-ing on an 18-year oldresolution, of the UNO relating to a plebis-cite as if time since then has stood still tosuit the convenience of Pakistan. By now it must be clear to everybody concerned,or unconcerned, that India is deter-mined to stand no further non-sense in thisconnection. Let Pakistan and its backers under-stand that once and for all.

As for relations with Pakistan, we have unfortunately to learn to live with itsperpetual animosity till such time as that country is in a Position to oust its adven-turersand settle down to the res-ponsible tasks of nation-building. Not the less sometangible and concrete steps can meanwhile be taken by us to remove the irri-tantswhich have been dogging and retarding our national peace and progress. Pakistanitself has given us an opening to settle the biggest problem of them all, namely,Kashmir. But we would be running away from our respon-sibilities as a nation if wedo not also take the requisite steps need-ed to safeguard it against recur-ring dangers.God knows, we covet no territory, Pakistan’s or any others. But we must see to itthat Pakistan is incapacitated from further mischief.

Not believing in democracy for itself. it has been harping on the principle ofself-determination. The time has come to give it a dose of its own medicine. Afterall we have been at war where no holds are considered barred. We should take allnecessary steps to help East Pakistan decide for itself whether or not it wants to beruled by Rawalpindi. We also owe it to the Father of the Nation to redeem thepledge he gave to Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and presumably to Khan Abdus Samadalso, and give them all possible support for the purpose of self-determination forPukhtoonistan and Baluchistan. After these units of Pakistan have made their choice,a chastened Pakistan may learn to settle down to peaceful ways of life and undertakethe tasks of building the nation instead of frittering away its energies in militaryadventures on borrowed support. It must be cut down to size.

It is said that war solve no problems; that at any rate it creates more problemsthan it solves- The cliché is only a half-truth. The last War did solve the problemof Hitler and much of Hitlerism. Our objectives in the present conflict withPakistan must be clear. We have not sent our boys to the front for the fun of it.They have gone there to help in securing an enduring peace in this part of the


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world: a peace, which has constantly been endangered by the bellige-rency ofPakistan.

History is witness to the fact that we are no war-mongers. But an armed clashwas forced upon us. An uneasy cease-fire is no solution. The dispute has to be andtaken to a conclusion. So while we are at it, let us finish the job.

As for China, our country is not unprepared this time as it was in 1962. Apartfrom friends, who are itching to try conclusions with that brand of communism,represented to China, which spurns co-existence with the free world (as Pakistanin its own way does with India) who would no doubt be coming to our aid if aisledgiven the tool we can overselves effectively safeguard our territorial integrity.

It all this means, a full-scale war, then let it, it is not our making.•National Herald- September 26, 1965Leader- September 27, 1965Northern India Patrika- September 29, 1965

Tashkent-The balance sheetSir, —Unless one is persuaded that there is more to it than meets the eye, the

Tashkent declaration does little more than relegate the two parties back to statusquo ante bellum. At best it is negative achievement; that is, if the act of getting thecheckmated side to sign an “honour even” document, with its victor can be calledby that name.

Three of the clauses in the 9-item agreement provide merely for return of pre-war relation. The rest are a catalogue of good intentions except that Pakistan hashad its way, obviously in face of Indian opposition, in getting Kashmir introducedin the text, albeit edge-ways. Clause 5 of the agreement is hailed in some quartersas something akin to a no-war pact. Were it so, it would have been a great gain inthe cause of peace even if we gained nothing else. But it is nothing of the kind. Itonly says “President Ayub and Mr. Shastri reaffirmed their obligation under theU.N. Charter not to have re-course to force and to settle their disputes throughpeaceful means.” The charter and the bilateral Nehru-Liaquat pact were all therewhen Pakistan committed aggres-sion in Kutch, bombed our con-voys in Karghil,sent infiltrators into Kashmir and marched on Chhamb. Apart from the Sec-retary-General of the U.N.O. merely referring to Pakistan’s res-ponsibility in sendinginfiltrators into Kashmir, that country did not attract even the mildest of criti-cismfor its clear violations of the charter, let alone being held to account.

Of course, easing of mutual asperities is any day a laudable objective. Trueagain that there had to be a starting point for the disengagement of the confrontingforces, so far so good. But what is there to stop Pakistan from doing it all over again

International Affairs (Pakistan) - Tashkent-The balance sheet

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after mending its fences, unless, as it says, it receives satis-faction from India inrespect of what it has set its heart on? Does the entente even anywhere hint that itsambitions in that direction have been halted, chang-ed, or even curbed? Rather,President Ayub Khan has clearly said in clarification that he reads the record asconditional on the settlement of the Kashmir issue in a “reasonable manner”. Strip-pedof platitudes the sum total of the document is that we on our side have been madeto agree to withdraw from territory which, Juridically ours even before the armedconflict, came also to be factually so as a result of it—a clear abdication from theposition of sovereignty. The good intentions with which the pact is loaded have, atleast on our part, been there all the time. But it takes two, who mean the same thingby the same language, to im-plement a pact. Is Pakistan will-ing to honour its half-hearted commitments? From what we know from experience, we have to keep ourfingers crossed.

On the international plane, in exchange for the satisfaction we have given tothe Soviet Union, by falling in with its well-intentioned move and signing the samepaper with Pakistan, we have been pushed back to strict parity with that countryagainst our far closer relations before. And we have been made to makeconces-sions to Pakistan without any quid pro quo, except a doubtful promise ofgood conduct. It is no re-flection- on the sincerity of pur-pose of our late lamentedPrime Minister, or of Mr. Kosygin that our losses outnumber our gains.

As said in the beginning, unless there is something to be read be-tween the linesof the pact, we have again been out-manoeuvred, for all the brave face we areputting on it. The man who could tell us that apart from the inscribed clauses therewere ri-ders also, by way of gentlemen’s agreement, is alas no more. It is naturalthat the emotion and the pathos flowing from his death should soften ourdisappointment. But matters of national interest have to be assessed with coldob-jectivity. Viewed thus, the ba-lance sheet of Tashkent shows a clear deficit.

However, as a responsible peo-ple, we are now in honour bound to respect thecommitments made on our behalf and to carry out faithfully our part of the bargain. •

Hindustan Times- January 21, 1966National Herald- January 22, 1966Leader- January 23, 1966Indian Express- January 28, 1966Northern India Patrika- January 30, 1966

East Pakistan & IndiaSir, —It is natural that our hearts go out to Bangla Desh in its confrontation

with to Pakistani war-lords. Its heroic resistance to the militarism let loose by WestPakistan commands our unstinted admiration. Even so, as responsible citizens of a


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great nation, we must weigh all toe pros and cons. Our foreign policy, as the foreignpolicy of any country, must follow our national interests.

The partition of our country to carve out a separate State for the Muslim minorityhas solved no problems. Rather, it has add-ed to them. The rulers who came on topin Pakistan have always been animated by bate against our country. That hascontinu-ed all these 24 years.

For toe first time in post-partition history, the elections in Pakistan threw up aleadership with which saw of coming to terms. Unfortunately that hope seems tohave been dashed by the recent developments in that country.

Is all lost? I believe not. The present conditions of travail in Pakistan cannot lastlong. It is patently in the best, interest of both the contending wings of Pakistan,and of our country too that the East and West Pakistani say united, its constituentunits enjoying full autonomy under a democratic central establishment.

First, if is obvious that unless the western wing of Pakistan cries an immediatehalt to its mad adventure arid makes suitable, amends, Bangla Desh is as good aslost to it for good. The Yahya-Bhutto combine, in its bid to impose its will on theeastern wing, obviously over-reached itself. It is only commonsense that it shouldwant to retrieve whatever it can out of a situation of its own making. Half a loaf isbetter than no bread. To keep the two parts of the coun-try at any price is undeniablypreferable to a bitter rupture.

Secondly, if Sheikh Mujibur Rahman secedes completely from, the main bodywhat exactly does he achieves. He would be a loser. By staying together in some-sort of a federation, not only does he have the substance of all the autonomy he canwant for his province, he and that from East Bengal become in addition the PrimeMinisters of Pakistan by right, a far stain by any reckoning. By seceding they onlywin a smaller State.

And thirdly, and this is our own intimate concern, for the first time since itsindependence, our country can be sure of a good understanding and relationshipwith Pakistan as soon as the Sheikh and that like are the head of its Government.And seems that their party commands all absolute majority, even the heat if theState shall be his choice. Temperamentally, the East Pakistanis and we have thesame wavelengths and can get together very well. All the Indo-Pakistan issueswould be solved much difficulty, once the bellicose leadership presently in powerthere is cut down to size. If East Bengal is eventually separated, Pakistan’s powerwould certainly be weakened but our problem with it would get more accentuated.

As soon as the excitement is over, Bangla Desh’s declaration of independencecan, and prob-ably would, be a headache to us in the maintenance of our ownnational unity and integrity. The sentiment may well become infectious. Once youstart a movement of emotions, there is no knowing where it may lead to.

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The bid for defying the authority of West Pakistan by the Awami League underthe bold leadership of Sheikh Mujmu Rahman strikes a very sympathetic chord inour hearts. But why should he settle for a part when he can and is bound to, havethe whole, after a short period of teething trouble? On our part we should bend ourenergies to secure a solution for the Pakistan crisis on the basis of the Sheikh’soriginal proposals; full autonomy for the units with only defence, external affairsand currency reserved for a democratic centre.

The present in-fighting there cannot be a matter for more than a few days. Ourendeavour should be to assure that no foreign power is allowed to fish in the troubledwaters of or neighbour. •

Northern India Patrika- April 07, 1971

Prisoners of WarSir, —What does Mr. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto take the peo-ple and the Government

of this country for? Surely he can-not mean that we will be taken in by his ‘submission’that we ship back the prisoners of war to Pakistan on his empty pro-mise of goodbehaviour. His broadcast on March 2 and his plea to India to detach this questionfrom other issues bet-ween the two countries is nothing but an appeal to our heartto pull his chestnuts out of the fire. His statement that he has the “sincere desire tolive in peace and bring to an end the hostilities, and turn to the path of cooperationfrom the path of conflict and conflagration” is hypocritical nonsense, meant only tocajole us into helping him make his peace the families from whom he recruit hissoldiers. God knows we want peace and friendship with Pakistan. But we shouldtell, him that while we are certainly soft-hearted as a people, as a state we do notpropose to be soft-headed.

The repatriation of about a lakh of seasoned troops without a proper pledgethat they would not be immediately used to rebuild and reinforce the Pakistani warmachine would be an act of incredible and inexcusable not only folly but madness.The induction of Gen Tikka Khan, the “butcher” of Baluchistan and Bangla Deshas head top brass (or is the top boss of Pakistan itself?) is an indication that countryis slipping back to the military dictatorship from which it ap-peared to be emerginginto civil rule. The return of the POWs at this stage would only hasten the processof its remilitari-zation.

Then, the credentials of Bhutto are suspect. No less a leader of his own countrythan Khan Wali Khan with whom he has just announced an alliance has very recentlygone on record calling him a “bully” and “not the sort of fellow you can do businesswith. When I found him in person ringing up mem-bers of my party to woo themaway with promises, that finish-ed it”. When he can double-cross his own friends,how can we, whom he has named “Enemy No. 1” ever trust his word? The prisoners


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of war shall go back one day, but not before a proper treaty is signed and sealed—with adequate guarantees. •

National Herald- Mach 10, 1972Indian Express- Mach 28, 1972

Charged Against Mr. BhuttoSir, —A spate of letter has appeared in the press in favour of commuting the

sentence of death imposed on Mr. Bhutto by the High Court of Pakistan.The plea can be justified only on one ground; that the punishment of death itself

is out-moded and wrong in principle. If that ground is taken there is nothing more tobe said against the appeal.

But, presuming that his guilt has been fully established—and seeing that it wasthe High Court and not any court martial and that the judgment was given by fivejudges unanimously—the case for reduction of the sentences is flimsy, untenableand subversive of the principle which govern the quantum of punishment.

It was no ordinary crime that Mr. Bhutto was accused of. It was the hatchingof a conspiracy to bump off a political rival, not for any private reason but to makehis own path smooth so that he could cling to office. It is difficult to conceive of amore heinous motive to perpetrate the foul deed. It was a crime against he nation,against democracy.

It capital punishment is not opposed on principle then the only fittingpunishment in the case is death and nothing less.•

Indian Express- April 07, 1978

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Mr. Menon and ChinaSir, —Speaking on April 23 at a Congress function in Bombay, Mr. V. K. Krishna

Menon is reported to have said, “India does not wish to fight over the Himalayanranges, but if China, has any intention of coming down, the Himalayan slopes andentering the plains, then we are pre-pared to give her a warm reception”. Earlier,he said, “China has committed aggression in Ladakh, just as Pakistan had done inJammu and Kashmir.” What exactly was the relevance of the comparison is notclear, unless the suggestion, was that just as we have been content to let Pakistan-occupied Kashmir stay with Pakistan (and may even be prepared to bury the hatchetat status quo) so also we do not mind Chinese occupation of twelve thousand squaremiles of our territory if only that country is prepared to halt further aggression.

Mr. Menon’s reluctance to fight over the Himalayan ranges so long as Chinadoes not enter our plains looks to us as a clear declaration of policy as well as hintto that country that we do not mind, her annexation of the entire Himalayan range;only must not invade our plains.

If we must have Mr. Krishna Menon as our Defence Minister can we not atany rate be assured that what he says is first carefully scrutinised. We do not wantto be uncharitable and read into his speech something he never meant. Nevertheless,we cannot but take him as intending no less than what he says. Surely there mustbe some explanation for these observations of his. •

Northern India Patrika- April 30, 1961

Tibet and IndiaSir, —In one of his recent speeches the Prime Minister has characterised the

widely-mooted suggestion for the liberation of Tibet from Chinese overlordship asextraordinary, fantastic and absurd. How one wishes, for one thing, that or leaderhad chosen other language to express his disagreement with those whom eventshave proved to be more realistic in their appraisal of the facts of the border situation.

Then, in defining his war aims the Prime Minister has recently said: “We willfinish the war when we liberate our territories in their (Chinese) possession”. Thislimited objective would mean just two things. First, that the war will be fought all thetime on Indian soil; at no time would it be carried into enemy territory. In otherwords, all the ravage and destruction of war will be suffered by the victim ofaggression exclusively; the aggressor country shall go unscathed.

One wonders it this is some new facet of non-violence. Would it not be pertinentalso to enquire what our boys who are shedding their blood at the front think aboutthis? Are they doing it for a few check-posts? It further appears that whatever the


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ultimate objective of China, we for our part continues to regard its aggression as nomore than a border conflict. Have we not learnt our lesson yet and must we continueto wander in the suburbs of reality?

Secondly, since the terrain at the frontiers is unfavourable to us, the situationeven after the cessation of hostilities would always be uneasy so long as a militarydecision, one way or the other, is not arrived at here and now; and not merely astalemate as appears to be proposed. Otherwise we shall always be at the mercyof the Chinese hordes. The initiative all the time will rest with the enemy; to swoopdown on us when he likes and retire to his base at his pleasure, secure in theknowledge that we would push no further back than where he starts from. Hewould thus never stand to lose anything by his adventure, while we would need amighty arms build-up on the border alone, beyond our normal capacity. Sheer logicshould compel us to take a realistic view of things.

Yet the position is that the Government is not willing to build up Tibet as a bufferbetween our own country and ambitious and bellicose China, and they would notpush China further back than the boundary. We have a right to know how exactlythey propose to contain Chinese belligerency.

We are a democratic nation, I am sure a big majority—a very big majority-ofnational opinion is convinced that, in view of the Chinese perfidy, there is now nooption for us but to make a thorough job of the ear, whatever the cost. Escapism orwishful thinking is no substitute for a resolute and masterful handling of the facts ofthe situation. What we cannot do is to aim at just regaining a few outposts and thensitting on the uneasy frontiers.

God knows we do not cove any country’s territory. It is not our purpose inwanting to liberate Tibet, to annex it or to seek any rights or privileges therein.China’s rape of Tibet in 1950 was a case of wanton aggression against a weakneighbour who had been exercising all the functions of sovereignty for at least thepreceding forty years. The Prime Minister is on record as having said then: “Thereal point to be made is that it is not right for any country to talk about its sovereigntyor suzerainty over an area outside its immediate range. That is to say that sinceTibet is not the same as China, it should ultimately be the wishes of the people (orTibet) that should prevail?

The irony of it is that even the McMahon Line on which our case rests loses itsvalidity if we fail to recognise Tibet’s sovereign right to enter into a treaty. Thenagain, has not aggression taken place in Tibet, and have we not pledged ourselvestimes without number that’ where peace is threatened, or aggression takes place,we shall not be neutral”? Let us admit frankly that we committed a truly Himalayanblunder by conceding Chinese suzerainty over Tibet-incidentally a wholly medievaland feudal concept, completely out of tune with our socialist and democratic thinking.

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It is up to us to retrieve the mistake, not only for the sake of self-preservation butalso as a duty and moral responsibility to a next-door neighbour who has beenseeking our help in vain so far.

We have constituted the National Defence Council. This has to sit down toformulate our war aims, taking into full account as behooves a national body of thetemper of the people. Then, in consultation with our military experts it has to workout the logistics of the campaign to implement those aims. Nobody says we shouldnot aim at peace. But a time comes when the only way to honourable peace liesthrough the fiery ordeal of war. And since, albeit unwillingly, we are at war, we cando no better than follow the advice Polonius gave to his son Laertes. “Beware ofentrance to a quarrel. But being in see that the opposer may beware of thee”.•

National Herald - November 23, 1962Hindustan Times- November 24, 1962Leader- November 23, 1962

Colombo Peace ProposalsSir, —There is only one valid consideration to guide us in our attitude to a

Colombo conference proposals—whether their acceptance would promote the aimof retrieving our national self-respect. Defeat in battle is by itself not dishonourable;it is acquiescence in it, which is. From the way our Government is treating thequestion, it seems clear that it is getting lost in the fringes of the real problem. It isfailing to see the wood for the trees.

The argument advanced for the acceptance of the proposals is confined totrying to assure the people that they are substantially the minimum conditions beforewe can agree to sit at the same table with the Chinese, if not indeed even better.Assuming but not by any means admitting that this is so, have we not narroweddown our perspective, from one of principle, to treating the matter as merely aborder dispute?

We talk, when it suits our purpose, of the people in their entirety being at warwith China; that it has to be fought in the fields and the factories, in the homes andin the market-places, no less than on the battle-fronts. And yet, when it comes totaking the most vital decisions on matters, which involve the innermost heart-throbsof masses to the exclusion of almost everything else, even Parliament is presentedwith a fait accompli.

It was an exhilarating phenomenon to witness that while the leaders of thecountry were exercised over what they considered lack of national unity andcohesion among the people and were trying to find devises to bring about nationalintegration, the masses did not stand in need of any nostrums, as their behaviour inthe face of the emergency proved. It was not they who needed rousing; if truth


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were told, the boot was on the other leg. The danger today is that the treatmentwhich the Government is meting out to the people, completely ignoring not onlytheir emotional reactions in a matter which touches their very heart-strings, but alsotheir sturdy horse sense, may turn them apathetic, so that when, God forbid, thenext emergency comes round, it may find them unresponsive.

Let us face facts. The Prime Minister cannot be unaware that even in his ownparty there is quite a substantial but unfortunately non-vocal section, which hasreacted adversely to the peace proposals (I say ‘peace’ proposals advisedly; for Ido not think there is an doubt in anybody’s mind that the line of disengagement oftoday would become the permanent boundary line). Barring the Communists, whoseoutlook on any question can always be taken as a reliable index of its anti-nationalcharacter, the entire country, with the exception of course of those who alwaysuncritically tow the ministerial line, is opposed to the acceptance of the proposals.Then why are they not turned down?

Our acceptance of the proposals would be quite understandable if it is said thatsince we are militarily unprepared to face the consequences of their rejection, thereis no alternative to their acceptance; that we are in the position of the defeat. Thenwhy not say so plainly? To say that there is nothing dishonourable in the proposals,or that we are not retiling an inch from our declared stands, is the last word in self-delusion.•

Hindustan Times- January 31, 1963Leader- February 01,1963

Peking BanquetSir, —The revelation that the In-dian Charge d’affairs in Peking attended the

banquet to celebrate the signing of the Sino-Pakistan border agreement at the biddingof the External Affairs Ministry is breath-taking in sheer irrespon-sibility. When MrNath Pai had raised the question in Parliament and insisted that he was satisfy thathis information was correct we had hoped that this would turn out to be unfounded.After the Prime Minister’s admission that such was the case, one is left wonderingwhether it can ever he possible, even remotely, to under-stand the working of theGovern-ment’s mind.

We are at war with China, un-declared though it is, and, for the present, of thecold variety. With Pakistan, too, there is only a truce and a cease-fire in Kashmir.The Sino-Pak pact is a calculated af-front to our country, both in its content and it’stiming, and is blatantly designed to spite us. On the one hand, we are repeatedly toldto keep up the tempo of our deter-mination to turn the Chinese ag-gressors out, andin no case to recognize Pakistan’s claim to bar-gain with China about territorythat is legally ours; on the other, we are led into situations where we are, to say the

International Affairs (China) - Peking Banquet

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least, made to look small in our own eyes and in the eyes of others. What will othercountries say of our stand—double talk, if not double think?

How one wishes that our foreign affairs were conducted in terms, which arewithin the area of intelligibility to mere mortals. I am sure that even the apostleof peace and non-violence, were he alive, would have advised no less than boycottin the context.•

Hindustan Times- March 22, 1963Northern India Patrika- March 25, 1963Leader- March 25, 1963National Herald- March 24&25, 1963


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BRITAIN

Indo-British RelationSir, —The ignorance, more feigned than real, of most British politicians in relation

to both contemporary and his-torical facts of the Kashmir question and the recentarmed conflict between India and Pakistan, is matched only by their impertinence.With Mr. John Tilney & Co.’s proposal in the recent debate in the British House ofCommons that the armies of the two coun-tries should be kept apart throughinternational effort, there cannot be any quarrel. But when, obviously on the briefingof Pakistan where they had been taken on a conducted tour, they suggest that ‘aninternational body’ be sent behind the lines in each country to investigate charges ofgenocide, they must be told in the clearest terms to mind their business. Not thatthis country has anything to hide. But the presumption—and the presumptuousness—behind the proposal are insufferable.

Then, not content with their self-assumed role of peace-makers (which for theBritish people is rather late in the day to undertake) when they go on to insist that‘India should be made to agree to a plebiscite’ (why not add also with Britain asreturning offi-cer) even the limits of imper-tinence are over-reached.

First, it was British Prime Minister Harold Wilson with his offensive outburst ofSep-tember 5. With all the alibis he has been in search of since then to live downthat officiousness, now comes this fresh exhibition of unflinching British prejudiceagainst India, insofar at any rate as its rela-tions with Pakistan are con-cerned. Itseems that Britain, except for a brief interlude, continues to live in the pre-independence period and for-gets that its overlordship end-ed in 1947. If it isdetermined to be unfriendly to India and to make it increasingly difficult for India tostick to the Com-monwealth, public opinion here more than reciprocates thesentiment.

We have it on the authority of no less a penetrating mind than George BernardShaw’s that Britain is always guided by self-interest. The calculated arrogance ofits politician, both Conservative and Labour, as evidenced by the debate referred to,is hard to explain, even on that basis, even as-suming that it has a blind spot for theIndian case on Kash-mir. Also, we have been feed-ing on the illusion that, all in all,the British are lovers of justice and fair-play. Yet here are three men, Messrs Tilriey,Maydon and Jaegar, who re-cord conclusions arrived ex-parte, on the wrong andright of a matter after visiting only one country and meeting its people, and then goon record as presuming to advise as to what the other country should be compelledto do.

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Be that as it may, this par-liamentary show of bad manners must be takennotice of. Of course, there is the right of free speech and all that. But there are alsoinstitutional rules of decency and correct behaviour. Apart from our Prime Ministergiving a rap on the knuckles to his British counterpart for what amounts to no lessthan interference in the internal affairs of another Commonwealth country on thepart of members of a body which he leads, should not the Speaker of our LokSabha be also requested to take it up with his opposite number in the House ofCommons to point out that this departure from the norms of right inter-parliamentaryetiquette on the part of an institution over which he presides is very much resentedin this country. •

Hindustan Times- December 29, 1965National Herald- December 30, 1965Indian Express- December 31, 1965Leader- December 31, 1965


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Careless TalkSir, —The U.S. official policy these days might be the ‘’neutralization’’ of

Formosa, but to many it looks much more like ‘’stabilization’’ of the KMT againstMr. Mao Tse-tung’s China.

President Truman would like to treat the incident of General Mac-Arthur’sindiscretion in issuing a statement about Formosa as closed. But now the General’spost is not exclusively a U.S. concern. His duties in Korea were assigned to him bythe U.N., which must, if it wants to maintain its dignity, act quickly. It might bedisastrous, as your. Editorial of August 30-31 said, to disturb the U.N. Commandjust now. Nevertheless, General MacArthur as U.N. Commander-in-Chief must bereplaced.•

Statesman- September 07, 1950

Voice of AmericaSir, —To sustain the illusion of non-alignment, the artlessness displayed by the

Govern-ment in explaining the agree-ment with the U.S.A. over the installation of apowerful transmitter is as amazing as it is amusing. For, shorn of spe-cial pleadingand verbiage It amounts to nothing short of a charter to America to make its radiobroadcasts from India’s soil in exchange for a free of-fer of costly equipment.Apart from the three hours time, which the United States has re-served for its ownpurpose, there is further to be a restriction on the kind of use to which the A.I.R.may put it. It would not be allowed to make broadcasts in Urdu and Bengali patentlyin deference to Pakistani susceptibilities. The short, we are to lease out a part ofour national sovereign-ty for what in law is termed valuable consideration.

There is perhaps a majority in this country, which stands for much closer tieswith the Western powers. Add to this number the Communists, their supporters andfellow-travellers and you have certainly a majority which is for shedding nonalignment altogether. It would therefore be perfectly understandable if an outdeclaration of policy of alignment with either of the two power blocs is made by theparty manning the Government for the time. That would at least make clear whereexactly we stand in re-lation to the two contending groups.

But there still remains a hard core, within the ruling party as well as outside,which believes in non-alignment both in principle and as a policy. To them thearrangement ar-rived at for broadcasting the Voice of America Is very much mornthan the thin end of the wedge. It is an invitation to the two power blocs to bid forbuy-ing off our non-alignment. The deal referred to would not only, as an immediateresult, mean a basic shift in our policy of non- involvement, but also as a necessaryimplication and consequence, a shift in our rela-tions with the communist bloc. Wedo not mind China. But so we take it that Russia has been sounded?

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It is said that the decision has been taken after a tho-rough study of all theaspects and implications of the matter. If the policy makers in the Government thinkthat they alone are competent and qualified to interpret non-alignment, as it suitstheir passing fancy, they are mistaken. •

Hindustan Times- July 26, 1963Leader- July 26, 1963National Herald- July 26, 1963Northern India Patrika- July 27, 1963

Unrepentant Mr. WilsonSir, —The apologists of Mr. Harold Wilson both in this coun-try and in England

who had been taking pains suggesting that, on second thoughts, he had come torealise that he was not being quite fair to India in his state-ment of September 6,must be feeling uncomfortable on his letting them down. In his reply to the letter ofMr. Noel-Baker, he not only unrepentantly insists that he meant every word ofwhat he had said, but also that what he said was right.

Be that as it may, his reasoning in this latest exposition is curi-ous. He says,“Pakistanis do not recognise this area as a per-manent International frontier la thesame way as the frontier in Punjab is permanent”. So he for-mulates his opinions,not on what he thinks, but on what Pakistan thinks is right. Why not be frank aboutit and say that he also holds the same view?

Our late Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru was a staunch peace-lover almostto a fault. According to, I believe, a majority of my countrymen, it was princi-pallyhe who was responsible, back in 1948, by an ill-timed order to the armed forces inKashmir to halt military operations for the escalation of what then was a smallmilitary question into a big international problem. But even he had drawn a line andwarned in clear terms that any attack on Kashmir would be treated as an attack onIndia and dealt with as such. Whatever his faults, he hated bluffing. I believe theBri-tish people know this. Then why all this about what Pakistan thinks or does notthink? It is this iden-tity of views on the part of the British Prime Minister withPak-istan over the question of Kash-mir that we in this country regard as an unfriendlygesture to India and a cause of all this trou-ble. It seems that according to Mr.Wilson there would have been no International impropriety even if Pakistan hadover-run the whole of Kashmir, for the simple reason that Pakistan thinks so. Itamounts to this that it is not open to you to kick your opponent on the shins if he hitsyou on the head. You may hit him back in reply on the head alone, or not at all!

The second argument which the British Premier advances is much morerevealing. He says, “having two days before made our position clear in the United


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Na-tions about Pakistani infiltrators, it was important, if we were to maintain abalanced position, to react publicly to the Indian attack”. First, all this talk of a“balanced position” Is sheer bunkum, as would be clear from the letter of the B.B.C.Director-General to Mr. Noel-Baker. It appears that Britain was so much filledwith remorse at having been hustled into placing blame on its Pakistani friend forsending infiltrators into Kashmir that it was on a frantic lookout for even the flimsiestexcuse to castigate India in order to main-tain a “balanced position”.

Then the reason that “public reaction in this country (Britain) to the news of theIndian attack demanded it” is hard to beat for puerility. For the head of theGovernment of a great country to advance this excuse is to betray bankruptcy ofleadership. Leadership lies in moulding public opi-nion on right lines, not in spinelesslytoeing the line.

The fact of the matter is that Kashmir is a problem of Britain’s own creation. Itis hopeless to expect it to see reason in this. It will have to be solved irrespective ofwhat Britain, or any other country thinks. •

Hindustan Times- January 11, 1966National Herald- January 12, 1966Indian Express- January 13, 1966Leader- January 16, 1966

Dangerous IllusionsSir, —Mr. Nixon’s annual foreign policy message to Congress, in regard to

South Asia, has been properly dealt with in your editorial of February 12—”Mr.Nixon’s Dangerous Illusions”. But there are a few questions, which men like mewho lean towards the US more than towards any other country want to ask of Mr.Nixon.

M. Nixon says, “It was inevitable that any war with Pakistan would be won byIndia”. If that was so why did he not share his conviction with Pakistan, which‘’remains a close friend’’ and concern for whose well-being and security ‘’does notend with the end of the crisis”? Mr. Nixon would have to explain to his people thereason for his playing ducks and drakes with good American money-backing, andcontinuing to back, a sure loser with funds and military hardware. The old story thatin supporting Pakistan, he was only reinforcing his anti-Communist outposts doesnot stand any longer. The support was meant solely to maintain a ‘balance of power’in the sub-continent. But the selective processes of international life did not workaccording to Mr. Nixon’s linking and calculations, so much so that Pakistan wentunder. Mr. Nixon goes on to claim that he “did not act out of bias”. That only speaksof his boldness. After the Anderson disclosures, and the clandestine manner inwhich, in spite of denials and exposure, American arms and spares continued to

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flow into Pakistan, all we can say is that he was indulging in what is called“terminological inexactitude”

Pakistan’s deeds in Bangla Desh are no longer a matter of doubt. That Mr.Nixon persists in not only sticking to his self-justification, but is also unrepentantover his role in the Indo-Pakistan confrontation, can be attributed to his partialityfor the horse genus-that has neither pride of ancestry, nor hope of posterity. He cancontinue to shake hands with genocide and mass crimes against humanity. Perhaps,he seeks to set them off by claiming that he persuaded Yahya Khan not executeMujibur Rahman. But if Mr. Bhutto is to be believed Yahya had advised him tofinish off Mujib. It is not Mr. Nixon and Mr. Bhutto to sort out where the truth lies.Does Mr. Nixon want Bangla Desh to be thankful to him for saving their leader andout of sheer gratitude, forget the atrocities of which details pour in daily and whichMr. Nixon helped Yahya commit by supplying arms?

It is shocking to find the head of one of the oldest democracies persisting injustifying the treatment of the problem of South Asia as purely “humanitarian”, forwhich “war was not the solution’’. What did our Prime Minister not do to arouseMr. Nixon and other world leaders to the immensity and urgency of the catastrophein the shape of refuges who were entering our country for safety from the Pakistanimarauders? In the midst of the crisis, she even undertook a long tour to tell theworld leaders, in person, of the problem that India faced. Mr. Nixon says he wasquietly engaged in arranging matters and that it was possible that with time allwould have been well. It was like advising a man whose house was on fire to raiseonly a moderate alarm.

It Mr. Nixon were less subjective and more reflective, he would discover thatmore than anything else, his unsuccessful balancing acts incited Pakistan to embarkon a course with such disastrous consequences to itself. More saddening is the factthat in the process, the American President has lowered the flag of democracy,which a long succession of his predecessors had hoisted high. •

National Herald (Lucknow)- February 17, 1972National Herald- February 20, 1972

Hats off to US DemocracyIt is one of the peerless ironies of the democratic system that a policy which

can elect a man of the ethical stature of Mr. Richard Nixon as its first citizen, canyet unceremoniously tell him to get our without so much as beg ‘your pardon’.Those whose partiality for the open society of America out-weight theirdisagreement with its economic organisation have begun to feel sorry about whatthat country was coming down to. They have had heart put into them by the way itspeople; its political parties and its press have behaved in their recent political crisis.Even at the risk of loss of some international prestige involved in publicly owning upthat their President was sub-standing in moral calibre, they unhesitatingly refused


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to cover up his misdeeds under subterfuges to keep him in office. The entire episodehas shown that democracy with all its too obvious drawbacks and shortcomings isa far superior way of life than any other so far known. Under any other form ofgovernment no head of state could have rolled smoothly and bloodlessly.

A reading of Bernstein and Woodward’s book ‘ All The President’s Men, throwsin bold relief the unhappy contrast between our own public life and that of theUnited States. While a picked lot in the secret world of the White House were meneasily amenable to the manipulation of the President and his henchmen, there wereothers whose conscience was not a matter of convenience. And the party system,so often ridiculed and decried, stood the test of time. Not all Republicans backedtheir elected President when it came to a choice between what was right and whatwas wrong.

And no praise can be too high for the absolute incorruptibility of some of thenews media of that country, and its newspapermen. Their pursuit of truth wasrelentless, irrespective of the fact that it adversely affected the most powerfulperson in their own country. They have proved that in a real democracy, a pressbarrage of fire, based on facts and analysis, can be irresistible.

The resignation of Nixon has a lesson for us in India too. The essential facts ofWatergate in the USA fade into insignificance before some of our own Watergates.Judging from public and press reactions to quite a few serious in Washington toraise a worldwide storm would not, I feel sure, have raised even a ripple in orcountry, even if proved to the hilt. Watergate was merely a burglary in the DemocraticParty headquarters to enable the installation of bugging; and thereafter bribing ofthe culprits into pleading guilty and silence; that is all. But a wide-awake publicopinion there, once the facts of the reprehensible in American eyes act were broughtto its willing ears, would hear no plea of extenuation. In our own country, however,the very people whose conducts are called in question have arrogated to themselvesthe right to permit or refuse investigation. Accused, prosecutor and judge combined!By the way, what pray, is a police state? In America, recently much maligned in ourcountry, those who can elect a ‘felon’ and a ‘crook’ (the very words used in thecontext) has also the right to give him the order of the boot. Are we, who prideourselves in our democracy, anywhere near that stage of development?

No, Sir, even an unrepentant socialist like me must take his hat off to Americandemocracy.•

Pioneer - August 04, 1974

Ford and NixonSir, —Just on what principle do you hold the full, free and absolute pardon

granted by President Ford to Mr. Nixon as justified? Loyalty to a former boss? Orin the true spirit of trade unionism—an executive in power bailing out a retiring

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colleague? The actions of Mr. Nixon were those of a crook-a word used by the ex-President himself while denying his involvement in the matter earlier. It was a caseof the chief executive of a state, bound by oath to defend and uphold the laws andthe Constitution, himself violating them to his advantage. The fact that it was donewhile he held the exalted office of President has been advanced as a reason—perhaps the only reason—why it should be condoned. It is only right that thePresident be immunized from legal process so long as he is in office. He must notbe bothered by personal litigation and must be protected so as to enable him todevote his full time to running the affairs of state. That is understandable publicpolicy, but only ‘so long’. The moment he is relieved of his duties he reverts to aposition of complete equality with the rest of the citizen. That is the meaning ofequality before the law-the basic postulate of any constitutional democracy. Howdo you say that ‘’not many in the United States would relish the spectacle of aformer President being convicted?” If a majority in the country was public-mindedenough to come round to agree to impeach him, there is no reason to think it wouldhave fought shy of a public trial and its consequences.

According to or own ancient jurisprudence, the penalty prescribed for Brahminsfor felonies was far more drastic than for ‘lesser’ men. That was as it should be.The higher your status in society, the greater your accountability in respect ofbreaches of law and greater therefore the punishment. The high position, whichMr. Nixon held should be factor in awarding him a higher punishment rather than infinding excuses for him; and certainly not in giving him a full, free and absolutepardon.

What a bad precedent! Would not holders of high office henceforward toembolden if they rest under the delusion that they may indulge in any misuse ofpower with impunity? Would it not amount to use and enjoyment of power withoutaccountability? That exactly has been the prerogative of the harlot throughout theages.

Politicians in all countries not excluding our own need to be kept reminded in nouncertain terms that their position is no shield against wrong-doing and misuse ofauthority and that if anything, elevated places aggravate rather than minimize theseriousness of the offence they might commit. To argue that Mr. Nixon and hisfamily have already suffered much mental anguish is like extenuating patricide onthe plea that the offender has already become an orphan and therefore is deservingof leniency. What exactly has the ex-President suffered? He has not even repentedof his misdeeds. If the arrest of a criminal and the investigation into his offence andthe trial with attendant publicity in the press and otherwise and the mental sufferingto him and his family that arises from it, were to be regarded as punishment enough,


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we may as well put up the shutters of law courts. Constitutional democracy envisagesnot only equality before the law but also a government of laws and not of men.

And what about the convictions, continued investigations and pending trials ofMr. Nixon’s former aides? Is their suffering any less?

On no principle of law or even of public policy can the act of President Ford ingranting an unconditional pardon to ex-President Nixon be defended.•

National Herald - September 01, 1974

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Israel and IndiaSir, —A country’s foreign policy, as every schoolboy knows, is invariably shaped

to serve its national interests. Its success lies in making other countries think andact in the way you want and to evoke from them the right responses to your problems.Although one may want it at the same time to look self-righteous, diplomacyessentially seeks to advance one’s country’s interests first.

Our country’s foreign policy has so far been based, by and large, on the way ofthinking of one man—Jawaharlal Nehru. It was he who did the thinking, the shapingand the guiding in this behalf. There is no doubt that in the formative years of hisstudy of world problems his comprehension of them was unequalled. Situated asour country was then, with no policy of its own except what was dictated fromWhitehall, he was actuated by motives of pure altruism. No public man, it canconfidently be said, had qualified himself to understand international problems in alltheir myriad interplay better than him. So when this country became independent, itwas naturally content to leave all of in his able hands.

But problems change, while the human mind and its working, however agile tostart with, tends to stratify. The likes and prejudices of almost a lifetime, formed nodoubt objectively, become subjective fixtures. The ability to adjust perspective tochanging conditions gets rusted and fresh thinking becomes progressively difficultand reluctant. In matters of foreign policy, it takes two to make a bargain and keepit. Reciprocity is the universally recognized foundation of foreign policy.

The first shock of leaving everything to the judgement of one man, came withattach of China on our borders in 1962. It was brought home to us with a bang thatthere is very much more to foreign policy than just self-righteous conduct. Sincethen, our foreign policy has happily started following a more realistic line, except inone region. It is in respect of the countries of West Asia that it has assumed thequality of an enigma - unexplainable on any hypothesis.

It is but right that we strive hard to be on the best of terms with our neighbours,both immediate and two doors away. That is also self-interest. There is no harm if,in the process, we even lean over some somewhat backwards. But there must beconsistency in our acts and no waywardness, lest us face facts.

Israel is a democratic State. It is moreover modern. It is full-fledged memberof the United Nations’ Organisation—a hard fact of life. It has formally beenrecognised by the two great powers; the USA and the USSR. It is as fine anexample of a cooperative commonwealth as we might wish for. Its people andGovernment have a high regard for our country. Above all in our armed conflictwith Pakistan and earlier with China, it declared for our side almost unasked.Relations with it can prove to be of immense advantage to us in many fields. Andyet we have all along refused to establish diplomatic relations with it. Why?


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In the face of these realities, what was the meaning of our Foreign Ministerdeclare out of turn, India’s solidarity with States which were confronting Israel inits recent war? Could he not at least hold his patience and, instead, helped advancethe cause of peace by appealing to both sides impartially to stay their concilliation?What this hurry to declare the side, you are on against all counsels of both prudenceand principles? Our policy towards Israel has, indeed, been a negation of all westand for. It is irrational, unrealistic and indefensible.•

Hindustan Times- June 20, 1967Northern India Patrika- June 27, 1967National Herald- June 1967

Diplomatic ties with IsraelSir, —Pains have been taken on behalf of the Government to deny that there is

a move to establish diplomatic relations with Israel. What stands in the way is notpublic opinion. Why then is not the obviously Indicated step being taken?

After our all-out support to the predominantly Muslim Bangla Desh, we canwell afford to stop leaning over backwards to be agreeable to irrationalsuscepti-bilities. The bulk of the Muslim community, as we have seen, is with usthrough thick and thin leaving out some innate nuances. There may only be a smallsec-tion, whose number is dwindling with each passing day, and who, not to put tooline a point on it, may be incorrigibly communal-minded and no amount of cajo-lingor pampering can wean it from its separatist leanings. We should not allow it to holdour West Asian policy to ransom any longer.

Then, have we not seen, not once but many, times over, that, when it comes tobrass tacks, the call of religion has proved to be far stronger to the Arab coun-triesthan any appeal on merits. They line up with Pakistan al-most automatically. Israel,on the other hand, has all along taken our part, unasked; even, irrespective of whatits chief Be-nefactor, the USA thinks or does. Israel has proved to be a friend. Toolong have the Arab countries been taking us for granted. They should be made torealise that they will now have to deserve our support. That is the way in internationalmatters — reciprocity, give and take We can profitably take a leaf out of America’sbook; it is pro-Israel and at the same time pro-Pakistan, a theocratic State.

Without changing our Arab policy, as the Prime Minister in her New Year’s EvePress con-ference declared, we can still be on diplomatic terms with Israel. Thereis much to be gained by this friendship, espe-cially in technology and co-operativeinstitutions.

Our claim that we follow an independent and objective foreign policy sounds alittle strained in reference to Israel. National interest is the most dependableyardstick.•

National Herald (Lucknow)- January 08, 1972Northern India Patrika- January 10, 1972

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The Fiji ScenarioSir, —It is not easy to sort out the point which Mr. V.J. Noronha seeks to make

in The Fiji scenario XI June 15). No one can disagree with him if he says that therights of the original Fijians should not be tampered with in any way.

We in this country are interested off Fiji because almost half of its population isIndian in origin. Most of that Indians were taken there, as indentured labourers.Other groups followed just to settle there. In course of time they qualified to becomefull citizens and came to have the same rights as the locals. In the politico economicconditions prevailing there, they formed the National Labour Party. In the see-sawelectoral fortunes this pan obtained, for the first time since Fiji gained independence17 years ago, a majority in the last elections. Naturally the Governor-General, SinrPenaia Ganilau, invited the party leader, Timoci Bavadra, to form the government.Indians were in majority in it. The armed forces the island, recruited under theprevious our regimes, staged a coup and seized power barely a month after thecoalition had come into office.

It was a constitutionally elected government, which has unconstitutionally beenousted from power, by force. No allegations have been made that the electionswere unfair or rigged. It was the people’s govern-ment in the sense that it wassup-ported by the majority of the people.

Our concern in India is not that Indians have been deprived of power. But, thata democratically elected government has been deposed military force. To look atthe mat in its proper perspective, it is no necessary, as Noronha does, to back to theMaories of Australia in New Zealand, or the pre-Aryan aborigines of India. Indiansthere are not second-class citizens but haw equal rights with the original Fijian. It isclear that some of the latter voted for the coalition party, may be because it had aclear policy of in nuclear disarmament and non-alignment. Quite possibly this wasnot liked by the Governor-General and those who nominated him. But when wasthe question of ‘domination’ teaching the native Fijians a lesson, which Noronhatalks about?

What had happened in Fiji calls for the intervention of all democratic people?•Indian Express- June 17, 1987

Distant NeighboursSir, —Not so very long ago the people of Nepal, while calling their own land

‘swadesh’ and foreign countries as ‘videsh’, used to refer to India did not regardIndia as an outsider but as a larger homeland. In the heyday of the socialist movement


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in India, then led by J.P., Lohia, Acharya Narendra Dev, Achyut Patwardhan, YusufMeherally, Ashoka Mehta and others, Nepal and India had come closet to eachother. The rulers were different but the people of the two neighbours identified witheach other. Individuals persecuted by one state freely took refuge in the other.

Today, to all appearances, the two neighbours are estranged. Something hasgone wrong. I have a nagging feeling that or smaller neighbours got scared afterIndia, in Mrs. Gandhi’s time annexed Sikkim. As a patriot, I suppose I ought to exultthe acquisition. But as a realist I can also look at it from the Nepalese point of view.The almost complete identification of the Indian and Nepali people underwent asea-change. “In time India would swallow us too unless we keep our distance.” theNepalese seemed to argue in their hearts. “The rules of our country are of Indiaorigin and who knows they may one day agree to merge with the larger land-massof a variety of reason.”

As if in a rebound from the situation the Nepalese started thinking of options,including feelers towards the East. The extent of their apprehension may be judgedfrom their scouting of all things for antiaircraft guns-from China! Which countrywould not like to make friends who come unasked? China may be too far awayconsidering the terrain. But it is a big power, at any rate bigger than India at themoment. “Are all events why not use it as a foil?”

The mandarins in New Delhi are not renowned for far-sightedness. Also,presently their survival instinct tells them to feed the ego of their inexperiencedrulers. That the King of Nepal has been giving himself airs of late, is a fact. OurPrime Minister’s direct approaches to him have been rebuffed on at least twooccasions: “Meet your counterpart, my prime minister,” the King has said in effect.Also in whatever indirect and polite a manner, Mrs. Sonia Gandhi has been refusedentry into the famous Pashupatinath Temple: She is not a Hindu. So Nepal must betaught a lesson. But the bonds and affiliations, internalised and ingrained through,not centuries but millenniums, cannot be negated by just the rulers’ postures or bythe churlish behaviour of persons in places of brief authority on either side whopresume to pontificate that a point of no return has been reached in Indo-Nepaleserelations. Sheer mishandling of the situation on both sides has led to the present dipin the equation. (A statements of the calibre of Morarji Desai would never haveallowed things to come anywhere near this).

Then, real-politic dictates that with theocratic resurgence in West Asia, andrecently in Bangladesh and Malaysia, a counter-balance has to be designed andorganised. The time is out of joint and as men of affairs we have to build ourdefences. With Nepal we have many things in common. It would be inexcusableshort, sightedness to let things drift further.

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Given foresight ad a touch of realism, both India and Nepal would see thefolly of their present ways. Once Nepal is convinced, by treaty or otherwise,that India has no hegemonic pretensions, matters can be mutually sorted outand their previous relations, interrupted lately, resumed to mutual advantage.•

Indian Express- May 15, 1989


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UNO & General MacArthurSir, — The appointment of General MacArthur as U.N. Commander-in-Chief,

was, as developments show, a grave mistake. Not only did it give a semblance tothe view very wide-ly held that the U.N.O. and the U.S.A. are virtuallyinterchangeable terms but it also made the position of the politician-soldier himselfhigh-ly anomalous. As Supreme Com-mander for the Allied powers in Japan, andmore especially as U.S. Commander-in-Chief for the Far East, he had other duties,commitments, and of course mental reservations, in consonance with Americanways of thinking and of doing things. Not possessing a split personality he acts andbehaves of the interests of America primarily dictate.

Not long ago he went gallivanting to Formosa and hobnobbed with GeneralChiang Kai-Shek entirely on his own, notwithstanding the fact that some of theAllies in the last war and many in the U.N.O. no longer recognize him. Not onlythat when parting from the Changes, after kissing Madam’s hand, one remembershis having said words to the effect—’Chin up Gissimo, we are going to win’. Markthe plural ‘we’. And they were not particularly referring to Korea.

Very recently another aspect of his character has come to light. Seeing someNorth Korean soldier killed in battle, he is said to have remarked. ‘It is a good sightfor my old eves’—words which should disgust any decent man. Perhaps—everyprobably—he was merely echoing. U.S.A. sentiment against whatever smells ofCommunism. But the General is not exclusively a U.S.A. concern now. He hasbeen commissioned to Korea by the United Nations, whose members do not allbelong to the U.S.A. power bloc.

India also is a member of the U.N.O. What has it to say to the indis-cretions (toput it at its mildest) of this statesman-general?

As said before, his appointment was a mistake, initially. His retention at thepost any longer would be a blunder. It may be embarrassing to swap the U.N.Command just now. Not to do so would be a very big blow to U.N. solidarity—orwhat-ever remains of it. Whatever the cost, General Mac-Arthur as U.N.Commander-in-Chief, must be replaced.•

Leader- October 02, 1950

Caste in the Common WealthSir, —The Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ Conference announced by Mr.

Churchill to be held in November next raises once again the question what,considering all things, are the advantages to India constituting a member. For onething, if gives the appearance, to say the least, of our belongings to one of the two

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camps into which the world is divided—an impression which we profess to beanxious to avoid giving. To say that our membership of Commonwealth is a historicaldevelopment from the past is neither here nor there. History’s pull has rather beentowards a complete break-away from Britain than in the other direction. Moreover,temperamentally, both sides feel uncomfortable in thee association, whatever bethe dictates of the political interests of the United Kingdom and its White dominions.

Recently, a group photo-graph of the Commonwealth Army Commanders, takenon the occa-sion of the Imperial General Staff Conference, appeared in some Eng-lishpapers of India. F.-M. Sir William Slim (U.K.) was seated in the centre, on hisimmediate right and left were respectively Lt.-Gen. Du Toil (South Africa) andLt-Gen. Powell (Australia). The next two in the same order were Lt.-Gen. Simonds(Canada) and Gen. Cariappa (India). On the flanks were Gen. Ayub Khan (Pakistan)and Maj-Gen. Gentry (New Zealand)

Now, in the British Army—and wherever else the Bri-tish military systemprevails—senio-rity and precedence go by rank and not by length of service, exceptwhen ranks are equal. Accordingly, the two Generals of India and Pakistan shouldhave been given the seats immediately on either side of the Field-Marshal, thenshould have come the two senior-most of the three Lieut-Generals; the third LieutGeneral and the Major-General should have taken the flanks.

We are told that the constituents of the Commonwealth are all “ equal in status,in no way sub-ordinate one to another in any aspect ........”. And yet the Indianand Pakistani Generals’ were. given positions low down the ladder, keeping theupper rungs for South Africa, Australia and Canada, even though their representativeswere lower in ranks.

Now, If this is not caste system would; like to know what else it is? Or, wouldany of your readers, versed in affairs of military protocol, kindly put me wiseon the matter? •

Hindustan Times- August 09, 1952Hindustan Standard- August 10, 1952

Commonwealth, Peace Area and IndiaSir, —What exactly was it that India opted for membership of the

Commonwealth for? It cer-tainly was not for any love for Britain. In all consciencethere was much for which India could never forgive England. Then was it becauseit had a soft corner for any of the other members? South Africa, if anything, was areason for India not to want to remain in the Commonwealth. Pakistan was boundto be, at any rate for a long time, not a comfortable bed--fellow. And the WhiteDomi-nions, first cousins of Britain, had no special affinity for us. Then what was itthat persuaded India to join the Commonwealth?


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To my mind it was the smooth, peaceful and willing surrender of power byBritain which encour-aged in us a belief that we could promote the cause of peacebet-ter by remaining in the Commonwealth. Our very association with Britain, aftermore than a century of domination, was bound to be an example to the world thatthe knottiest of problems can be solv-ed in peaceful ways. Our mem-bership gaveus a good working base for peace. Call it by what-ever name you like, the idea of athird force in world affairs is a logical necessity of the times we are passing through.Many countries, great and small, are tied up ideologically or militarily with one orthe other of the two great power blocs in which the world stands divided. If theholocaust of a head-on collision between them is to be averted, as many countriesas possible should be weaned away from their, present allegiances to either of thetwo. Whatever helped in enlarging the area of peace was welcome. It was thoughtby our leaders at the time that the Commonwealth, with Britain as the senior partner,could be made to serve as the spearhead of the peace area.

With Britain’s unprovoked aggres-sion in Egypt has dashed every-thing thatcould be reason for India’s continued membership of the Commonwealth hasdisappeared. Not to part com-pany with it now would look like partnership inaggression.

Severance of the link with the Commonwealth does not mean any break offriendship with the Bri-tish people or even their gov-ernment. No ties except thoseof friendship and community of out-look bind us to Burma, Indone-sia, Ceylon,Egypt or Afghanis-tan, to name only a few. There is much in England we admireand are many there we want to be friends with. But there is no longer any rationalbasis for continuing as a member of the Com-monwealth. So let us tell Eng-land,“You talked us into mem-bership of your Commonwealth. Believing in your promiseof good behaviour, we agreed. But you have betrayed the trust. We like your peoplebut are ashamed of your government and cannot sit at the same table with it toshare its guilt. So we part.”

No, Sir, there is not even sen-timent now to hold us together. •National Herald- November 23, 1956Hindustan Times - November 24, 1956Hindustan Standard - November 25, 1956

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India and the BombSir, —A statesman, it is said, is one who trains his sight on the abiding good of

the future generations while a politician looks forward only to matters of immediateinterest, say, the next election. So when Jawaharlal Nehru said that India would notmanufacture the tom Bomb, he was thinking more as world citizen than as belongsto a particular country. He was concerned much more with a way of life than withcommitting the country to any rigid military policy. He had in view the wider contextof international society far over and above the workaday configurations of nationalinterests. What he had in mind was not so much the immediate future, as thegeneration to come: not merely India but the whole humanity. As a new arrivalamong the comity of independent nations, he had a vision of India as showing theway to universal peace and brotherhood, of living and lettering live and of settlementof disputes without resort to nay kind of force.

He was by no matter alone, or the first to think on this way. Thinkers in all thetimes and climes have been visualising a world order where injustice and force willbe arbiter the rights. People everywhere have been yearning for some suchinternational society, just as they have striven and largely succeeded in evolvingagencies for the administration of justice in the domestic spheres.

Head of a modern system of Government, Jawaharlal Nehru could not yetdiscard the usual sanctions of state power or the traditional arsenals with whichthey are equipped. So, we do maintain a modern army like the rest of them. But hedrew the line of Atom Bomb. Seen specially, this would appeal to be rather arbitrary.The arguments runs: Is that not just another weapon in the armoury of modernstates even though it is much more deadly? But so all are weapon: meant to kill!Are they not?

The Atom Bomb is not a weapon of Warfare—of punishment of enemycombatants or their war apparatus. Qualitatively it is a different thing altogether. Itis not just a weapon. It is the ultimate in total destruc-tion—of complete annihilation—of extinction. It is a weapon for the cult of the nihilist— world-hater. It is a weaponagainst humanity itself. It expounds a philosophy of life exactly the reverse of whathuman civilization has been building for through the centuries. Perhaps to JawaharlalNehru’s sensitive soul even a victory at this cost was not worthwhile. To him themaking of the bomb was nothing less than crossing the point of no return to civilizedlife: giving up all pretence to contributing to a better world system.

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afresh. He must have put to himself the question, when it comes to a question ofnational survival itself. Do we hold ourselves irrevocably committed to a standtaken when no such contingency was even visualised? At any rate, since his deathand the course, he had broadly charted for the nation, the position has materiallychanged and the question of survival is now not merely theoretical; it is very muchwith us. The dilemmas which confront the leadership of today are unprecedentedand compel a re-consideration of the stand taken at a time when it was confidentlypostulated that peace-mindedness necessarily begot counter-peace-mindedness.Faced with present realities, there seems to be little doubt that Jawaharlal Nehruwould have thought again.

Even during his lifetime, he had found that the faith he has placed in the UnitedNations as an instrument of peace and justice was not quite justified. By and large,each country there is for itself and supporters, irrespective of merits. More, thereare countries, which by their refusal to subscribe to accepted ideals of internationalpeace, have placed themselves outside the bale of civilised society and do not regardthemselves bound by any rules of civilised international conduct.

The stand taken by Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri is, on second thought,the only one which is feasible I the circumstances. It is a right blend of the idealwith realism. While not adjuring faith in the future of humanity, it yet faces the factsof life. He has conceded to those who stand for the making of the bomb by thiscountry to the extent of relaxing so far that he does not rule out its manufacture forall time. At the same time, he has refused to be hustled into an immediate decision.So long as he can hold out, he does not intend to throw up the sponge; the quest forhigher things must go on until overriding considerations supervene to compel adifferent course.

The country cannot wish for wiser leadership. •National Herald- December 17, 1965Indian Express- December 20, 1965

No AlternativeSir, —It is should mean a reali-sation that some of our national policies have

been ineffective, and helps us in breaking away from them, the sacrifices of ourboys on the Indo-Pakistani battle-front need not have gone in vain.

The most outstanding lesson, which we hope we have learnt is that, for all theinterdepend-ence of nations we near so much about, we have to rely on our-selvesalone for the solutions of our problems both in the matter of armed strength and ofecono-mic power. There is no such thins as aid without strings. Aid is aid, whetherthe beneficiary unashamedly fawns on the giver, or assumes superior airs. Only it ishighly unedifying in the latter case to see the recipient in the same breath both

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condemning the donor (when the latter as of right appears to dictate a course, ofaction on pain of suspension of favours) and asking for more for a self-respectingcountry which is not prepared to take orders from others, there is no alternative tobuilding up its own effective military potential.

This has to embrace all kinds of modern weaponry. Yes Sir, all kinds. That westick to non-alignment in spite of its obvious perils is proof that, as a nation, we arebasically peace-minded. But surrounded by cut-throats, we have to learn to temperour pur-suit of the ideal with the application of the practical for non-alignment ismeaningless unless a country is strong enough. If need be, to go it alone all the way.It is conceded that the atom bomb is an evil thing and here is no real defenceagainst it. But there certainly is a de-terrent. And it is another atom bomb.•

Hindustan Times- October 16, 1965National Herald - October 18, 1965

Time to Review Our Foreign PolicyThe over-riding consideration, which determines a country’s foreign policy, is

that it should serve its national interests. All other maters are secondary and subsidiary.It is on the touchstone of this basic stipulation that our own country must be judged.

The fact is that ever since 1947 when we set ourselves free to formulate ourforeign policy independently of Britain. It has continued by and large to be thebrain-child and handiwork of just one man—Jawaharlal Nehru. He was regardedas the foreign policy expert of the Congress Party and when power came, everythingwas left to him to shape as he pleased. Emerging from a successful struggle forindependence by the methods of truth and non-violence under the leadership ofMahatma Gandhi, it was natural for him, in the euphoria of achievement to want torestructure his country’s relations with others on the lines of his dream—a peacefulinternational order of live and let live. His study of international affairs was notdoubt fairly extensive as well as comprehensive. But his formulations were mostlysubjective, seldom data-based. And he had no used for compartmentalised thinkingon specific issues.

USA Example:Let us look at the U.S.A. so-called leader of the democratic world and crusader

against communism. When it suits its national purpose, its President has no hesitationin setting aside all prejudice to wangle an invitation to visit Peking to pay court to hisarch-adversaries, his country’s anti-thesis in everything that matters. The USSR,figuring on the world map as the Communist colossus, thinks nothing of underwritingthe interest of medical Arab states in its grand design. There is no principle, oraltruism and even a sameness of outlook in these approaches, but hard nationalinterest.


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For quite a long time now, the two countries frankly hostile to us are Pakistanand China, the former a product of the ideology of the Muslim League and the latterstanding for a brand of expansionist communism. Till very recently our ruling partywas hand and glove with both. Though it has lately mended its fences against thelatter, though not to the extent which is necessary in national interest. It still has asneaking tolerance, if not a soft corner, for the League even to the extent of findingalibis for its extent of finding alibis for its anti-national these and activities.

Arch States:What one cannot understand is our government leaning over backwards towards

the Arab states. An elementary knowledge of human affairs and particularly of theMuslim psyche should be enough to convince even a tyro that they cannot be ourfriends so long as Pakistan is or sworn enemy. They have always and consistentlytaken its part against us, whatever be the issue.

Attitude Towards Israel:Equally incomprehensible is our attitude of cold-shouldering Israel, which

unasked, has always sided with us. The home policy of leniency towards the Muslim,minority is alright. But should it be carried to an absurd length in the internationalsphere?

In the home sphere too, the Muslim league, in sheer national interest, should begiven no quarter. Israel deserves a far better deal for its so-far unrequited love thanit has been getting.

What matters in foreign policy essentially are the dividends it brings us Pakistan,a fraction our size and potential and standing for an outmoded form of polity basedon obscurantist ideas, has been playing its cards so well that beside it our ownpolicy looks debile.

An avowedly communal state almost a theocracy, it has managed by sheerdiplomacy, to secure in its genocidal activities and colonial designs and the thwartingof the democratic process in its eastern wing, the active support of the two antitheticblocs of world powers; of one which p-des itself for being called the champion ofdemocracy and the other the leader of anti-colonialism everywhere.

And here are we, revelling in collecting certificates of good character andconduct and of ‘restraint’ and of high-mindedness from foreigners and are contentwith them as if they take us anywhere!

We perhaps rightly believed in and have followed up till; now, a policy of non-alignment, keeping clear of the two power blocs of nations.. But events on theworld stage have been moving fast. The two wings of Pakistan our immediateneighbouring in the west and east. The two wings of Pakistan, our immediateneighbours in the west and east, are locked in a death embrace of terror and genocide.

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Willy-nilly, we have to bear the brunt of about eighty lakhs of refuges who havecome over to or territory, creating all kinds of problems for us: Economic, social,administrative and military.

The USA and China have made a bid to come closer to each other: both beingfriendly to Pakistan and supplying it with arms, and therefore, proportionatelyunfriendly to us. All this is sufficient to make us uneasy.

What Price Neutrality?It is axiomatic and, therefore must be clear to everybody that only that country

can afford to be really non-aligned which is militarily strong and capable ofdefending itself without aid. It is induced us to sign a treaty of alliance with SovietRussia which has brought it nearer to us. We should try to win more friends, at anyrate try to neutralise as many which are at present not friendly disposed towardsus.

Then, there is really no alternative to producing all the requirements of moderndefence to serve both as deterrents and, when it should come to that for offence aswell. Offence and defence are really facets of the same coin: in becomesmeaningless. In 1965 we had to mount an ‘offensive’ advance on Lahore to defendour position in Akhnoor.

Nuclear Arms:In the same context we have to review our policy on nuclear weapons. Till it

detonated its first atom bomb, China was classed as a second rate power, in spite ofits size, population and potential. It is today among the top three. When we havethe technical know-how and the material, it is no service to the country not to go infar its production. There is really no difference, as is sometimes argued there is,between modern ‘sophisticated’ armour and these thermo-nuclear weapons, exceptof course of degree. When a country’s vital interests or its very existence isthreatened, it is not justified in fighting with only a part of its strength. •

Northern India Patrika- September 03, 1971


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NATIONAL AFFAIRS

National FlagSir, —The restrictions which the U.P. Government have now placed on the

use and display of the National Flag are welcome, even though they are belated.The Government have emphasised that it is the duty of every patriotic citizen

to see that the flag is not brought into disrepute by unregulated use, for example,in any trade, business, calling or profession.

But by far the most culpable in this respect are some political parties, whichhave unabashedly been sporting the National Flag as their party flag simply onaccount of the incident of similarity in the colour scheme. Some have evengone to the extent of treating it indiscriminately with their party flag, as a symbolof loyalty to the country, confusing the people who are yet in the infancy oftheir political education.

The Government should unequivocally make it clear—clear even to the mostmuddle-headed—that no political party is any longer entitled to use it as their partyemblem.•

Leader- July 04, 1948Anthem Debate

Sir, —Despite disclaimers from some, quarters, it does appear (as Mr. OmarLuther King says (IE Sept. 19) in his letter that Jana Gana Mana was composed byTagore as a panegyric to the King of England who was at the time Emperor ofIndia. There is intrinsic evidence of this in the song itself. Its entire tenor Leads tothe same conclusion. Who at that time could be addressed as Bharat Bhagya Vidhata,the maker of the country’s destiny? Who was the ‘you’ whose good blessing wassought and whose saga of victories was being sung by the various regions, mountainsand rivers of India? The wording is sus-ceptible of no other valid explana-tion.

At the time when our Constitution-makers were taking a decision there wereonly two songs competing for the honour of adoption as National Anthem. BandeMataram, which une-quivocally glorifies the Motherland, the most popular song. Itwas a song sung by patriots. It had a long history of sacrifice associated with it. Butit was considered unsuitable for setting to music. Jana Gana Mana on the otherhand, with its lilting tune, could be adopted to instrumental music far more easily, sothey said. In the prevailing euphoria at the time, not much thought was given to theantecedents.

But now we are faced with a hard choice. We have been singing Jana GanaMana all these years. We will make a laughing stock of ourselves if we reject itnow and adopt another. So it is best to forget and bury the controversy for all time,leaving the objectors to reconcile themselves to a fait accompli. •

Indian Express- September 25, 1986

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Vande MataramSir, —Each morning Akashvani greets the day with Vande Mataram. Millions

keep tuned to it. It is followed by three minutes of shehnai vadan. At 6 am is thefirst news service in Hindi.

The lines of Vande Mataram sung are only a part of the complete anthem.They are just in praise of the Motherland; noth-ing more. They leave out the vitalsoul-stirring and uplifting stanzas, “Kay bolay Ma tumi abalay (who says, Mother,you are powerless? You are bahubal-dharini of immense strength). These wordstouch the heart-strings; they are a call to the nation, a challenge as it were.

I appeal to the new government to have the full anthem sung in the morningser-vice. It would take only a minute, for which adjustment can easily be made.•

Indian Express-May 27, 1996

Food and Self-RespectSir, —We Indians may be poor and serving but we can at least be self-

respecting. The fact that we have our grouses against the mismanagement—among others—of food affairs by our Government and that we declaim againstit loud and long should not be taken to mean that we want food at the Governmentwhen it goes wrong but on that account our Government should not misjudge us(as it seems to have misjudged us on the rupee ratio with Pakistan) and thinkthat, therefore, we would be anxious or willing to get food, howsoever orwheresoever it is obtained.

There is talk of food by way of loan or gift from the U.S.A. There is nodoubt that it would have been welcome. But the way that the matter is beinghandled by the Americans—in their legislature and outside—is, to say the least,very humiliating to us Indians. They seem to want to regiment our minds throughour stomachs.

After this exhibition of the desire of a section of Americans to the politicalstrings to the offer, the loan or the gift becomes as graceless to make, as itwould be dishonourable and degrading to accept.

Our Government now should decline the offer with thanks. I am sure voicepublic feeling when I say that not a soul in India would say a worry against this. AsI said in the beginning we may be poor and hungry but we are at least self-respecting.•

Leader – April 01, 1951

Telephone TappingSir, —There was quite a stir in Parliament over the complaint of a Communist

member that his telephone was being tapped. The Home Minister’s reply was tothe effect that he was satisfied that: there were no such instructions and that therewas no substance in the complaint. But those who are on the wrong, side of the


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political fence are not surprised at the complaint, or the reply, since they know howthese things are carried on. For although we are now supposed to be governed bythe rule of law so that there should be no interference with, our personal affairsexcept in so far as such interference as warranted by law, some departments of theGovernment carry on much as they used to do before the coming of independence.The change-over from foreign rule to a national government, or the ushering in ofthe Constitution which guarantees so many freedoms, has not made much differenceso far as many executive practices are concerned. Except where specificallyrescinded, abrogated or countermanded, they continue as before.

Take for instance, the interference with private correspondence; the lettersone sends or receives. The Post Office Act specifically forbids tampering withpostal articles by anybody, and prescribes punishment not only for those who do thisbut also for the officials of the Postal department who suffer this to be done. Andyet it is a common practice of the local intelligence units in some districts at least, asit was that of the district intelligence staff before them, to visit the post offices andrummage through the heap of incoming or out-going mail, opening such of the lettersas catch their fancy, resealing them either immediately or after such time as theyhave done with them. Law as it stands does not permit this handling, except underthe orders of the central or the state governments and that too in. times of publicemergency, or when the postal articles are suspected to contain explosive, obscene,or deleterious matter and the like. And yet, either as a hangover from the periodwhen an alien power ruled our country and was a law unto itself, thinking nothing ofriding rough-shod over the rights of the people, or as a continuing administrativeconvenience, the practice of intercepting letters goes on merrily as before, ThePost Office people when asked, simply say that it has always been so—as an un-written and common practice.

The Home Ministry cannot altogether be unaware of all these goings-on. Onefeels that once the attention of the Communications Minister is drawn to this stateof affairs, he win see to it that, if and when, the correspondence of citizens has tobe tapped, it is done in accordance with the formalities prescribed by law and not atthe sweet will of the local Executive. •

National Herald – January 01, 1958Leader – January 02, 1958

Social Security: A Primary ResponsibilitySir, —Nearly a hundred years have gone by since the principle was enunciated

that in the mat-ter of pensions to retired go-vernment servants, the state re-servesto itself the power of granting or withholding...at pleasure.... concessions ... whichare gratuitous and with-out consideration. The words are taken from the statementof ob-jects and reasons of the Pen-sions Act 1871.

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During all this time there has been all over the world a gra-dual shift in theoriginal basic concept that the state exists only, or mainly, to exercise police functions.Its responsibi-lities have been receiving accretions all these long years, so that nowwelfarism is almost the order of the day everywhere. Assuring social security to allits citizens is becoming al-most the primary responsibility of the modern state. Somemore progressive states aim at an af-fluent society and all that. In our own countryspecially, the entire juristic basis, and not merely the character, of the state hasaltered almost beyond recognition. Even during the period of British Governmentthe idea that pensions could be withheld at pleasure had fallen into desuetude andpensioners had ceased to be regarded as under the control or discipline of thegovernment.

Now in the year of grace 1965, eighteen years after inde-pendence, it soundspreposte-rous to say that the grant of pension after a life-time of active service is aconcession, gratuitous and without consideration. Pension is today consi-dered anessential condition of government service. And salari-es are so parcelled thatgovern-ment servants are regarded as contributing to their post-retirement benefits.

In the Constitution we have given to ourselves it is stated that the state shallmake provi-sion for securing public assis-tance in cases of old age, disa-bility andother cases of un-deserved want. The state is therein committed to secure a socialorder is which economic and social justice is guaranteed to all its citizens. When oldage pensions are now allowed even to those who have never served the government,to hark back to a century old concept is noth-ing but reactionary.

Now let us look at the pic-ture. Today a police constable, who retires after thefull period of service, is entitled to a pension of Rs. 35. One who retired 30 yearsago got a pension of Rs. 5 or Rs. 6. Their salaries when they were in active servicewere respectively more or less commensurate with the cost of living prevailing atthe times today are the same for both. For the same kind of work in the past, oneget Rs. 5 and the other Rs. 35 in pension. Can anything be core irrational?

The government should not give the impression that only those who can makea noise are entitled to its ear. If there is any other reason for the government notgiving attention to the demands of the pensioners, we would like to know what it is.

The question is not unimportant. On it rests the superstructure of the servicesunder the state. One principal consideration, which draws young men to governmentservice, is the promise of a suitable pension after a life-time of active duties. Itshould not be regarded as a sort of dole; something given in charity.

The time has come when the entire question of pensions should be reviewedand rationalised. •

Leader- April 24, 1965National Herald - April 24, 1965Northern India Patrika- April 25, 1965


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Privy PursesSir, —1 am a socialist by convic-tion, not just by profession. My socialism dates

from a time when, instead of being a fashion as it is today, it was almost a term orabuse when people suffered for their socialism. Apart from being democratic, mysocialism is embedded in the decencies of life, whe-ther public or private. A contractOr a covenant formally entered into, Or even a promise solemnly made, is to socialistslike me a sacred bond and no amount of theory 01 legalism can v\ash away itsalmost religiously binding character.

The privy purses of the princes, when they were agreed to, be for a very validconsideration—abdica-tion by them of their ruling rights over nearly one-third ofnational territory. They were regarded of the founding fathers pf our Con-stitutionas a just and reasonable Provision; the national advantage far out-weighing the quidpro quo. No scientific socialist would dis-pute the fact that the princes had theirinevitable place in the history of our political institutions and the development of oursocial order.’ There is nothing anomalous therefore in the fact that an intelligentarrangement was made with the historically vanishing hierarchy for the period oftransition to a new social order.

One can quite see that a time would come when the provision of these purseswould look a total anachronism. How it comes? Let us confess that that time is faroff. At any rate so long as even one out of the covenanting parties, whether at thepromising- or at the receiving end, is alive, it looks to me a shabby act to break thetroth. A resurgent socialism has a hundred better ways to make itself felt than bytilting at on order, which is already down and out, it is not a question of rupees,annas and pies. It is a question or honour.•

National Herald- July 14, 1967

Who Killed Mr. Mishra?Sir, —It is extremely painful to have to discuss as to who are the people

responsible for the death of Mr. L.N. Misra. But so many accusations andaspersions, mostly subjective are being cast about that it has become pertinentto marshal and analyse the facts.

The murder has been condemned by all sections of the people. If it is political,as it appears on the surface, (though on must keep one’s fingers crossed toallow for other possibilities) this has to be put to the account of those parties,which believe in the cult of violence. It is irritating therefore, to hear personsbelonging to the ruling party, including the Prime Minister blaming JP and hismovement as being responsible, howsoever indirectly, for this deplorable episode.

The reaction of the Communists of the CPI brand is characteristic and is aswas to be expected. They would snatch at any stick to beat up JP and his

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followers with. For they can never forgive him for the way that he and othersocialists held the former up for publicity condemnation for their traitorous rolein the 1940’s. While the Nation was in the throes of a revolution to throw outthe British from the country, with the underground Socialists, led by JP and hiscomrades in the vanguard of the movement, the communists were playing thepart of quislings, collaborating with the detested rules in suppressing themovement, rounding up patriots, shooting them or throwing them in jails. Theynow want to take advantage of the proverbial shortness of public memory. Butthey will not be allowed to do so, even though the ruling party has lent themrespectability by entering into a political alliance with them.

It is, however the attitude of a group belonging to the rulling Congress whichis exasperating. A number of its MPs have appealed to JP “to realise even atthis late hour that the movement has unleashed a Frankestein monster, and towithdraw it” citing Gandhi’s withdrawal of his movement after Chauri Chaura.To discover any parallel between Mr. Mishra’s assassination (if it is that) andChauri Chaura is senseless irrelevance. Chauri Chaura was just mob hysteriaMr. Mishra’s murder is a calculated act, either of a lone individual or the resultof a deep-laid conspiracy. Te MP’s appeal may look disinterested. But knowingas we do that JP’s movement is directed virtually against their own partyGovernments, their appeals sounds both pathetic any hypocritical. On the onehand they claim, it is fizzling out; on the other they are going as it were, onbended knees to him to bail them out from the inevitable consequences of themovement. And ironically, all this in the name of truth and non-violence!

Let us face facts and not confuse the issues. In crime detection, whenthere is no direct evidence of eye-witnesses, the investigators always searchfor the motive first, who was interested in the death of the deceased person?Now JP and his followers had nothing against Mr. Mishra, Rather, Mr. Mishrawas not only not a hindrance in their asking for the sack of the Ghafoor Ministry,he was like-minded with JP on this score, it is no secret that Mr. Mishra and hisgroup were opposed to Mr. Ghafoor. So why should JP or any of his men wantto remove one who was not an obstacle in their way?

Then, the Opposition in Parliament had ultimately succeeded in extractingfrom the Government the right to go through the CBI report in which Mr. Mishrais said to have been deeply involved. From what has been publicly said by thosewho saw the CBI papers. It is clear that they found enough mater all fordemanding a deeper probe into the licence scandal, and this the Governmenthas been resisting. The Opposition’s case is that this investigation would reveal

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further unsavoury facts of many high-ups being also involved to the scandal. Itneeds no Sherlock Holmes to deduce from these circumstances as to who wouldbe the people interested in removing Mr. Mishra: those who were in danger ofbeing exposed or those who were pressing for the exposure? The oppositionwas interested in pursuing the matter further to find out who were thebeneficiaries of Mr. Mishra’s fund collection by dubious means. The death ofMr. Mishra has robbed the demand much of its point.

This is as far as the political aspect of the murder is concerned. We cannotaltogether rule out the personal and the administrative aspect. Some one mayhave had an overpowering personal grudge, unconnected with politics, He wantedfor his opportunity, or some misguided railwayman, feeling himself aggrievedby unjust victimisation and holding Mr. Mishra vicariously responsible for theact, resorted to this mad act.

It is unpleasant to have to discuss Mr. Mishra’s murder. It is a good rule thatnothing, which is not good, may be said of the dead. But the provoking posturesassumed by the ruling party and its communist henchmen leave one no alternativebut to put the matters in their proper perspective.•

Pioneer - January 19, 1975National Herald - January 29, 1975

Remembering Bahadur ShahSir, —If there was any point in searching out Mirza Aitmaddin to invite him

to participate in the state celebration of the bi-centenary of his great grandfather,Baha-dur Shah Zafar, it would have been in the fitness, of things to accord himthe central place at the ceremony, instead of treating him as a kind of glorifiedexhibit. By honouring him, the state was only paying homage to his illustriousforbear.

The occasion demanded that the VIPs should have been taken round to beintroduced to him. Photo-graphs show him being introduced to a VIP the latterseated all the while in his chair and extending his hand for the standing guest toshake. Shaking of hands is an im-ported practice. Etiquette requires gentlemanto stand up white shak-ing hand. But then, as the poet says—

Nizaam-e-maikada bigda hua hai is qadar saaqi.Unheen ko jam milta hai jinhe peena naheen aata.I hope that along with so many other healthy disciplines being taught during the

present national reconstruction, there will also be instituted a course in good manners.•Indian Express- November 03, 1975

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Red-TapismSir, —For the attention of our bureaucracy, please allow me to quote a few

lines from a letter from my son at present, in the USA.Writing about the purchase of a car, he has the following to say: “I selected

the car at 2p.m. then went to the bank for a loan, then for insurance and broughtthe car home at 7 p.m. Can your imaging; the bank granted the loan to me inabout 45 minutes; the insurance was done in 15 minutes, and the registration in30 minutes.

Now let me compare this with what the son of a friend of mine told me afew days ago. His sister is on a visit to this country from the U.S.A. where sheis practicing as a doctor. The sister invited here brother to accompany hereback and see something of America. The brother too is a doctor. Accordinglyhe applied for a passport to the Lucknow office on October 22, 1979. Theapplication was accompanied by the required verification from a legislator: aMinister in the U.P. Government. Apart from the postal acknowledgment of hisapplication, there has been no action whatever so far. The sister is going backin the first week of March. All this when the former external affairs Ministerhad assured us that it would not now take more than a month to issue a passport.

Can we not learn something about expediting the routing from America?•Pioneer - February 24, 1980Northern India Patrika-March 10, 1980

Why Matten & Lalla were releasedSir, —The naiveté of the Mahar-ashtra MP’s who are ‘demanding’ to know

why the ‘underworld’ dons, Haji Mastan Mirza and Karim Lata, till recently indeten-tion under the National Security Act, have been freed, is heard to beat. Thesemen were held for their involvement in the recent com-munal riots in Bhiwandi,Bombay and other areas. The MP’s may say that they ‘knew’ that the Centre hartno hand in their release — a tail claim since at the Centre the right hand of evensenior ministers does not know what the left does, or is made to do. According to anExpress News Service report of August 2, Chief Minister Vasantrao Patil de-clinedto comment on the releases.

Any schoolboy, making an in-telligent guess, can tell these inno-centparliamentarians the reason for this curious development. The Lok Sabha electionsare round the corner. The released gentry are good contributors to the electionfunds of political parties, the ruling party appropriating the lion’s share. Then, theyoccupy high posts in the ‘Milli Secretariat’, re-cently floated by these worthiesthemselves, to look after the in-terests of the Muslim community generally. TheMuslim voter has of late been showing signs of restiveness and his support to theCongress (I) cannot any longer be taken for granted. Can the ruling party at thisjuncture afford to antagonize him further? His vote is crucial and must be securedany-how and damn the consequences.

Indian Express- August 10, 1984


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123456789012345678901234567123456789012345678901234567123456789012345678901234567123456789012345678901234567123456789012345678901234567123456789012345678901234567GOA

Goa and Panch ShilaThe attitude of the Nehru Government towards the Goan question is truly

puzzling. While there is no indication whatever of what it really intends to do toliberate this pocket from foreign yoke, there is repeated indication of what it is seton not doing.

Recently, speaking in Tezpur, the Prime Minister is reported to have said thatPortuguese rule over Goa cannot be tolerated. If hard words could break bones,Dr. Salazar would have been re-duced to pulp by now; so vehemently andconsistency has the Lisbon policy been denounced by our Prime Minister.

What after all are the methods, of ejecting an unwanted power when it refusesto leave volun-tarily? One method is an armed conflict. Surely our Governmenthas not renounced the use of force to solve every problem. Had it done so wewould not be maintaining the police and the army at its present strength and if ourarmy is not very large, it is not because we have made up our mind not to enlarge itbut because we cannot afford the expense? ‘As’ for the police, we are getting somuch used to the solu-tion of the problem of internal law and’ order by the use offorce that the question is begin-ning to be asked if we are not coaly over-doing it.

It might be said that Goa is not an “internal’’ problem. If the Government tookup that position, there might be some-thing in the argument. But that is not the case.The Government says that Goa is part of India. In that light there should not be anyinhibition to the use of arm-ed force to liberate it. It was done in Hyderabad. If wasof force in Goa would not go against the Panch Shila, once we accept it to be partand panch Shila of our country. On the contrary, it is Portugal, which is offendingthe Five Principles and should be held accountable for it.

Then where is the hitch? Few of international complications! So far as we canview the prob-lem, there can be too much of a good thing. If we are in the right, itmatters not what others, who have their own axes to grind, think of it. Are we surethat international opinion is on our side on the Kashmir question? The fact is thatforeign policy of most countries is formulated on the basis of self-inte-rest. If wegave undue weight to international opinion we may as well wash our hands ofKashmir.

Then what for are our armed force? Only for self-defence and not for aggression,you may say. All right; but what would our intervention in Goa amount to—aggression or se1f-defence? Let us clear our mind of all cant. If Goa is ours andPortugal is an interloper, we do no more than act in self-defence if we send ourforces to take possession of what is ours. Of course if we concede that Goa belongs

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to Portugal, then the Nehru Government is obviously is the right; it becomes aninter-national problem involving the sovereignty and territorial inte-grity of Portugal.But if Government holds, as it seems to do, that it is ours, we would be safe-lywithin our right to recover that is ours.

So much for the use of force, the other method, which we have learnt is themethod of non-violence—Satyagraha. There too the policy of our Government andof the party, which mans it, is baffling. It does not say “yes”, nor does it say “no”.The reason given for the non-possums atti-tude is far from-convincing. If it is fearedthat many of those who are mounting the Satyagraha are not committed to its ethicsor technique, it is up to the party in power to take up its lead and direction in its ownhand.

Meanwhile, Goa is a growing challenge to our national self-respect and is leadingas into a morass of inconsistencies. In Patna we may shoot down people who arealleged to have shown disrespect to the National Flag, but we must not lift our littlefinger to stop, “much less average the insult to it on our great soil (for is not GoaIndian), simply because in the former case It is ill-advised boys who do it in a fit ofunpremeditated passion while in the latter it is foreign soldiery acting in calcu-lateddefiance of our national honour. Does not Government seem to suffer from a splitpersonality on the issue of non-violence?

This is not all. It appears from all accounts that Portugal was really undecidedas to what it, should do to meet the situation on August 15. But out came ourGovernment with a statement of its policy on Goa. No Satyagrahi ever thought thatthe Indian army would be standing behind him to cover his advance, as it were.That statement was cer-tainly not meant for him; he did not heed that caution. Itwas meant for international consumption including Portugal. That country took thecue and gave the order to shoot. Its soldiers had nothing to fear by way of reprisal;they had-our Government assurance that happen what may, it was not going toincrease at all. The soldiers gunned down our boys like animals, they does notappear to be any thing if that unfortunate which had not been timed as there wouldprobably have been no murders. As if put the lid on it, there was the BombayGovernment’s denial of the support to the Satyagrahis which compelled them torestrict the development placing the feigner in a position of adventure.

By and large it appears as if our national honour and interest is being sacrificedat alter of the will-o’-the-wisp of inter-national amour propre. Our governmentcares vastly more for what foreigners think that for what our own people do.

But in all this contusion there has lately appeared a ray of hope breaking therein from wholly unforeseen direction. The British press has lately started saying thatalthough the stand of the Indian Government on Goa is untenable, the fact thatpolitical parties opposed to Nehru’s party are scaling a inarch in winning support for


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themselves should he an inducement to Western Powers to prevail on Portugal tooblige Nehru so that his hands may be strengthened vis-à-vis the other parties.”Even a USA as per the ‘Christian Century’, one of the most respected and influentialreligious journals, has stated recently in its editorial, “If the Western Powers—meaning es-pecially the USA and Great Bri-tain—have any interest in keeping Mr.Nehru at the head of the Indian Government they will spare no effort to make theirPortuguese ally aware of the importance of solving the Goa issue in the only waythat will satisfy India or the rest of Asia.”

So far so good, the ways of providence are inscrutable and he fulfils himself inmany ways.

But what has Mr. Nehru to say to this? Does not this amount to interference inour internal politics and does it not go against the “Nehru doctrine”? Be that as itmay, if the caveat given by the ‘Christian Century’ materialises, it would be highlyadvant-ageous to Mr. Nehru’s party. Goa would fall into its lap not be cause thereis merit in its claim put because it is intended to weaken the political forces opposedto Nehru! And there-after it can be blared out that foolish interference of otherpolitical parties notwithstanding, the policy of the ruling party in India was the rightone judging from results! •

National Herald – September 07, 1955

The Goa ProblemSir, —When the Nehru Govern-ment intervened to forcibly stop the progress of

the all-party satyagraha in Goa, it is believed it was in the hope that alternativeme-thods would prove more appropriate, equally efficacious and less fraught withcomplications. It could not be that Satyagraha was intended to be written off as aweapon of fight by the nationals of this country against a foreign power in forcibleoccupation of a part of it. A government, which is run by the professed followers ofMahatma Gandhi, could not con-sign the weapon, evolved and per-fected by himfor the righting of wrongs through love and non-violence in his country’s struggleagainst a mighty imperialism, to the junk-heap of history. At best it could only say itsapplication was inopportune at a given moment in the development of a situationand under certain circumstances. And on this point there certainly can be honestdifference of opinion. That satyagraha is a potent wea-pon which can be adoptedas a substitute for the traditional methods of war against a foreign power and that incertain causes non-official bodies could offer moral and material support and alsointervene to participate even in the internal affairs of another country without, ofcourse, com-mitting their government, was evi-denced by Gandhiji advising us toresist with satyagraha the Japan-ese invasion when it came, and by Congressman,Jawaharlal Nehru going as a volunteer to take past in the liberation, of RepublicanSpain from fascist domination.

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It is generally believed that our Government was banking on de-velopments inthree directions, which it thought would solve the problem of Goa and the otherPortuguese-held enclaves, without either Satyagraha or other direct action. Firstly,that international opinion could be canvassed or that international conscience woulditself be roused to induce Portugal to quit India peacefully and will-ingly. Secondly,that the economic sanctions against these pockets would by themselves have atelling effect. And thirdly, that the resist-ance movement inside Goa itself would besufficiently strengthened making outside help unnecessary.

Now, moral support on the in-ternational plane in the present times means supportfrom the American and the Russian blocs. So far as the Soviet bloc is concerned, inthe prevalent phase of international Communist strategy, we could take its supportfor granted. But as regards America there has been a very serious miscalcula-tionin our Foreign Office. What-ever the reasons which actuated the Dulles-Cunhastatement, It is apparent that there is at once a method and a purpose behind it bothwith respect to its content and its timing. There was no use trying to obtain furtherelucidation and clarification.

This marked and studied de-parture from the pre-war tradi-tional policy of theU.S.A. seems to be in direct response to an earlier statement of our Prime Mi-nisterwherein he had said that he would judge the professions of the world powers on thetouchstone of Goa. Much as we may deplore this phase in American policy, it is acool and calculated shift dictated by power politics, and not just an aberration

If out of sheer hatred for Communism, it takes up the illogical attitude thatthose who are not whole-heartedly with it must be treated as being with the Sovietbloc, much as we may regret this as a disservice to the cause of democracy andpeace, it is primarily the concern of America alone. There is no consolation in thefact that until the conclusion of the last war and the ushering in of the EisenhowerAdministration, the United States had always championed freedom everywhereand that it befriended our own country to the extent of risking Anglo-Americanamity and accord during a critical period of the war by bringing pressure on Britain’sPrime Minister to grant freedom to us.

The fact now stands out in its stark nakedness that if India banked upon eventhe moral support of America in the matter of Goa, it is just not there. On thecontrary the U.S. Secretary of State has as good as under-written the Portu-guesestand on this particular aspect of its colonial policy. Such being the state of affairs,it is now idle to expect a peaceful solution of the Goa problem by depending on anyinfluence that country friendly to Portugal could be made to exert on it in India’sbehalf.

With regard to the effect of the economic sanctions, informed opi-nion is thathad they been applied in the earlier stages of the libera-tion movement they could


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have given results. During the time there was talk of them without action, theoccupying power had bestirred itself and made adequate arrange-ments to forestallthem. As to the forces of internal resistance, there is no doubt that they are gettingstronger and their morale hag not gone down—all power to their elbow. But withoutoutside help they are hardly a match for the ruthlessness and the tyranny of theoccupation forces, nor are the likely to be for a long time come.

Our general endorsement of our Government’s foreign policy should blind us tothe fact that it has failed in respect of Goa. If that is any satisfaction to us, we maysay that freedom-professing countries have failed us. It comes to the same thing.We are face to face with the reality that we are where we were in the beginning.This should make us realize the fact that the initiative has gone out of the hands ofthe Government and that it has come back to the people, to solve the problemaccording to their genius and in accordance with the technique evolved by theFather of the Nation as a substi-tute for the shedding of the enemy’s blood.

Those who talk of the impro-priety of Satyagraha, at any rate of its improprietyin the present context, do ‘not know what they are talking about. If Satyagraha isjustified anywhere, more than any-where else in the prevailing condi-tions in India,it is there in Goa. When all other methods, short of an armed conflict, have failedand we are at dead end, our people would be unworthy of the proud legacy if theyfailed to apply that technique to a problem to which it is eminently applicable.

To wait further means nothing more than waiting for something to happen thatinexorable histori-cal processes would, in their own good time, solve the problemfor us. Did we wait, hands down, for historical forces to liberate us from Britishimperialism—in the hope that according to the Laws of Na-ture a time comeswhen the might-iest of empires topples down? No, we did something ourselves notjust depended helplessly on extraneous factors to pull our chestnuts out of the fire.Even if circumstances were shaping our way we speeded them, with our efforts.

Meantime we find Portugal, pre-sumably at the instigation of its friends, isattempting to confuse and complicate the issue by taking an incident of colonialsovereignty to the International Court for adjudication. As if the issues of sovereigntyand colonialism are juridical and justiciable! If at this stage our Government took awrong step, it would lead to another, as we have witnessed in Kashmir to our cost.

One can only hope that the Government this time would not be so ill-advised asto stand in the way of the people acting on their own. They can be trusted to actsanely not always had they a government to determine their course of action.•

Hindustan Standard- January 22, 1956Tribune- January 1956

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North Atlantic Powers and GoaSir, —Much dust has been raised by the major North Atlantic Powers in judging

the Indian ac-tion in liberating of Goa. Now that we can look back on the questionin cool retrospect, it is surprising that any impartial observer should regard ouraction as a departure from the norms of correct inter-national behaviour.

It is recognition of and a tribute to our moral standing that in judging us the Wetapplies a higher standard than it does in judging others, or itself. In this it displays, ifone may say so, a complex of moral inferiority in relation to the land of Gandhi.There is all the greater reason therefore that we re-state our case to show that ouraction was completely justified.

Two basic facts must first be emphasised. One is that, irres-pective of whetherpart o£ it came under British occupation at one time in history, or other parts underFrench or Portuguese at other times, India continued to be one single entity. Delhi,Pondicherry, or Goa; all were integrally India whether governed by Bri-tain, Franceor Portugal, Second-ly, unlike some other countries (Australia, South Africa or evenAlgeria) in no part of our coun-try did the European colonizers settle down asresidents as, say, our Muslim conquerors did. The position thus is that India wastaken piecemeal by diverse Euro-pean Powers, not for the purpose of acquiringliving room for themselves, but for the purpose of self-aggrandisement, andexploi-tation of its resources.

The bulk of India threw away the British yoke in 1947. French India becamefree a few years later. If Portugal failed to see the writing on the wall, it wasbecause it continued to live men-tally in the sixteenth century and retained conceptsof imperialism which civilized society had long outlived.

Each one of our detractors ap-pears to have its own yardstick for adjudgingwhat it calls ag-gressive action, and for measur-ing its extent. England and Francewould not admit that their Suez adventure was contrary to recognised internationalconduct, though the U.S.A. thought other-wise. The latter on its part thinks it wasright in moving its armed forces in North Korea even before the UN permitted it, orits fleet in the Mediterranean at the time of the crisis in the so-called Near East. Orwhen it trained and equipped and otherwise helped Cubans in trying to subvert theestablished regime in their coun-try. Perhaps the international conscience of Americawould have stayed undisturbed if, instead of the Indian Army itself moving into Goa,it had only armed—a la mode Cubans—the twenty to twenty five thousand Goanwho, our Prime Minister tells us, had gathered at the border to enter it. These wouldcertainly have been more than a match for the rabble that the Portuguese soldieryturned out to be. Quite possibly as a show-piece for the world to see that may havebeen the better course. But possibly it was not considered proper or feasible. Forone thing this would have meant India countenancing organised violent action on


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the part of the people in overthrowing an establishment regime—a method, whichwe have learnt to avoid. Action by the army is a different matter. It may also be thatthe timing of the action was an important factor and there was no limit to wait; forone thing the general elections were just round the corner. But all this is not to saythat the push-over by the army in recovering what was indisputably ours was wrongor unjustified.

Nobody wants to insist that force must be applied even where peaceful methodspromise results. We would not have minded waiting some time more if there wassome assurance that Portugal in the meantime would be made to see reason. Wewaited fourteen long impatient years; if anything Portugal clung to its colonies evenmore tenaciously. One could understand European and American disapproval ofour action if it was at the same time suggested what other steps should have beentaken for freeing Goa. Recent Portuguese barbarities in Angola convinced us thatPortugal was incapable of understanding any but the language of the long boot.

We are said to be the bulwark of democracy in Asia. The West gives us moraland material sup-port because it regards us as a weighty counterpoise againstChin-ese Communism. In its own in-terests, if for no other reason, we had a rightto expect better understanding of our motives and better appreciation of, if nosympathy for, our action. If it is still unable to re-orientate its approach, India is quitecapa-ble of going it alone.

So far as Afro-Asia is concerned, the libe-ration of Goa in the manner it hasbeen brought about would have quite healthy repercussions, Mr. Adlai Stevenson’sfears about its global reaction notwithstanding. For one thing, it would put heartinto people groaning under colonial rule and speed up freedom everywhere. Itwould also instil the fear of God in those who treat us as their enemy and demonstrateto them, as nothing else could, that the Indian elephant, once roused, is not to betrifled with. It would also assure friendly neighbours that they could safely rely andcount on it to befriend them should their freedom or in-dependence be ever threatened.And above all, in the context of this imperfect world where though non-violentaction has certainly come to be recognized as prefer-able, it is no all-time substituteyet for other methods, it has re-newed national self-confidence and self-respect, asalso pride in our military apparatus which has proved to be in perfect trim andcapable of as near-peaceful action as international circumstances per-mit.•

Hindustan Times- January 05, 1962Leader– January 13, 1962

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Pakistan, Kashmir & L.C.C.Sir, —A P.T.I- Reuter news-message says that the London County Council has

reversed its earlier decision not to allow a pro-Pakistan film on Kashmir without apicture of the Indian point of view in Kashmir being shown along with it, and that ithas now agreed to show the pro-Pakistan film without the Indian point of view.

The reason for the earlier decision was said to have been induced by the factthat visitors from all over the Com-monwealth would be visiting London this yearand that considerable un-pleasantness might result if the contrary views on thisproblem were not put for-ward.

In the face of this it passes one’s comprehension how Mr. Victor Mishcon,Chairman of the Council’s Public Control Committee, could say that this “did notmean that the Council had changed its mind about the decision to ban the film frompublic showing during the festival of Britain unless the opposite side of the questionwas shown in the same programme.” On the insistence of the promoters of thefilm, that it be shown without the Indian point of view, Mr. Mishcon is reported tohave said that it could be done.

If that is the attitude of the London County Council, is it not time, Sir, that wetold Britain that there are other things besides this that “can be done.” For instance,India can reconsider its attitude regarding its membership of the (British)Commonwealth; or publi-cise before the world, without mincing matters, that allthat is presently hap-pening between Pakistan and India, whether on the Kashmirquestion or elsewhere, is nothing but the culmina-tion of the chain reactions set inmo-tion by the consistent policy of divide-and-rule so successfully pursued withmasterful skill in this country by Eng-land.

In all conscience, for India there is much to forgive and forget. But if Englandor its local bodies continue at their old-time game of playing down India and boostingtheir erstwhile and present also for the matter of that henchmen why then, India onits part knows of quite a few things that “can be done.”

It is to be; hoped that the L.C.C, would stick to its earlier decision. •Anand Bazar Patrika - March 15, 1951

Kashmir and United NationsNo question—no, not even the dismembering of India to create Pakistan —has

agitated the mind of us Indians so deeply as the question of Kashmir. And yet,surprisingly little care had, ex-cept till very lately, been taken to gauge public feelingon this, much less to act in accordance with it. It is gratifying therefore to find, atlong last, our Gov-ernment taking up a strong, firm and clear attitude on this matter.


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While certainly there was room for difference of opinion on the sagacity ofreferring our complaint against Pakistan on the Kashmir issue to the U.N.O, itshould be apparent now, in view of the flagrantly perverse attitudes of the U.S. andthe U.K. delegations, that no good can come out of our continuing to prose-cute ourcase in the forum of the U.N.O. It was verily an act of faith—misplaced faith as itturns out to be—for India to have stayed her hand militarily in Kashmir at a timewhen It was well-poised to clear it of its raiders and their abettors in a matter ofweeks; and instead, to have asked the U.N.O. to use its good offices to preventPakis-tan aiding and committing aggression there. It is a great irony that the bigpo-wers in the U.N.O., instead of appreciat-ing India’s fine gesture for solving thedispute peacefully even when it could have solved it otherwise to its greateradvantage, seized on the opportunity to serve their own ulterior ends—irrespec-tiveof the merits of the case. From an external issue, which was specifically re-ferredto it, the U.N.O. has progressively been encroaching like the camel in the Cameland the Arab story, on the essen-tially domestic sphere of India.

Soft-Worded:It must be confessed that India has been rather soft-worded and fastidious in

presenting her case. All the time we have cared more for the feelings of Pakistanand its British protectors than for our own essential interests. In our pursuit ofpeace and anxiety for the maintenance of good neighbourly rela-tion, we have allthe time been under-stating our case. It is true that it was so strong and fool-proofthat we should have had no difficulty, hands down, in convincing the U.N.O. of itsjustice. But as it happens, power politics and sel-fish interests, and hot justice orfair-play, are the guiding principles of the nations that count in the counsels of theU.N.O. The fact moreover is that we have been speaking there the language of thedrawing room, whereas it is the langu-age of the market-place which seems to bethe language understood there, and from all appearances, respected too. So were itnot for our anxiety not to dis-please Britain or affect our good relations with it, ourdelegation at Lake Success could have hauled Britain over the coals and withoutmincing matters told the world that it is Britain again which not content with havingdismembered India by her sustained policies of divide-and-rule, was even now bent,in complicity with Pakistan and America, on weakening it still further by encouragingcentrifugal forces and tendencies and that Kashmir was a case in point. By exposingthe si-nister and mischievous designs of our erstwhile British rulers, we could haveeffectively silenced their spokesmen at Lake Success and left them with no face todare to preach sermons to us. In all conscience, India has much to forgive Bri-tain,and to forget, without the Jobs making, the task more difficult. As for Pakistan,India could have insisted on its being branded as aggressor first, and refused tomove an inch further until this was done. Our large-heartedness and conciliatory

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attitude has been mis-taken for weakness and want of confi-dence in the strengthand justice of our cause. We made concessions after con-cessions in the hope of apeaceful even though a somewhat disadvantageous solution; and now we find theaggressor as good as equated with the protector; complainant and accused on anequal footing. And those who manoeuvred us into that position are preaching homiliesto us. It is good to know that we have de-cided to tell them that we would not standthat nonsense any longer.

Conditions for Plebiscite:True, India committed itself to a plebiscite in Kashmir to ascertain Kash-miris’

wishes with regard to accession. But it was to be a free impartial plebis-cite—witha taboo on appeals to religion or communalism. The conditions for that plebisciteare wholly wanting in the context of the present; and considering, for one thing, theunspeakably wild, un-believably vile and intensely provocative propaganda let loosehourly by the Pak-istan-run “Azad Kashmir” radio and of Pakistan itself (on which,most strangely, the U.S.A.-U.K. resolution have not a word to say) there is nolikelihood of those conditions obtaining in the near or the fore-seeable future.Moreover ple-biscite was India’s and Kashmir’s and no busybodies’ business. Weshould be outspoken enough now to say after our experience, that much as wesupport the U.N.O. as an organisation for the peaceful solution of the internationaldis-putes and have no intention of doing anything to detract from its dignity andprestige, the way it is worked and mani-pulated to suit the selfish interests of the bigpowers have not exactly inspired confidence in its impartiality so that matters, notjusticiable or arbitrable, be entrusted to it for settlement.

C. A. for Kashmir:Why should the idea of a Constituent Assembly for Kashmir upset U.K., U.S.

and their protégée Pakistan? Is it because there would no longer be left any scopefor the tactics that Britain and Pakistan have always banked upon and which havealways paid rich dividends? With Kashmiris deciding their own fate in the onlymanner feasible now, there would be no troubled waters for them to fish in. Plebiscitewas contemplated only under conditions when Kashmir could, as a whole, calmlyconsider its interests, and certainly not when a big slice of its territory stands separatedin violation of the laws of civilized society, and in hands other than those of its lawfulgovernment. The so-called Azad Kashmir government has no existence ininternational law, Britain’s and Ameri-ca’s soft corner for it notwithstanding. If inthese circumstances Kashmiris exer-cise their inherit right of determining theirfuture in their own way—a way recognised as perfectly constitutional the worldover, it is nobody’s business but their own. The anxiety of the British and the U.S.delegations to prevent the pro-posed Constituent Assembly from com-ing into beingand functioning borders on the indecent.


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Our Government has our complete backing in the determined attitude it haslately taken up on this issue. We are glad that doubts and uncertainties have beenbanished—we hope, for good. The Prime Minister has out fullest sup-port in hisfirm stand and the unequi-vocal and firm language in which he has replied to theU.K. and U.S. dele-gations at Lake Success. We hope, that the period of hesitationand vacil-lation has ended and the chapter of firm decision and determined actionhas be-gun. •

Tribune– April 29, 1951

Pakistan Occupied KashmirSir, —How is it that sometimes even our Government and official spokesmen,

when referring to that part of the State of Jammu and Kashmir is under the illegalmili-tary occupation of Pakistan, call it Azad Kashmir, even though it may be inquotation marks? Are they briefed that way?

Constitutionally it is Pakistan occupied Kashmir; in political language we canvery properly call it Ghulam Kashmir. But to call it Azad Kashmir is not only toendorse the false name which Pakistan has given to it but also implies that the restof the terri-tory of the State which is, with India is anything but ‘Azad’. Doesanybody subscribe to that? •

Hindustan Standard- November 06, 1957

Kashmir and AbdullahSpeaking at Batote on April. 12, Sheikh Abdullah is reported to have said

“Kashmir is like a woman whom two husbands claim by force, but (who) was notallowed to make the choice.”

The simile of the woman is not inappropriate, but the propo-sition is confused.The position is rather like this:

According to custom (in this case by the procedure laid down by the BritishParliament) the father was the authority to de-cide on the choice of husband forhis daughter. Other fathers in India made the choice for their daughters; in Kashmir,he was hesitating. Meanwhile a suitor, accompanied by goondas, raided the father’shouse and tried to carry away the girl by force. Overwhelmed by numbers, thefather appealed to another suitor to come to his help and defend his daughter. Thissuitor was unwilling to do so, until he was given the right to intervene. So the fatherhastily arranged a marriage. Although this was perfectly legal, the bridegroom stillreserved the option of puberty to his bride; he was too honourable to take unfairadvantage of the situation.

Now Shaikh Abdullah ought to know, as a Muslim, that this op-tion of publicityis exercisable, before consummation, in many different ways. No particular

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form is necessary. During 17 long years after the ‘nikah’ cere-mony, the husbandand wife have been living peacefully together, the husband has been maintain-ingher on a rather lavish scale; even three children, with 5-years spacing, have inthe meantime been born to them. The option of puberty lapsed long ago.Any-way, the matter is exclusively between the husband and the wife; neitherthe would-be abductor, nor the wife’s relations, however close, has any locusstandi in the matter.

It should not be difficult to visualize in this simile as to who stands forwhom. •

National India Patrika- May 1964

Kashmir: ill-advised moveSir, —The article of M. N. Buch, “ The issue in Kashmir”, (Nov 22) is a

forthright expression of national-ist sentiment with regard to that state. Men like mewho have been around active politics all their adult lives (I am 90 now) have notbeen able, in spite of their best efforts, to fathom our Government’s policy on Jammu& Kashmir. With all their tall talk of national integration, their handling of this stateleaves no doubt that the thinking at the bot-tom of their hearts is that Kashmir isdifferent from other states of the Union because it has a Muslim ma-jority; and forno other reason.

Juridically and according to all the tenets of international law and usage, J & Kbecame an integral part of India from the moment its Ma-haraja signed the Instrumentof Ac-cession. Jawaharlal Nehru’s suo motu offer of a plebiscite later on to alsoascertain the wishes of its peo-ple, though well-meaning, was an act of inexcusablepolitical naiveté. Politicians in responsible office have certainly the right to be soft-hearted. But in matters of state they have not the right of being soft-headed too.

The succeeding governments in our country, although just reiterating off and onthat J & K is an integral part of India, have always been de-fensive in their attitude,as if they are unsure of their rights. What do they mean when they say that they areal-ways prepared to talk with Pakistan over all matters including Kashmir? What isthere to talk about Kashmir except that Pakistan vacates that part of it which is stillin its illegal occu-pation? And what right have some of our leaders to suggest thatwe negotiate with Pakistan and settle for the Line of Actual Control becoming theinternational boundary? Even as a peace-making move, it is most in-judicious andill-advised. If such a suggestion is to be considered, it must come from Pakistan.•

Indian Express- December 01, 1993


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Article 370Sir¸—Apropos Prafull Goradia’s letter ‘Nothing proxy about this war’ (August

8), there is not even one good reason why the discriminatory Article 370 should beallowed to remain in the Constitution.

The framers of the Constitution had made their in-tention clear from the verybe-ginning when they described it as a “temporary provision with re-spect to thestate of Jammu and Kashmir’’. It would be doing vio-lence to the language if aperiod of 48 years (1950-1998) were made to mean ‘temporary’.

The Article militates against the concept of equality, a basic tenet of democracy.By continu-ing to give it a special status we are only giving a handle to our detractorsthat J&K is not fully inte-grated with the rest of the country.

It is said that the provision is to enable the people of J&K preserve their‘Kashmiriat’. Are the Punjabis and Bengalis any less Punjabi or Bengali becausePunjab and West Bengal are at par with other states of the Union?•

Indian Express- August 22, 1998Times of India- August 22, 1998

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Legacy of LinguismSir, —It is given only to seers to be wise before the event. Who can, deny that

after the departure of the British, there was a very good case for the reorganizationof States in our country where successively acquired territory had been hap-hazardlygrouped together, for merely administrative convenience, into provinces? Theintegration off princely States into what, before independence, was British Indiamade the case, even stronger, and opportune. And language in a vast country likeours can unques-tionably be the most rational basis for the formation of new units.But who knew that this pro-cess of reorganisation would not only kindle personaland parochial tendencies but also inflame pas-sionate ambitions to an extent thatwould threaten the country’s very unity?

The past cannot be recalled and this is no time for regrets. Whether we like itor not a further divi-sion of unfortunate Punjab is now a settled fact. The irony of itis that it is the Punjabis alone who have brought it on themselves. Once the linguisticprinciple as the basis for regrouping was accepted not ground was left for denyinga Punjabi Suba to those who had declared Punjabi to be their mother-tongue. Punjabcould well have stayed undivided, strong and virile if only a section of the communityhad not been canvassed into arti-ficially disowning what admittedly, patently andconspicuously is their spoken language.

Be that as it may, after the creation of the Punjabi Suba, let, this be the end tothe ill-starred process of reorganization. To the advocates of Haryana Prant, itshould be made clear that it is being formed, not on its own merits, but as a corollaryto the new Punjab a by-product, the residue. Some of its leaders are exploiting theopportunity for clamouring for a Greater Haryana—and other fancy names. Wehave had enough trouble with linguism. Any conces-sion to any other consideration—administrative convenience is being trotted out as a basis in the present case—would reopen the flood-gates of new ambitions which it would be impossible tosatisfy.•Indian Express- May 23, 1966

Sikhs and HindusSir, —Questions addressed to Inderjit Sigh (Hindus & Sikhs, IE July 13) I want

to add two more. I have a Sikh friend since my school days in Ambala of undividedPunjab. His father was dead and so his mother lived with her own father with herthree sons. The old gentleman was not a Sikh; his name was Bhagwan Das, heshaved and wore a cap and not a turban. Since I am a Brahmin, was a neighbourand her son’s friend the lady would feed me every year on the day of her husband’s


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shraddha as Hindus do. My first question to Inderjit Singh is—What religion in hisopinion did my friend’s mother profess? Where exactly would he place her?

Then, some Hindu families in Punjab had a practice that the first-born boybecame a Sikh. The other sons stayed as non-Sikhs. In this connection I may mentionthat my own brother’s daughter is married into a Brahmin family in which hermother-in-law’s own brother is a Sikh—a Brahmin Sikh, Marriages between Khattrisand Sikhs are not uncommon in Punjab. Does Inderjit Singh mean to say that in thesame family, living under the same roof with a common kitchen, the members belongto different religions?

Lifestyles and a few additional or divergent beliefs do not qualify for constitutinga separate religion. Jains have them and yet did not claim to be non-Hindus. Hinduis,as the world knows is very liberal and free-thinking religion. Within its comprehensivefold it embraces the most godly as well as non-believers, monotheists, polytheistsand pantheists. A large percentage of them are sanatan dharmis, who worship idolsand meticulously observe all the prescribed rituals. Others are Arya Samajists, whoclaim to be rationalists. Both are as different in religious practices as chalk andcheese. But both are Hindus. •

Northern India Patrika- July 21, 1983

Punjab TragedySir, —The appeal co-signed by twelve gentlemen from Punjab including an ex-

Chief Justice and four ex-Generals and some high-placed businessmen, presumablyall professing Sikhism (The anatomy of a tragedy, IE. November3) is well-argued,soberly-worded and sincerely meant. It should touch the hearts of all those whoplace the country before other considera-tions. A call to the people to general, it isdirected towards the media, and in particular to-wards the ruling party and itsleadership. Under normal circum-stances it should draw the right and a readyresponse.

There are, however, certain things to which one would like to draw the attentionof the authors of the article.

There is no doubt that at first look the Akali demands pertain to the geographicalentity of Pun-jab and are for the benefit of the entire Punjabi community, and notthe Sikhs alone. Wise men there-fore, for psychological reasons, should not havemixed them up with the Gurdwara Anandpur Saheb resolution and reiterated themfrom other religious Pre-cincts. Could they not find any secular setting and associatewith them some Hindus also? The latter would have gladly joined them. Then mostill-advisedly some exclusively religious demands were also added, giving theGov-ernment the needed political ex-cuse to dub the entire thing sec-tarian.

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Then, looked at objectively, some of the incidents of terrorism in the State maywell be the handiwork of some foreign countries. But their hirelings to do the Jobhave always been Sikhs, as in the kil-lings near village Bhullar in Kapurthala district.Admitted that it is not fair to blame every crime on “extremists”. But look at thetelling similarity of the pattern—a ride-up by turbaned youths on motorcycles to theplace of occur-rence, taking out of pistols to threaten or to kill the custodians ofbanks or other establishments, a perfectly nonchalant escape on—the same two-wheelers and taking this direction of the self—same religious sanctum, finding readyshelter there.

The appeal would have been more balanced had it but some words ofcondemnation, or even of criticism, for those who openly read out ‘Hit Lists’ beforereligious congregations and laud the mur-ders of Nirankaris and policemen, and asktheir adherents to secure firearms and so on.

Mrs. Gandhi to whom, if one reader, between the lines, the ap-peal is primarilyaddressed, has her own ideas on the Akali de-mands. She is on record having said,on her return from Melbourne after a Commonwealth meet there towards the closeof 1981, that she was not worried one whit about the Punjab problem. Per-haps thepolitical fruits she seeks to gather there for her party are not yet ripe for plucking. •

Indian Express- November 15, 1983

Uniforms in Golden TempleWhen one thinks of the events in Punjab and particu-larly the entry into the

Golden Temple of the armed forces, one is assailed by two exasperatinglyincompatible emo-tions. One is that, confronted with the situation as it had developed,there remained lit-tle choice for any government other than of giving marchingorders to the soldiers and com-mandoes to go into the Gurudwaras to clean out theoutlaws taking shelter there. The other is why had that to be unavoidable; why wasthe si-tuation so handled — some say, designedly — that no alterna-tive was leftother than doing what was done?

One need not go into the political facts of the develop-ments in and over thePunjab, which have been recounted in Janata and elsewhere except to emphasisetwo crucial factors one, unfortunately for this vast country, all decision-making onthe national level — and even in regional matters at that — has come to be cen-teredin one single individual and two, her anxiety to woo Hindu voters.

A milder action could have been taken in the beginning with reasonableexpectation of suc-cess, long before the stage was reached when the military hadto be called in. A widely-talk-ed perception is that the best opportunity was whenDIG. Atwal was gunned down in cold blood in broad daylight at the very gate of theTemple, with the killers reportedly escaping inside. Action taken then could not


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have drawn much protest if the police had entered the premises in hot pursuit of theculprits. The myth of the inviolability of the place was allowed to be consolidatedinto a sort of extra-territoriality—with its own laws without interference from thegovernment.

It passes one’s understanding why it was stated time and again by Home MinisterSethi, that the Golden Temple would in no case be entered by the State authorities.Which gov-ernment in the world, worth the name, offers to abdicate its primaryfunction—its very raison d’etre—in that context, even if it decides to stay its handas a matter of policy? Who asked the government to do so? Even the Prime Ministerconfirmed the self-denial. It does look as if it was this assurance which emboldenedthe extremists inside to make themselves comfortable, to go about sporting theirfire-arms openly and without fear of challenge. They were also emboldened becauseof this promis-ed immunity to pile up a veri-table arsenal of the most modern andsophisticated wea-pons. This virtual acceptance and recognition of a state with-in astate bred impermissible confidence in the militants—a projection of the exemption,which the founding fathers of our Constitution unwittingly allowed to be inserted inArt. 25 of the Constitution allowing Sikhs to carry Kirpans as a fundamental right,in clear departure from the equality principle. If there was a com-pelling considerationto accommodate Sikh sentiments in this respect, the permissibility could have beenuniversal, ap-plicable to all citizens, subject of course to be withdrawn in conditionsof emergency. It is possible that, in the Sikh psyche this concession was ex-tendedinto a licence to hold all kinds of arms, including fire-arms and so—on to insur-gency.

No man of sense could have objected if, in the earlier stages of the happeningsthe Government had stated in clear terms for all to hear that unless the Temple andother Gurudwaras were cleared of all unlicensed arms, and the cri-minals, outlawsand other wanted men surrendered to constituted authority, the state agencies forthe enforcement of law and preservation of order, would be free to enter them forthe security of the state. Even a time-bound ultimatum could be given. It simplyjumps one’s understanding that while a decision could be taken to enter the Temple,a simple notice could not be given well in advance. No considerations of surprisewere involved, con-sidering that the militants inside were, as it is, very well-prepared.It does appear as if too much was done when it had become too late. And there isthe added stigma that the earlier indecision has been compounded by a breach offaith.

After the army action details of the past activities of the extremists and therecoveries of weapons from the complex and other religious places were beingdoled out over the state media. (And now the so-called White Paper) For whosebenefit? If these are meant to justify the action taken, non-Sikhs, in general haveapproved the action in the circumstances as they had developed. If it is intended for

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the benefit of those Sikhs who were not sympa-thetic to the terrorists but weresceptical of the necessity of the action, it defeats that purpose on two counts. First,that since the credibility of the government media is at a dis-count, all, which isbroadcast is taken with a grain of salt. It was admitted that the news about therecovery of drugs and the “medium” weapons was a mistake. But the greaterreason is that the Sikh psyche, instead of being convinced of the unavoidability ofthe army action, was even more confused by the news castings. This might havegiven ideas to the young Sikhs that the terrorists were heroes, imbued with the spiritand determination to fight to the last ditch and their last breath; there must besome.•

Janata- August 05-12, 1984

Seven Steps for AmitySir, —Amarinder Singh’s ‘Seven steps for amity’ (I..E. June 11) is well-presented

and appealing. It should strike the right chords in every responsi-ble heart more soin the hearts of those who have in their power to deliver the goods. He has drawna true picture of the Sikh mind, which other Indians would do well to understandand appreciate. Anyone, who is even cursorily conversant with Sikh history andtradition should have known that, what-ever the provocation and justification, thestorming of their holiest of holies—in the Golden Temple—was fraught with thegravest of hazards and was bound to, have incalculable repercussions. The, thenPrime Minister and the Home Minister had declared, not once but time and again,that come what may, the Temple would never be forcibly entered. In the first place,one may well I ask, where was the call to hold out such a pledge? No governmentbinds itself in advance in a situation of such magni-tude. It has an obligation to go allthe-way to uphold the law, even as a matter of the social contract. And here, aftermaking a solemn commitment, it resorts to the other extreme. First a wrong pledgeand then a breach of its plighted word!

The Akalis are equally to blame. The former, may be out of fear or to aug-menttheir bargaining with the Govern-ment, went on yielding ground to the extremists tilla time came when they found themselves reduced to compara-tive irrelevance.Then, not many Sikhs, anywhere, audibly disapproved, much less condemned thealmost daily dose of terrorism. All this created the impress-ion that terrorist activityhad general Sikh support. Of course this was wrong. But that is the way it was.

It is heartening that the Sikhs in general are now being vocal and asser-tive.The Akalis too, after going through the expected motions, seem to be veering roundto an accommodating mood. Even their conferment of mar-tyrdom on the killers ofMrs. Gandhi, provocative as it is, appears to be calculated to appease its angryyouth.


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Dealt with consideration and tact, there is reason to hope that some solution ofthe problem is not far round the corner. Anyway, the country, and, as Amar-inderSingh says, the Sikhs more than people realise, want peace. It goes without sayingthat this should be accompanied with honour. The Sikhs now realise that the eighteenthcentury notions of heroism are out of order in the twentieth. Violence, as means ofachieving desired goals or even for, redressal of real or imagined grievances are outof place in a democracy and are in any case wholly unacceptable to the people.•

Indian Express- June 25, 1985

Terrorism in MindsSir, —Every sane Indian would en-dorse the Prime Minister’s call for a movement

to check terrorism. However, terrorism, like war, starts in the minds of people andit is there that it has to be fought. So side-by-side with its outward manifestation, thepsyche of the present terrorism must be examined.

After Bhindranwale, terrorism should have died a gradual death. It has not.Rather, it has escalated. The powers that be do not seem to have seriously analysedwhy the Punjab terrorism did not die with him.

Failure to comprehend Sikh senti-ments and perceptions is the root cause.Bhindranwale was eliminated all right but it happened in the course of an assault(whatever its justifica-tion and there was enough of it) on the holiest of Sikh holies,the Darbar Saheb: Every Sikh, without excep-tion, was disturbed. A great manyincluding incorrigible moderates, were angry; and quite a few, particu-larly youngmen, were so incensed that they vowed vengeance in the only way they knew.Numerous inno-cent men were rounded up during the operation along with thereally guilty and given the same harsh treatment. Military action is seldom selective.These innocents, and their relatives, friends and associates too, joined forces withthe former. I am not making allowance for their conduct but only pointing out theway, things are.

The assassination of Indira Gandhi followed almost as a predictable event. Inthe eyes of the militants she was the arch-enemy of the Panth. The ‘culprit’ havingbeen meted out ‘fit-ting punishment’, the spirit of re-venge may well have beensatiated at its point. But it was not to be. As if to give a fresh lease of life to it, hermurder was followed by the insensate killings of Sikhs in the capital itself.

Previous to this, terrorism was mostly confined to individual acts directed againstindividual targets. But the November killings were targeted exclusively against thecom-munity. Before, this, in Punjab, whoever opposed the militants, Hindu or Sikh,was marked as a victim. In the November massacre, only innocent Sikhs were thetarget.

Non-official enquiries showed that among the perpetrators of the cowardly,deeds were also some activ-ists of the ruling party. Demands from many sections

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of the people, not of Sikhs alone, that the incidents are probed and the culpritsbrought to book, were refused for almost a year. The plausible explanation was thatit would exacerbate communal feelings further. In Government perception, thisconsideration outweighed the, hurt feelings of the community, which demanded tobe assuaged by identify-ing and punishing the guilty parties. Ultimately, the demandwas con-ceded as a term of the settlement between the Government and therepresentatives of the community.

The Ranganath Misra Commission has handed in its report. But it is not beingmade public. What then was the point in its being made a part of the accord? Wasit meant to be just an academic exercise? The object clearly was to find out thetruth and punish the guilty whoever they were, so as to assuage the feeling of hurtin the Sikh mind—so far as punish-ment of the guilty assuages the feel-ings ofthose who suffer from the act. That would also assure the Sikhs that nobody, terroristor party activist, would be spared in the war against extremism. That the Sikhkillers of Hindus and others (these include Sikhs too) and the Hindu killers of Sikhswould be impartially dealt with. Withholding the report looks very much like shyingaway from having to take action against those who were involved in the Novemberblood-bath. Of course all this pre-sumes that the men responsible for the acts havebeen identified.

Unless the guilty parties are booked, the call for a movement against terrorismwill seem to be double-talk. Making the report pub-lic and taking action on it will bea much-needed salve on Sikh wounds. It will go a long way in restoring Sikhconfidence in the state apparatus. Party interest has its importance, but the countrycomes first. •

Indian Express- October 21, 1986

A Valid PleaSir, —Mr Balram Jakhar’s keynote address at the symposium on ‘The Role of

Legislatures in National In-tegration’ at the annual conference of the presidingofficers of legislative bodies on October 22 (IE. October 24) suggesting a ban oncommunal politics and communal parties, has been long overdue, it strikes asymphonious chord in the hearts of those who are very much worried over theescalating communal situation in the country. This question has been pla-guing thenation ever since the Brit-ish rulers designedly introduced com-munal electorate inits political system.

With the departure of the British and the forging of our Constitution by our ownmen, all that was done away with. It was hoped that with equal opportunity for allcitizens, but with some specialised provisions for disadvantaged classes to come upwith the rest, the ghost of communalism, which had culminated in the vivisecting ofthe country, had been finally laid.


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The Constitution was so designed that it discouraged the formation of politicalparties on a communal basis, Even so, there were men whom experience warned tobe over-cautious on the time-tested caveat of once bitten, twice shy and who wantedclear provisions inserted ban-ning communal parties from the political circuit.

However, politicians have not been wanting to exploit religion for their politicalends. Some pre-partition communal parties were re-formed and started functioningon the political plane. To explain away what was clearly a budding phe-nomenon inthe beginning, implausible arguments were advanced to say that the new formationswere not really communal: and many profes-sedly secular parties made no bonesganging up with them to form coali-tion governments, thus lending re-spectability tothem. Predictably, the buds are not only blossoming but also beginning to bear fruit.We are seeing this in Kerala and in a somewhat twisted form in Punjab. In thiscontext, Mr Jhakar’s plea must be seriously considered and implemented. •


Politics of TerrorismSir, —Of course Amarmder Singh is on good ground when he complains that

matters should “not have been allowed to drift that far”. This policy of allowingmatters to drift is the original sin of the Centre. Unfortunately it is being continued,more or less up to the present day.

Apart from this, his arguments on most other points are highly flawed. He saysthat Khalistan was not declared by the “Panthic Committee” for the first time: Ithad been declared earlier too during the Chief Ministership of Darbara Singh. DidDarbara Singh’s police enter then, he asks. In asking this, is not Amarinder Singhbeing naive? Does he mean to equate the two sets of circumst-ances in which thedeclarations were made? The earlier one, even if it is remembered, was an off-handexercise in innocuous rhe-toric, whereas the one by the Panthic Committee was adeliber-ate and well-considered act of defiance. It was a direct challenge to theauthority of the State.

Amarinder Singh again skirts the issue when he says that the police could find“not any wanted man …..nor any arms…...”. Doesn’t this amount to the argumentthat if arms had been recovered or any wanted man found, the entry would havebeen vindicated? He himself says, “Since they ex-pected the police entry, nobodyand nothing was there”.

His most interesting argument is that “even if was necessary to ‘reoccupy’ theDurbar Saheb complex, as an Akali, he (Barnala) should have known how Sikhsrespond to violent and peaceful methods and should have chosen the peaceful optionon the lines of Guru-ka-bagh and Jaitu”. This certainly is a novel suggestion, whichrecalls Gandhiji’s reported suggestion to European countries on how to meet Hitler’s

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aggression. Amarinder Singh should be among the first to realise the incongruity ofthe step he advo-cates. Reports have it that one of Barnala’s sons did contemplatesome such step. But it seems to have come to nothing. Did Amarinder Singh backthe idea?

At any rate, since he is now no longer a minister under par-liamentary discipline,there is no-thing to prevent him from leading non-violent jathas into the com-plexto parley with the militants said to still be there.

It is good to be reassured by Amarinder Singh that he and his friends “believe indemocracy, India and the Constitution .. want a stable and happy Punjab whereHindus, Sikhs, Muslims and Christians live together as one family, as they havedone since Guru Nanak Devji created our religion”. It is to be hoped that even as apolitician opposed to the present Chief Minister for whatever reasons, he and hisgroup will do nothing, directly or indirectly, to weaken the country and to give heartto its enemies. •

Indian Express- January 25, 1987

Punjab: The Litmus TestSir, —The Government has been announcing that it is coming out with a package

deal to solve the Punjab problem.Before a solution is thought up, the problem must be identified with some

precision. All of us know that law and order and a political deal relating to divisionof governmental power are two important points which had been the subject ofdiscussion till Mrs. Gandhi a assassination: perhaps the only two points.

River waters and land adjustment Between the States are also relevant to thesituation. While all is important, he would be a bold who can say that after the lastterrorist has been accounted for and land and waters questions have been disposedof, it would be all peace in Punjab.

The reality of the situation as it has developed is that the Sikhs, by and large,have lost faith in the Government. (When I say Sikhs here, I mean the natives ofPunjab and certainly not the Sikhs, say, of Delhi, H.K.L. Bhagat for services renderedto the community.) As of today, the Punjab Sikhs are quick to suspect any of beinga quisling who has any connection with the Government. If the Government wantsthe problem solved, it has to find ways to win back the trust of the Sikhs.

The Sikh bitterness and anger against the Centre is founded principally in twoepisodes: Operation Bluestar and the November 84 anti-Sikh riots. Sikhs as a wholeand others who do not blindly accept the Government’s case, think, and think withenough justification, that the raid on the Golden Temple was not unavoidable butthat it was undertaken to create an effect: to teach the Sikhs a lesson. It has nowbeen revealed that the Army was hustled by the Government, it was not even given


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the time required to think out the strategy. That it was a case of indefensively grossover-kill has been demonstrated, if that was needed,, by the subsequent OperationBlack Thunder in which the loss of property or men was minimal, and the resultsspectacular.

But while the raid on the Temple hurt the Sikhs events of November 84 affectedthem more directly and personally. These in a way set them apart: Sikhs on one sideand the rest of the people on the other. On the roads, streets and lanes, and even intheir houses, they were set upon and mercilessly butchered. It was not instinctiveand sporadic, as it is given out by the Government. If that were so, it could beunderstood and condoned: the earth does tremble for a while when a high tree falls,as the Prime Minister has said. If is quite possible also that here and there, theremight have been some spontaneous reaction against the foul deed of the two securitymen who shot down Mrs. Gandhi in cold blood. But there is overwhelming evidencethat mostly the killings were organised and intelligently directed op-erations. Publicmen of unimpeach-able record and reputation have, in inquiry committees, reachedconclu-sions that some ruling party men in high office and positions were behind theriots.

While there is anger that the crime of two men was avenged on the Sikhs ingeneral, there is frustration that no action worth the name is being taken against theperpetrators pf the car-nage of about three thousand Sikhs in three days on theroads and streets of Delhi. True, some figures have lately been trotted out thataction has been taken. The figures are misleading: 98 per cent of the action is fortechnical breaches of curfew orders. Only in one case of killing has convictionbeen so far obtained.

The litmus test of the Govern-ment’s earnestness in wanting to solve the Punjabproblem lies in its making an unequivocal public announcement which clearly directsthe police to go ahead with the cases of the November riots, with a public assurancethat no ministerial or other influence would come in the way of their work. Thateven if the men involved are holders of high offices, they too would be dealt withwithout fear.

If the Prime Minister has any certificates to give, he should give them in courtjust like any other defence witnesses. The courts can be trusted to sift the innocentfrom the guilty. Cleared by the courts they would stand vindicated whereas to-daythey are under a cloud. Holders of high office have equally high obligations. Thesolution of the Punjab problem is not beyond the reach of the Prime Minister if hesincerely desires it and is prepared to discard his present advisers. The Sikhs are avery earthy and matter-of-fact people and highly emotional at the same time. Quickto take offence but as quick to let bygones be bygones if convinced of the sincerityof the other side. Large-hearted and easy-going and when in one of their expansivemoods, you can even take the shirt off their back. So generous!

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Rightly or if you so like it, wrongly, they are feeling highly aggrieved. No matter,why? It is now a case of “roothey hue yaaron ko manaane ka”, of bringinground estranged friends. Their misfortune is that they have been guided by thewrong kind of leadership which, except in a few cases, is only power-hungry: Theseleaders can be left to stew in their own juice.

The Prime Minister has just to do two things. A green signal to his police to goahead and open up the November ’84 riot cases full throttle. For this he would haveto make up his mind to surrender to justice a few of his partymen who happen to beclose to him—just a few, not more than half-a-dozen. And he must make a publicstatement that he and his government are sincerely sorry for the mistake of OperationBlues-tar. I have a gut, feeling that the situation in Punjab would immediate-ly starttaking a turn for the better.

Surely that is not a high price to pay for peace, which has been eluding us thesemany years. •


Akal Takht HukamnamaSir, —The murderous attack on Sardar Gurcharan Singh Tohra must have

convinced everybody that the Punjab terrorists are no respecters of religion orreligious leaders but are out-and-our criminals. Criminals whose only aim is todestabilise society so that they can carry on their felonious activities of gun-running,drug-peddling, looting and similar acts for gain. Those who intermittently talked ofbringing them to the negotiating table should be silenced by this latest deed. If evenafter this the Akalis and some other groups do not come out openly and unequivocallyagainst the miscreants, the conclusion would be irresistible that they are scared andhave not the courage to denounce them. By taking this attitude, the Sikh leadershipwould be betraying the great and noble traditions of the Panth—the teachings ofGuru Nanak and Guru Gobind Singh and the galaxy of other Gurus: to uphold truthno matter what the consequences.

The Akal Takht, is the highest seat of temporal authority of the Sikhs. Duringthe heyday of the “Ghadar Party” which Indians abroad organised to fight theBritish rule in India, the Takht had issued a Hukamnama (edict)—at the instance ofthe British—that those who jointed the movement were not ‘Sikhs’. Consideringthat the Ghadar Party members, of Sikhs as members, this was a clear message tothem to satay away from the movement.

It the Akal Takht could issue that kind of a decree then, can it not issue aHukamnama today that the terrorists are not Sikhs, when it is clearly in the interestsof the Panth and the country to do so? This may not have any effect on the terroristsbut the mantle of crusading for the glory of the Khalsa, which they are presuming to


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wear would be removed. Also, the ignorant Sikh masses of which some sectionsstill nurse a sneaking feeling that what the boys are doing—the slogan of Khalistanand all that is in some way in the interest of the Panth, would be clearly disabusedof all such mistaken notions. Whatever sympathy the terrorists still invoke, wouldbe gone.

What has the Akal Takht to way to this?•Indian Express- June 01, 1990

Punjabi: What to do?Sir, —It is becoming increasing clear that in any solution of the Punjab problem,

the Sikh leadership has disqualified itself—from playing any part. During the lastseveral years of turmoil in the State its role has been marked by the brand ofpusillanimity which people have never before associated with the great Sikhcommunity. The confused political postures of the Akalis have been compoundedwith faint-heartedness, which has never in the past been part of Sikh character.And even within the factions in which they, the Akalis, have divided and subdividedthemselves, no two camps think alike on any one point. The latest scenario in whichthree appeared a move to sidle up to the leadership of Mr. Simranjeet Singh Man, ismerely and aberration where fissures are coming up even before there is a formalget together.

Leaving the leaders aside, even the militants are splintered into any number ofoutfits, each, oftener than not, tat the throat of the other. All of them are, however,agreed that any individual or group, which is even suspected of narrowing the distancefrom the Government is their common enemy and therefore marked for elimination.A mindless but destructive resoluteness animates them, defying rational approach.

Any analysis of the driving force which keeps the terrorists going would revealthat while there may certainly be few among them who are fired by ideological orsacramental considerations, the vast majority is just a lump mass of fortune-hunterwhich has nothing whatever in common with what can possibly be in Sikh interest.Mostly they are drag-peddlers, smugglers, gun-runners, extortionists or just planrobbers, as well as mercenaries or paid agents of enemy powers. They have ofcourse given themselves fancy names, borrowed partly from similar gangs abroad.Due to links which many of them have established with politicians and with elementsin the police and administration, their clout is such that in several places it is theirwrit that runs and not of the Government. No wonder therefore that when law andorder seeks to assert itself the Sikh leaders do not say a word against the dailykillings of innocents by the terrorists. So terrified they are. They have no moralcourage left. They have even started speaking in the voice of terrorists, not out ofchoice though but to make a virtue of necessity.

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Ignoring this cowering leadership, the State must turn to its real masters, therural Sikh masses who are sick of the ongoing climate of violence terrorism andcowardice, which has disrupted the even and peaceful tenor of their lives, to whichthey want to go back as soon as possible. Only, due to the pervading atmosphere offear, they keep their mouths shut. Instances are not wanting when villagers havebanded together to confront the marauders and the malefactors and have evenbeaten them to death. The commoners are for an administration under which theywill live free from fear and turbulence. They would support any action, which theState may take to restore the even flow of their lives current. Governor VirendraVerma, from all accounts, is doing a good job. He has at the very outset done verywell by recording that Operation Bluestar was a Himalayan blunder, which in factit was. Even at that time it was undertaken, it was largely a show of state force, outof the proportion, so the necessity of the situation. Neither Mrs. Gandhi, nor heradvisers or generals, had envisaged the colossal nature of the injury, they wereinflicting on the psyche of Sikhism. They fail to visualise that the action they wereundertaking would aggravate the very cause they wanted to suppress in inevitably,it brought in its train consequences, which have since engulfed the entire country.Where as previous to that it was only a question of Bhindranwale and his handful offollowers now the entire Sikh committees outraised, unmindful of the seemingunavoidability of the action taken at the time.

But what has gone cannot be undone in any way. Governor Verma has, however,done the very best that could be done atone for it and make amends. His sincereexpression of regrets on behalf of the State his bound to go a long way to mollify theheart.

At the same time, Governor has given notice to one and all – and let the leadershipmake a note of it that murderers hence forwarded shall be called by their propernames and no lionized a ‘Shaheeds’ an Honour with martyrs’ crowns. They mustbe exposed for what they are – common criminals. No bogs could be organisedcommemorate their a crimes. Those who participate in them are there companies,though after the facts woundless morally guilty modeless. They will not be allowedto mislead the masses by their own’s frightened participation in the ceremonies.From the assassination of sant Longowal to the latest of sardar Balwant Singh withmurderer attacks on Mr. Tohra and Mr. Tohra in between, the … sage has beensought to be convinced by the public anomies that any one who shows even theleast inclination for a compromise would be terrorist target. The Sikh leadership hasbeen simply buckled Verma’s enunciation of his government intention wouldencourage the mass to come out of their leader’s induced delusion. The killedsubversive elements are enemy of the state and of the panth, to with no kind ofreligious section whatever and are wholly undeserving of any popular recognition.


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The depth of the courage and piety of the militants was truly demonstrative at thetime of operation black thunder, when after polluting and desecrater the HearminderSahib, the holiest place for the Sikhs, they objectively surrendered to the securityforces they could have at least have died fighting, if they had faith in their cause. Itamazing that the Sikh leadership or the Akaltakht has not said a world on thissacrilege.

Verma’s declaration of his policy shows that by organising the leader are mealyregistering their attendance there and avoiding their names coming on theextremesmist’s hit-list. But they must not forget that at thee same time the badge ofa very unsikh like trite would also be fastened on them – of forswearing the ageloan addition tradition to stand as protector of the weak against tyranny – a contrastwith their historic role – the very rationale of their assistance as a sect, separatefrom their common Hindu fold.

The sure alias of the state in its fight against the cult of terrorism is a Sikhmasses of Punjab countryside. Mislead so far by the call of separatism, they haveto be reminded that while their sled seeking leadership wants only a tiny coroner ofthe counter to be separated the rest of their mother land so the leader can wieldpower their unchecked, entire length and breadth on the vest country is for them todescried. In India, they have been president, chief minister, judges of the highestcourt, speaker of the legislature, ambassadress, generals in t5he army a secularIndia is for the leadership any member of any community- Sikh, Muslim or anyother faith- to capture any position of power and responsibility, by mailing himselfdeserving of it the force of merit. When or where Sikh not made good “when youcan have the whole of India dint of merit, why settle or less”. •


Syndicating MischiefSir, —The editorial is a timely re-minder to Punjab and Punjabees to be on

guard and steer clear of the slough into which the Akali outfits are threatening toplunge it again. Without policies or principles their unceasing angling for power hasbecome the bane of the state. Today there are almost as many Dais as there areleaders—any glib-tongued agitator can somehow wrangle a following. Can comingtogether of this bunch under the banner of the Akal Takht usher in a better scenario?

Where were these Akali Dais when their state was fighting terror-ism? Hidingin their holes and utterly irrelevant in the public life of Punjab, they would of coursecome out to participate or even lead the ‘bhog’ ceremonies of the killed terrorists,both for fear of the terror-ists’’ guns and for garnering cheap popularity, going abegging at the time. Now that the weather has cleared they have again startedpreening their feathers.

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The Akal Takht is the centre of their temporal authority. While every faith hasinstitutions through which it propagates itself the Akal Takht: has not always covereditself with glory. When British power was at its zenith a number of our coun-trymenliving in foreign lands banded themselves into the ‘Ghadar Party’ to fight for themotherland. Many of these heroes were Sikhs. At the behest of the British theTakht had issued a fatwa decreeing that they were not Sikhs; disowned by the‘thekadars’ of the commu-nity. And the crowning shame had come when theAkal Takht hon-oured the butcher of the Jallianwala Bagh massacre with asaropa.

For the great and noble Sikh community, which the motherland is proud to haveas its sword-arm to tolerate such anti-national syndi-cates reflects a lot on its laissez-faire trait. I don’t know if it is possi-ble to separate religion from politics in ourcountry even if it is desirable to do so. But if steps are taken to un-dertake legislationto affect the idea the Akali Dal should be the first to be debarred. We may notagree with his party politics but if Beam Singh decides to cut the Akalis down tosize by recourse to the proposed legislation let us wish all power to his elbow. Theinterests of the coun-try come first all the time.•



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EMERGENCY

“ From April 1975 to February 1977, none of his letters was published in anynewspaper but some letters, which published after that period thrown the light over thefacts and theory of Emergency.”

Is Emergency to remain?Sir, —To an unvarnished mind like mine there appears to be an irreconcilable

contradiction in the Prime Minister’s claims that she is a democrate, and herdeclaration in the public meeting in Delhi’s Ramlila Ground on February 5 that;even after the elections there would be no return to the pre-emergency era. If theauthority to declare a state of emergency without any relation to objective conditions,detention without trial at the sweet will of the executive, a total censor-ship of thepress without the per-mission to reveal that it is suf-fering from the imposition, acom-plete bar to legal remedies against executive injustice, an effective ban on thefunctioning of the opposition parties, the unbridled utilization of the mass media ofinformation to propagate absolutely one-sided views, can be said to be attributes ofdemocracy, one would like to know how it differs from dictator-ship.

Be that as it may having an-nounced the general elections to the Lok Sabna thePrime Minister, If she were a democrat, should at least concede the theoreticalpos-sibility of some party other than her own coming to, power. For unless this is so,election can have no meaning, (apologies to the Soviet Union). And it some otherparty were to come into power of a result of the elections how can a democratmortgage the future against what that other party may want to do? The JanataParty, as also the lesser parties who are fielding their candidates, have made it dearin no uncertain terms that when they are returned to power, the revocation of theemergency would be their wry first step. If the Prime Minister were really a democrat,she could at least have qualified her determination to stick to the emergency bywords such as “so long as I am Prime Minis-ter” or “As long as I am permit-ted tohave my way”.

Then, her repetition that, violence will not be tolerated looks like raising a hobgoblinwhich is not there, but is just invoked to frighten people. As one who has beenthrough the mill for a major part of his life both during the British period and in thepost independent era, I can say with confidence that the incidence of violenceduring the period Mrs. Gandhi speaks of has been minimal. When I use the wordviolence, I mean it in its universally understood sense; and not in the sense whichour Home. Minister Mr. Brahmananda Reddy takes it. According to him peoplesitting down on the railway track daring the engine to run over their bodies withouteven a word of protest on their part, are “violent”. According to his post-Gandhian

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concept, this act of theirs is coercion. And, by the same token perhaps, the firing onthese Satyagrahis by the police would be an act of non-violence!

If, even a semblance of demo-cracy is to be preserved let act our administratorsbehave as if they own this country and that if people breathe its air, it is only onsufferance. •

Indian Express-February 21, 1977

AccountabilitySir, —The scene of mutual recriminations in Congress circles is familiarly

reminiscent of similar evens in he world history. It respects itself after the fall ofevery dictatorship. When the leader does not survive the fall, here is no inhibition inheaping all the blame on to his devoted head. But here he goes, he accusationagainst him or her, as the case may be, is muffled. India, after the fall of the Congress,is no exception.

Mrs. Gandhi has owned up the entire responsibility for the Congress defeat. Asevery schoolboy knows, the emergency and all that flowed from it were the primecause of the debacle. It has now been established beyond cavil that it was she, andshe alone, who was responsible for imposing it on the country. As in a so in everydaylife, a man must be presumed to intend the probable and natural consequences ofhis acts. But such is the loyalty of her colleagues (I am being euphemistic; theywere undergoing) that they have termed her confession as only a formality, “in thetraditions of public life”. That is to say, she is blame-worthy in a vicarious senseonly. In other words. Messrs Sanjay Gandhi, Bansi Lal, Shukla and Om Mehtawere entirely on their own, The Prime Minister of the country, who had concentratedin her own hands all the power of the state, had according to her partymen, noknowledge of what was happening around her. Those who have watching her mannerof functioning, however, cannot accuse her of being such a poor type of dictatorthat she did not know what almost everyone, even without her sources of information,knew. Was Research and Analysis Wing (with the roles at the CIA, the KGB andthe Gestapo roiled into one) merely a toy-piece?

That Mrs. Gandhi knew everything would be clear from just to facts. She hasnot uttered even one word of regret for the pall of death, terror and misery to whichshe subjected the country during the dark period of the emergency. Anyone, unawareof the enormity of the outcome of his actions, takes the first opportunity of makingapologies to the wronged as soon as he learns of it. Then, she is unrepentant in herdefence of the Sanjay Gandhi and Mr. Bansi Lal. The, thankless exercise of findingscapegoats for her must be given up.

Sanjay is a young man, just out of his boyhood. He had a sheltered life, pamperedby those around him because of the position first his grandfather and then his mother


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occupied. Unless guided by an understanding family, any raw youngster in hiscircumstances could go astray. Bansi Lal was a mofussil politician thrown up intothe limelight by the accident of power politics in his State. He was encouraged inhis mad career by Mrs. Gandhi herself as a return for the benefits he was extendingto her son, Sanjay. She threw into the waste-paper basket complaints against himby 125 MP’s. His growing blustering was never curbed. Even much before theEmergency, egged on by JP’s traducers at the Centre, including Mrs. Gandhi whorod on JP’s toes accusing him of accepting the hospitality of capitalists, Bansi Lalhad threatened students in Haryana that if they attended JP’s meetings, he wouldno only debar them from Government services, but also have their history-sheetsopened by the police. He had even twitted JP’s who is under a vow not to try for oraccept any office of power, for not during to fight even a Panchayat election.Shukla and Mehta were junior and unimportant Ministers; the first shoved into theInformation and Broadcasting Ministry vice Gujaral, who was shunted off for theindiscretion of broadcasting the news of the rejection of the Prime Minister’sapplication before the Supreme Court for an “absolute stay order” in a languagewhich was unpalatable to her and her son; and the latter because he came as ahandy hatchet-man in the prevalent policy of her Government. As for Borooah, hewas more of a court jester than counsellor and his only fault is that he played therole of a Rudolph Hess to the Hitler in Mrs. Gandhi.

In one sense, no Congressman who kept his membership, and his mouth shutduring the nightmare of the emergency can be absolved of guilt, Where they werenot eulogistic of the “gains” of the emergency, they were silent spectators of itsmisdeeds. But in assessing the degree of accountability of the various levels of theparty machine, we should look more to the source then to the fall-out, we mustlocate the fountainhead, the Gangotri. •

Indian Express-April 27, 1977Pioneer-May 01, 1977

Days of horror in MuzaffarnagarMUZAFFARNAGAR: October I8, 1978, was a fateful day in the life of the

inhabitants of Muzaffarnagar. But long before that many of them had been subjectedto forcible vasectomy operations. That was soon after the new District Magistratehad taken over charge. And much before his takeover, another event had occurredin the tahsil- cum-kotwali compound in the city.

On that day two trucks parked in front of the tahsil gate to bar all exit. Thefamily planning staff and the police went into the vast compound and rounded upeverybody they could lay their hands on. They were bundled into the trucks, drivento the operation camp in the Soldiers Board and operated on.

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Later at a place, 14 miles away, the people had taken out a protest processionagainst the practice of rounding up people. They also damaged hospital furniture.They were then fired upon and curfew was imposed. That was one version. Theother was that the enthusiasm of the populace to get themselves operated uponwas so great that as a protest against the inadequacy of the arrangements in thehospital, they broke the furniture.

On October 18, the D.M visited of the vasectomy camps in the morning andenquired about the number of cases that had come that day, when told, he wasfurious. Only 21? The police was ordered to go into a particular mohalla and bringmore cases. The rickshawalas and others of that locality were already restive atthe confiscation of their only means of livelihood. People there had already startedgathering at road corners in protest against the ‘zulum’. They shouted slogans against‘Jabaria nasbandi’ (forced vasectomy),

They saw men being marched away by the police towards the camp. Theslogans became louder, but nothing more. The D.M. arrived — in shirt-sleeves —at the head of more police, in a jeep. He began shouting at the mob. Then withoutany warning firing was ordered.

Some men were killed on the spot; the mob started running for cover in thelanes and by-lanes. Then hell was let loose on the fleemgmen. They were pursuedand fired upon. House was ransacked, shops looted, women maltreated—it was allunbelievable. Round-the-clock curfew was imposed on the city—and calmdescended.

It is impossible to say how many were killed. The B.B.C. put it at 71 for thatafternoon alone. It is widely believed that apart from the bodies recovered by relativesarid friends, others were taken away and thrown into the Ganga or the canal. Thenext day two young men who had only expostulated with the patrolling police wereshot dead at point-blank range. Two others were killed subsequently.

In Kairana town on the same forenoon, the people had taken out a processionin protest against the events at Muzaffarnagar of the day before. It was fired on.There were no casualties then. The town had quietend. Then all of a sudden in theafternoon some defence less people were fired at by the police. At least four werekilled.

Two State Ministers were camping in Muzaffarnagar then. About half-a-dozenM.P’s also came from Delhi to make enquiries, but they were asked to go back andtheir cars were seized. Some newsmen who asked the D M for details were informedthat there were no firing and no deaths. Even some It adding men of the ruling partywere given to understand that he had direct access to the ‘extra-constitutionalcentre of power.’ Some public-spirited men of the ruling party who went to Delhi tomeet the high-ups were simply brushed aside. They would not hear any complaintfrom Muzaffarnagar.


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It is presumed that all these happenings were given communal colour. A few‘netas’ were actually rushed to Delhi to spread the story that, but for the timely anddrastic action taken, there would have been a communal conflagration. In factthere was perfect communal amity then. The story, therefore, was not pursued.•

Pioneer-May 13, 1977Northern India Patrika-May16, 1977

Muzaffarnagar Firing ProbeThe Misra Commission of enquiry into the police firings in Muzaffarnagar district

in October last has had its first sitting on June 6. The date on which it wanted toinvite written statements from all those who could speak of the facts, was firsttentatively fixed for June 23. But on the request of the parties interested in gettingfor more time, it has now been fixed for July 3, The representatives of the publicstressed before the Commission that since the Magistrates and the Police personnel,who were responsible for the excesses, continued in their posts in the city and thedistrict, the people were afraid and did not feel free to come forward to speak outwhat they had witnessed or suffered for fear of victimisation and involvement infalse cases at their hands.

A representation to the Union Home Minister and the Governor of U.P. to thiseffect has already been made that these Government servants be suspended ortransferred to disable them from exerting any pressure on those who want to comeforward to speak out the truth.

A useful data as to who are the officers and men who should be removed fromthe district to ensure a fair enquiry is available from the four or five First InformationReports lodged in the kotwali, outposts and the Police station of Kairana and itsoutpost by the Police itself, in which it has named the Magistrates and Policepersonnel who were taken out “to deal with the situation”. All of them must betransferred. So long as this is not done, no fair enquiry is possible.

It is hoped that in the interests of Justice and of a fair enquiry—nothing less isIntended—these men should be removed from the scene in Muzaffarnagar beforethe public witnesses are called to file heir written statements, by July 3. — Theletter was published in the name of ‘Voice of the people’•

Pioneer -June 15, 1977

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FOODS AND BEVERAGE

Rotten WheatSir, —On June 29, the District Bar Association passed a resolution saying, inter

alia, that, “the wheat supplied by way of ration to the citizens of this town for overa month now, is unit for human consumption, and is materially affecting the healthof the consumer”. It also said that there was immediate danger of disease breakingout if that ration was continued any longer. The district magistrate was requested totake immediate steps to stop the rationing of the present wheat stock and to supplyinstead the wheat recently procured in the district.

On July 15, some gentleman, acting for the commissioner in the Department ofFood and Civil Supplies, U.P. Government, wrote the following reply to the resolution:

“There is no truth in the rumour that the wheat, now being sold in the rationshops has been subjected to some processes whereby it has lost its nutritive value.The wheat is fit for human consumption and there is no likehood of any damage tothe moral and material health of the people who use it”.

On the same day, in reply to a query of the municipal medical officer of healthwho had been asked by the district magistrate to report on the quality of wheat, thepublic analyst to the U.P. Government, wrote as follows: —

Sample No. 192 of Overseas Wheat1. Sound wheat grains... 81.00 per cent.2. Insect-damaged and shrivelled wheat-grains and other foreign

ingredients... 19.00 per cent.3. Dry gluten…8.4 per cent.He further said that “by proper sieving and sifting sound grains can be

separated ... from the comparatively high proportion of damaged and shrivelledgrains.... and then it would be fit for human consumption in the condition inwhich it is rationed.

Most of the people here are suffering from gastric troubles since this rationwas introduced. And we are told that about 30 more wagons of the same stockhave recently arrived.

What beats us is the system whereby the wheat locally procured is not beingsupplied to the people. This is not only fair but it also means an unnecessary burdeningof the transport system, which is already over-worked. Taking the wheat locallyproduced elsewhere, and importing outside wheat to this place may keep the wagonsmoving, put I do not think it will help us much. •

National Herald- August 17, 1949


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Food Crises — Natural or Man-Made?Sir, —From his own standpoint Mr. Gulzarilal Nanda is right in saying that the

opposition is “ex-ploiting” the present “temporary difficulties” of the Government.But it the Congress was out of power, would it not have consi-dered itself untrue toits character as a political party if it, had not roused public opinion against themanifest failings of the Govern-ment on the food front?

For, while many of the causes which contribute to the present critical foodgrainssituation in many parts of the country are natural and ordinarily beyond the controlof any Government, there are quite a few others which are artificial and man-made. Any Government which knows its own mind and is not led now this way andthen that, by a concord among businessmen, mill-owners, some top bureaucratsand a few politicians could easily have kept the crisis strictly within limits.

Take the zone system. In a country probing for causes which militate againstnational in-tegration, is it not odd, in the first place, to see the Government cutting itup into so many different parts, even if it be for the purpose of restricting movementof commo-dities, thus generating heart-burn tag among different territorial units?Citizens may have been guaranteed the fundamental right of moving freely throughoutthe country—not so goods or property. These unnatural (and may I say, also un-national) barriers are to do small degree responsible not only for large-scale smugglingand corruption hut also for aggra-vating the food crisis and avoid-able sufferings ofthe people.

Only last winter the Govern-ment against all informed and responsible advice,placed a ban on the movement of gur from U.P. in spite of brave words to theeffect that now that the ban bad been placed, It would not be lifted till at least theyear was out, the Central Government had to eat their words and lift it (as forewarned) some six months ahead of the stipulated time; thus indirectly admitting thatthe agitation against their gur policy was reason-and-experience-based. It has donethe same to wheat from Punjab this time, making U.P wallahs envious of the easysitua-tion in Punjab and the Punjabis averse to sharing their produce with starvingU.P. and Gujarat, which was starved for UP. Gur by our “far-seeing” Governmentnine months ago has reportedly reta-liated by placing an embryo on the export of itsgroundnut, thus flushing up the price of vegetable Ghee throughout the country.

It is realised sufficiently in the proper quarters how these short-sighted Centralorders result in fostering inter state insularity? Free movement of commoditiesthroughout the country would mean a uniform price-level: and should it eventuallycome in that it would mean hardship equally shared. Under present condi-tionsthere is nothing whatever to recommend this zone system. The promise of theCentral Food Min-ister to review it at the end of the season would be simply amusing,were it not so provocatively arbitrary. When the next Rabi harvest comes in thesituation would case by itself —no thanks to the Government.

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The other is the diversion of foodgrains from the stores to the big flour millsbefore being brought to the distributing cen-tres. First, conversion of wheat intoflour by big mills not only causes unnecessary delay—some-times inordinate delay—but also gives rise to a number of evils. As everybody knows, the beneficiaries ofrationing can grind their own flour (or can have it around locally) Why should theybe saddled with the cost of minding which comes to Rs. I.25 per maund? Then,according to arrangements which are made between the permit-issuing authorities,the mill owner and fair price shop allottees these floor mills are often far distantfrom distribution centre for example Muzaffarnagar dealers are given permits onAgra Mills instead of on Meerut or Dehra-Dun. Now the cost of transport pertruck allowed by the Government is Rs. 250 from Agra and only about Rs. 120from the latter two flares. Actually the expenses from any of the three place areRs. I20. So by giving the permit for Agra there is a saving of Rs. I30 or so ontransport alone. This is shared by the various interests indicated above. And thisinflated cost of transport is added to the price of flour and has to be paid by thecard-holder it is perhaps not quite widely known that while wheat supplied direct tothe fair price shops is Rs. I7 per maund, to the flour mills it is Rs. I5. Why? Ask theGovernment.

Then (I am speaking from In-side information) the flour from the big millscontain I0 to I5 percent more, moisture than in stuff ground locally. For beforebeing put between the stones in the big mills the wheat is treated with water. Thisclear saving of 10 to 15 percent foodgrain into open market either as floor or grain.The card-holder gets so much less food value in his ration. Also any kind of powderedstuff can be admixed with the flour: this is difficult with grain. Complaints are notrare that “khadia” has been found in rationed flour. So apart from inhaling big millowners to reap rich profit from this diversion, there is no earthly reason why theconsumer should not be given wheat instead of floor. Why all this solicitude for thebig mills floor mills at the cost of the floor and the lower middle class consumers?Socialism in action?

It appears that those who lay down the policies in this matter have surrenderedtheir judgment to their service advisers most to whom are not distinguished. Theone wishes there was a man the robust commonsense of a Qidwai who could boldlycut the tangle of red-tape, confusion and nonsense see to it that even with theforbidding combination of factors which are said to be res-ponsible for the presentcritical situation, it could nevertheless be reduced to the minimum.

The opposition is blamed for not co-operating with the Govern-ment in theirefforts to meet the serious food situation. Is the Government their part open toConstructive suggestions?•

National Herald – September 13, 1964National India Patrika – October 01, 1964


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Colouring VanaspatiSir, —Live that in spite of continued intensive research, our scientists have

failed to discover a suitable colouring agent for vanaspati to enable laymen to tellthe adulterated stuff from genuine ghee? Other countries have developed fusionand fission bombs, and inter-continental ballistic missiles, and have even sent rocketsinto space and past the moon, but we are given to understand by cur Governmentthat we have failed to find even such a simple thing as a fat-soluble colour, non-injurious to the human system, Tons and tons of colouring matter, which, we are toldby the dieticians is harmless, is daily going down out throats. Do not sweets andsherbets, displaying all the colours of the rainbow, decorate our sweetmeat and ice-vendors’ shops, making up in showmanship what they may lack in nutritive value?We have a National Chemical Laboratory, where scientists are carrying on researchfar into the night, on all conceivable subjects under the sun, to make life easier andhealthier. And our Government tell us that they have gone no further than discovering,and that only very recently, a colourless chemical which, when mixed with vanaspati,would, on chemical analysis, make its detection in ghee easier. That is not at allwhat was wanted. Adulteration of ghee was detectable by chemical analysis, as itis, even before this precious discovery. What was wanted was something whichwould enable even laymen, on sight, to avoid the adulterated stuff being palmed offas sure. Are the scientists of J.C. Bose’s and Raman’s country still so far behindtheir counterparts in other lands? Yes, they are, as would appear from the reply ofthe Government to pointed questions in this respect. The people know instinctivelywhat keeps research from arriving at the desired solution or, having arrived there,from utilizing it for public benefit Vested interests in vanaspati, with their tentaclesin high quarters; are behind it. By all means play ducks and drakes with the healthof the people, if you like, but do not malign our scientists. They do not deserve suchtreatment. Let a challenge be thrown to them publicly and within six months, if notearlier, you would have the required thing, but will it be done?•

National Herald - October 30, 1959Hindustan Standard-Sept / Oct 1959Leader - September 13, 1959

Prohibition—Now or NeverSir, —The approach to the ques-tion of prohibition in our country is shifting, if it

has not already shifted, from one of principle to that of pragmatics. One had thoughtthe debate ended when our Constitution enshrined prohi-bition in its DirectivePrinciples of State Policy. So if it is now regarded, as its critics claim, as just one ofso many ameliorative measures which any state adopts to better the social conditionof its people, there is every justification for its being relegated to a place where itmust wait its turn in order of priorities.

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But prohibition has always taken the pride of place in our constructive programmefor the uplift of the masses. It not only embodies the aspirations of our socialreformers through the ages, it is a national predilection—in accord with our heritageand so-cial urges. Only, in the nature of things, its advocates are no loudspeakers.

To compare the problem in our country with its counterpart in other climes isfallacious. Drink-ing there has become almost a part of life at all levels; no taboos,at any rate no social stigma is at-tached to the habit. Even so, it has been regardedas something which society can better do with out. The U.S.A. not so long ago didprovide to outlaw alcohol. That is proof that there is, or was, an effective body ofopinion, which had successfully induced the state to place drinking outside the paleof law.

In this country drinking is against our tradition and culture. Drinking is lookeddown upon. The two major religions enjoin abstinence from liquor. The cli-matedoes not go well with it. Gandhi said: “If I was appointed dictator for one hour for allIndia, the first thing I would do would be to close without compensation all liquorshops” (within an hour—mind you, not seven years). “I hold drinking to be moredamnable than thieving, or perhaps even prostitution”. Those who deride the effortsof reformers to have total prohibition introduced here and now and point to otherreforms waiting to be carried out should remember that whereas these other problemswould always be with us more or less and all we can do is to alleviate them, prohibitioncan be achieved im-mediately the moment we make up our mind to do itdetermined-ly. The issue is qualitative, not quantitative. Nehru said that the majorconsideration should always be the good of the people. I have little doubt that ourpeople profit both in the short run and in the long run by a policy of prohibition.

There is an overwhelmingly vast majority of public opinion in this country infavour of prohibition, And yet, unhappily, owing to poli-cies for which we seemrather to take our cues from the west, drinking is becoming fashionably particularlyIn the so-called up circles of urban society. I quote in this, contest from a letter froma friend recently released from the army. “The resolution passed by the AICC”, hewrites, “smacks of indecision. One cannot believe that after a lapse of seven yearsany party could freely talk of pro-hibition without incurring un-popularity. If youhappen to pass your evening in any posh hotel or bar, you would be simply dis-mayedto see the umber of teen-agers and schoolboys consuming liquor. It is alarming.When the generation brought up in Gandhiji’s own age is so shaky about prohibition,how can a gene-ration brought up under the in-fluence the Beatles tolerate thebitter dose of prohibition.” I cannot improve upon his argument.

The objection on financial grounds is just an excuse. First the loss of revenuewould be partly compensated by positive returns to the exchequer as a directconsequence of the ban. Sales tax and entertainment tax have always gone up


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wherever prohibition is introduced. But far more socially valuable are in theinvisible returns. Prohibition raises the purchasing power of the people, stimulatessavings and obviously, therefore, contributes to national prosperity. It augmentsefficiency; productivity increases. The savings on drink are diverted to morenourishing food for the family of the addict-that-was: his children, therefore, havebetter health and education, better equipment and a healthier outlook on life. In aword, pro-hibition is an investment, which results in direct upliftment of the community.

It is a medical fact that alcohol acts injuriously on the under-nourished. Andwho can deny that majority of our people is underfed?

Then, the revenue from excise is the most improvident and ex-pensive of taxes.For each rupee that goes into state coffers, three go to the contractor, vendor andother middlemen.

The resolution of the ATCC at Panjim has unhappily side track-ed the issue,has virtually hauled down the flag of prohibition, it has failed to judge its urgency inits proper perspective. The longer this problem, the more difficult it would get. Whoknows that in seven years the habit of drinking may have crossed the mark wherea convincing majority becomes a minority?

Ours is the one country where the experiment of blanket prohibition can bemade to succeed. All the factors are favourable to its success. If it has not givenresults so far, it is because sin-cerity and earnestness on the part of those chargedwith its implementation have been lacking. •

National Herald (Delhi)- November 28, 1968National Herald (Lucknow)- November 30, 1969Northern India Patrika- December 01, 1968

And Now Wine From MilkSir, —Hardly twenty-four years after he was shot dead by a fanatic, has

Gandhi—and Gandhism—become so irrelevant to his land that the irony of a newsitem—that a research institute, under state auspices in our country, is making winefrom milk—should have altogether escaped us? The National Dairy ResearchInstitute Kamal, has done it. Shabash! “The director of the institute-said that thefinal product with I2 percent alcohol has already found consumer acceptance. …….The NDRI is working out the economics of the whey-into-wine as also the possibilityof producing it on a commercial. I do not personally mind it if the rich drinkthemselves to ruination. They can afford it. But to claim that alcoholic beveragesare being brought within the means of the poorer classes is to make a mockery ofour socialist pretensions; it is putting the clock back in every sense of the term.“Garibi Hatao” may have been dubbed a mere vote-catching slogan, but the promisemade to the electorate can certainly be redeemed, albeit indirectly and in part, if we

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can help the poor man to save a little more for his family by denying drink to him,instead of bringing it within easier reach. Then, are we so overflowing with milkthat we think nothing of depriving our famished and ill-nourished children of the lifegiving nectar that milk is, by diverting it for conversion into liquor?

We glibly talk of the judiciary bypassing the Directive Principles of State Policywhole interpreting the Constitution and insist—I think rightly—that all interpretationshould not only be reconcilable with but also promote the directives enumerated inChapter IV thereof. But then, are we not acting as if Article 47 that “the state shallendeavor to bring about prohibition of the consumption ……. of intoxicating drinksand drugs”, did not exist at all?

Not long ago at Goa the Congress laid down a time-bound programme for allstate Governments owing allegiance to it of bringing about total prohibition. To mehad fallen the honour of opening the discussion. Loss of revenue, as a consequenceof the measure and so many other objections were swept aside. The good of thepeople was overriding, transcendental; the objections petty and untenable. Had notGandhi himself said that were he made dictator of the country for even an hour, thefirst thing he would do would be to close down all liquor shops without compensation?For the Rajasthan Chief Minister, Mr. Barkatullah Khan, now to trot out of familiarplea of financial stringency to go back on whatever steps had been taken so far inimplementation of his party’s pledge, is proof of the utter non-seriousness, if not thehypocrisy, of the ostensible stand earlier taken. And now Delhi’s Chief ExecutiveCouncilor sings the same tune and has hinted that the prohibition policy may bemodified and may even be scrapped!

It is irrelevant in this connection to hold out the failure of the American experimentas a warning. In the USA everybody drinks; it is part of the national diet. In Indiathe vast majority are still abstainers by habit, custom and conviction. The middleclass is practically free of the habit. And most important is the fact that drinking islooked down upon by society as a whole. Aping outlandish manners of life may besatisfying to the ego of the ‘sophisticated’ but decent society in this country isdefinitely anti-drink

Even if we succeed in bringing about all the economic reforms we have ontapir, our progress is bound to be topsy-turvy if we turn a blind eye to the canker ofdrink which is being allowed to erode the nation’s finer susceptibilities. It is ironicthat after the recent episode of the “killer” drink in the country, more liberal grant ofliquor licences should have been seriously suggested as a remedy!

By the indifference and delay in implementing its own mandatory resolutionpassed in a full conference, as also a clear Directive of State Policy enshrined inthe Constitution on which it otherwise lays so much stress, the ruling party is allowingthe drink habit to become fashionable. There is no denying that the country needs


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rapid economic progress. But if social and moral well-being does not keep pacewith it—not that prohibition does not embrace material aspects of life as well—theprogress will be lop-sided and self-defeating. •

National Herald (Lucknow)- April 06, 1972

Anti-Drink SquadsSir, —The liquor lobby is so influential that even some of those who do not

drink, argue for the status quo; that no laws be made to prohibit the consumption ofliquor. The arguments advanced are the same hackneyed ones; loss of revenue,illicit distillation, bootlegging, increased budget for enforcement, and the like, andthe freedom of the individual to eat and drink what the likes. On the other hand, thereasons behind prohibition are too well-known to need repetition and at any rate it istoo late in the day to discuss the pros and cons. Our Constitution ordains it, theprincipal political parties are pledged to it, and—apart from some upper crust ofsophisticated society which likes to ape western manners and some depressedsections which have taken to drink to drown their corporate sorrows—the peopleof this country in, general look down on the drinking habit.

In spite of all this, the habit is catching on. This is so because it is coming to beconsidered as fashionable. Students and even; some women, who like to be calledladies, are taking to the habit increasingly. Unless firm and determined steps aretaken to stem the tide, a time might come when a majority of the people would bedrinking. And then, because we are a democracy, prohibition may be ruled out.

Since most of those who are fresh recruits to drink, can trace their initiation tofashion, the obvious thing is to make drink unfashionable. I would go further; wemust make drink an object of ridicule, derision, and contempt. For instance, I wouldsuggest statutory warnings to be put up outside liquor shops, in bold advertisingheadlines (unlike the small type on cigarette packets). Let there be huge posters atall public places depicting, not a poor bedraggled man in torn clothes, but a well-dressed ‘gentleman’ with his face in the gutter, a bottle beside him and men, womenand children laughing at him. College boys should be encouraged to form anti-drinksquads to boycott (and why not also hoot) the drunkards among them. I will notmind if they rag them too. Ragging to a good purpose is not bad.

And what is this distinction between ‘public’ and ‘private’ drinking in the conductrules of Government servants? If prohibition is to be made a success, this distinctionmust go. We have to have a ‘committed’ bureaucracy in this matter. After all,prohibition is a national policy; not the policy of any one party running the governmentfor the time being. Henceforward, before recruiting men for state service, theymust be made to declare that they do not drink and will always abstain from it.

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Some people who profess to be advocates of complete personal freedom arguethat the State should not interfere in their private life. They may next demand theright to take hashish, cocaine, opium, ganja, LSD, and so on. The same argumentcan be stretched to justify demand for poison to commit suicide is suicide not apurely personal act after all? When a nation decides, to improve the quality of life ofthe people, economically, physically, intellectually and morally, such puerile objectionsmust be laughed out.

It is a sad fact that quite a number of people who would be the part of theultimate agencies of enforcement, drink to a greater or lesser degree. If they are notcommitted, total prohibition would be a pipe-dream.

It is also argued that prohibition would affect the tourist industry adversely. Forone thing, the objection is exaggerated by those who would scuttle the nationalpolicy anyway. Mussoorie, our premier tourist centre, is said to have increasedtourist traffic in spite of the dry law. Then, if India is worth seeing, it is also worth atemporary abstention from drink. Foreigners, who cannot respect the laws of thehost country, should be welcome to stay away. They come to our country to see itstourist spots and not to sample its wines. If prohibition can succeed anywhere, it isonly in India. The Constitution prescribes it. The main political parties support it.

We have only to generate a climate in favour of prohibition. The youth must beencouraged to spread the message of prohibition everywhere in order to popularizeit. Public opinion must first be re-enforced against the drink evil and then, side byside with law enforcement, a total offensive be launched against it so that it comesto be looked upon as vulgar and degrading. •

Pioneer- April 1977


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AGRICULTURE

Enhanced Canal Water RatesSir, —An official release by the U.P. Government claims that the enhanced

canal water rates are reasonably low and seeks to justify them on the ground, interalia, that their incidence is lower than what the cultivators would incur on alternativemethods of water supply.

The argument is amusing. With equal reason the Railways can argue in favourof raising the price of their long journey tickets tour times and say that they are stillcheaper than alternative methods.

In pre-Independence days our present rulers used to speak different. It used tobe said that the tax on canal water should endure only so long as the cost ofconstruction of the canals was not recovered. Also that water is God’s gift andshould not be charged for only the actual cost of its supply should be demanded. Inthe year 1932, U.P.’s Chief Minister signed a report demanding a halving of thethen existing canal rates, which were one-third to one-fourth of the existing rates.That would have meant, about one-seventh of the present rates.

The Government has wasted words in arguing that the water supplied increasedthe yield of the crops. Whoever contested that elementary proposition? But it isquite a different thing to argue that because you supply the water you are entitled toshoot its price up. By this reasoning it can be claimed that the surplus yield due tocanal water belongs to the supplier.

It is true that consistency is not always a human virtue: that it belongs to alower animal. But even when you occupy seats on the Government, you cannotentirely forego it.

With the prices of the cultivators produce going down, the water rates havegone up. In a welfare state this should not be so. The matter must be considereddispassionately, irrespective of who it is that raises it. But if out of considerationsof sheer prestige, the Government persists in maintaining the present high canalwater rates, it is definite that, the price of his produce remaining on the level it istoday, the cultivator will not be able to meet abpashi of the next season by anymeans. Let wisdom dawn before it reduced. •

Leader – January 01, 1954

Upper Ganga CanalSir, —U.P. Irrigation Minister Virendra Verma’s reported ob-servation at

Varanasi that in the recruitment to the irrigation eng-ineering services of the State,preference in future would be given to candidates hailing from agriculturist families,

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raises issuance of far reaching significance. I am leaving out of consideration theconstitutional aspect of the ques-tion—that it offends against the Articles whichguarantee equality, of opportunity to all citizens—ir-respective of the antecedentwhich he has mooted.

His argument is that such men are bound to have a fetter appreciation of theneeds of the agriculturists and would therefore be in a position to render betterser-vice. The idea is good so far as it goes. But I suspect that among the causeswhich led up to the choking at the Upper Ganga canal recently by the deposit of anunprecedented amount of silt (and consequent loss in crores to the Government,dislocation of hydro-electric works and expected loss to the agriculturists again) issome such bios in favor of a pragmatic and, if I may say so, a sectional approach tothe prob-lem rather than of a rationalised and broad-based view. The idea may bewell-meant, but it is definitely misplaced.

As any tyro can tell, the depo-sit of silt in the bed of canals and other waterchannels follows certain physical laws. It is direct-ly rejected to the composition ofthe matter suspended in the water, its percentage, and the velocity of the flow ofthe current. If the suspended matter were heavy, it would settle down at the bottomquickly before travelling far. Similarly, its high per-centage would slow down theflow: the deposit would be faster and nearer the head works than it would beotherwise, and fast-flowing water retards the process of sedimentation by sweepingaway the suspended mutter down the channel instead of letting it accumulate nearthe source.

Immediately after the Alaknanda catastrophe when a vast erosion of the hill-sides took place and sand and earth were being washed down the Ganga, the siltcontent near the headworks at Mayapur were rising enormously. The engineersthere (the canal branches out of the river here) had enough data to lead them tomake a right decision to close the tunnel and divert all the muddy water down theriver. They acted rashly in trusting that perhaps the fast current alone would pre-ventthe silt settling, ignoring the other determining factors. Their failure resulted in thesilting of the canal up to a height, at plac-es, of eight feet.

They had two alternatives. One was to allow water to keep flow-ing in thecanal so as to irrigate the land of’ the agriculturists which was undoubtedly in direneed of the water. But this in-volved the certain risk of exces-sive silting of thechannel neces-sitating colossal operations later on, costing crores, such as are to becurrently undertaken; as also incalculable loss to the would-be beneficiaries whowould have to go without canal water as long as the operations lasted and therunning of the canal was not resumed; a matter of quite a few months from allaccounts.


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The other was to stop water im-mediately, but only for a few days, from flowinginto the canal by diverting it to the main river; till the percentage of the silt wentdown to a safe level. This would have save the State from the enormous expenseof desilting and assured the cultivator of an un-interrupted flow of water alter a fewdays.

This error has judgment has had serious consequences. But it seems palpablyto have been induced by a solicitude for the immediate short-sighted and short-terminterests of the farmer as against his long term loss apart from the huge loss to thestates exchequer. A pertinent question is whether the departmental officers wereacting on their own or under superior orders written or unwritten specific or general.There appears to me a family likeness between the off the off observations to theminister at Varanasi and the option exercised by the authorities at Mayapur at thecritical juncture.

The affaire demands a through probe. What I have drawn attention to is afterall a matter of high policy involving high stakes. It should be governed by objectiveconsiderations and not just left to be dealt with by members of the Government intheir individual direction. •

Indian Express-September 11, 1970National India Patrika -September 11, 1970National Herald (Delhi)- September 08, 1970National Herald (Lucknow)- October 17, 1970Pioneer- September 1970

Sugar versus Gur and KhandsariSir, —I am sure no apology is called for my reverting to this subject, in view of

the far-reaching changes—feared in one quarter and designed in the other—whichhave taken place in the rural economy of the state during the last week or so. Gurwas selling in the market at about 46 rupees a maund during the closing days ofOctober. The cane grower was feeling he never had, it so good in the recent pastand was hoping to buy himself some long-needed house-hold articles and also to putby something for the rainy day. And cane grower in our parts means almost everycultivator. But man proposes and G—, no, government disposes. Down they comewith their new sugar policy. The price of gur came crashing down, so that hardlyfive days later, carts from the villages laden with gur and jaggery were standing idlyby in the mandis here, and I believe everywhere else; there were no purchasers ateven rupees twenty a maund.

What exactly do the Government propose to achieve by this policy which isbound to be ruinous not only to the cultivators of cane but also to the age-old gurand khandsari industry? This traditional cottage industry of the villages, apart from

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the commodities and their locally useful by-products, provides life giving cane-juiceto rural labour and also animals, perhaps the only sustaining nutrient they get duringtheir existence on this earth. There may have been something to be said for thispolicy, were it based on some consistent or even pragmatic principles of planneddevelopment. As it is, it is completely haphazard, having no relation with pastexperience, present conditions, or future trends.

Sugar mill-owners and wholesalers dictate and the Government obligingly writeon the dotted lines. In 1960-6I, the production of sugar in the state was I4-I/2 lakhtonnes. ‘The factories complained that this was a glut. So the Government fell inline and depressed the level for the next year, discouraging “production in 196I-62.Result: the crisis of under-production which we face today.

Let us first take ukase No, I. The cane growers in the reserved areas are underlegal compulsion to sell two-thirds of their entire produce to the mills at the fixedprice of Rs. I-II, which is two-thirds or even half’ the price variously prevailing inthe open market. Why this zulum on him alone when other producers in the countryare free to dispose of their produce to customers of their choice at whatever pricethey can negotiate?

‘Ukase No, 2 places a’ ridiculously low limit on the quantum of gur whichcan be sent out of the state each month. It is a paltry 9,400 tonnes. Roughlyspeaking, double this quantity reaches the mandis in my district of Muzaffarnagaralone in month. And there are more than two dozen districts in this state whichmanufacture gur. Even this permission for movement is hedged in by therestriction of permit, to be obtained after the transactions have been finalised amost complicated process. To all intents and purposes, the export of gur isbanned. The ban of the export of khandsari is total.

Then, while no new licences for crushers are being issued even the oldones are not allowed to start crashing before the first of December. Their crushingcapacity is curtailed to I50 maunds per day. They must not operate more thanten hours a day. Tax on cane purchase has been doubled. Over and above thesedirect restrictions, there are indirect restraints. Forward trading in gur is banned.Whatever little of it is theoretically exportable is again at the mercy of authority.You cannot use your own transport but must use the rail, If past experience andthe wonderful sense of co-ordination which the various departments of ourGovernment possess, are any guide, this would mean camping outside the railwaygo-downs waiting for the arrival of wagons which may not be available till afterthe season is over. For, during the National Emergency, would they not be neededfor work far more important than the mere transport of gur? The outcome of allthis would be that the producer would be obliged in sheer frustration to dumphis goods in the mandi at whatever price the trade cartel may choose to dictate.


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Composition with gat and khandsari thus killed, the concession announcedby the Government that the factories may pay up to two rupees per maoundwherever the competition with gur and khandsari is keen, vanishes into thin air.’Kolhus and crushers effectively thus put out of commission by various devices,the mills which may have been paying two rupees, would natu-rally reduce theprice payable by them. So we are where we were.’

The net result would be low production of gur and khandsari, and aconsequent spurt in the demand for sugar for internal consumption. This willcreate scarcity, and from this would obviously flow the evils of black-marketing,profiteering and corruption on a gigantic scale. Already the police stations liningteh Yamuna have alerted themselves and plans are under way ostensibly forpreventing (but really for facilitat-ing) smuggling across the river into Punjab.During the late forties (when there was a, sugar famine, the daily income ofeach police station on the Yamuna from their illegal commissions on transportsometimes ran into five figures—yes. Sir; five figures daily.

Every third man in this state is directly affected by this policy. The cultivatorsees his profits—the fruit of his toil—which by all the laws of capitalism orsocialism he regards as his due, tricked away into the pockets of the bigindus-trialists and wholesalers. He is angry.

And all this is being done under the Defence of India Rules which, we aretold, are framed to enable us to fight the Chinese better. The new sugar ruleshave no traceable connection with the demands of the Emergency. On thecontrary, they ignore the basic condition that production depends on the willingparticipation of the productive forces of which the cultivator is the most important.They create a virtual monopoly in favour of the handful of millowners. Andmonopoly, the Prime Minister said in Jaipur only the other day, means the negationof socialism. It appears to the villager as if the DIR were being pressed intoservice to fight him first.

The need of the times is to en-courage production of cane so as to avoid infuture the sorry conditions of this year. The policy which is being pursued ensuresthe reverse of what should be aimed at Indications are that the grower of canewould resist the Government, Not much blame can attach to hires if he does.Not much of a Gandhi-ite myself, I feel sure Gandhi would have advised a -revolt against this policy•

National Herald – November 14, 1963

“Sweet” CorruptionSir, —Apart from the adverse repercussions which the Government’s sugar

policy has had and is bound further to have, on the economy of sugarcane producing,areas, the corruption and graft which has followed and is bound more to follow in its

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wake, must make it sit up and reappraise it. I am ignoring for the present themalpractices which are indulged in by large-scale manufacturers of refined sugar:under-weighment of the raw material, delibe-rate miscalculation of yield per-centage,maintenance of double registers (the actual and the os-tensible), slaying-up of amoiety of production for private deal, black-marketing and the like. I am re-ferringhere particularly to the almost ubiquitous debasement of public and private moralitythat this policy inducts at so many points all along the line. This, far more than theeconomic aspect, should make our policy-framers pause and think whether at alltheir grandiose schemes really achieve, even in part, the purpose which they set outto do, and if so, at what cost.

A responsible Gandhi Ashram worker told me the other day that their regularweavers in the villages situated along the Yamuna border are just not availablethese days for love of money. The reason, he said, was that they are finding anotheractivity much more profitable than the meager two rupees which they earn work-ingten hours at their regular trade. What they have to do now is just to take a head-load of half-a-maund of gur (priced eleven rupees this side of the Yamuna), wadeacross in a matter of minutes, and sell it on the other side for double the price paid.Even deducting from this a few rupees payable to the police constable for lookingthe other way, the man nets a decent sum of easy money. In doing this, he has nofeeling of sin or conscious-ness of guilt. As for morality, he finds no essentialdistinction be-tween this mode of making a profit and the prevalent and per-fectlyrespectable and legal busi-ness method of purchasing in the cheapest market andselling in the dearest. The difference between the two prices he regards as hislegitimate profit, according I to all the laws of the society in which he has beenbrought up. As a matter of fact, he has, if any thing, rather a feeling of elation inevading what he regards as, arbitrary rules discerningly made for the benefit of ahandful of mill-owners.

So, regular transportation of gur is taking place across the Yamuna, inhibitedonly by some fear of police resistance which, as every school-boy knows, is largelynegotiable. When the profits to be earned are fabulous, what matters is that a partof them are forked out to those who may-be in a position to help or thwarts theactivity. It is common knowl-edge that five rupees a maund is the current commissionfor re-tail loads; and one thousand rupees for letting a loaded motor truck passunchecked. When supervision by higher officers gets a little strict, as it sometimesdoes, only the commission goes up- the movement goes on. Police sta-tions on theYamuna are reaping a rich harvest; they seldom had it so good. The temptations aretoo great even for those who may otherwise have a reputation for probity. It wouldbe an insult to the perspicacity, if not to the commonsense of the higher offi-cers ofthe Government if it is assumed that they do not know of all this.


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As for the regulations govern-ing the working of crushers—they are to operatenot more than ten hours and to crush no more than I50 maunds of cane a day—these are sooner laid down than en-forced. I am not referring here to theunreasonable aspects of the restrictions: just imagine a sugar factory being asked towork under similar restrictions. (As we all know, sugar-producing units, be theyrefined sugar mills, khandsari crushers, bels, or gur pro-ducing kolhus, can make aprofit only if they can work all the twenty four hours, using up all the cane they canso as, on the one hand, to economize on fuel, labour and time, and on the other toenable the cultivator to cut off all his sugarcane from his fields to prepare for thenext crop.

I want here to point out to the inescapable implications of these restrictions.Now, there are about nine hundred crushers in my dis-trict, interspersed all over thearea and no two being nearer than two miles from each other. Who is to see to itthat they ob-serve the rules? Even if there is an army of inspectors, anybodyconversant with the facts of life so far as administration goes, can say that thiswould only be an item in the increased cost of pro-duction without affecting thetotal output. The net result of the regulations would be just a little relief to theproblem of unem-ployment, but accompanied by a further lowering of the morals ofthe services. They serve no pur-pose other than promoting the evil of corruption.So why under-take a scheme which you have not the adequate means to carry out?

The fact is that the sugar policy has been formulated in an at-mosphere divorcedfrom reality. To be serviceable and effective, it must be laid down in consultationwith all the interests involved; the grower and the gur and khandsari producer notthe least of them. No interest should feel left out. •

National Herald – December 06, 1963Leader– December 07, 1963National India Patrika – December 10, 1963

Agricultural Co-operative SocietySir, —Speaking recently in Par-liament, the Prime Minister was only realistic

when he remarked that despite all the emphasis that was being laid on industrialization,agriculture would “Now and always be No.1.” He though the way for progress inagriculture was through Co-operatives. Co-operative agriculture necessarily impliesthe pooling of land, labour and resources. The Minister was quite right when he saidthis could be Introduced only by consent-by the democratic method. When that isthe posi-tion, how far will the States be allowed to go their own way? Besides,when co-operative culture is ultimately introduced would it not involve the undergoingof elaborate schemes which now being implemented? Take for instance, theconsolidation holdings which is presently under way in several States. This in-volves

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wholesale transfer of ownership in the constituent plots of villages and re-drawingof boundaries. Would not all this be so much labour lost when co-ope-ratives are setup? And does it not show that we are planning in haphazard way at different levels. •

Leader – January, 1958

Research on Honey-BeesSir, —Honey is not only a good Source of sugar, it is also whole-some and

nutritive food. But it is a pity that no serious thought has been given to exploit itssources. Whatever work has been done in studying the habits of bees and gettingthem to collect honey in artificial hives is so far confined to the smaller bees—Apisindica in India and Apis malefic in for-eign countries. In natural sur-roundings theseform their hives in dark and enclosed places concealed from view. Under arti-ficialhandling much the same con-ditions have to be- reproduced. These species areharmless and thus easy to handle. The bigger Species, Apis dorsetta and Apis florea(the former larger of the two), who build their much bigger hives we see high up ontrees and build-ings, await research. They form their hives in places open to lightand air but, unless handled by one who knows their ways, can ‘be maliciouslyrevengeful. The bulk of the honey produced in nature is collected by these biggervarie-ties. With a very little expense on bee culture, each household can becomeself-sufficient for its re-quirements of honey. There is plenty in extravagant natureto go round. Untapped, it wastes its sweetness on the desert air.

An interesting, significant and revealing fact has lately come to light in thisconnection. Hitherto it was the bee-keeper who had to seek the favour of theorchardist for keeping his honey-collecting bee-hives on the latter’s premise. Nowit is the other way round; it is the fruit-grower who several our of the agriculturist inrequesting him to set up his honey in his orchard. It has been found that fruit gardenswhich have arrangements for honey-collecting on the premises yield bigger fruitcrops. As a matter of tact both the orchardist and the agriculturist profit by thearrangement: a brilliant example of co-operative action in nature.

There is honey all over the place to be had for the picking. Nature is veryprodigal in this respect. Research in the life his-tory of the bigger bees and a closestudy of their habits, followed by experimentation in cross-breeding andacclimatization, should pro-vide the people of the country with all, the honey they-may want for their sweet tooth. •

National Herald – June 28, 1959Hindustan Standard – June 29, 1959Hindustan Times – June 30, 1959


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Agriculture ExhibitionThere is no doubt that the agricultural exhibition, which is shortly to be held on

an inter-national scale in Delhi, is timely and, ii proper advantage is taken of it, it canprove a big boon to the rural population. It can also help in solving the food problem.As we all know, our farmers are tra-ditionally conservative and are re-luctant andslow to depart from their time-honoured methods of cultiva-tion. Workers of thedevelopment departments of the Government-many of them sincere andhard-working—have little to teach them, both because the peasants presume toknow everything, and also be-cause the workers themselves, with only theoreticalknowledge of the subject, are not quite qualified of fit to break their conservatism.

So, in the first place, there is little doubt that if mixed teams of progressive andaverse-to-change farmers can be induced to visit the exhibition and see forthemselves what modern methods can do by way of improvement of produce bothqualitatively and quantitatively, not only they, but the country also would prosper.

Of no less importance is the need to send workers of development, de-partmentsto visit the exhibition. It is only too true that their know-ledge of agriculture and itsme-thods is largely based on books and although they may faithfully preach aboutnew and improved me-thods of cultivation to their blocks, in compliance with theday-to-day circulars of their departments, they do not cut much ice because theyare sure neither of themselves nor of what they preach. They have not the requisiteconfidence or the morale. But I am sure that after witnessing demonstrations al theexhibition, in which many foreign countries are also taking part, they would beimproving their minds and, in turn would be better equip-ped to impress the villagerswith the observation, knowledge, and of course, the experience thus gained. •

National Herald – August 1959Hindustan Times –August 1959

Windmills for IrrigationSir, —The one thing the country needs more than anything else for raising the

standard of rural life and the attainment of self-sufficiency in food grains pro-duction,is better and added faci-lities for irrigation. While some areas have to depend entirelyon uncertain seasonal rains, others— the so-called irrigated areas—are mostly onlypartially irrigated, for the simple reason that our water-ways and State tube-wellshave burdens beyond their water sup-plying capacity. Private tube-wells, whetherworked by elec-tricity or oil, are outside the reach of the average farmer. Per-sianwells, or their equivalents, require two sturdy bullocks to operate them, again anexpen-sive item, So what is wanted is a low-cost method to draw water from thewells to go to the fields near by.

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To my mind, inexpensive wind-mills are the answer. For motive power, theyhave the, very element which, perhaps more than the sun is responsible fordesiccat-ing the crops. They need neither electricity nor oil nor bullocks to operatethem. Installed in farm-steads, they become the lifeline to the surrounding verdantfields.

With the help of technical-as-sistance experts deputed by the International LabourOrganiza-tion, farmers in Haiti (West In-dies) have built such windmills by hand,using vines and trees as materials. Why cannot this be done in our country? Wehave innu-merable willing hands and yearn-ing hearts, and sufficiency of suchmaterial. What is lacking is tech-nical know-how. This we can get from the ILO.This scheme is well worth a trial. I feel sure that we can revolutionize the coun-trysideif we concentrate on this element - driven water - pumps. •

National Herald – September 1960Hindustan Times – September 1960


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COTTAGE INDUSTRIES

Cottage Industries in U.P.Sir, —One wonders is the U.P. Government have any plan, policy, or programme

in the matter of the cottage industries of the state. For it needs a lot of explainingwhy so many institutions, both those of a fairly long standing as well as those whichhad been newly opened, which were training young men in weaving, carpentry,leather-work and the like, are being closed down.

In my home town of Muzaffarnagar there is—to be exact there was till the daybefore yesterday-a Government Model Weaving School, an institution of about fiftyyears’ standing. During the two great wars, it was one of the biggest blanketproducing centers in the country, and if there was any knotty problem needingtechnical advice it was Muzaffarnagar that was referred to. The boys it has trainedare almost all well set up in life, mostly carrying on the business of handloom weavingand incidentally relieving some of the cloth shortage from which our country ispresently suffering.

Now this school is being folded up; and so are the Carpentry Schools of Naintal,Dehradun and Faizabad, the weaving School of Khairabad (Sitapur) and the Leather-working School of Meerut and perhaps some more. There is no reason to think thatthey were not doing good work except perhaps lately, when due to the rising wagesof labour and the r educed value of scholarships which poor and deserving studentswere been given, attendance was bound, temporarily, to come down. It is a pity thatwhereas the need of the country today is further expansion of industry, especiallycottage industries, even institutions which have a record of good work are beingclosed down.

Is it because, there are so few technical men officering the department?Even in the retrenchment of personnel there does not appear to be any rationale

or method. In a few cases I know of, hands have been retrenched simply becausethey happened to be posted for the time being to schools which have been axed,although they may be senior in service to some others, who have been retainedsimply because the schools to which they happened to be attached have not beenabolished.

The crying need of the country is more and more institutions of the kind thattrain our young men in arts and crafts and useful industries which may enable themnot only to earn their living but also to increase national wealth: and not schoolswhich turn out mere S.L.C.’s and H.S.C.’s. This retirement on grounds of economyis false economy.

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May it be hoped, Sir, that this short-sighted policy will be given up, and a fairlycomprehensive if not an all-out scheme of training young men in cottage industrieswill be evolved? •

Leader-June 05, 1951

Khadi on the RocksSir, —I wonder if you would kindly give me some space in your invaluable

columns to voice the feelings of one who, so long as Gandhiji was alive, was a full-blooded Congressman (secretary and president of a District Con-gress for morethan a dozen years in a row, and jail and all that) and therefore was, and continuesstill to be, a strict Khaddarite.

On the occasion of Gandhi Ja-yanti, it was expected that the sale of khadi, sodear to the heart of Gandhiji, would go up with each succeeding year, seeing thatwith the advent of a national gov-ernment and its proclaimed policy encouraging itsuse, there is no longer any political anti-govern-ment stigma attached to it. Yet whatwe are witnessing is just the contrary—and worse. While formerly political workerswent around persuading, cajoling and inducing people to purchase khadi hundis,today it seems to be regarded as infra dig for leading local political bosses to do sowhen all they had to do was to ask the Government to order their officers to do thatwork for them, with perhaps better results —in figures. The result is that instead ofGandhi Ashrams doing this work of sale of hundis, these are now received throughthe post offices and handled by the District Magistrates.

Recently I was invited, presum-ably as representing a political party, to attenda meeting con-vened by the District Officer for (he exclusive purpose of arrang-ingsales of khadi hundis. I had been hearing that the Govern-ment had instructed itsofficers to co-operate in .the sale of khadi. This was as it should be. But what Iactually witnessed took my breath away. Have we come down to this that wedepend now whol-ly and solely on the agency of the bureaucracy to sell the hundis,and national workers have to be cajoled to lend a helping hand to dispose of them?For one thing I regard it; as not only hypocritical but immoral (hard word, but thereis none other to describe, it correctly) for anyone not believ-ing in the ethics oreconomics of khadi to take on himself the work of inducing others to purchase it.And, as we know, Government servants as a rule are not wearers of khadi, muchless habitual wear-ers. For another, to entrust this work to Government servants isvirtually to ask them to use their usual coercive methods for push-ing up the sales.That was never the spirit behind khadi.

I would give just one example. Outside a divisional office khadi hundis can bebought at about fifty per cent of their value. It is like this. Orders go forth (notofficially, of course) that every person out to renew his permit would have to purchase

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rupees hundred worth of hundis. Not in-tending to fall foul of the rele-vant authority,which can refuse renewal on the slightest pretext, the applicant readily contributesthe sum, as an additional consi-deration. While leaving the office he quietly exchangeshis hundi for ready rupees fifty just outside the premises.

Khadi, at any rate its spirit, is on the rocks. Would that some-body resolutelyput his foot down I and revived the old-established method of voluntary workersgo-ing round with missionary zeal persuading people to take to khadi or at any rateto contribute their mite in keeping khadi going. One hundred rupees worth of suchsale would be better than a lakh worth of the other. If the spirit of khadi goes, khadihad better go too.•

National Herald- October 06, 1956Hindustan Standard- October 09, 1956Hindustan Times- October 05, 1956

The Spirit of KhadiSir, —It is futile to claim in these times of advancing techno-logy and automation,

when al-most anything can be done by just pressing a button, that there is anyeconomics, in the sense in, which the term is popularly under-stood, behind hand-plied charkha and hand-spun-and-hand-woven khadi. But there is certainly aphilosophy; swadeshi, self-sufficiency, self-reliance, dignity of labour, employmentin her home especially for the poor widow, the satisfaction and the joy of crea-tivity,the cult of simple living, and a lot besides. What therefore the believers in khadishould in-sist on is the preservation of the sanctity of the ideal. No heterodoxconsiderations of mere expediency should be allowed to pollute it.

One feels let down in this connection to learn that khadi authorities have startedimporting foreign good-quality wool, to be spun and woven and sold as khadi. Thatstrikes at the root of the very conception of the ideal: 100 percent indigenous stuff,convert-ed into the finished product by purely hand-processes. Adherents of khadihave to be content with, whatever is or can be produced in toe country. Import ofeven raw material is not permissible.

Khadi, we all know, cannot com-pete with mill cloth on any terms. Even withalmost rock-bottom wages for the workers engaged in the industry in its variousstages, the cost of khadi and therefore its price Is higher than of the mill product.But this must be shouldered by its users atone. It is wrong to ask the Government,as is being done now, to share pay-ment of the price for the benefits of the consumerat the expense of the majority of non-believers. In fact as early as 1945, GandhijiWith his usual perspicacity, had warned against the temptation of asking your ownmen in the future Governments of the country to help khadi by subsidies. He hadallowed only two items in connec-tion with khadi for which this subsidy could be

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asked: training of workers and propaganda. None others. By getting the Governmentto allocate 92 crores in the cur-rent plan and 140 crores in the next, khadiwalas areexceeding their mandate. The Government on their part have been paying anunintelligent and extravagant tri-bute of doubtful validity to the memory of Gandhi,without any semblance of rational policy.

If khadi is to survive in its purity, it must learn to stand on its own legs. It mustbe content to draw sustenance from the hundreds of thousands of its vota-ries whowear it by choice, by force of habit, by conviction, of as a kind of national uniform.The khadi authorities in that case would have to drastically cut down expenses oncostly buildings and other extravagant paraphernalia which are excuse me—out oftune with its essence. If khadi is to live, it must preserve its spirit. Otherwise itwould die, went perhaps, but unhonoured and unsung.•

Hindustan Times- November 01, 1966National Herald- November 02, 1966Leader- November 06, 1966Indian Express- November 07, 1966Northern India Patrika- November 24, 1966

Nationalisation of IndustriesSir, —If a socialistic pattern of society is the goal, it is time along with heavy

industry, a beginning is made towards nationalization of medium-scale under-takingsas well, as a step in un direction of their socialisation due course. It was gratifying,therefore, to hear our Chief Minister say some time ago that it was intended to takeover, from private hands, a sugar mill in me State as an experimental measure. Ifthe nationalised concern can be made to show good results, it would go a long wayas a con-vincing argument that, apart from theory, the abolition of large-scalecapitalism would be socially beneficial.

It may be conceded that experiments of nationalisation of enter-prises, whichhad therefore been, working under private auspices, have not in many cases beenattended with unmixed success. The reason for this failure does not lie in the principle,but rather in the failure of the human material. Those assigned with the, task ofrunning public undertak-ings have not had the right com-bination of public spirit, thespirit of the entrepreneur and effi-ciency. Entrusted to indifferent hands, the jobwas bound to give indifferent and even disparaging results. The impulse of privateprofit in production is very compelling and unless re-placed by an incentive ofequal, if not higher, potency—whether materialistic or of the spirit—the resultsnaturally cannot be encouraging. Moreover private capital in related undertakingsis powerful, resourceful and money-ed enough to see to it—in well-known ways—that its rivals in the public sector do not make a success of it. Apart, therefore, from


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efficiency and experience, what is most needed under prevailing conditions of failingmoral standards is a high degree of in corruptibility in those who are chosen for thetask. Without it the venture is bound to result in a checkmate even under the mostfavourable conditions.

The question which would naturally arise next is to deter-mine what criterion toapply in selecting the concerns which are to be taken over; whether it should be theones which are effi-ciently-managed and are already running on oiled wheels sothat the switchover need not be attend-ed with serious teething troubles: or otherswhich are ill-managed and ramshackle so that if these can be made to look up, theachievement as an argument in favour of nationalisation may be there for all to see.When all is said and done, the latter would be the better course. For one thing thereis at all times plenty of excuse in justification of the take-over of a mismanagedcon-cern in public interest.

We have in our State about seventy sugar mills east, west and centre. In myown district, which grows plenty of sugarcane there are as many as four, besidesabout 500 powdered crushers pro-ducing Khandsari and thousands of a bullock-driven kolhus producing Gur and Shakkar. Among the Mills, we have both thosewitch are the best and worked in enlight-ened self-interest where labour gets asquare deal and within the existing framework has no griev-ances, and the most ill-managed where labour is exploited, bullied and treated according to the 19th centurystandards. Whatever be the criterion, which the Government adopts for its choice,this is to invite it to take over one of the four mills in this district where it would getplenty of intelligent public co-operation in launching the experiment with confidenthopes of success.•

National Herald - May 30, 1962Northern India Patrika-May 31, 1962

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POWER CRISES

Power ShortageSir, —There is actual shortage of power in the country on the one man a and

almost unlimited natural resources on the other; and yet whenever grilled on whyshould the state of affairs be so, the Governments dole out helpless alibis arid emptypromises which convince nobody. The low water levels in the dams are not a newor an unusual phenomenon, and the shortage of coal output is essentially man-made, Even with all these, have we not got vast resources, other than hydraulic orthermal, to draw energy from? Situations are never really hopeless. It is usuallysome men who are hopeless about situations.

Except for the monsoon months, we have a clear Sun over the country all theyear round. Cannot solar rays be harnessed in a big way to serve whole localities oreven townships or even industries?

Man elsewhere has reached the moon and is exploring the planets. Surely ourscientists and technocrats should be given necessary state assistance, for devisingmachines to generate energy for local consumption to begin with.

Then, there is vast wind power in many parts where it can also be harnessedfor the very purpose of countering its ravages. The ‘loo” which blows incessantlyduring the hot months can be made to yield energy by mounting wind wheels highup in the air which, revolving- with the flowing current, can draw water from thesub-soil to replenish the moisture lost by desiccation The greater the velocity of thewind, the stronger in pumping power of the contraption.

Would it be too much to hope that a suitable commission would be set up to gointo this and allied suggestions and list all possible ways of producing energy fromour natural resources? All sources must be explored. Life has becomes socomplicated and conventional sources of energy so depleted that a people who cannot chalk is out alternatives, would be lost. •

Northern India Patrika-April 10, 1974

Saving EnergySir, —By next month, the Government will announce a comprehensive set of

energy-saving measures. Huge waste of electric energy occurs in making lightingarrangements for modern building, complexes in India the sun shines brightly almostthroughout the year. So any expenditure of electric power for lighting purposesduring the daylight hours in our country is a waste, criminal inexcusable waste. Ourbuildings particularly government and corporate complexes, are at present sodesigned– probably in imitation of outlandish models and standards— that delight isshut out.


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Can not buildings be so designed that while they satisfy all over standards, theydo away with the necessity of installing artificial light to the maximum instant, exceptfor special purposes, such as surgical theaters? Direct, reflected or diffused lightfrom the sun can meet all our normal daylight requirements. So, plans for building,which do not provide for doing away with artificial light during the daylight hoursshould be invalidated. This can be an energy-saving measures promised by theGovernment. It is not ironic that while we are engaged in research for harnessingthe sun’s rays, its elementary function is being avoided for wholly unexplainedreasons? •

Indian Express-March 29, 1986

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RAILWAY

Wanted a Railway Over-Bridge at MuzaffarnagarSir, —A recent tragic incident brings to a head the immediate urgency of providing

over-bridge passage across the railway lines at Muzaffarnagar.The railway line cuts the town into two parts, the New Mandi and the town

proper. The latter is mostly residential, with law courts, hospital, police lines and theKotwali, the tahsil, the municipality, educational institutions, the post office, andalmost all other Government officers. The former is largely a trading centre—oneof the foremost in Northern India; its population is mostly the trading community.Muzaffarnagar’s trade consists of wheat, gur, sugar and blankets.

There is constant round-the-clock traffic, both wheeled, and pedestrian, between,the two parts of the town through level crossings, one at each end of the railwayyard. The lay of the town is between the two level crossings. The result is thatwheeled traffic has to make a wide detour while going from one part of the town tothe other. For the pedestrians, the temptation to cross the lines near about therailway station is too great to be resisted. Attempts have been made in the past tocheck it, but to no avail.

Back in 1939, or thereabouts, the Government had posted observers to takereadings confidentially of the periods during which the gates of the level crossingsremained closed to traffic. I am not sure about the actual figures, but it was reportedthat not only are the two gates kept separately closed for a considerable part of theday’s 24 hours but that the two are also kept simultaneously closed for considerablylong periods. As a result the Government had written to the railways to provide twoover-bridges; one for wheeled traffic on the existing site of one of the two levelcrossings; and the other—more centrally placed—for pedestrian traffic.

Then had come the war, and the scheme had to be cold-storage.Of late, due to greatly increased traffic, especially on account of the influx of

displaced persons, acci-dents have increased. On an ave-rage there are half-a-dozen casual-ties each year, all because there are no over-bridges.

Muzaffarnagar, besides paying more than its share of income-tax on a populationbasis, is also a very good customer of the railways in export business. The railwayson their part, in view of their sound finances, can certainly afford the expense ofproviding the required over-bridges.

At any rate, this periodical toll of human lives must be stopped at all costs.•Hindustan Times- March 23, 1950Leader - March 27, 1950


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Railway Amenities For Third ClassSir, —Efficiency and improvement in Railway administration would be judged,

not by the comforts made available to the Upper classes, but by the amenitiesprovided for the Third True that of late there has been some improvement in theconditions of the third class travelling public. But very much remains to be done tobridge them to a tolerable level. From new Railway Minister, coming as he doesfrom the masses, great things are expected.

I shall point out only two things which call loudly for attention. The conservancyarrangements for passengers at railway stations are abominable. Closets there are,but it appears that sweepers are meant for all kinds of work except looking afterthem. Disinfectants may be budgeted for, or even allotted to stations; but they areseldom in evidence. I suggest that high placed Railway officers (unless they are stilltoo high-brow for this sort of work) pay surprise visits to way side stations forspecial inspection of their conservancy. This would start the cleaning process whichcould thereafter be kept up by the station masters.

Another is the provision of cold drinking water. The piece -per-glass stalls areusually not well-placed on the platforms, perhaps out of deference to the aeratedwater contractors’ interests. If passengers have to walk distances to reach them,the good that they are meant to do is lost. They should be prominently placed, andwithin easy reach of the third class compartments of waiting trains to be of realbenefit to the people who need them most. •

Hindustan Standard- June 01, 1952Statesman- June 03, 1952

Rail - Road CompetitionSir, —There is owned by Messrs Martin & Co., a 92-mile long section of a

narrow-gauge railway between Saharanpur and Delhi-Shahdara running throughthe Districts of Saharanpur, Muzaffarnagar and Meerut. It passes through theimportant townships of Rampur Maniyaran, Nanauta, Jalalabad, Thanabawan,Shamli, Kandhla, Baraut and Baghpat.

A route paralleled to it all along the route is at present under construction. Apartfrom catering for the towns above-mentioned and their neighborhoods, this wouldconnect Delhi with DehraDun by a shorter cut and thus avoid the present detourthrough Meerut, Muzaffarnagar and Roorkee.

As everyone knows, the income of a narrow-gauge system from passengerand goods traffic respectively is always roughly in the ration of two to one, whereason the broad-gauge system it is the other way about. Moreover, the impact of roadcompetition on a short-length railway section, as experience tells us, is alwaystelling and not in often ruinous; unlike that on long-distance systems where long-

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journey passengers (for whose custom roads cannot compete) more than make upfor the loss on short-distance tickets.

The question of granting permits for motor vehicles on this road would shortlybe coming up before the road transport authorities. Unless their number is properlyregulated, road competition can easily sound the death-knell of the rail section. TheGovernment has the choice of either taking over the railway when its present licenceexpires, or of regulating the competition by road on the principle of live and let live.Otherwise the chances appear to be that the company would be winding up itsaffairs in these parts.

It is hoped an early decision on the matter would be taken, preferably inconsultation with local public opinion. •

Hindustan Standard - April 02, 1956

Corruption in RailwaysSir, —Even after allowing for exaggeration, the prevalence of corruption in the

services of the State poses a gigantic problem; is even maddening, as a Ministerhas termed it. So once it is decided to meet its challenge, the measures taken tofight it should be commensurate with its magnitude. Yet while there is no lack ofassurances that everything which requires to be done would be done in thisconnection, the attitude of the administration when dealing with individual cases isoften halting and hesitant. A spirit of trade unionism is often noticeable on the partof those who are entrusted with enquiring into such cases departmentally and thereis very often an attempt—may be unconscious—to shield, exonerate and find excusesrather than to find out the truth and, if necessary, to punish.

There are District Anti-Corruption Committees in UP. I dare say other Statestoo have similar bodies. Till some time ago their chairman was District Magistrate.But now chairmanship has been made over to non-officials. Whatever the reasonfor this, the change has derogated from the importance and prestige of theseCommittees. And when we analyse the powers of the members of the Committeesor of the Committees themselves as a whole, we are left wondering whether aprivate individual, unconnected with a Committee, cannot do precisely what theCommittee itself can, according to the rules, prescribes or its functioning. Even sothe Committee as an organised body with a recognised status can be turned to goodaccount if it is impressed on all departments that a reference from it on any case ofcorruption should be promptly taken up and competently investigated. Unfortunatelynobody now takes these Committees seriously so that they are left to their monthlyroutine meetings, passing ineffective resolutions and sending fruitless reminders todepartmental heads. Even when these are eventually heeded, what follows is ahalf-hearted and sort of white-washing enquiry, calculated more to do away with


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an unwanted interference in their domestic preserves than to get at the truth of thematter.

On the 6th of November 1956 an incident occurred at the Muzaffarnagar railwaystation regarding which a social worker felt compelled to write to the President ofthe District Anti-Corruption Committee. His complaint was to the effect that hehad gone to receive a friend by a train soon after midnight, that after the train hadcome in he noticed an argument between some passengers and the ticket collectorat the barrier, that he learnt that some passengers were being charged extra for,having travelled by a train which carried only higher class passengers, that some ofthe passengers had not the money, that he offered to pay up for them intending, tocollect the money later on, that some of the passengers told him that the T.C. wasletting out many other passengers without granting them any receipt for the moneyrealised, that on this he asked the T.C. either to give receipts or to let them outwithout charge that the T.C. thereon lost his temper and, calling the police constableon duty, handed him over on a charge of having himself travelled without ticket andnot giving his correct identity, that he was kept in custody till the morning when hegot himself released on bail. The worker was a student of the M.A. Final class andwas the son of a local official.

But in having him arrested, the railway official had reckoned without the host.When the youngman was searched before being locked up, a platform ticket forthat very train was discovered on his person and entered in the recovery memo.

His complaint to the Committee was made on the 13th November 1956. Ameeting of the Committee was held, there was a preliminary enquiry, and then aresolution was passed by which the matter was referred to the relevant railwayauthorities on 15-1-1957. No acknowledgment much less a reply! A reminder wassent three and a half months later, i.e., on April 29. Again silence! A second reminderon May 27, On the 28th May a reply was received that “as neither the complainantnor the passengers turned up on the date of enquiry, the allegations against the T.C.having accepted some money from some passengers and not having issued receiptsstill remain not established.” There was also a rider to the effect that the matterwas under enquiry by a magistrate.

It appears that, seeing that the youngman seemed to be rather obstinate andmight create further trouble, the T.C. had decided to strike first and referred hischarge to the magistrate under section 113 of the Railways Act for recovery of asum of Rs. 5\4\- alleged to be due against him for travelling without ticket. Perhapsthe T.C. thought that the youngman would hardly stick out the lengthy ordeal of themagisterial enquiry (which in fact lasted through 25 hearings) and would quietly payup and have done with it. The youngman did nothing of the kind, he decided to stickout, and contended that he never travelled by the train in question that he had

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attended a public meeting in the city till eleven in the night the proceedings whereofmust be with the police, that he had spoken there at, and had come straight fromthere to the station to meet a friend and had purchased a platform ticket, but that onaccount of his unwelcome attention to the dishonest dealings of the T.C. he hadbeen falsely implicated. The case after twentyfive hearings ended in the magistratedeciding that, he was not liable to any payment.

On the 19th November, 1957 a letter was again written to the Railways in thisconnection. An entirely irrelevant reply, based more over on a complete misreadingof the judgment of the magistrate and the purpose of his enquiry, was receivedinforming the Committee that the charge against the T.C. was not established andthat nothing further could be done.

Now, it is known after the Committee had written repeatedly to the Railway, arailway officer had come and had recorded the statements of the passengersconcerned (I have un-official copies of those statements). They had one and allsupported the version of the complaint against the T.C. These witnesses wereagain produced before the magistrate on behalf of the youngman. Then how onearth has it been asserted that the passengers did not turn up at the enquiry?Moreover, seeing that there was conclusive proof of the youngman not havingtraveled by the particular train (vide the platform tickset), does not the counter-version of the T.C. stand totally discredited? Then what other hypothesis can beadvanced to exonerate the T.C. from the charge of corruption?

Then there is another and a far more important thing. Does the evil of corruptionconcern only the individual mulcted, and does not the State regard it as a crimeagainst itself, apart from its being a crying shame? If the former, there is nothingfurther to say. But if the exposure of corruption is a public matter, it does not lie inthe mouth of enquiring officers to say that they do not regard the case substantiatedsimply because the witnesses did not turn up. A definite complaint was made by anofficial body to a responsible authority. Whose duty was it to Investigate? If thewitnesses did not turn up, should not steps have been taken to seek them but, or tosecure their presence otherwise? Investigating officers cannot afford to sit backand leave it to complaining parties to prove the case. Do police who investigatecrimes sit back in this way? They ferret out the evidence, going out of their wayoften than keeping to it. Is it not sufficient that men with public spirit come forwardto report cases of corruption? The Youngman in the present instance did muchmore; he intervened in a public cause and for his act of courage had to sufferwrongful confinement. Then he stuck out through a protracted magisterial enquiry,whereas on the very first day he could have paid up just 5\4- and have done with it.Should he have been compelled to bring all the witnesses again to the august presence


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of the enquiry officer to enable the latter to sign judgment between him and theT.C. like a judge? If still the Railway authorities maintain that their duty consistssimply to find out if the reporting party can prove its case before them, and theywould not budge unless somebody makes it his business to dance attendance onthem as one does in a private cause, just as private complainants do in criminalcourts, why then, let the Railway authorities shut down their anti-corruptionmachinery together. •

Note: - at that time Pt. Ji was the member of District Anti-Corruption Committee,Muzaffarnagar (UP)

Hindustan Standard - March 1958National Herald - March 21, 1958

.Railway Travel

Sir, —It is hard to believe that with a little more foresight, planning and efficiency,conditions of travel cannot be appreciably improved as so to alleviate the hardshipand suffering experienced in railway journeys to pilgrim centres. Having had occasionrecently to go by rail to visit friends residing off the Delhi- Moadabad section ofNorthern Railway, I was against at the sight of the Luknow Express as it arrived atHapur from Delhi around 7 p.m. The train was bursting with men, women andchildren. There were at least 1,000 travellers on the roof to say nothing of otherswho were spilling over through the doors and windows.

There was an equal number of passengers waiting at Hapur to board it. So thetrain, instead of the scheduled half of some minutes, had to be delayed at the junctionfor about hours. During the summer a moving train is much less of an ordeal thenone standing, unless there are enough fans. The plight of the passengers duringthese two hours can be better imagined than described, for many of the compartmentshad no fans, and of those which had, most were out of order. Those that weremoving had so low a voltage that they hardly gave any relief.

At Garmukhteshwar Bridge station, the train started disgorging its load, muchto the relief of those who were onward-bound. This took more then half an hour,the schedule halt being only a minute or two. It was about midnight. Men, womenand children came teeming out of the compartments and the roofs, on the platform.The heat was sweltering, and yet there was no arrangement for drinking watercabin on the platform without any earthen pots. The solitary handpump in thepassenger shed outside the barrier was out of order!

I am told that this happens on occasion of each full moon when Delhiwallas andtheir neighbours go to Garh for a holy dip in the Ganga. If that is so, cannot a specialor two be provided? •

Hindustan Times-July 19, 1963

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Letter in reply:Sir, —Apropos of Mr. B. P. Sharma’s letter (July 19) possibly Mr. Sharma has

been speaking about some train other than the Lucknow Express which, leavingDelhi at 9 p.m. cannot reach Hapur at 7 p.m. Purnamasi Mela at GarhmukteshwarBridge station being a regular monthly feature, the railway always makes specialarrangements to clear the pilgrim traffic. Thus on July 4 the 55 Up Express wereaugmented by two third class coaches from Hapur to Gajraula.

On July 5 the 4 MD passenger train, the 6 MD passenger train and the 55 UpExpress trains were augmented by two third, class coaches from Hapur to Gajraula,three third class coaches from Hapur to Moradabad and two third class coachesfrom Moradabad to Hapur respectively.

On July 6 stock on the 376 Dn. the 3 MD and the 375 UP passenger trains wasincreased by one third-class bogie each between Hapur and Moradabad, while thecomposition of the I MD was augmented by two third-class coaches.

On July 7 also the I MD had two additional third-class bogies attached to itfrom Moradabad to Hapur.

For the last Purnamasi Mela two additional watermen, three ticket collectors,two booking clerks and five travelling ticket examiners were deputed to assist themela traffic in addition to the regular complement of staff at this flag station. Amagisterial squad consisting of five travelling ticket examiners was also deployed.Earthen pitchers were duly supplied to the station but these were broken by thecrowd and the hand-pump unfortunately went out of order on account of roughhandling. Fresh pitchers were supplied and the hand-pump was set right at theearliest. •

-PRO, Northern Railway, New DelhiHindustan Times-July 30, 1963

Our Nationalised railwaysSir, —Nationalization of private undertakings has naturally a wide notional appeal.

Profits which now go into private pockets would, after nationalization, accrue infavour of the people at large, to be applied for the common weal according to theirown choice.

But if nationalization stops at merely managements changing hands, the onlyconsolation is that a blow has been dealt to capital-ism. That is all. When the no-tionalappeal of the change from the private to the public sector has spent itself, whatremains is only irritation at the ways of the bureaucracy. Nationalisation should,therefore, in addition, in-duce a sense of participation and involvement on the partof the people over and above a feeling of mere theoretical ownership.

The reason why private enter-prises in practice have an edge over nationalizedservices in the eyes of the people is that under the former, “service” is better,besides being more efficient and personal even though, as we all know, the incentive


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is private profit. Why should it be that in undertakings which are nationalized,“service” practically vanishes and with it the only redeeming feature, after the firstflush of public ownership has faded? To make nationalization popular all along theline, what is needed is the induction of institutionalized solicitude for the clientele.Let me illustrate what I mean from two recent personal experiences.

Railways are one of our oldest nationalized undertakings. But in the public mindthere is hardly anything to differentiate them from the rest of the Government.They are just another department of the administration, acting no different-ly.

About a week before I was to undertake a journey, I purchased a railway ticketand also had sleep-ing accommodation reserved. But when about to go to the railwaystation for the start of the journey I could not lay my hands on the tickets; I hadmisplaced them. There was no time to make a good search. So I just went to therail-way station and related my predi-cament to the authorities. They got me towrite down what I wanted to say. When I handed over the information to theofficial concerned I was told that I would have to purchase another ticket and alsoto have my berth reserv-ed anew, after paying the full charges for both. I did so. Onmy return home I had no difficulty in retrieving the tickets from the mantelshelfwhere they were lying all the time. I wrote to the rail-ways for refund. They wroteback to say that since the tickets had been lost, there could be no re-fund. Actuallythe tickets wherever lost, they had only been misplaced. That I had purchased themis easi-ly provable since there was a re-servation in my name in the pa-pers withthe authorities, with the serial numbers of the tickets pur-chased. That no journeywas undertaken by anybody on the earlier tickets is obvious; they were on my shelfall the time. Any private undertaking would have instantly admitted therea-sonableness of my claim for a re-fund. But not our nationalized railways:

Then, some time later, having to travel to Kanpur, I applied in due time forreservation after purchas-ing a ticket days ahead, I am leaving out the fact that Ifound no reservation at Ghaziabad where I changed trains. So I took my seat in ageneral and crowded com-partment. Soon after the train had left Ghaziabad, Idiscovered that my pocket had been picked and the purse removed—some cash,tic-ket and all. It was nighttime and drizzling, could not contact the guard, the policeand the TTE before Tundla. There I was told that I must get down if I wanted anyaction taken. This I told them I could not do as I had urgent work that very day atKanpur and was due to return the same night. When the train was about to reachKanpur in the early hours of the morning, the TTE came and know-ing mypredicament told me that he was helpless because of some recent rules and that Iwould have to purchase another ticket as well as to pay the penalty for travel-lingwithout ticket, the same amount as the price of the ticket, all over again. Fortunatelyfrom long experience, I had some cash tucked away in my underclothes and so I

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paid the charges as de-manded. Alighting at Kanpur I duly lodged a report at theGRP office. On my return I wrote to the railway administration claim-ing a refund.The same stereotyped reply: that no refund is possible on a lost ticket.

The question arises, was the at-titude of the railway administra-tion right? Iconcede that it is not possible for the railways to assure complete protection topassengers from theft. But it can certainly help passengers in other ways. Supposethere is a raid on the run-ning train and passengers are loot-ed. Would theadministration in-sist on mulcting them for ‘travel-ling without tickets?’ Now in mycase, even supposing the TTE felt bound to charge me for the miss-ing ticket, musthe charge the penalty as well? There obviously was no fraud. And even if a penaltyhad to be charged, why did he not do so only up to Tundla when I had informed himof my loss and issue a plain ticket for the rest of the distance up to Kanpur? Whydid he wait till he could charge me the maximum amount?

It is cases like these which bring nationalization and the machinery of the Stateinto disrepute. A pri-vate sector railway company would have had no difficulty inpassing me over and in addition asking to be excused for the trouble and worrycaused to me on account of its failure to protect me from thie-ves. Instead, mydemand for re-fund has brought the stock reply that my claim is ‘repudiated’ - amost offensive treatment. It may pass muster in a petty litigant, but not in therailway system of a great republic. That is hardly the way to popularise nationalization.It seems we are descending from bureaucracy to clerkocracy, going down anddown.

After all, railways are a com-mercial service where the normal motto should bethat the customer is always right. But since the State has a monopoly and there isno al-ternative to fall back on, every-thing goes with our railways, in-efficiency,arrogance, wooden-ness and worse. It is the customer who is always wrong.

May I hope that this letter of mine could reach the big wigs of the railwayadministration and help in reminding them that if left to clerks, nationalization wouldflop. •

Indian Express-October 24, 1969National Herald (Lucknow)- October 25, 1969National Herald (Delhi)- October 31, 1969


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ROADWAYS

Theft on RoadwaysSir, —The arrangement for the carrying of passengers’ luggage on Government

Roadways leave very much to be desired. The packages are placed on top of thevehicle out of sight of the owners; and the Roadways take no responsibility for theirsafety. This is against common sense.

An acquaintance it mine who travelled from Bulandshahr to Delhi byGovernment Roadways came to me and complained that when’ he got down atDelhi his trunk containing finery, some jewelry and cash—in all worth about onethousand five hundred rupees—was missing. He says that he is sure that his trunkwas not taken down at any interme-diate station as he had an eye on each packagebeing taken down. He says he remembers that at Bulandshahr, shortly beforede-parture, a bus or two had come alongside the one he was travel-ling by and, byeliminating all other theories, rightly suspects that his box must have been transferredto the roof of an-other bus.

Now something must be done about it. The passengers cannot possibly have aneye on their luggage all the time the roofs are not transparent. There is no arrangementfor locking up the roof once the luggage has been slacked. The conductor goes upand down at will. The buses stand at all angles and places. Should the conductor ofa bus combine with his opposite num-ber on another bus, or even have a non-employee accomplice lurk-ing about, nothing is easier than to remove an entirepackage, to say nothing of pilferage, am told that this is getting into a racket atplaces.

For the good name of the Gov-ernment Roadways, some knave-proofarrangements have to be de-vised to obviate these thefts.•

National Herald - June 27, 1958Hindustan Standard - June 27, 1958Hindustan Times- June 28, 1958

Government RoadwaysSir, —Nationalisation is run an end in itself; it is meaningless unless it promotes

some social good. So while it was only to the expected, in view of our professedaim to build up a socialist society, that motor transport would pro-gressively betaken over by the Government from private enter-prise, the people at the same timehad the right to expect that the benefits of the change would at least match thosethat preceded it. Do they?

The answer to this question is best given through the reaction of a gentlemanwhom I met two days ago fidgeting about on the Hardwar Roadways stand. He

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had purchased his and his family’s tickets for Delhi two days in ad-vance, andalthough the bus by which he was to leave was sche-duled to start at 6 a.m. therewas not a soul in sight in the Road-ways office by 5-55 a.m. We fell into conversationand I tried to find excuses for the remissness of the staff. But the gentleman wasexasperated. His vexation was quite understandable. But he was right in sayingthat the change-over to Government management; has not been an unmixed bless-ing.If the idea of nationalisa-tion is to be sold to the people in general as preferable tofree enterprise, its advantages must be made demonstrably clear. What happensusually is that nationalisation in our present con-text means nothing more thanbureaucratization and all that connotes.

Under private operators, you certainly got better service. Ex-cept for occasionalover-loading (only the last bus of the day be-ing understandably guilty—and thattoo is Retting scarcer) the private motor buses score oven the Government roadwaysall along the line. Their drivers, conductors and the staff generally are far moreconsiderate, courteous and accommodating. It pays. They even pick up and dropstray passengers at unscheduled places adding to the convenience of the publicwithout detracting from it.

The worst aspect of the opera-tion of Government roadways is thedisconcertingly long time that passengers have to stand in queues waiting to purchasetic-kets. The lengthy queues are understandable and perhaps un-avoidable. But thetime taken in keeping standing in them is at times exasperating. One would not mindmuch if the bus left in one, two or even three hours. But one does mind having tokeep standing immobile all the time in these queues. A few months ago at theMeerut Road-ways station, I had to keep stand-ing thus for about two hours, in thefifth position from the win-dow. The man just in front told me he had been waitingin that position for over three. Unbe-lievable perhaps but it is true. A day before thiswhen I was going to Hardwar by an afternoon bus, a young Sikh gentleman told methat he had been waiting in vain since the morning to purchase a ticket for Roorkee.

Then the notices on the win-dows are sometimes quite mis-leading. A windowat Meerut has the legend ‘Dehra Dun-Hardwar-Roorkee-New Delhi’ painted on it.I will give three guesses to find out what it means. All three would be wrong. Inpractice this means that at this window may be purchased tickets for New Delhialone, and only for buses running direct on the three routes: Dehra Dun-New Delhi,Hardwar-New Delhi, and Roorkee-New Delhi. It is as simple as that! Then atHardwar there are three windows, two looking west and one east. They arenumbered at (1) Delhi (3) Saharanpur and (4) Rishikesh. As I wanted a ticket forMuzaffarnagar I naturally searched for the missing No (2). It was not anywhere.So I thought, by the process of elimination, that pos-sibly No. (1) might serve me. Itdid.


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As for courtesy, well, that is perhaps its worst aspect. When at Hardwar Ienquired at the enquiry window when the first two buses of the day left forMuzaffarnagar, at first the clerk did not even condescend to give any attention.When I repeated my query, he said, “6 a.m. and at regular intervals thereafter”without even looking up from whatever he was read-ing or doing. I had not theheart to ask any supplementary. At Saharanpur I was purchas-ing a ticket forHardwar and when there was only two positions away, the clerk shut up the windowwith a bang. We Just guessed that the current bus was full up there were no moretickets for it. But all this could have been vouchsafed by word of mouth; and ifaccompanied by a ‘sorry’ and a smile of commiseration three-quarters of my andothers disappointment would have evaporated. But no! Was he not a Governmentservant? He was too important a man for the like of the rest of us. He was visiblyconscious that Govern-ment service is a status symbol and that distances have tobe kept.

If the Government Roadways want to improve their service, and the Governmentwants to well nationalization) there has to be some rethinking to improve the stateof, affairs. The Roadways must find out means to obviate the agony of standinglong hours. Believe me, this inefficiency is tolerated because there is no alternative.

And the staff should be taught some elementary lessons in courtesy and manners.Motor transport is business. We want men who even if tired, can come each dayfresh, spruce and sprightly. Not ones who, even if tired, want to appear tired-er stilland look as if they are conferring favours on their customers and doing more thantheir duty.•

National Herald- April 21, 1965Leader- April 26, 1965Northern India Patrika- April 30, 1965

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TRAFFIC

Traffic Hold-UpsSir, —Inordinately long-drawn traffic hold-ups, just to give a good impression to

visiting dignitaries, are an anachronism in the present times when sovereignty hasshifted to the common people. They are reminders of a feudalistic order which is nomore. In a democratic age they can have justification only in an overiding demandof security arrangements.

But it seems, those who are in charge of traffic arrangements have their ownnotions of security. And when to these are added a desire to snow off awkwardsituations am sometimes the result.

Recently His Majesty King Mahendra of Nepal had occasion to pass throughMuzaffarnagar on his way from Delhi to Dehradun. We would have considered it aprivilege if the citizens of this town (Muzaffarnagar) could have been notifiedbeforehand of his time-table so that we could line up on either side of the road tocheer the head of a, most friendly neighbouring state to express our respect andlove for him and brotherly feelings for his people. Indeed, the orthodox and theformal amongst us would have loved to put a ‘tilak’ on his forehead in a short one-minute ceremony.

But the authorities seem to have had other ideas of their duties and functions.The traffic on the road, and across it at the various crossings, was held up for avery considerable time round I0 a.m. Seeing that the law courts, most of theeducational institutions, the Railway station and the post office are all on one side ofthe road and the bulk of the city population on the other, the resultant inconvenienceand confusion can be readily imagined. All that appeared called for was a cleanedand washed-up road-surface, no stationary impediments to fast moving traffic, andno congestion, allowing a free flow to normal light traffic, both wheeled andpedestrian. By not doing this, a rather awkward situation was created and theimpression created must have been the reverse of what was desired.

Just a few minutes before the royal entourage was timed to pass here (10-30AM), a Government Roadways bus came up from the opposite direction. Had itbeen allowed to pass on—the road here is about fifty feet wide—all would havebeen smooth-sailing. The bus would have reached the bus station much before theparty was due to pass. But it was halted and ordered to turn about. But being a full-sized vehicle it could not make the round-about in less than six or seven backward-and forward movements. When it was exactly at right angles to the road athwart it,the royal party drove up. It had perforce to be held up for more than five minutesduring which the bus should manoeuvre itself to the correct position and moveaway.


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I am sure His Majesty must have been amused at this incident. He is after all.like his late lamented father, a democrat at ‘heart, and I am sure, would have lovedto rub shoulders, as it were. With the people. Must the authorities give hint a verywrong picture of how we like things done in our country? There is no regimentationof any kind here, and yet that is exactly not; the impression that was bound to becreated in a less knowing and less discerning mind.

On behalf of Muzaffarnagar, apologize to King Mahendra for his forceddetention here, as also for the failure of traffic arrangements. We can assure himthat at any rate they were well-intentioned. And I hope the authorities in futurewould have a better idea of the requirements of the present times.•

Anand Bazar Patrika – November18, 1955

Abolition of RickshawsSir, —When all is said and done rickshaw, as a means of human transport, must

be pronounced unsocial and inhuman. That goods are also transported on the headsof coolies and are a greater load is relevant no body is blaming the rickshaw pullers;they do it for a living. It is the men who sit behind and suffer themselves to becarried by exclusively mechanical labour provided by other human beings who shouldbe objects of blame. That rickshaw is the poor man’s taxi is also beside the point.

The Central Government has rightly issued a directive to the state Governmentsin this connection, After all, a society claiming social-ism as its goal cannot dootherwise.

But, to begin with, should not the; Railway Ministry put a stop to main pushedtrolleys! Example should come before pre-cept.•

National Herald - October 05, 1956Anand Bazar Patrika - October 06, 1956

Motor HornsSir, — Horns fitted to vehicles are intended only to warn the traffic ahead of

their, approach. The purpose surely is not to cause a stampede, or to scare or startlepeople, Yet, considering the noise that emanates from pressure horns—for sirens—with which motor trucks particularly are primed that is just what it comes to. Theirblasts are so piercing that sometimes people are taken unawares from the back,and often patients and babies get disagreeable shocks. We have rules against blindingheadlights. Should we not have one against deadening horns and sirens? Noise isperhaps the greatest curse of modern civilization Need we add to it? •

Hindustan Times- May 07, 1959

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COMMON MEN

BegarSir, —It is gratifying to learn that U. P. Government has again emphasised

their resolve to stop this practice of begar, in all its forms and not to condoneany laxity, which permits its continuance.

In its ultimate analysis, begar is forced labour, whether fully paid for, unpaidor only underpaid. It may sometimes happen that the element of force is not atall evident of even suspected. But under its volun-tary-looking exterior the finalsanction of force is always present, or it is not begar.

The public services being the only pra-ctical agency through whichGovernment expect to enforce its policy of prohibi-tion of begar, it is imperativethat the apathy of the district staff towards the question must, first, not only beremoved but these should be completely purged of all suspicion of having anyvested interest in begar. For Government servants have got so used to a formof begar from their subordinates that any suggestion that they are guilty isbound to shock most of them. But who has not seen the liveried chaprasis ofeven the highest-placed officers go out each morning, basket in hand towardsthe market, to purchase vegetables or doing hundred other odd jobs? And thelower the rank of the officer in the official hierarchy, the more comprehensivethe work his peon is expected to do for him so much so that on tours in themofussil, he is at once cook, and coolie in addition to being chaprasi is all this apart of their official duties? They are paid out of the public funds but in practicethey are at least part-time domestic servants of the officers to whom they aretime being attached. It is irre-levant that they receive some son of quid pro quofor the service that they thus render or that, left to them-selves they would, inview of some extra income through tips, prefer to do. This work is in addition totheir strictly legal function.

So long as this practice of permitting officers to tike domestic service fromtheir chaprasis is allowed to continue, its demoralizing effect would remain a guaranteeof the officers’ apathy towards begar. With what face can officers call in questionthe act of the zamindar in expecting his ryot to mud-plaster the walls of his ghar asfree service after the rains, or his chamar to gather in his sugarcane crop? Themoral equipment for taking a correct, perspective of the institution of begar must,be provided and assured otherwise the scheme would remain no more than evidenceof kind in tensions.•

Leader- December 28, 1946,January 24, 1947 & March 28, 1947


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Andher NagriSir, —The administration of rationing seems to have set itself the task of

making life as difficult as possible for the largest number of the rationedpopulation. As if public distress over ever-lengthening queues and the verydefinite possibility of being told when your turn comes that the commodity forwhich you had been queuing is exhausted staring you in the face were notenough, the latest orders for weekly rations are almost the last straw.

Do the high-ups in the Rationing Administration realize the hardships alreadyinvolved in purchasing the necessaries of life? Fortnightly rations meant, for theworking class, at least two days forced holidays without wages, in one month.Weekly rations mean four. The raison d’etre for this new order is said to bescarcity of stocks. What is the idea? That many people including labourersbecause of this improvised hardship would rather forego their rations than theirwages and thus ease the situation-artificially. What an idea! But why play thisfraud on the consumers and not reduce their rations in the straightforward way,instead of hoodwinking people.

There is another fantastic rule: hard to believe but a fact none-the-less. Inour Constitution there is an article, which guarantees equality before the lawand the equal protection of the laws to all persons. Is it under this article thatcard-holders are permitted each to purchase 24 yards of cloth, irrespective ofthe number of units on its. A family of two has been equated with a family oftwenty.

We used to hear of an ‘andher nagari chaupat raja, take ser bhaji take serkhaja’. Why hark back to fairy tales for those blessed times? We have them righthere. •

Leader - March 22, 1951

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WOMEN

Beauty Parades and IndiaSir, —Our Prime Minister did the correct thing, or course, in obliging Miss

Reita Faria by congratulating her on her victory as world beauty Queen, after beingpointedly invited to do so by the winner herself. Mrs. Gandhi might as well haveadded that proud as she naturally was in seeing her country on not top in any thingnot really bad, it was not in accordance with this country’s to go in for or encourage,competitions of this sort or to laud them or their successful competitors. To usIndians, and for that matter to Orientals generally, affairs of beauty are essentiallypersonal and private in which in which the public at large is not allowed any interest,I am not being prudish but just thinking aloud as an average Indian.

The fact is that it has become a fashion in a section of our English-speakingpeople to imitate the west almost blindly, and even to cultivate its outlandish tastes.Who does not know that in decent Indian society, personal feminine beauty is athing of sacredness and inner satisfaction, not to be talked, bruited or braggedabout? It is praised but net advertised; shaded and not paraded. That a youngwoman, obviously born and brought up in a western atmosphere, chose to enter amerchandise-advertising contest and in the eyes of judges (whose qualifications toact the we do not know) was the most beautiful on points, is her affair and that ofher innermost circle. Nobody would want to grudge her or her friends any satisfactionby saying that from the point of view of individual Indians there are bound to bethousands upon thousands of women in this country who, if they do not actuallytake the palm, can any day be at least her peers. Only they would not consent tomake an exhibition of their charms for anything on earth, or maybe even in heaven.

Then, except at the initial stage of its announcement, it seems that success andthe attendant publicity has gone to our champion’s head. It is perhaps as well thatbeauty and sense do not necessarily go together. In agreeing, in the face of clearhints, to do something which her countrymen did not want her to do; she has forfeitedwhatever claim she had to be acclaimed as a national heroine. As a mature people,should we not make it clear, for the benefit of similar aspirants to globe: titles infuture, that competitions of this kind are foreign to our national pride and that it isnot one of our ambitions to gain a place on the beauty map of the world. •

Indian Express- December 26, 1966National Herald - December 30, 1966


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Woman ExecutivesSir, — For his statement on the unsuitability of women for execu-tive jobs, Mr.

Charan Singh has been the target of a volume of criticism. In attacking him on thissubject, however his critics have chosen the least vulnerable of his personal opinions.Knowing him and his mental make-up. I can say that he never intended so cam anyas-persion on their intellectual quality or capacity.

It is hardly relevant to pick out Instances from history where wo-men havemade good. Those were exceptional specimens of their kind. What, he was referringto was not the exceptions but the generality.

From abstract heights and flights of chivalrous fancy let us come down to thebrass tacks. Executive posts require a sustained application over protracted periodsof time, apart from physical drive. Nature never meant to equip wo-men for thatkind of work. It is not Mr. Charan Singh who is against women being interestedwith executive work. It is biology.

A normally healthy male is capa-ble of continuous mental and physical workthirty days a month, all the year round, during the best part of his life. He need not,physiologically speaking even a day of from active life. A nor-mally healthy womanon the other hand, cannot claim to be his equal in this respect. About three days ina month she is incapable of any but light routine work. This period may be prolonged.At very child-birth she has to be enforcedly absent for several weeks, and evenmonths, both before and after. The male of the species who has part-nered her isnot inhibited one fraction of a second on that account. Nature, it seems, has no readthe Bill of Rights, nor does it agree with the dictum that joint action must, entailsimilar consciences for both participants. Leaving aside the peculiar conditions ofour country where due to over-population, birth control has become a national policy,a normally healthy woman is expected its give birth to at least five -or six childrenduring her child-bearing age, that is all her youth and middle age. If the husband andwife were both to so to work out-side their home, who would look after the kids intheir infancy and babyhood? The ayah? Apart from, the question of how many canafford this luxury. What about the psychological problems that arise from childrenhaving been deprived of parents care during the forma-tive years of their life? Andwho can deny that nature meant the mother rather than the father to be mainlyresponsible for bringing up the children? Whoever heard of the cock and his brood?It is the hen who proverbially rules the roost.

Woman, once in a while, may and herself catapulted into a position where shecan prove a good administrator. As a rule however, natural and the facts of lifenever meant her to enter active and serious public life except perhaps when she ispast the child-bearing age. Executive post except where they are merely supervisory(which they so become only after the incumbent had has a long experience) are for

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the active period of life; that is when the holder is at the staring or the middle periodof his carrier. This period unfortunately coincides with women’s other and biologicalfunctions.

Mr. Charan Singh may be old-fashioned or even encrusted in some of his ideas.But the logic of facts of the life is on his side in this mat-ter. •


Kissing in Films and Indian CultureSir, —Although standards are tending towards uniformity throughout the world

due to one thing or another, notions of morality and decency still differ from countryto country just as climate and manners do. Possibly the latter influenced the formerin some way. A fur-lined coat is as irrelevant in the plains of India .as a muslin kurtawould be, say, in Finland. Uncovering of the head is a sign of respect in the West. Inour country it is the other way round.

Even in films, we in India have distinct tastes, though in the young they aregetting blurred by outlandish ideas which are currently becoming fashionable duemostly, again, to foreign films. Kissing and nudity in public is to our notions vulgarand against the basic decencies of life.

In the West kissing in public may have become common, but nudity is stillunacceptable. Otherwise, a teen-age girl stripping to give a dance performancebefore two lakh hippies gathered recently in the Isle of Wight would not have beennews.

The Khosla Committee report on kissing and nudity in films, written by menwho on account of their very function must have become case-hardened to filmsand their settings of make-believe, is a violent departure from what is acceptable topublic morals here.

Audio-visual media of public entertainment in a society which has gone a longway from being primitive and which has still a long way to go before entering its eraof decadence should be calculated as much to educate as to amuse. The mostplausible argument so far advanced in favour of permitting kissing and nudity infilms is that this would bring the audience face to face with the realities of life. Whocan deny that kissing and to some extent nudity are realities of life?

But in our country they are realities, fortunately, of private life only. To introducethem into public life would be to vulgarise public taste: at all events to present themfor public acceptance. Does anybody want that? The introduction of kissing andnudity in films today would just about guarantee that tomorrow there would be aplea, as night follows day, for love-making on the screen. Is that not a harder fact oflife?


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Those on whose shoulders lies the responsibility of deciding what is good forthe public and what is not, should not concern themselves merely with things asthey are, but also with as they ought to be. They must never forget that the qualityof a nation is reflected in its tastes. They must see to it that they are preserved.

May be there are a few who want the innovation of kissing and nudity in filmsas necessary for art, for art’s sake, to be woven into the theme of the picture. Butwe have to take an over-all view.

Let such men content themselves with viewing foreign films and not let theirpartiality for this particular kind of art contaminate the vast number of cinema-goers, who, teen-agers or grown up, are yet susceptible to the impulsive pronenessof imitating in real life what they see on the screen. •

Hindustan Times- September 08, 1969National Herald - September 08, 1969

The Prince AgainSir, —Mrs. Damayanti Raina has done real public service in having so right

reacted publicly to the kiss given by an actress to Prince Charles of Great Britainwhen it was visiting a cine stu-dio. In characterising the act as she has done shehag only voiced the opinion at the vast majority of her countrymen.

Our people—and I believe all oriental societies—regard a kiss exchangedbetween adults of opposite sexes as an improper act to gay the least, unless they bevery close relatives. As a matter of fact it is normally a fore-play before sex; at anyrate it Is regarded as a concomitant of sex-ual relationship. Those who criticisedMrs, Balna do not. Know what they are talking about. They seem to have a whollydistorted view of our national culture. It is not a question of hypocrisy or Prudishness;it is a question of Plain de-cency. Even husbands and wives, in any society whatever,do not go out of their bed-rooms to make love do they?

The worst aspect of the actress behaviour is that the Prince must have carriedaway with him a distorted view of our culture if he should have thought, as well liemay have done that there was nothing unusual to this kiss in Public. He should betold in no uncertain terms that the vast majority of the people of this country regardthe episode as an exercise in shameless exhibition-ism wholly out of Place in itssocial milieu. What Padmim Kolhapure did is just not done here. Those who havewritten to say that they found nothing objectionable in her kiss represent noneexcept themselves. •

Northern India Patrika- March 11, 1981

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Sati : A Different ViewSir, —This refers to the editorial ‘Religion and Ritual’ (IE, December 02).There cannot be two opinions in that when a widow is induced, incited or coerced

to mount the funeral pyre of her dead husband, the custom must be condemned inthe strongest of terms. It is inexcusable on grounds of inhumanity. But allow me tojoin issue with you when you use the word ‘shameful’ for the act even when it iscommitted without any kind or degree of compulsion from the relatives or thecommunity.

I do not know if you would agree with me that even in this age of ‘modernity’,the concept of ‘pativrat dharma’, which some Hindu women still cherish, has somerelevance. Can you, or any of your numerous readers, please tell me what exactlywould Savitri have done if Yamraj had not yield to her pleadings to restore herhusband Sayavan back to life? If the story can still be told of the attachment of awife to her husband, this question has to find an answer.

Marriage under the Hindu system is a sacrament par excellence,. Vows ofeverlasting loyalty are taken with the holy Agni as witness. Then, if we also takethe exhortations of the Gita seriously—that there is life after death and that deathhere is just akin to a change of garments—it follows that the relationship of wife-husband can continue even after death. Some women take the step they do in thefaith that they are changing their ‘chola’ just as their husbands did a few hoursbefore, and that they will meet them in the life beyond. What is so strange about it?

Nobody has condemned the practice of ‘jauhar’ in Rajput tradition where wivescommitted what is essentially collective sati when their husbands went out to battlewithout hope of victory. Where is the logic in condemning the custom when it isfollowed in isolation?

The concept of husband-wife relationship is tending to change. After thehusband’s death, the wife in Hindu society first renounced the life of a ‘grihanthini’and after shaving off her head, took holy orders. Later, she just remained in thefamily but took active part in household affairs; then, remaining a celibate, she wasjust like any other member. And finally took a second husband if she was so minded.If civilization progresses as it has been doing in some other countries, who knows,marriage in our society too may come to be regarded as just any man-womanrelationship. Formal marriage may not be considered necessary. And the bed-fellowrelationship may come to be made terminable at will. Is that not the rule in theanimal kingdom?

Sati was an ideal for the wife, like a star, which, though you can never reach it,can yet be made to serve as a guide to one’s path in darkness. Hindu society hassurvived to this day because it set before itself some ideals while many othercivilizations perished on the way. Let us not condemn anything just because it does


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not conform to our modern notions of what is right. A Persian poet has placed onrecord his image to the ideal in memorable verse. Comparing the sacrifices of themoth and the wife, he says while the ‘parvana’ offers itself only a lighted ‘shamaa’the Hindu wife immolates herself on an extinguished candle.

I must not, on any account, be understood as advocating the custom. What Iobject to is its condemnation as ‘shameful’.•


Letters as Reply:The Roots of Sati

Sir, —This refers to Mr. Brahma Prakash Sharma’s letter (IE, Dec, 9) and youreditorial (IE, Dec. 02) in which he obsessively reiterates that he is not advocatingsati but objects to its condemnation as ‘shameful’.

To him, sati is not shameful when committed ‘without any kind or degree ofcompulsion from relatives or the community’. It seems his logic touches only thedomain of physical coercion. What about psychological anaesthetization? Even thougha woman may not be compelled (physically) to become sati, the mythologies, whichshe has imbibed and the norms, which she has internalised, all seem to portray hersubordinate status. She is not seen as an independent entity who can live unblemishedas a widow or a divorcee. Men, for whose benefit these mythologies (like Savitriand Satyavan) exist, have themselves internalized these inveterate norms to suchan extent that it is flabbergasting for them to see a widow decked up.

A widow is looked down upon and this stigma is enough for her ostracisiation;but this is not so for a man. To avoid this blemish, a woman would prefer sati. Whatworks fin her mind is not he herself but the societal forces—thus pernicious andreprehensible.

To Mr. Sharma’s question, ‘what would Savitri have done if Yamraj’ had notrestored ‘Satyavan back to life’, what else can be the answer than her becoming asati. Conversely, would Satyavan consign himself to flames had Savitri been takenby Yamraj? If it is not harmful for modem Savitri should it not be the same formodern Satyavans? Be it life, love or anything, it is dialectical and not deterministic.It would be better for our society and us if we act in the present and deal with thenew sati Problem, i.e. bride-burning, instead of seeking justification for sati Inmythologies.

Mr. Sharma seems solicitous about the disintegration of the institutions likemarriage and family in our society. For him this would be more or less analogous to

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the ‘rule in the animal kingdom’ with the perpetuation of myriad crimes againstwomen, we think animals are better than we humans. Animals are unconsciouslybestial but our ideologies and we are consciously conspiratorial and misanthropic. •—Indu Prakash Singh (President), Dr Bikram N. Nanda (Reader), Achla Pritam, RachnaBharadwaj; Pradeep Kumar Khare, Manisha Saxena, Nanish Tandon and others,Department of Sociology and Psychology, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi.

Letter as Counter Reply:Sati: Reply to the Debate

Sir, —Even, letters, written by almost twice that number of peo-ple, have appearedas a reaction to mine on the subject of sati. Except for two, they criticise or downrightcondemn my viewpoint in various degrees. Many of the critics, however, have noteven cared to cull out the point I was making before doing at me hammer andtongs. I have not advo-cated ‘sati’. I am all for widow remarriage, as also fordivorce or annulment in appropriate case. More, I condemn the practice of satiwhere the wife is goaded or even influenced into the act by friends or relations, oreven by public opinion. What I object to is calling it shameful even when the wife,of her own free will, of an inmost urge and without any external influence whatever,seeks to carry her concept of conjugal fidelity beyond this mortal life. I for onewould bow my head and go down on my knees to her for her sublime act.

That answers most of the cri-tics of my theme. Broadly speak-ing, ‘the criticismof the others falls under two main heads. One is that I am advocating ‘doablestandard’: one for the wife and other for the husband. Two, that the motivation ofthe wife in the act need not be the result only of tangible inducement. It can also be,according to a formidable array of alumni from the Depart-ment of Sociology andPsychology of Jamia Millia, the end-product of what they term ‘psychologicalanaesthetisation’.

As for the first, I am afraid that I am not that much of a hypocrite to adoptunquestioningly the modern notions of complete equality of the husband and thewife as to their respective roles to society. Leaving aside what nature has madethem into, all manner of social systems allot to man and, woman essentially differ-ent,though complementary roles. Even their instincts are different. Speaking generally,the man is meant to be the provider and the woman, by and large, the protec-tor andsustainer of the family, and through it, of society at large. Then, she takes her dutiesand responsibilities far more seriously than her mate. I know what my critics meanwhen they ask what Satyavaan would have done if Yamraj was taking away deada Savitri instead of the other way round. I concede candidly that he would havestayed back even if inclined to follow Yamraj on first impulse. But is that a good


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reason why Savitri on her part should have a like perception of what she should do?And supposing, for argument’s sake, that Satyavaan had done as Savitri in the storydoes, would that act have, in the view of my learned critics, be-come honourableand less shame-ful? Two wrongs making it right! Conversely, should Savitri havedreamt of her next bed-fellow the same night that Satyavaan breathed his last, justas they say men do no sooner than their wives are dead?

The next point is that even without the physical pressures on the wife, she hasbeen brainwashed through the ages by her religion, or successive social milieus, toregard the act of sati as an ideal. But is that not what religion is all about?

The Japanese think (or used to think till the other day) that it is dishonourable inwar to get captured by the enemy, and so commit harakiri rather than hav-ing tosurrender. Other nations think nothing of being made pri-soners of war. For them itis natural and practical behaviour. Does anybody call the Japanese stand shameful?A soldier going into battle has at times only two options before him: going forwardand getting killed, or running away. Choosing the first alterna-tive, he can ‘neverrise and fight again’. But in the second case, he ‘lives to fight another day’. Wehave, each one of us, the choice of cornea, which we regard as less shameful.

It is clear that my critics on the one hand, and people of my way on thinking onthe other, have different wavelengths of perceptions. It is all a question of valuesystems. Measured by the yardstick of cold reason, they are perhaps right. But lifeis not all reason. Much more, it is feeling and sentiment. That is why feeling isalways stronger than reason. Maybe according to the way of thinking of the otherside, martyrs who lay down their lives for a cause are fools to have allowedthemselves to be anaesthetised by notions of chivalry, bravery and right conductwhereas by yielding to their oppressors, they could have lived on to serve society inother ways. But it hap-pens that they had other ideas. Call their act misguided ifyou like, But not shameful, abomin-able, dreadful (epithets used in the debate). Ithurts. •

Indian Express- January 06, 1984

Section 125 Cr.P.C.Sir, —If a section of the Muslim community, howsoever small, accepts to be

governed by a common law, nobody, not even the state, has the right to deprive it ofits free choice and foist on it some other law which it has not asked for.

So, let Sections 125-127 of the Crimin-al Procedure Code stay on the statutebook as they are. The Muslim divorced wives, if so advised by their well-wishers,may elect to abjure legal re-medy through the agency of the state. However, if theirmentors, religious or other, advise them that it is ail right with their conscience andreligious obligation to take their ex-husbands to court, the state would be wrong todeny them that forum by legislation.

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Any law made exclusively for Muslim women, however, would run the risk ofbeing struck-down by the Courts as discriminatory unless the Constitution itself isamended to allow for this? •

Indian Express- February 26, 1986

Rapists should be floggedSir, —Rape is peculiar among the offences listed in the Indian Penal Code. It

encompasses not only the body of the victim but goes far beyond, often engulfingher entire self.

Unfortunately, for all practical purposes, the code prescribes only onepunishment for all manner of offences-imprisonment. True there is capital punishmentat one end of the penal spectrum and monetary fine at the other. But the former isfor rarest of the rare cases and fine touches only the pocket.

The Union Home Ministry has now mooted a proposal to prescribe capitalpunishment for rape. But this punishment appears inappropriate. It smacks ofescapism. “Hang the culprit and be done with it.” For a long time after the penalcode came into force in our country, it had flogging in its armory of punishments. Isuggest that this be revived for the rapists.

The human rights organisations would be up in arms at the suggestion and termit dehumanizing. But rape is a crime, which dehumanises the victim. Her loss ofwhat she may hold dearer than life is irrecoverable. But it would be some solace toher that her violation has been avenged by the society to some extent. And if she bewilling, she should be allowed to give a lash or two. •


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POPULATION

Population ControlSir, —There are no two opinions that in the present context, considering both

the available food supply and living space, a committed programme of family planningis a must for our country. We need not go into the figures; by now they are fairlywell known and need no reiteration.

A difference of opinion however does exist over the methods to con-tainpopulation growth. I am not referring to complaints of compul-sion, both physicaland economic, which are going the round of the country in this connection, thoughin many cases they are serious enough. I am only referring to the technique’ ofmaking people incapable of future reproduction.

Leaving aside the mechanical preventives which so far were being generallyresorted to, the authorities have taken to surgical ope-rations; cutting off the spermduct in the case of the males, call-ed vasectomy, and removing the uterus (womb)of the females, call-ed tubectcomy or hysterectomy. These operations have aperma-nently disabling result rendering operates sterile for all time. It is claimedthough that the sperm duct can be rejoined by a further operation: in any case it isa high-ly complicated process, impractical for being taken into serious consi-derations.

Let us consider the matter in its proper perspective. Population limitation cannotbe a national programme for all time, under all circumstances. It is undeniably ana-tional programme for our coun-try in the existing circumstances. There arecountries where population expansion, ra-ther than limitation, is a nationaldesideratum, and couples are given incentives to produce more children rising bonusesfor the, birth of successive children and other perks. National there dictate thepopulation growth.

Reverting to our own country let me cut out side the individual aspects ofpermanent post-operation sterility, though they can sometime be poignant enough.It just happens that man lives for his family first; others come later. That is the wayhuman nature is. After a permanent disablement there can be irreparable personaltragedies. The loss of the only two children by accident or disease and a miserablelife thereafter for the couple who could otherwise console themselves by havingother children. I would, however, leave out these individual aspects. In a nationalcrisis, hard individual cases have to be subordinated to the common good.

Let me here digress a little to say that all the slogans that one rinds painted onpublic vehicles, what I have liked is ‘’door-drishtee’’ (far-sightedness) one of thefour components of ‘’ek hi jadoo’’, the only magic. But in the extant programme offamily planning it is just this precept, which has been overlooked.

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God forbid that our country be ravaged by some catastrophe which may decimateour populace. Some raging pestilence may sweep the country, as plague and influenzadid in the first quarter of this century. There may be widespread drought, resultingin famine, star-vation and death. Or a large-scale war in which, win or lose, thereis always a huge loss of population. Modern warfare treats combatants and civiliansalike. Hiroshima and Nagasaki in Japan ceased to exist following atomic bombing.If such holocausts do, come, how do we repair the damage to the people? Have ourplanners planned for such contingencies? What happens to “door-drishtee”? Thereis no way to hurry nature; there is no switch known to science where growth ofbabies to full adulthood can be accelerated. After the operations the baby-producingage-group left would only be in the 18-20 years age range. The replacement ofcasualties after the natural or man-made calamities would take many decades. Isthe prospect short of alarming?

After the fall of France following Hitler’s blitzkrieg, Marshal Petain was askedwhy France fell so easily. His sad reply was: “Too few arms, too few men and totfew children.” In our right zeal, let us not be short-sighted, Family Planning—YesBut irreversible disablement—No Family Planning is a means—not an end in itself.•

Indian Express-December 01, 1976Statesman- December 02, 1976


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HOSPITAL

Government HospitalsSir, —Since the publication in early January of my letter in your columns,

complaining that in spite of a phone call in an emergency case .in the premises ofthe District Bar Association, no doctor from the Government hospital had come toattend on an old and respected colleague, who had all of a sudden collapsed in hischair, I had received a letter from the Civil Surgeon requesting me to meet him inconnection with the inquiry which he had ordered to make into my complaint.

Now, my letter as published was clear and detailed enough. Moreover, beforehe sent this letter to me, the Civil Surgeon and I had met. He had asked me whatthe matter was; I had told him all about it. Not much remained for me to add orelucidate. However, I wrote back that before I took a formal part, I should beinformed what the version of the hospital authorities was, and also that he mustagree to let me know his conclusions when he arrived at them, “so that, if possibleor necessary, I may be in a position to refute them”, that is, both the version and theconclusions.

I was frank enough to say that “my experience of such inquiries is that they areordered and (excuse me) conducted, not with a view to for the truth, but to whitewashit”. I had also added, “it may be you feel that my demand is reasonable but, actingon your own, you may not find it possible to comply with it. In that case, you mayrefer the matter to higher authorities, wse can all wait.”

This was on February 17, two months ago. There has not even been anacknowledgement, much less a reply. Now, there were only two Issues to be goneinto; did I make the phone call, and why did nobody from the hospital turn up in thebar association? Just these.

I would not be surprised if, after recording that the maker of the complaint didnot turn up even after being I called, the matter has been treated as finally disposedof.

Would somebody in authority throw some light on this matter of life-and-death?After all we are supposed to be a welfare state where the health of the people isthe concern of the Government, Instead of slurring over it, some strong and drasticand exemplary action is called for and if there; be any rules of practice which, allowor excuse this kind or negligent conduct, they must be thrown out bell book andcandle•

National Herald - April 2.4, 1966

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“Rationalizations on–Reverse Gear”Sir,—it appears that there was some joker at large when the body, constituted

to redress the anomalies decided in the recommendations of the PayRationali-zation Committee, was dubbed Anomalies Committee instead ofAnomalies Removal Committee, as it should properly have been named, givedits nomenclature. it can hardly be blamed if it took pains, as it seems to havedone, to justify its name.

Take for instance, its proposals relating to the services at the level of theDevelopment Block. According to existing arrange-ments, the V.A.S.’s andV.O.’s of the Veterinary Department are under the administrative control of theB.D.O.’s. Yet their salaries nave been recommended to be raised so that whilethe first of these two would be at par with his B.D.O., the other would shooteven higher up. Would that not be itself anomalous, making smooth sailing abard job?

The Sanitary inspectors have rather a responsible job in the rural administration;family plan-ning, mass vaccination, applied nutrition, prevention of food adul-terationand sanitation generally. So far he has been, to all intents and purposes, one of theA.D.O.’s of the block team. Under any scheme of rationalization he should havebeen given the same grade as the A.D.O.’s. As it is, the P.R.C. recommended thegrade at Rs. 150-260 for him. (The A.D.O.’s grade is 160-280.) But the AnomaliesCommittee, wtuen should have removed the anomaly, has instead relegated him totne level of the village level worker whom it has raised from his pre-vious scale ofRs. 75-120 to Rs. 120-220. The veterinary stockman has had a windfall. He waspre-viously at Rs. 45-80. The P.R.C. gave him Rs. 100-180. The Ano-maliesCommittee has proposed Rs. 120-220, placing him at par not only with the V.L.W.but also with the Sanitary Inspector.

Nobody can complain if there is equal pay for equal work all round and all alongthe line, and a minimum assured to all. But so long as there are grades, and timescales, and seniorities and subordinations and administrative controls, there shouldbe a rational basis for the inequalities. There is no denying that adjustment of gradesand pay-scales so as to evolve a perfectly rational scheme is very very difficult—perhaps im-possible. But the anomalies inhe-rent in any scheme should be re-ducedto a minimum, instead at being added to, as the Anomalies Committee has done.

It is to be hoped that they would be set right at the finalization stage. •# The latter is published in the name of ‘Rationalist.’National Herald - March 03, 1966National India Patrika- April 04, 1966.

Letter in Reply:Sir, —I have read with some interest the amusing letter from ‘Rationalist”

appearing in the columns of your issue dated ‘March 30. He has specially picked on


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veterinarians as a target of his venomous attack. Now that this I question has beenraised, it seems I necessary to enlighten the general public about the technical andscientific background of the veterinary profession and its place in the country’seconomy. The Pay Rationalization Committee and the Anomalies Committee havefixed the pay-scales relating to them after careful study of the qualifications requiredfor manning the different posts and the responsibility involved in holding them.

The basic qualification for the job of a veterinary assistant surge of as that ofan engineer or a physician is a university degree obtained after a 4-year course. Forentry into the veterinary college, one has to go through a competitive examination,the minimum qualification’ requirement for which

Is intermediate science with biology, the same as for the M.B.B.S. The coursesin the veterinary, college are identical in nature and equivalent to those prescribedfor medical students. Appointments to the post of veterinary assistant surgeon areinvariably made through the Public Service commission.

Broadly, His duties are:1. Diagnosis and treatment of animal diseases according to the allopathic system.2. Control of contagious diseases, including communicable animal diseases to

which human beings are susceptible.3. Meat inspection to safeguard human health.4. Execution of animal husbandry plans dealing with the following major

development.Schemes:a) Poultry development for increasing production of eggs and meat.b) Cattle breeding programmes to increase milk production and producebetter bullock power for better agriculture.c) Sheep and goat development for increasing production of wool and meat.d) Development of animal feeds and fodders.

It will thus be seen that veterinarians are responsible for the health anddevelopment of the livestock industry of the country which contribute as much asRs. 850 crores annually, that is, 7 per cent of the total national income. In addition,they are also directly connected with the health and proper nutrition of the humanpopulation. The time has come when the nation has to realise that the economicuplift of the country depends on sound agro-industrial; programmes in which thetechnician, the engineer, the doctor, the agriculturist, the veterinarian and otherscientists have to play the most important role. This fact has been realised by all thegreat leaders and well-wishers of the country.

So far as the question of anomaly is concerned, the problem undoubtedly exists.Veterinarians have been already struggling to ensure that the emoluments, pay

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structure and advantages allowed to veterinarians should at least be comparablewith those of engineers, doctors, and other higher technical administrators.Comparison of a vet with the EDO the invidious and should not have arisen.•

National Herald - April 05, 1966.

Letter in Counter Reply:Government Medicos And Hospitals

Sir, —Following my letter under the above caption, beside frowns from theparties affected, I have also been complemented for bringing to public light practiceswhich are bringing a bad name to the noble profession of medicine. In particular, Ihave received a very revealing letter from a medical officer in Government servicein a neighboring station. Although it offers a kind of alibi for the state of affairs Ihave complained of, I think it gives at the game time a true inside picture of theways in which service doctors, especially in the rural areas, slide into the slipperypath, I can do no better than reproduce the relevant parts of this letter,

“During my nearly two decades of service in Uttar Pradesh Medical service”,he writes, “I have frequently observed strained relations between the police officerin-charge of the Thana and the doctor in-charge of the dispensary where medico-legal work is undertaken. Some of the issues where the doctor and the in-chargeThana disagree are: -

1. Adjustment of timings desired by the police to medico-legal examinationreports, for example, a case sent for medical examination at 6-00 p.m.while the police desire the time of examination to be noted by the doctor as10:00 a.m. or so the same day or even earlier.

2. The police desire medical examination of the injured to precede the writingof the First information Report.

3. The police want to have a look at all dying declarations if recorded by adoctor, so that the F.I.R, can be written accordingly.

4. The police want to he present at the time of writing of injury reports in somecases; and in all cases where the dying declaration of the injured is beingrecorded by the doctor.

5. Occasionally, the police request the doctor to write “sharp or pointed weapon”instead of blunt weapon, or vice versa, in cases where they are interested.

6. In ease the doctor is a conscientious worker and wishes to act independentlyand honestly, there are bound to be strained relations with the police inmedico-legal work and there is a chain of reactions. To start with, (1) thedoctor is bullied, intimated and abused in filthy language by the Thana In-charge. (2) False complaints are instigated by the police against the doctorwho, being a social worker, is helpless. The litigant, that is, the injured and


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his relations are only too glad to oblige the police by signing these falsecomplaints for obvious reasons. (3) False reporting against to the doctor incourt then the doctor refused to take the summons sent by the police. Thecourts unwittingly fall into the trap ... (4) Sometimes the police manipulatecomplaints against the doctor in Sessions cases regarding the validity ofdying declarations recorded by the doctor. (5) Harassing this doctor byplanned thefts in his house. (6) If all these tactics fall to browbeat thedoctor, he is assaulted by goondas under the guidance of the police, (7) Incase the doctor is an easygoing type and without any conscience, he carrieson very well with the police and is benefited financially with policeconnivance…”

The medical officer then goes on to suggest a solution to the problem. But Ithink that spills over into the police administration which is outside our presentdiscussion. And although what he says is damning enough and does provide a goodreason why many doctors come to adopt the line of least resistance, it does notexplain all the evil. Doctors in cities have no reason to be that much influenced orafraid of subordinate police officers. The doctor also says that he has been bringingall this to the notice of his authorities higher up, even at the directorate level. But, itappears that there has been nothing doing, obviously on the principle of leaving wellalone. Unlike most other vocations, the motivation of entrants to training for themedical profession should never be lucre. There is so many other and better waysof making money, if that, is what they are primarily after. One of the noblest callingopen to men and women, those on whom falls the, responsibility of regulatingadmission thereto should ensure that none who do not do so in a spirit of service inits real sense, are permitted to enter it. •

National Herald - January 22, 1968


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EDUCATION

TestimonialsSir, —The printed application forms issued by the Central Railway Services

Commission for posts on the Railways require the candidates to “obtain a certificateof character from two gazetted officers of the Railways, or Central or a provincialGovernment or a stipendiary magistrate in the form appended.”

The form appended is as follows: — “I have known for the last.... years and tothe best of my knowledge and belief he has a reputable character and has noantecedents which render him unsuitable for Government employment, He is notrelated to me.” It is too much to expect that the majority of these young men whoonly lately left college to be personally acquainted with at least two officers of thecategories laid down. There may be some well-connected candidates who canobtain the required certificates. The rest who are not so fortunately placed areshunted from pillar to post in search of those to whom they can claim to be ‘known.’These latter—and they are a vast majority—are being denied equality of opportunityin seeking employment. •

Hindustan Times- October 27, 1950

Muzaffarnagar J.T.C. CollegeSir, —I beg to draw the attention of the educational authorities through the

courtesy of your columns to the following fact.For admission to the J.T.C. College here, the Inspectors of Schools of nine

districts of the Meerut and the Bareilly divisions made a preliminary selection ofcandidates from applications received in their respective districts. Out of these afinal selection of about 62 was made by a committee consisting of the DeputyDirector of Education, Meerut Circle, the Principal of the College, and an M.L.A.from Aligarh district. All of these were separately informed of their selection by theInspectors of their respective districts and the principal and asked to presentthemselves for admission here before noon on the 12th July, failing which they wereinformed that they would not be admitted.

Fifty two selectees accordingly arrived for admission in time. Most of thesecame after resigning the posts they were holding. They were asked to wait till the20th July for admission and were permitted meanwhile to stay in the hostel. On the20th they were informed by the Principal that final orders were still being awaited.Up to date these “final orders” have not arrived.

Rumour has it that the appointment of another committee is contemplated, eitherto make selections de novo, or to make changes in the selections already made.


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If all this true, it reveals a high degree of callousness towards the poor candidatesand a sordid story of mismanagement. We have a right to expect a better orderingof our affairs. I am informed that the same trouble is being repeated at other centres.

Would some light be thrown on the matter? •Anand Bazar Patrika - August 04, 1952

Agra University & A Muzaffarnagar CollegeSir, —The recognition policy of Agra University is hard to understand; that is, if

it does have a policy unless lack of policy goes by that name. In Muzaffarnagar wehave two degree colleges; one in Arts and the other in Science. The Sanatan Dharm(Arts) College is the oldest in origin at least in this district where, interspersedthroughout its area, are a great many Higher Secondary schools and Intermediatecolleges almost within hailing distance of each other. This college has so far sent upthree successive batches of students for the B.A. examination, with results whichmay rightly be classed as very good. For instance, last year (1952) out of onehundred and nineteen students from this college, over eighty-two percent passed.This year over two hundred have sat for the examination and from all accounts theresults may be even better.

It has an excellent library. During the last four years it has spent over four tenthousand rupees on books and equipment alone. There is no condition that thiscollege does not fulfill or is not prepared to fulfill, for recognition as a first-gradecollege by the University. Its teaching staff is one of the best and is recruited onmerit alone. (That for some years it has been regularly supplying recruits to theI.A.S. is proof enough).

And yet, when recognition in Law was applied for, it was refused, and forreasons best known to the Vice Chancellor, who took the decision for the ExecutiveCouncil, it was granted to the sister Science college, rather an unusual combinationand the fact that the sister college was running on a deficit budget was accepted asa strong—almost the determinant—reason for the grant of recognition!!

In the neighbouring district of Aligarh, with a University of its own, the only twoinstitutions there affiliated to Agra provisionally (for failure to fulfill the EndowmentFund condition), have both been permitted to start postgraduate classes in severalsubjects.

The needs of Muzaffarnagar for postgraduate Arts courses are great. Apartfrom those who have appeared for the B.A. from the college, another one hundredand sixty-one have appeared privately. And yet this college is not being given therequisite permission. Its pretty old application seems to be lying in the Universitycold storage.

May one enquire from the University the reasons for this invidious and step-motherly treatment? –”On Looker.”•

Anand Bazar Patrika - May 30, 1953

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National EducationSir, —Whose exactly is the responsibility, to provide and maintain schools for

our children? Is it the Education department of the state government, or the localself-government bodies, or private philanthropy? In a state, which professeswelfarism, the importance of the question can not be minimized nor the reply shirked.

I am led to pose this question because of the state of uncertainty and suspensein which a very old institution for girls’ education in Muzaffarnagar finds itselfplaced refer to the Municipal Girls Intermediate College,

In the late thirties it used to be a high school under the control of the districtboard. As it was being rather indifferently looked after it was taken over by themunicipal board with Government approval. Ever since then it had been makinggood progress. For some years now it is an intermediate college. Centrally placed,it has a large compound with high, protective walls, and a decent building in thecentre on which tens of thousands of the board’s money has been expended. It hasa competent staff of teachers, drawing their pay according the Pay Commission’srecommendations. There are over four hundred students on its rolls belonging to allcommunities; Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs and others. The board each yearconstitutes a statutory committee exclusively to manage its affairs. It is the onlysecular institution in the district to teach girls up to the intermediate class. And nowunder Government orders, the municipal board is seriously thinking of winding it up.

The reason for the Government order is understood to be that running of schoolsother than primary schools is not the responsibility of municipal boards. Even if wetake It that after all these years the Government has at last realised that post-primary education is not the concern of local bodies, the least that is expected wasthat Government would itself take it over and run it as a Government College.Nothing of the kind, the suggestion is that private philanthropy should shoulder theresponsibility. Now, the board of Muzaffarnagar whatever its other shortcomings,has been discharging its educational responsibilities quite satisfactorily, (it seems tobe conceded that it is open to the board to undertake responsibility for post-primaryeducation, once it has made adequate provision for primary education). And whenthe board has, with full approval of the Government, done so much for the collegeand when, there Is no-prospect, immediate or distant, of any other body taking itover, it seems a pity to close down such a flourishing institution or to leave it to bemanaged indifferently by some ad hoc committee of citizens.•

Leader- January 01, 1954

Muzaffarnagar Government High SchoolSir, —While it is true that technological instruction is the need of the times in

our country, it would be a tragic mistake to ignore the importance of general education


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altogether. The benefits of the latter cannot be easily exaggerated. But it seemsthat in our zeal for technical advancement we are prone to get unmindful of the partwhich general education has always played in the building up of the character ofour youth.

There is a move to locate a polytechnic in this district. The idea is laudable. AndI say this not for reasons of mere parochial sentimentalism. There is already a goodcase for this kind of education in my district. The Arts School run by the districtboard has been training young boys in arts and crafts for over thirty years now. Iknow of no, other district board in UP which has undertaken anything of the kind.Then there is also the Engineering Institute at Baghra, a place seven miles from thedistrict headquarters, The establishment of the projected polytechnic, therefore doesnot have to start front just scratch as it would have to in any other district of U.P. atany rate of western U.P.

But in their anxiety to make their case stronger still, scene local politicians havesuggested that the buildings of the Government Higher Secondary School inMuzaffarnagar be come over for the purpose and the school be either closed ownor shifted elsewhere. This suggestion, I respectfully submit, is most short-sighted.Firstly, unless the school is abolished altogether, a building elsewhere would cost asmuch again to build. But the more important objection is, that institutions whichhave build U.P. a high reputation by dint of hard and sustained work of I notededucationists should not be sacrificed to the mere dictates of thoughtless politics,just because some money, not really saved, can be shown as saved, for the timebeing.

The Government school has a reputation of its own throughout he state. It hashad a sue session of educationists of repute as its headmasters over more than half-a century of s its existence. They have each in their own way built up the traditionsof the school inch by inch, as it were, so that today when scholars pass out from thisinstitution to enter the wider arena of life outside, they are always counted on asthoroughly reliable and disciplined. While all around in the educational world of thecountry one finds great indiscipline among the boys, so that it has become almost anational problem, it is heart-warming to find small oases of consistently disciplinedinduct like the Muzaffarnagar School. On the score of discipline, there is nothing inthis school, which is left to be desired. Then, its alumni occupy high offices in allaspects of the public life of the country. There are judges adorning the highestcourts in the land as also on the benches of the lower judiciary; there are lawyers,doctors, engineers and other occupants of high offices in the Government. And allits good work which the school, has been doing and which has gone to take it to the

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position which it occupies today is sought to be undone simply because there doesnot appear to be another site ready to house the proposed polytechnic It is easy todestroy. But it takes a lot to contract. And money should be the least importantconsideration where matters educational as concerned.

Yes Sir, We must have a polytechnic in our district, preferably in the city. Butit–must not be at the cost of the Government school.•

National Herald - October 13, 1957Leader - October 23, 1957

Aligarh UniversitySir, —To those nurtured In the school of nationalism and therefore incapable in

terms of Hindu arid Muslim, the agitation by a section of the Muslim communityagainst the Aligarh University Ordinance is beyond understanding. Particularlydistressing to them the attitude of those Muslims who had been taking pride incalling themselves ‘nationalists’ In contrast to that other kind which was responsiblefor the carving out of a Pakistan from the living body of India.

Much is being heard in this connection of the “basic character” of the university,of the “Muslim way of life,” and all that. What this basic character is we do notexactly know. Does it mean the character, which some Englishmen who mootedthe idea of ah exclusive university with some Muslim leaders of the time envisagedfor it at the time of its inception? As will be clear to any student of contemporarypolitics, their aim was to put a brake on advancing Indian nationalism by regimentingthe minority community, by all sorts of blandishments, into a loyal and subservientparty. Aligarh faithfully fulfilled the aim of its original promoters.

As to the Muslim way of life, we have not been told what its essentials are, andwherein differs or departs from the general stream of national life. We had thoughtthat those who believed in the two-nation theory of Mr. Jinnah had followed him outof this country to pursue their way and those who stayed behind relieved in a wayof life common all the communities of India.

All this talk of basic character and the exclusive way of life is mostly bunkum,the creation of the un-realistic and pathological imagination of the urban elite—certainly not of the common man.

It is recognised that the poison which was injected into the Muslim body politicby the combined efforts of imperialist Britain and the Muslim League will take time,even after the creation of Pakistan, to be thrown completely out. In this treatmentthe majority community has a role to view this convalescence with understandingand sympathy. The leaders of the Muslim community on their part have also a bigpart to play. They must help in the process with all the power they can command. It


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is in this connection that the role which some erstwhile nationalist Muslims areplaying is specially to be deplored.

After the choice of Pakistan for such Muslims as believed in some exclusiveMuslim way of life which they considered irreconcilable with the rest, this countrycould choose any of the two ways, both perfectly understandable. It could chooseto convert itself into Hindu India (like Muslim Pakistan), with a second classcitizenship for Muslims. Or it could build an India of its dreams, to which the British-League axis was progressively becoming a hindrance: a composite culture, a commonway of life and homogeneous, secular and democratic society. It has chosen thelatter. Having done that, it becomes the responsibility of all of us to assure thatnothing whatsoever is allowed to hamper its march forward to the goal, and nononsense from whatever quarter it comes should be tolerated, be it Hindu, Muslim,or any other.

Mr. Chagla’s dream of the time when the words ‘Hindu’ arid ‘Muslim’ could bedropped from the names of the Banaras and Aligarih Universities must be made tocome true. Let us join in wishing all power to his elbow.•

Indian Express-August 14, 1965National Herald-August 14, 1965Leader -August 14, 1965

‘Pugree’ in EducationSir, —Education in modern societies has been made compulsory at its lower

levels. The citizens of a progressive state, especially where it aims at building forsocialism, have the right to expect it to provide for the development, to their fullestpossible capacity, or the capabilities, the talents and the personality or each one orthem, irrespective of one’s own financial resources. Education thus should be freeat all stages.

In this country we have a lot of lee-way to make up in tins respect. Our financialresource compel us to recourses compel us to depend for the most part on privatephilanthropy and enterprise, whether or corporate; the Government come into thepicture only as a subsidizer. Substantial fees, therefore, have to be levied on thosewho seek the benefit or higher education. For scientific subjects, these fees havenaturally to be higher owing to the high cost of the equipments which are needed inthe teaching of these subjects.

Even so, there is no justification at all for the “pugree” that is demanded insome educational institutions from students seeking admission to post-graduatescience classes. I know of colleges, which charge up to two thousand rupees percandidate for admission to their M.Sc. classes. A percentage of admissions are nodoubt on merit without any special fee. The remaining seats are opened to thosewho are willing—and able—to make the ‘donation.”

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Conceded that the money so realised goes to provide for instruments, apparatusand other expensive equipment of laboratories, must the students pay for it?

This capitation fee (but no receipt is given), if legally analysed, is no less thanbribery. Admission is given as favour—for consideration—it would not be availableif no money is paid.

This atmosphere of the marketplace does not become educational institutions Itis not only completely out of place in what are after all temples of learning, it isderogatory to and destructive of he entire conception of academic life. I have myselfwitnessed parents running from pillar to post; in other words, from the managementsto educational heads, pleading, entreating, and cajoling for reduction in the amountof “pugree”—a very un-edifying and, with your permission, a most disgustingspectacle.

It would be an insult to the perspicacity of the men at the top to assume thatthey are unaware of these unholy dealings. And yet these continue unabated, inspite of warnings. The Government on their part cannot be absolved of all blamefor this state of affairs After all it should be one of their primary responsibilities tomake proper provision for education and the necessary equipment. But for them toshut their eyes to the practice is to betray lack of courage. Either they must comeout themselves with funds to finance scientific studies or, where they cannot, theymust refuse to accord recognition to institutions, which cannot raise the requisitefunds without these irregular and underhand exactions.

I hope the Union Education Minister, with his broad academic outlook, and thestate minister who himself is an educationist, would come down upon the practice.Institutions, which resort to it forfeit the right to recognition which they obtain onfalse pretences of self-sufficiency.•

National Herald - July 28, 1965Northern India Patrika-July 29,1965


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123456789012345678901234567890121234123456789012345678901234567890121234123456789012345678901234567890121234123456789012345678901234567890121234123456789012345678901234567890121234INDISCIPLINE

Indiscipline Among StudentsSir, —Among the recommendations made by the U.P. Education Service

Association to the Education Depart-ment for checking the growing indis-ciplineamong students, there is one— last on the list — which proposes that teachers andstudents should eschew politics and should not owe allegiance to any political party.

There is certainly much to be said in favour of keeping students away fromparty politics during the formative years of their life. But it is not because they arestudents or because it is not good or healthy for them. It is that1 because of theiryouth they should’ not be called upon to take deci-sions before they have arrived atthat age when they could be considered pro-perly qualified to form independentjudgment. That is the reason why poli-tical parties do not control as their mem-bersyouths below a given age. In the case of students there is also the con-siderationthat their active participa-tion in political activities would entail an encroachment ontheir time, which at that essential period of their life should not be separable fromtheir studies.

The reason is certainly not that poli-tics is a game from which they should. Bekept apart.

For the ban to apply to teachers also, as the recommendation proposes, is franklyspeaking quite un-understandable. The reasons why students should eschew politicsand as a corollary not owe allegiance to any political party, do not apply to teachers.The pro-posal, to say the least, is reactionary. It denies a principle for the sake ofdoubtful expediency. The fundamental right of self-expression may be with-heldonly for the strongest reasons. Has there been any suggestion that indis-ciplineamong students is also due to their teachers taking part in politics?

The other proposals of the Associa-tion may be generally un-exceptionable.But this particular one is unnecessarily panicky. It is hoped it would be just ignored.•

Leader- June 23, 1951Student Conduct

Sir, —Although the student de-monstration at Shahdra, when they held up atrain for six hours, is indefensible, there is something to be said for their attitude. Toignore facts is not the way to tackle the problem of student indiscipline. Havingclasses to attend at Ghaziabad at 9 a.m., Delhi boys who have no educationalfacilities in their home town have a right to expect cheap and convenient transportto reach there in time, and not too early either. As it is, the last train before schooltime from Delhi reaches Ghaziabad at 6-26 a.m. (departure from Delhi is 5-45).This is highly inconvenient especially in winter particularly for the poor motherswho have to prepare breakfast for their boys well before 5 a.m.

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There are five shuttles each way, between Delhi and Ghaziabad, but the earliestleaves Delhi at 1 p.m. From this it appears that the rail-ways cater for all varietiesof, traffic between Delhi and Ghaziabad but students. The interests of students in awelfare State should receive, if not priority, at least equal consideration. The trackbetween Delhi and Ghaziabad is clear of all up passenger traffic between 6-26a.m. and 9-15 a.m. The track is double. Could not a students shuttle be providedleav-ing Delhi at about 8 a.m. and reaching Ghaziabad shortly after 8-30 a.m.? Thequestion of prestige should arise only when the demand of the other side isunreasonable.•

Hindustan Times- November 25, 1959Hindustan Standard- November 1959


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LANGUAGE

Lakhnau not Lucknow, Kanpur not CawnporeSir, —The way we Indians, in imitation of our foreign masters, have been

mis-spelling and some times also mis-pronouncing the names for some of ourprincipal towns, cities and even of provinces, is indicative of the depth of ourmental enslavement and degradation. It is said of the Englishman that he carrieswith him a little bit of England. Wherever he goes and this trait of it’s explainswhy and how our places have come to be spelt and pronounced as they are inofficial language. But why should we, the people of the land, be prone to swallowwith out protest or resistance, whatever un-Indian or anti-Indian stuff is servedout to us in our own country?

The ball has been set rolling with an appeal by some resident of the place topronounce and spell Mathura correctly (instead of Muttra). While we are at it,why not take Merath (Meerut) too in the same stride. There is no reason alsowhy Benares should not be Banaras and Fyzabad Faizabad. He must have hada strange taste in spelling, which deformed beautiful and full-throated Lakhmauinto lean and lisping Lucknow. When Rae-Bareli could hold its own, it is awonder why Bareilly spelt as it is, unless it is to constantly associate it withpolice surveillance in one’s mind’s eye. Industrial Kanpur, rightly so-called forits ‘earful’ of noises, should have stayed as it is without being drawled intoCaw-awnpo-ore. And Mansuri, the queen of our hill-stations, has for no reasonwhatever been Americanised into Mussorie.

Travelling outside our home province of U.P., the summer and winter capitalsof our motherland din as forcefully as possible into our long-suffering ears theextent of or de-Indianisation. Delhi of immortal history becomes inexplicablyDelhi (with ‘h’ and I transposed) perhaps because some greenhorn British civiliancould not or would not pronounce it correctly. Shimla became Simla in theforeigner’s Kalkatta and Bambai came to be Calctta and Bombay is not clearexcept on the thesis that out of sheer perversity, our rules wanted to pronounceand spell our names exactly as they ought not to have been spelt and pronounced.

The list is almost in-exhaustible. Lahaur is spelt Lahore, Haidarabad asHyderabad, Maisur as Mysore, Dhaka as Dacca, Mungher as Monghyr and soon.

Even our provinces have not been spared. Why should Sindh be termedmere. Sind or Dakkhan (or Dakan) as Deccan?

But the cap was put on the process when our motherland itself. Hind orHindustan, was christened India; so that to the world we are not Hindis orHindustanis but simply Indian.

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Our own languages are quite phonetic; or systems of spelling and ofpronunciation are as near the flawless as possible. Why should we then continueto ape the aliens in our land in mis-spelling and mis-pronouncing our names?

The provincial Governments (and the Central too when it becomes lessirresponsible) would want to take their own time effecting the necessary incidentalchanges in official papers. But we common folk can be right now effacingthese irritating imprints of foreign domination on even our geography.•

Hindustan Times- 1947

Balia Not BalliaSir, —It is indeed gratifying to read that taking notice of my letter, under the

caption ‘Lakhnau not Lucknow, Kanpur not Cawnpore, published in the Leadersome months back, the Government have decided to correct and respell thenames of many our cities and rivers.

The list so far published contains many important commissions. I suggestthe following.

Ballia BaliaBareilly BareliBadaun BadayunBijnore BijnaurEtawah ItawaLhasksar LaksarLucknow LakhnauMeerut MerathMoradabad MuradabadMussorie MasuriRoorkee RurkiSardar R. Sharda R.I daresay there are many other places of lesser importance, the spelling of

which needs to be revised. I have intentioned only the important names. •Leader-September 04, 1947

Names of CitiesSir, —-Since independence we have restored correct and proper spelling to

many of our cities. The Englishman, because he either could not, or would not,pronounce them, as they ought to have been pronounced, had drawled them intofantastic phonetic shapes. Kanpur used to be Cawnpore, Faizabad was Fyzabad,Banaras (now Varanasi) was Benares and so on.


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But there are still quite a few cities in our state of U.P which continue to havean outlandish spelling and are pronounced accordingly by people who feel proud insporting a foreign accent. Lakhnau, the seat of the Government, is still Lucknow,although it has all along been, in luck since the days of Harcourt Butler. Masoori,the queen of our hills, continues to be equated in its spelling with Missoorie in theUnited States, without any apparent reason. Bareilly continues to remind us of howsurveillance is spelt, although Rae-Bareli ha? Always stayed as it is. Merath is stillMeerut while Mathura has come into its ‘own from being Muttra for over a century.Rurki of the Engineering University stays as Roorkee. Going outside UP why shouldDehli be still Delhi. Bambai Bombay, Kalkatta Calcutta an Shimla Simla? That westill stick to the old, incorrect spelling can be explained only by our sneaking likingfor British habits of speech even where these mean disfigurement and deformationof our names, be they of places or persons.

We are removing statues of our erstwhile rulers and substituting national namesfor institutions bearing the foreigners’ impress. Why not rationalize—and nationalize—the spelling of the remaining miss-spelt cities also? •

National Herald - November 01, 1957Anand Bazar Patrika - November 1957Leader- November 1957Hindustan Times - November 1957Hindustan Standard - November 1957

Language ProblemSir, —Now that the anti-Hindi agitation in the South has cooled down, it is

possible to examine the language question uninfluenced by panic.Long, long before freedom came to our country and throughout the national

struggle against foreign rule, it was un-questioned that English would be replacedby some Indian language in the governance of the country after Independence.Hindi, by common consent, was regarded as the natural successor. As a matter offact, during the short spell of provincial autonomy in the late thirties, I remember (Ibelieve rightly) that even Mr. Rajagopalachari, who was then Chief Minister ofMadras, had introduced Hindi in his province. Later on, with the transference ofpower from British to Indian hands, Hindi was naturally adopted by the Constitutionas the national language.

The Constitution also laid down the steps and the stages by which English wasto be replaced by Hindi. It is sad to have to say that some of our top administrators,unmindful of the constitutional directives relating to its development as a medium ofexpression for all the elements of the composite culture of India and securing itsenrichment stuck to English longer than was warranted, more because they liked

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the way things were getting along than for fear of any possible repercussions of thekind we have just witnessed.

Even if we grant that English is somewhat of an international language, itscontinuance till Hindi is in a position to displace it completely can be justified onlyby the fact that higher education in science and technology, advanced study andresearch is not jet possible without its medium. For this time-lag too, the Governmentare almost wholly answerable. And in spite of all this remissness, they thoughtlesslydecided to observe the last item of the constitutional time-table about the substitutionof Hindi in place of English, without first preparing the groundwork which theConstitution had prescribed.

It is axiomatic that to weld a people into a nation, something more than Just ageographical entity is required. Common religion and for language are two of thefactors which tend to bring people together. Just as disparities to them tend to keepthem apart. India was one country; but it had to be partitioned on the basis ofdifference in religion. Our Constitution-makers therefore rightly insisted on acommon language for the country as a whole.

In addition to the regional languages. Spoken by the largest number of Indians—roughly half the number—it had to be Hindi. Any other Indian language could havebeen chosen if it satisfied that criterion.

The agitation in the South against Hindi presents a classic example of howmass behaviour can sometimes be utterly irrational. It is possible to understandpeople there agitating for the adoption of, say, Tamil as the national language inpreference to Hindi. What beats one is their wanting English to continue as thelanguage of administration at the Centre for all foreseeable time. It is Inconceivablehow passion and induced prejudice can so easily make people lose even nationalself-respect.

Apart from that, even 200 years of British rule and the apparent advantagesthe learning of English gave, resulted in not more than a bare two percent of Englishliteracy. Pursuit of knowledge in a foreign medium is always a great handicap forthe people in general. Can English ever become the language of the people—of themasses? Just because a few politicians who have a vested interest in the status quoand the English-educated elite who angle for all-India jobs for their sons, feel thatthey would lose their present advantage, are the people of a promising democracyto be deprived of effective participation in the administration of its affairs? Letthere be no mistake about it. We have to have a common language for the wholecountry. And it cannot be English.

What is distressing is that the Government at the Centre has taken a defensiveand apologetic stance in this matter. The apparent weakening of authority that hasbeen manifest is disturbing. Face to face with a challenge to law and order on a


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matter of constitutional sanctity, the Government has capitulated, to recalcitrance.It was all very well for the Prime Minister, when broadcasting to the nation on thismatter, to speak in terms of his characteristic humility. But we expected; at the endof it a clear and unequivocal notice to all concerned, of his Government’sdetermination to discharge their primary function and to stand no nonsense of thetype recently witnessed. The two ministers, who sought to court cheap popularityby tendering their resignation over the language issue, should have been dismissedoutright. A very bad precedent has been established in taking back into theGovernment men who broke their oath of bearing true faith and allegiance to theConstitution. On top of it, it appears that they have been, given some extra-constitutional assurances. The Government themselves are to blame for havingbrought the country to this pass on the language question. It is nevertheless to behoped that in tackling the tangled situation, they do not create more problems thanthey seek to solve.•

National Herald)-March 11, 1965Northern India Patrika-March 19,1965

Link LanguageSir, —Our leaders must be ruing their failure in not acting up to the age-old

adage of striking the iron while it is hot. For in the first flush of independenceal-most anything would have gone with the” people without opposition; suchwas the enthusiasm, the spirit of accommodation and tolerance. But attitudeswere al-lowed to form and harden so that the language controversy now seemsto be well-nigh in-soluble. Must we then reconcile ourselves to live with it forall time to come?

I have said ‘seems’ advisedly. It would be idle to expect a con-sensus onwhat can now be acceptable as the link language for the entire country; anational language in other words. But with a little firmness of which allGovernment worth the name should be capable, the problem can be solved.

That we have got to have a link language for all India for official purposesgoes without saying. No Governments is possi-ble without this: the postulate isbasic—almost axiomatic. Fur-ther, it needs no revelation from on high to tell usthat it just cannot be English—whatever else it is. Of course we are beholdento this language for all its gifts to us and, what it has helped us to acquire. It hascertainly en-riched our life; at any rate the life of certain ‘important sec-tionsof society. But even after almost two centuries of uninter-rupted andunchallenged sway, it has failed to catch the teem-ing masses. It is not of thiscoun-try and can never take roots here. And democracy, if it is to have any

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meaning for them, must assure the people a sense of participation. This theycan do only in a language they speak.

If English is eliminated, we are left with the choice of any one of the severallanguages spoken and written in India. Now I am not for Hindi just because Ibelong to UP and have therefore a natural advantage over non-Hindi; people. Isuggest we devise a computer, which I am told works completely objectively,and feed into it all the data which Mr. Rajagopalachsri and Mr. Frank Anthonycan conceive of, and abide by its verdict in the matter of which is the mostlyunderstood Indian language. Is there any doubt in anybody’s mind as to whatthe verdict would be?

But language is part of life and so there cannot be arguing or rationalisingabout it. Feeling always transcends reason where the masses are concernedand the question therefore cannot be dealt with on a purely rational basis. Theissue is psychological and must be dealt with psycho-logically. Prejudices haveto be overcome and concessions made. The supporters of Hindi must takecounsel together and not want to stream-roller the sub-ject. My suggestion, forwhat it may be worth, is that they agree on so-called Hindi-speaking re-gionsbut with the stipulation that Devanagari shall be the script in which it is written.(There can obviously be no yielding on the issue of script. For one thing it iswritten from left to right as scripts all the world over are, with the exception’ ofPersian, which too bows to universal prac-tice when writing its figures. Foranother, Hindi script is basic to all other Indian scripts, unlike Urdu, whichstands alone in this respect). This gesture to Urdu would, I am sure, take all thewind out of sails of those who have been working themselves up into an anti-Hindi posture in North India. The Hindi-wallahs may be sure that they wouldreally be giving away nothing by this seeming concession. On the contrary, theywould only be ad-vancing the day when Hindi would be occupying the pride ofplace in India replacing English. After the front for ‘Khari-boli’ or Hindustani orwhatever you call it has thus been consolidat-ed in northern, central and partsof western, eastern and even southern India, they can proceed to work on therest of the coun-try.

I hope Hindi-lovers will decide not to make it a prestige issue, as they seem tobe doing at some places. Sound strategy lies in stooping to conquer. •


Legal Phrases in SanskritSir, —Mr. Justice Dhavan of the Allahabad High Court has done real service in

calling on the Law Commission to prepare a glossary of legal phrases in Sanskrit toreplace the present Latin phrases. This he did while comparing the Latin phrase


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‘Res Judicata’ (meaning a case already decided) with its equivalent ‘Prang Nyaya’which is found in ancient Indian legal texts.

Apart from the fact that it should be a matter of national pride for us Indiansthat we have in our own ancient languages terms which are good working equivalentof those we have been borrowing, from foreign languages, they being of indigenousorigin are naturally far easier to understand and assimilate. Therefore, the criticismof Mr. Kodanda Rao (N.H. June 22) is hard to appreciate. He fears that “theproposal is likely to rouse an unhealthy and even dangerous controversy” since,according to him, “Sanskrit, like Hindi, is associated with Hinduism and hence is notlikely to appeal to non-Hindus.”

The reasoning of Mr. Rao’s, if I may say so, is far more dangerous than theproposal of Mr. Justice Dhavan can ever be. Moreover, it is fraught with possiblemischief. Mr. Rao has tried not only to palliate the irrational behaviour of somepeople against Hindi; he has also sought to embrace Sanskrit within the ambit ofthat irrationality. If there are people in this country who, on account of the fear ofrousing irrational opposition of some fanatics, prefer a foreign language to a languageof the land, their case is truly pathological. Are we determined not to learn fromexperience? What have to be fought are fanaticism, and not healthy nationalism,and the natural love of and pride in one’s own country’s language? To talkgrandiloquently of “internationalism” or “One World” in this context may give theappearance of large-heartedness, but it is neither clear nor right-headed. Of cautionand appeasement in matters of this kind we have had enough and to spare. A haltmust be cried to these counsels of timidity. Time has arrived when who should learnto be a little bolder while dealing with situations, which irrelevantly arise out of rightpolicies and actions.•

National Herald – July 09, 1965Hindustan Times – July 09, 1965

Urdu broadcastsSir, —We refuse to believe that broadcasters of news in Urdu over All India

Radio cannot pronounce Hindi words correctly. It certainly was a fashion duringthe British rule in our country to pronounce Hindustani words exactly as they oughtnot to be pronounced, perhaps to give them an English touch. Dehli was Del-hi(with h and I changing places, Kulkat a was Anglicised, into Cal-cutta,. Kan-purwas drawled into C-a-w-n-p-o-r-e. Mathura was muttered as Muttra, Bumbai putinto the Bombay strait-jacket. Lakhnau nobobed into Luck-now and so on. Nowthat we are all Hindustanis, there is no justification at all for proper nouns beingcontinued to be mispronounced.

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Since Madhya Pradesh has been in the news lately it has been jarring to hearthe Urdu broadcasters lengthen the monosyllabic ‘Madhya’ into two syllables: Madh-ya, which it is not. The a in ‘ya’ is Silent and is placed -just to Signify that ‘y’ is notto be muted, similarly ‘Pradesh’ is –pronounced by these functionaries as if therewas a vowel between P and r, Par-desh. I am sure that once this irritating mistakein pronunciation is pointed out, it would be corrected. •

Indian Express - August 04, 1967

Putting on an accentSir, —Some English announcers on Doordarshan, both in the News section and

others, speak with an ascent accent which may be all right for the Britishers inIndia or for those who have lived in England and are therefore quite conversantwith that particular way of speech, but they are largely unintelligible to most Indians,who, though they understand English pretty well, cannot follow what they say. Theannouncers must know that they are speaking to Indian audience primarily andtherefore do not need to adopt a foreign accent.

Thy authorities too should have the Indian audience in mind. It is quite possiblethat some Indian listeners who, do not quite follow the announcements, are chary toadmit it lest they be considered backward. But any panel of English-knowing Indiansshould be able to tell the Doordarshan people that some English announcers’ accentsleave very much desired.

The object should be to be understood by Indians and not to speak the languageas Englishmen speak it.•

Indian Express-August 22, 1983


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LABOUR

Peons, Ordinaries and JamadarsSir, —While rationalizing the cadres of peons, orderlies and Jamadars as,

according to a news report from Lucknow, the U. P. Government have tentativelydecided to do, it would be as well if their duties and responsibilities are also definedand, laid down with as much detail and precision as is possible.

As things are, the lot of this-cadre is hard, indeed. Paid out of the public exchequerthe peon and chaprasi are, to all intents and purposes, treated almost as the domesticservants of their bosses. In addition to their official duties they have to renderpersonal service also. What exactly are the official duties nobody seems to know orcare? As to the other, the chores that they are expected to do vary, oftener that not,with the habits of life and the temperament of his boss’s Mrs. The normal minimumis his daily going, the first thing in the morning, to the vegetable market to get greensfor his boss’s kitchen. On return he, busies himself with ushering visitors seekinginterviews with his officer. By then it is time to carry the dispatch box to office.During office hours he may have to go and bring; he lunch basket from the residence.Then in the afternoon back again he residence with the dispatch box. More ordersof Mrs. to be executed from the market and or giving an airing to the baba-log. Asa rule he goes back to his own wife and children after dusk—occasionally after andsometimes far into the night.

In more decentralized offices he has to act as cook, in addition. (Not for nothingare Brahmans preferred as orderlies and peons.)

His hours of official duties are never fixed. He never has a full holiday. If theoffice is closed, why, he has his round of duties at the kothi of his boss, day in dayout. He has no personality of his own; it is submerged in the personality of his boss.So much so that when the officer goes on tour the peon also goes; the officer getshis travelling allowance but the peon does hot. Even when commissioned to go tothe end of the district on any work, he is seldom paid any T.A. or diet allowance.He is supposed to travel all the distance on foot—and live on air. What these resultsin can foe easily imagined. He has to make somebody pay for both.

The nature of the work that he does at the residence of his officer is in thenature of beggar, which is now outside the pale of our constitution. It is irrelevantthat he receives some quid pro quo for this extra work in the form of tips fromvisitors and other beneficiaries. At any rate, that is not rational.

Rationalizing of cadres should also include rationalization of duties and theconditions of service. •

Leader – May 12, 1951

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Is There A Labour Policy?Sir, —Labour Minister Sucheta Kripalani was only reeling off a catalogue of

‘good intentions when, moving the demand for grants to her department, she saidthat “the Government had taken steps to maintain harmony between labour andindustry and maintain industrial peace.” She also said, “the labour policy was toaugment efficiency by better living conditions, create an atmosphere of amity, makejobs more attractive, provide new privileges, and ensure security of service.” Sheadded, “the conciliation boards were working well” and “the recommendations ofthe Sugar Wage Board were implemented.”

As one who is and has for a long time past also, been rather closely interestedin the problems of labour, I can say with a degree of confidence that the minister’sclaim is, to put it very mildly, unrelated to reality. Leaving aside for a moment thefact that her claim has no relevance whatever when viewed from a socialisticstandpoint, the actual achievement even from the point of view of a welfare statedoes not come anywhere near what has been claimed. Under & socialist order,labour has the upper hand. Under any scheme of welfarism, it gets at least a squaredeal. As it is not to speak of any special concern for “new privileges” for labour theGovernment have been failing to secure for them even a fair deal according to theirexisting rights); Maybe, that policies—whatever they are—are all right at theirformulative stages. Their implementation however involves two other factors thesubordinate executive and, of much bigger importance, the capitalist; the latterbeing the agency which pays the piper under the existing scheme of things.

There is another aspect, which a Government, seeking to build a socialisticpattern of society, has to bear in mind all the time. It is the general over-all attitudeof the local executive of the Government towards labour problems. Under the Britishimperialistic system, which prevailed here till recently, there was a frank avowalthat the capitalist had to be sided with against labour. The former was always right.Under system which professes socialism the attitude should have changed, if notbrought to just the other way round Even under welfarism the hand that holds thescales should always have bold sympathy for the under-dog. As a matter of fact,the tea test of the character of governmental policies is simple enough. What is itsinstinctive reaction when faced with a dispute between labour and its employer? Isit the traditional one where authority has always regarded labour to be always in thewrong? Is there even an attempt to judge the matter on merits before deciding tojump into the fray on one side or the other?

Invariably, as heretofore, the forces of law and order, even today, automaticallyline up behind the owners of industry and completely identify themselves with itsinterest. There is not an iota of difference in their attitude even after independence.I speak from experience, but of this a little later.


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Let us lake harmony between labour and industry first, The mere fact that theGovernment have provided an elaborate machinery of conciliation, arbitration andadjudication for the resolution of industrial disputes cannot by itself make for betterrelations. The “elaborateness” itself is an advantage to the resourceful and themoneyed owners while it is a handicap to workers. What the latter appreciate ischeap, and ready remedy. The workman may have been placed on a footing ofequality with his employer before the legal forum, but as would be obvious to anybody,this equality is very unequal in its incidence. A worker, drawing say, seventy rupeesa month cannot outlast protracted litigation against those who have regulardepartments to look after this kind of work.

Better living conditions and security of service. Even assuming without admittingthat living conditions today are better, do they touch even the fringe of the requirementsof social justice? For instance, in the sugar industry the millowners are reapingabout thirty-five times their pre-war profits. Is the pittance which workmen havebeen receiving in increased wages any recompense for the work which they haveput in to make these profits possible? As to security of service, who does not knowthat managements now no longer take on anybody permanently?

All new recruits are employed on a temporary basis, from year to year, andthus deprived of the “new privileges” which have been referred to with such nostalgia.About the implementation of the Wage Board award, the less said the better. Perhapsthe minister has taken the millowners at their word; they say it has been implemented,and so it must have been implemented. Has any care been taken to arrange toinquire from labour what it has to say? As matters stand the award has beenhonoured more in its breach than in its implementation. Managements have theirown notions of what implementation is they argue that, if labour not satisfied withtheir interpretation of the award, why, is there not the elaborate machinery providedfor the settlement of differences.

I have had a very recent experience with regard to these matters. As a result ofgrievances over the non-implementation of the Sugar Wage Board award and alliedmatters, a representative of the largest union of a mill in my district went on hunger-strike at a site just across the road before the main gate of the mills, I am notentering on the merits of the dispute at all. A report lodged with the police that veryday says that the office secretary of the union was assaulted by three high-rankingofficers of the mill with dandas and even pursued up to the railway station where hemanaged to escape.

That very day the gates of the mills opened to admit inside a detachment of theprovincial armed constabulary, presumably at the beck and call of the management.To anybody who knows of these things it is clear as daylight what the force wasthere for—to terrorise and demoralise the workers. But at a press conference helda few days later it was given in reply to a question that the constabulary was thereas a routine precautionary measure on account of “Id”. Now the mills are outsidethe limits of the municipality where the people live; quite outside the possible danger

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zone. A whole railway station and the permanent way lie in between. The explanationgiven, everybody felt, was extremely thin.

The aggrieved workmen had installed a loudspeaker where their man was fasting.Intermittently it was playing pro-labour gramophone records. Two amongst thesewere particularly inspiring (and correspondingly demoralising to capital); “Huqmangte hain apne paseene ka, adhikar hamen bhi hai jeeneka” (We demandthe wages of our sweat, we too have the right to live) and “Gharibon ka passenabah raha hai, yen pani bahte bahte kah raha hai” (the sweat of the have-notsis flowing and murmuring a prediction). At first the management objected to theplaying of these two particular songs but when the workers would not yield, threeof them were caused to be arrested for making a nuisance by noise. Comment onlegal and constitutional right is meaningless.

The management according to time-worn practice have recruit-ed lathi-armedhoodlums to over-awe and terrorise the workers. The workers automatically get acorresponding body of voluntary sympathisers from amongst the citizens in theirmoral support. The management dubs the for-mer “security force” and the lat-ter“mischievous and goonda elements”. Obliging authority dit-toes! Socialism in action;isn’t it?

The mills have on their pre-mises a number of quarters of which workers areregular rent-paying tenants. Presumably the laws of the land with regard to therights of lesses and their per-sonal liberty of movement apply also to mills and themill-owners. But from the day of the hunger-strike, now about a month old, theseworkers have been confin-ed within the walls of tihe mills and except for a smallopening at the back which opens at stat-ed intervals and which means a detour ofover half-a-mile, and cut off from all intercourse with the outside world. The workersmade a written complaint about this to the authorities. Nothing doing. I saw a smallcrowd out-side the mill gate one evening and inquired from the sub-inspector, standingjust two feet back of the assistant manager of the mills, as to what it was all about.He looked sheepishly at the manager who started explain-ing. I said I wanted tohear what the police officer had to say. The sub-inspector quietly slunk away, withoutvouchsafing a reply.

It is really a surprise how even after the adoption of a Constitu-tion guaranteeingfundamental rights and proclaiming from the house-tops that we are building asocialist order, the capitalists continue to be law unto themselves and are at libertyto take the law into their own hands, while authority acts simply as a handmaid tothem. It was not without good reason that there was opposition to companies makingcontribu-tions to political parties. We simply cannot usher in a new social order ifcapitalists con-tinue merrily to call the tune. •

National Herald - June 1962Janata -July 01, 1962


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PENSIONERS

PensionersSir, —Perhaps there is something to be said after all for the custom still prevailing

in certain so-called primitive tribes—of killing their members as soon as they arepast a certain age. There is a rationale behind the custom; in the struggle for existencewhich still rages in those communities in all its primeval ferocity, the old and theinfirm become unfit to survive. So they are mercifully put out of the way.

Why cannot we, today, when economic considerations, and considerations ofbalancing the, national budget, outweigh all sentimental nonsense, adopt a similarcourse with those who have played out their socially useful innings in the game oflife? In any case there is no rational at all in our present pension system. A pensionis arbitrarily fixed at half the pay a public servant draws immediately before retirementAs if his; physical and social needs undergo a sea-change the moment he is unshipped.The fact on the contrary is that except for the necessity of maintaining a residenceat tile station where be is posted for the time being, his other wants have, if anything,increased considerably by the time he is due for pension, what with the increasedand increasing school and college expenses of his growing-up children and theexpenses which society says he must incur in the marriage of his daughters. All thisapart from his own medical and dietary bills which must keep on mounting withage. A man at so early an age as 55 cannot have all his sons suitably berthed or hisdaughters husbanded; unless he hag seen to it that no child is born to his wife afterhis own middle thirties.

The anomaly does not atop here. Take a man getting Rs.100 as salary, retiringin 1940. He gets today a pension of Ra. 50. But a man still in service who wasgetting rupees fifty as salary in 1940 would today be getting Ra. 200 or 250 for thesame work, even if he had been employed on a fixed salary. So why should not apension of 50 rupees in 1940 be also not the equivalent of two hundred or twohundred fifty rupees today? If the man still in service retires in 1962, ha gets Rs.125 or so in pension. It comes to this that a man getting a hundred rupees salary in1940 (but who retired then) gets a pension of 50 rupees while a man getting fiftyrupees a salary in 1940 (who continues in service) gets a pension of one hundredand twenty-five rupees today. What justice! What fair play! The only fault of theformer is that he chose his time of active life wrongly. He was fool to have beenborn twenty years too early. He must now be content to be governed by “principles”evolved long ago but applicable today. Seeing that those who are hit by all thisirrationality are all well past the biblical age of three score years and ten, theGovernment can complacently sit back and say —nothing doing. Had they beenphysically fit for direct action, they could have made the Government sit up. As it is,

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they must content themselves by Invoking, in reply to our Chief Minister’s plea thatthe funds at the disposal of the Government do not admit of pensioners’ claimsbeing considered, the famous old-time dictum that justice must be done even if theheavens fall. •

National Herald- September 15, 1962Northern India Patrika-September 16, 1962

Freedom Fighters’ PensionsSir, —To have suffered and sacrificed in the cause of the country was its own

reward. Those who participated in the struggle for independence never did so in theexpectation of any recompense. Rather they did not even think that freedom wouldcome during their life-time. That freedom came when it did, and the satisfactionthat one contributed his little mite to help bring it about was enough in itself

Barring a few who were elected to the legislatures after independence andthus became entitled to certain pecuniary perquisites or even became ministers, thevast majority of freedom fighters stayed content with the respect and regard thatthey had come to command among the people.

More than about 25 years after the last man had been released from prison onaccount of offering resistance to foreign rule, the Government of the day thoughtup the idea of making some reparation to these people. Nobody—at any rate veryfew of those affected—knew of the exact criteria laid down for the eligibility to thisallowance. It is said that while the Central Government laid down at only thosewhose annual income wag less than Rs. 5000 would be entitled to this pension, thestate Government made no such stipulation (I am subject to correction). A goodnumber of the intended beneficiaries deemed it beneath their dignity—at all eventshighly embarrassing—to talk of this requital for ‘services rendered’; while quitesome others, not unwilling to get help, considered it derogatory to their self-respectto make petition for the same.

Now, as everybody knows, a majority of those who took part in the civildisobedience movements were from the villages, mostly agriculturists. Nobody canclaim to estimate the income of an agriculturist with any degree of exactitude.There never is any steady income, as of those who draw salaries or are engaged inregular business. One year he gets a good harvest, the next is a lean year when hecan hardly take the two ends meet. Estimates of his income by the revenue authoritiesare at best guesstimates and not dependable. In some cases that I know of, it is thegross income that has been made on the basis of calculation. How unrealistic andunreasonable! A farmer may have grossed six thousand rupees from the sale of hisyearns wheat or sugarcane. But his input on this was Rs. three thousand so what isleft is only Rs. 3000/- (Rs 250 per month) for the whole family including the livestock.


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Not to take into account the cost of production in the case of agricultural produce isabsurd. All this said and done, it looks most graceless to put the freedom fighters,whom it is intended to honour, to the indignity of submitting petitions and, in connectionwith this business to flit from pillar to post and to pay court, to patwaris and kanungos.Before launching the scheme, did the Government take this aspect into consideration;that by the modality of granting this dole, they are making the fighters lose theirself-respect?

Further I wonder what criterion has been adopted to make distinctions betweenone freedom fighter and another. Some are being given an allowance of Rs 100/-,others of Rs. 250/-, and all the grades in between.

I suggest, for what it is worth and I am sure that what I say has the approval ofall the hit ended beneficiaries and that the Government take on itself the task ofpreparing a list of the freedom fighters in each district through its own agencies,including the C.I.D. These can take the help of known men in the locality, if necessary,and of Government records in the jail and the police stations. Then, an officer notbelow the rank of district magistrate should go round to their abodes, personally andindividually, telling them that the Government wants to make some return for thecontribution they made for gaining freedom. Such of them as decline to accept thepension may be left out and the rest be given a uniform allowance.

This would not only be graceful and befitting but equitable too. The manner ofgiving is of the essence of this delicate matter. The way in which these pensions aredoled out today is a sure way to demoralise those whom it is intended to honour. Itlooks like charity. •

National Herald (Lucknow)- November 01, 1973National Herald (Delhi)- November 01, 1973Northern India Patrika-November10, 1973

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POLITICAL SYSTEM

POLITICAL PARTY

Marshal Bulganin and Congress SessionSir, —A news paper report says that Marshal Bulganin, the Russian. Prime

Minister, is being invited to attend the session of the Indian Na-tional Congress tobe held in Amritsar this winter and that a formal invitation will go to him through theA.I.C.C.

The propriety of asking the head of a foreign Government (in this case he isalso virtually the head of the state) to attend a party con-ference—as distinguishedfrom a state or a Governmental function—must be re-examined, even where theinviting party is the ruling party. An invitation to attend the deliberations of a politicalparty amounts almost to an invitation to associate with it. The Marshal on, his partmay think nothing of it; out there in his country, and others of the same pattern ofpolitical life, they do not draw any line between the Party, the Government and theState. But we here are a democracy where care is taken that even our own Presidentcomes nowhere near party conferences.

Imagine the American President being invited to the deliberations o£ theConservative party of Great Bri-tain, or the British Prime Minister attending theconventions of U.S.A. Republicans or democrats—That would be instantaneouslydubbed as interference in the political affairs of another country; it would be calledtaking sides at any rate, would our own Prime Minister agree to be invited to attenda party conference in a foreign state, espe-cially a state which has more than one‘political party? The position may be less objectionable where the visitor and theinviting party belong to the same political persuasion on the international plane,which is not the case here. No, Sir, in democracies such things are just not done. •

Leader- July 01, 1955

Congress Socialists and SocialismSir, —It was in the ties that socialist thought in the country sorted itself out to

form into a party. Keeping itself well within the Congress it decided to force andspearhead a socialist direction in its policies and pro-grammes.

In 1948 when after the attain-ment of Independence, the Con-gress set aboutdefining its new objectives, the socialists found that they could not work effectivelywithin its framework which, according to them, tended to lean more to the rightthan to the left. They broke away from the parent body to constitute a separateparty of democratic so-cialism, distinct from the Com-munists. As a result of their


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ex-perience during the Second Word War they had come to realise that theirs andthe Com-munists ways as also their aims were far apart and at times contradictory.

It is not necessary to go into what happened thereafter, except to say that farfrom consolidat-ing socialist forces in the coun-try, there has been a long story intheir ranks of repeated splintering efforts to salvage the wreckage and then furthersplits. The bulk of them have only suc-ceeded in cutting themselves adrift almostrudderless, without a sense of direction in so far as socialism is concerned. So theyhave been experimenting with make-shifts and now with unprincipled alliances forwant of any better. Their ineffectiveness is mainly due to the confusion that hasoverspread the mind of the People by the multiples of parties which now under thebanner of socialism. In the meantime, the Congress the oldest, the biggest and thebest known of the parties after caring with the problem of redefining have settledfor democratic socialism.

The result of the 1967 elections has been a faithful reflection of the confusionwhich has pervad-ed the mass mind because of the confused behavior of the politi-calparties and their leaders. In the permutations and combina-tions which have followedin the wake the Congress being reduced to a position of a minority in most of thestates, the only discernible link is an irrational opposition to the Congress for noother reason than that it has been in uninter-rupted enjoyment of a monopoly ofpolitical power and has been prone, as party if placed in similar circumstances ofunchallenged authority, would be to corruption and the other evils which flow from it.

I feel free to confessed to the Congress itself bear affair share of the blame forthis state of affairs. While it may be true that power corrupts and absolute powercorrupts absolutely that is no alibi for the scale of debase-ment of public life at alllevels and in all spheres such as we see today. And on top of that the nonchalanceand at time the impatience which many of our leaders betray towards those whohave the temerity, in a mood of self-analysis, to point to it, has become insufferableto the mass of the people. This, and a grow-ing cohesion of opposition opinion,howsoever mutually contradictory and liable to cancel each other out in normalcircumstances, has f been lowering the organization in the eye of the public. Andyet, even after its debacle in the elec-tions it has not stopped to learn the lessons itneeds desperately to learn. It seems even now to regard its reverses as just anaberration, and not a trend in public opinion. Signs were not wanting even beforethe elections that the party was in for a jolt at the hands of the electorate. But apartfrom extending sort of take-it-or-leave-it offer to socialists to come back to its fold,its leaders and sub-leaders have not taken kindly to those who, take-k-ing them attheir word respond-ed to their invitation. Most of them were by no meansnew-comers; rather fogy were those who had their point vindicated— by the Congressitself adopting their goal of democratic social-ism. Even so, far from being assimilated

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or even adjusted, they are just suffered—if even that. Then, after being reduced insize it behoved the party to look around for means to strengthen itself. It shouldhave started to improve its “foreign relations” that is, its relations with other politicalparties with a view to combining with them to devise workable majorities on aprincipled basis. Instead of this, we see efforts at Political abduction of individual onwholly non-political ground. There do not seem to have been any overture to partiesas such—a perfectly justifiable and desirable course. The shattering of its monopolyof powers in the help its leaders to shed their exclusiveness and their superior posttowards others, in many cases, better than themselves. They have now to learn, todo with the second best, the days of their exclusive mastery of the number ofparties. We have, coalitions of likeminded parties are likely to hold the field for along time to come of the socialists outside there is a question I venture to ask.Where exactly do they think they are go and where is their socialism, democratic orother? By the kind of alliance making in the state are they not undermining the veryfoundations of democracy and laying those of reaction and fascism. If democracygoes does it need a prophet to tell us what takes over? As for socialism, must in-rational obsessions blind them to the extent of seeking friends among its swornenemies and failing to spot them its natural allies? For when all is said and theCongress with all in shortcomings has now converted itself into a party of socialismand day a better working partners then others. Political attitudes should be sided bypolitical principles and not blind prejudices. One can under-stand the socialists’ one-time standpoint of equidistance as the acme of high-souled perfection; of no-compromise for fear of soil-ing their purity. But their pre-sent ganging up with allkinds of parties representing sectarianism, reaction and authoritarianism is notexplicable on any hypothesis except that of frustration and opportunism. The followersof Acharya Narendra Deva were expected to act better. How long, they propose tocontinue their mad march which leads to certain death and extinction? Nobodyshould know better than the socialists-history is witness-that a confused public isthe greater danger both to democracy and to socialism.

The last election has served to chasten the Congress and debunk Congressmenof their inflated ego. The party after more than a decade of skirting round theobjective of socialism has found the right response to the felt necessities of thetimes. The socialists now can, without loss of prestige, sit down with it on equalterms to a detached and dispassionate survey of the political landscape, to thrashout a course of action to pull the country out from the slough of despond in which itfinds itself. If they do not do so now, without further loss of time, there are otherforces which will take over. •

National Herald - October 23, 1967


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The Jan SanghSir, —Mr. B.D. Bhatia has taken up cudgels (April 13-14) on behalf of the

Jan Sangh to refute the charge of communalism levelled against it.A party’s written constitution as every one knows, is in most cases a catalogue

of good intentions. What a party is on paper is, therefore, seldom a said criterion bywhich to judge its true nature. That can be revealed only when we look for answersto questions such as these: what is the party’s origin and its history; what do itsrecognized leaders think, do and say in private: how does the party functions andwhat movements leads or has led: what does its rank and file think and talk in publicand in private, which other parties does it look upon as its natural allies; and aboveall what is its public image—that is to say—what do the people in general think ofit?

Judging from this and the fact known to every schoolboy that the Jan Sangh isvirtually the parliamentary wing of the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh, Came therebe any further doubt as to the party’s real character? No doubt, it has on its rollssome men of sterling worth of whom any country can be proud its nationalism andpatriotism are beyond question. The zeal of its adherents in the cause of theirorganization is unmatched. Many of its workers would delay lay down their livesfor the country.

All this is true but here we are now concerned with the question ofcommunalism.•

Hindustan Times- April 25, 1967

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MINISTERS

Ministers & Official TourSir, —On the subject of Ministerial tours and elec-tion propaganda, one wonders

whom it, was intended to re-assure when the Deputy Minis-ter for Law told aquestioner in the Lok Sabha that the Chief Ministers of States had in-formed theChief Election Com-missioner that “the prevailing practice was that such tours aswere likely to be objected to were avoided as a rule and would continue to beavoided in future”.

He was referring to the Com-mission’s recent circular letter to the States,stressing the desirability of establishing a convention that Ministers would not proceedon official tours in Government transport to constituencies where elections wereabout to take place, and that if a Minister had to visit a con-stituency during anofficial tour, he would take care not to can-vass support for candidates be-longingto his party.

First, the reply to the Chief Ministers speaks of a practice is that practice self-imposed by each individual Minister out of a sense of fair play, or in obe-dience tosome directive from superior quarters? It then refers to likely objections. Now,cannot objections on the score mentioned be taken for granted? Again, the practiceis qualified by the phrase “as a rule”, so that in exceptional cases Minis-ters may, itseems, undertake tours in Government transport for electioneering.

One cannot just leave all these crucial matters to the good sense of partypoliticians until at any rate they have become well-versed in the rules of the game.Until then, there should be rules to prevent the misuse of Ministerial authority andgovernmental machinery for election purposes.•

1947-48

The Defence MinisterSir, —Our respect and affection for the person of the Prime Minister and his

qualities of heart should not blind us to matters of Himalayan importance concerningthe very security of our country. Ever since the Menon-Thimayya episode therehave been both constant and recurring misgivings in the public mind that all is notwell with our defence set-up. If rumours are to be believed—for after all thesethings do affect national morale-there is cause for anxiety, if not concern. Even adeeper probe reveals that we cannot afford to be complacent-and that is about allthat can be said publicly.

Party politics have not place where the security of the country is involved. Yetstrangely enough, groupism within the ruling party itself seems to have a play inaffairs relating to the Defence Ministry. Apart from a handful-and that handful


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based on personnel loyalties-in the ruling party and (isn’t it curious) the Communists,avowed opponents of the ruling party, the3 rest of the people have been demandingand, since we profess democracy, expecting a change in the holder of the Defenceportfolio. One would have thought that where matters or such high moment areinvolved, no considerations of prestige or personal loyalty to colleagues would standin the way. But it seems that these very considerations and a misplaced sense ofesprit de corps have prevented an outcome, which one had thought was inescapable.How one wishes that at this time there were at least a few in the governing partywho braving the risk of disfavour and even fall from grace, told the Prime Ministerto this face that loyalty to the country comes first, and that its interests demand thatMr. Krishna Menon be replaced, immediately and at once.

Apart from the association of his name with quite a few financial bunglingsinvolving huge losses to the country, the only qualities in which Mr. Menon excelsare a power of invective (which, however heart-warming to his admires, does notexactly win us friends or influence people) and making calculatedly indiscreetspeeches in public which are a source of comfort to those who are this country’sfriends. His reference to ‘unadministered’ territory in his (was it Srinagar) speechamounted to an assurance to the Chinese communists that they need have no worryabout hav-ing to evacuate Indian territory invaded by them. That was some timeago.

His latest puts the lid on it. A defence Minister at the pre-sent juncture goingabout baying in public and that too a misstatement—that our forces are inadequate,must be completely devoid of even elementary dis-cretion and cannot be held guiltyof possessing ideas on what the morale of the Army and the people is built up. As itis, our defence forces are quite adequate and in fine fettle; their morale is excellent.But for Mr. Menon it would be still higher. National morale also and it is this; whichin the ultimate analysis ‘ sustains the front line of fight-ing forces—is at a heightnever attained in living memory. If Mr. Menon thinks otherwise, it was up to him toremedy it, instead of going ranting about it at the wrong time at wrong places.There is no doubt that some explanation would be forthcoming from him—or on hisbehalf—for this latest lapse; that he has been misreported, that words have beentwisted out of their real meaning, that he has been interpreted out of context, andall-that. These face-savings don’t fool the people any longer.

I am for the moment passing over the widely-held belief that our DefenceMinister has been building a personal following in the defence forces. Keeping Inview what has happened to the democratic system in our neigh-bouring countries,that in itself should be a grave enough por-tent. But I am convinced that howsoeverloud in our many frustrations, we may at times declaim against some of thecon-comitants of democracy in our country, as a people we are democrat at heart,

Political System (Ministers) - The Defence Minister

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and would not permit any would be dictator to raise his head on the presumedsupport of some in-triguing officers.

But we cannot any longer tolerate at the helm of the Defence Ministry, a personwho has proved himself to be com-pletely unfit to hold that most responsible charge,and who has forfeited our confidence.•

Hindustan Standard- June 30, 1969

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DisqualificationsSir, —By a circular letter in 1948 office of the Constituent Assembly of India

had instructed the authorities in charge of the preparation of the electoral rolls toregister therein all names, of the disqualification’s incurred by any electors theGovernment of India Act. This meant that it was intended to start work under thenew Constitution on a clean slate.

On a question of difficulty over the interpretation of law (Art. 236 of theConstitution and Sec. 16 of the Represen-tation of Peoples Act) raised by EastPunjab, the Election Commission (India) have written to say, and circularized, thatthe correct interpretation of the relevant provisions does do away with disqualifyingbans imposed before the Constitution come into force.

But this interpretation may not be considered binding by the judicial offices indifferent districts with the work of considering claims and objections to the especiallyas the language of the circular is not quite clear.

The simplest way out of the difficulty is for the Governors to remove thedisqualifications by a general order, for which they have legal authority. Since thetime for finalizing the rolls is draw-ing near, it is to be hoped that the course suggested,if acceptable, would be taken without delay. •

Hindustan Times- November 21, 1950Leader- November 23, 1950Anand Bazar Patrika - November 25, 1950

Election Officer and ElectionsSir, —A report from Allahabad says that the district election offi-cer there

while addressing a joint meeting of the staff of the im-provement trust, theGovernment Press, and the general post office in connection with the forthcomingelections referred to the mag-nitude of the task and said, inter alia, that ‘they wouldrequire about 8,000 persons to man the various polling booths in this dis-trict alone,which will have the proud privilege to return the Prime Minister of India from oneof its constituencies.’

What significance or re-levancy the last clause of the above had in the mind ofthe election officer is not difficult to say. It appears he wanted to play the courtierto the powers-that-be, forgetting that so far as his duties as election officer areconcerned he had to remain not only impartial but also completely indifferent towho is returned. It is no business of an election officer to speculate or presumewhether the successful candidate would become the Prime Minister or the defeatedcandidate would lose his security deposit. Like judges, officers entrusted with electionduties have not only to be impartial but also appear to all to be impartial.

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It was not without reason that a suggestion had been made that ministriesshould resign some time before the election, as that would be conducive to themain-tenance of a free-from-fear-of-favour attitude on the part of those who wouldbe entrusted with election duties. The sug-gestion was unacceptable. It is thereforeall the more incumbent on the Government and especially the Election Commissionto warn officials whom they entrust with election duties against fawning on the highand mighty and in-dulging in un-called-for verbiage of the kind mentioned above. •

Leader -November 22, 1951

Election ExpensesSir, —While most of the re-commendations and sugges-tions of the Election

Commission for changes in the electoral law and procedure are unexception-able,the one relating to the rais-ing of the maximum scale o£ election expenses seemsretro-grade.

The reason advanced is that “experience has shown that the scales were fixedtoo low and complaints have been received that the returns of election ex-penseslodged by many of the candidates were not correct and that the total expenditureshown therein was much below what had actually been spent by them”. This,unfortunately, is too true; as a matter of fact, in some “prestige” elections, expensesran well into six figures.

But the remedy is not to take the line of least resistance and raise the limit oflegitimate expense, as the Commission has suggested. The expanses permis-sibleunder the existing system are by no means low for a coun-try like ours. In fact, theyare quite high- Rs. 8,000/- for State Assemblies and Rs. 25,000/- for Parliament arefortunes in them-selves and all legitimate expen-diture could very well lie withinthese figures. To raise them still further would be to place a pre-mium on riches andthere would be real danger of democracy de-generating into plutocracy, be sidestending to encourage cor-ruption.

What is really needed is the devising of an electoral system in which moneyplays the least determining part, so that people genuinely interested in public ser-vice,though ill-equipped financially to undertake the burden of election expenses, might,be enabled to compete with the moneyed classes on terms of as near equality aspossible.

At any rate, if we propose to move towards a Socialistic pat-tern of society, thepower of money, instead of being increas-ed, should be curtailed, so that financialdisparities are reduced to the minimum. •

Hindustan Times- May 03, 1955Statesman- May 04, 1955National Herald - May 1955


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Election AlliancesSir, —Ever since the rumours of talk of a joint electoral front of political parties,

there is consider-able flutter in the Congress dove-cotes as also in circles close toit. As time passes, it is increasing to near alarm. Why this should be so is easilyunderstandable. An analysis of voting in the last general elections (and a study ofrecent by elections I shows that the vote cast in favour of the Congress was smallerthan that cast against it. It therefore looks that if somehow it can arranged thatthere are only straight fights for each seat between the Congress on the one handand a single candidate on the other (to which ever party the latter belonged), theyare good chances of the Congress party being worsted at the polls.

It is obvious that if there is to be combined effort to dislodge the Congressparty, there can be only two possible combinations: one of the parties to the right ofthe Con-gress, and the other of those to it left. So far as the Congress itself isconcerned, it would rather have its main opposition on its right. Not for nothing hadits leaders during the last general electrons played up the communal parties andplayed down the others, thus helping in building up the former. An opposi-tion partyof the right would auto-matically place the Congress in the role of a progressiveparty. What it dreads most is opposition from the left; for that relegates it to theposi-tion of a conservative party for which appellation it has a tradi-tional disdain,albeit that its present composition, after the splintering of all progressives from itafter the attainment of independence, has tended more and more to the right. It isbound to go more rightist now that its doors are being opened for bargaining withthe Akalis and other communalist and reactionary elements. Most of the MuslimLeague, many Jan Sanghis. and of course the taluqdars, and millowners have notonly joined it but are virtually directing its politics at the district and somewhat at thestate level.

Remains only the combination of the leftist parties to consider. The defection ofthe followers of Dr. Lohia from the Praja Socialist Party, viewed in the nationalpers-pective, has been a very unfortunate event, not only for the party directlyaffected thereby but also for the country as a whole. The P.S.P. was the only partywhich was giving any promise of becoming a national de-mocratic opposition to theCongress, have a feeling based not entirely on wishful thinking that both groups aredesirous of coming near each other again; only each wants the; other to make thefirst advance have no doubt in my mind that if serious effort is made in that directionthey can again reunite to become a respectable rival of the Congress for power.

As for the Communist party, time was when to treat with it was tanta-mount toinviting the wolf into sheep’s fold. But today as the result of the changed strategy ofworld communism at its source, the Com-munists of India have been left high anddry. The strategy of their Russian mentors does not appear to be only a temporary

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phase. In their present predicament the Indian Communists can be good recruits toany genuine leftist party; only it would take them some time to shed their amourproper and discarding their party label. I think they can be trusted in the context oftoday. At all events nothing can be lost by trusting them in the circumstances oftoday they have lost all their power of chief Messrs. Bulganin and Khrushchevhave taken the sting out of their tails.

The time has come for the leftist parties to take stock of themselves. Bydefeating the Congress, or at any rate by measuring up to it, they can at one strokeput heart into I all the progressive forces which are feeling frustrated and alsomake short work of communal forces which are rearing their head and threateningto befoul the secular character of our democracy. The shape of things after thecoming general elections would largely determine for all foreseeable time the shapeof things to come in our country. •

# The letter was published in ‘Leader’ as written by ‘A Socialist.’Hindustan Standard- September 05,1956Leader- September 08,1956

Officials and Election FundsSir, —Shri Chandra Bhan Gupta said, as has been reported in the press that he

“was not ashamed to beg for election funds from capi-talists, officials and in factfrom anybody who could pay”. The date-line of the newspaper report was Jaunpur,October 23. The occasion was his resolution moved in the Subjects Committee ofthe recently held Political Conference there, welcoming the accent “onindustrialization” in the Second, Five Year Plan. Shri Gupta was opposing anamendment moved by Shri Mohan Lai Gautam, seeking extension of the publicsector. Speaking on it the latter warned that the country’s progress towards socialismwould be hindered if the party in power accepted money from the capitalists.

So far as tapping the capitalists for election funds is concern-ed, it is largely thelook out of Congressmen alone. No outsider has the right to object to Congressmengoing begging before the industrialists though it is clear as daylight that those whotilt the election scale in favour of a party come to have the right to have a big say inits policy if not to dictate it, however big or small the “progressive bunch” at the topmay be. It is axiomatic that he who pays the piper calls the tune. If the Congresswants to go capitalist in form as, some assert, it is already in substance and it is itsown affair. Non-Congressmen are concerned in this only to the extent that theywould like to be assured that no capitalist, because of the political pull he wouldacquire by paying into the coffers of the ruling party, should be enabled thereby toavoid his legal liabilities, or to walk away with ill-gotten gains, with autho-rity turningthe blind eye on his methods.


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A far more disquieting aspect of Shri Gupta’s thesis is that he would approacheven officials for contribution to his party’s election chest. On this side of the matter,every citizen of India demands to have a say and it is this that the move is subversiveof what are professing to build, for democratic practices and tradi-tions. It woulddestroy people’s confidence in the integrity and impartiality of the services. If, forinstance, the Prime Minister, the Chief Minister or any of the leaser ministers wereto go round to a secretary to the Government or the head of a department, do notthink any of them can refuse such a request. Then, what is there to prevent theMinisters getting circular letters written to the D.C.C.’s directing them to approachevery magistrate and head of the department in their district and their subordinatesfor contribution to the party, fund, as also to the latter, in the minister’s privatecapacity to subscribe liberally to the party’s election fund?

It is unfortunate that no top leader takes up such matters in right earnest evenwhen they are brought into lime-light. The people in general are left greatly in doubtas to what is proper and what is improper in matters of this kind in a democratic set-up. Shri Gupta’s thesis merits a thorough public discussion. At any rate we have theright to know what Congress leadership at the top thinks of it •

# The letter was published as written by ‘Democrat.’Hindustan Standard- November 08, 1956Anand Bazar Patrika - November 12, 1956

Letter as reply:Sir, —My attention has been drawn to a latter, entitled ‘Officials and Election

Funds’ by ‘Democrat’ published in your esteemed daily dated November 12 last, inwhich the writer has quoted, from a press report, a sentence alleged to have beensaid by me while opposing an amendment to my resolution in the Subjects Committeemeeting of the recently held Political Conference at Jaunpur. The mover of theamendment to my resolution wanted to do away with the private sector in theconnection had casually mentioned that subscriptions made by the same to toningdown its policies vis-à-vis nationalisation.

‘Democrat’ appears to have been agitated over what I am reported to havesaid and has come out ‘a far more disquieting aspect of Shri Gupta’s thesis is thathe would approach even officials for contribution to his party’s election chest’

I can only say that the press report relied upon by ‘Democrat’ is incorrect andmisleading for I never said any thing as has been quoted by him in his letter. In fact,what I had stated was that the Congress was a national organisation which hadfought for the independence of the country ever since it came into existence. Duringits struggle against the alien rule, all classes of people, including zamindars, capitalists,businessmen and even Government servants contributed liberally to its coffers.

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The Congress Government at the Centre and in the States never allowed any suchconsideration as subscripting to the Congress funds to influence in any way thepolicies and programmes taken up by them for the good of the country. For instance,they did not hesitate to abolish zamindari and introduce land reforms, nor did theyrefrain from setting up a socialist pattern of society as their goal, even though theCongress may have been helped to some extent to come to power by the above-named forces too. What I had impressed on the meting was that Congressmen hadthat much confidence in them that they would not betray the trust reposed in themdue to extraneous considerations.

The above would show how wrongly I have been quoted. The question ofcollecting funds from officials in the present-day conditions never arose nor willever arise in future in the context of our Constitution— C.B. Gupta (former ChiefMinister of UP)•

Anand Bazar Patrika - November 23, 1956

Aur bhi bura kiyaSir, —The Chief Election Commis-sioner’s handling of the election in Punjab -

first fixing a firm date and then suddenly postponing it - re-minds me of a story. Inthe days when the remarriage of widows was frowned upon, the elders in a villagereceived information that so-and-so’s widow had taken a husband. The headmansaid: “Yeh usne bura kiya” (She has done wrong). Soon it was conveyed to him thatshe had left the man. The comment this time was: “Yeh usne aur bhi bura kiya”(What she has done is much worse).

Against vehement opposition from many important quarters, from the Congressparty particular-ly, the Chief Election Commissioner had, after due deliberation, laiddown a firm date for the election: June 22. Surrounded by controversy though thisdecision was, it could convincingly be defended as impar-tial, formulated after takingall re-levant facts into consideration. Then why this sudden volte-face literally withinminutes of the pre-vious prime minister demitting office?

Since the Congress (I) had boycot-ted the Punjab election, the 12-odd MPselected from the State, to whatever other parties they be-longed would only increasethe strength of the Opposition, further tilting the balance against the Con-gress.Apart from this perception, there has absolutely been no change in the country’s orPunjab’s circumstances warranting the reversal of the scheduled electoral processin Punjab.

If the Chief Election Commis-sioner has any explanation, the peo-ple have theright to know what this is. •

Indian Express-June 29, 1991


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POLICE

Police Firing DeathsSir, —By asking for the resignation of the P.S.P, Ministry in Travancore-Cochin

for the police firing in which several persons were killed, Dr. Ram Manohar Lohiahas posed a question of far-reaching importance. The issue shall have to be facedsooner or later not only by the jurists of civilized society; it is also for the chancelleriesof democratic states to take note of. The matter is not merely of administrative lawor even ethics; it is essentially one of human values. What exactly are the conditionsunder which the machinery of the state is justified in shooting to kill? Or, in otherwords, how exactly does human life rate in the scheme of things— whether at thetop in the order of priorities, or somewhere down below the item “property”, howevervaluable or important to an individual or to society as a whole the latter be? In asocialist society (which incidentally we all, irrespective of party, are professing towork for) or at any rate in a state where a Government professing socialist principlesis installed in power, the answer to the Question has to be found without delay. Asit is, the Code of Criminal Procedure, the Penal Code and the Police Act betweenthem lay down the respective powers and obligations of the parties in cases wherethe public peace is disturbed. Law as embodied in statute justifies the infliction,even by a private individual, of any injury short of death in the wrong-doer whoseact heartens any injury to the person property of another. And where the threatenedinjury is grievous hurt to the body, or destruction of any property by fire or lootingthe wrong-doer may even be killed. The powers of the police are much wider. Theymay interpose to prevent any offence and impliedly use every means available forthe dispersal of any assembly, which is likely to commit an offence, or from whichany disturbance of the peace is apprehended. So unless it can be established that anassembly of five or more persons is not likely to disturb the public peace or tocommit any unlawful act, the state has authority to use force to disperse it, suchforce extending even to the causing of death. There is statutory immunity for publicservants acting in this context. Such being the state of the law, it is futile to expectGovernments to forbear from using the weapons the law gives them. As a matterof fact, Governments are notoriously prone, especially in view of the immunity, toexceed their powers for, it is argued, what are Governments for if not to govern?Instead of the hard way, which naturally requires a fund of patience, they prefer thequicker and easier course and adopt the more drastic methods much before theyare really called for. So unless the entire concept of social values—human life onthe one hand and property on the other is basically revised, Governments wouldcontinue to use their police powers in the old established ways. According to present-

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day concepts of civilized society, private property in many circumstances rankshigher in consequence than human life. Even in a welfare state where its policepowers are subordinated, it is doubtful if property would decrease in importance asagainst human life.

But in a state where human personality should receive the highest, priority andin any case should rank immeasurably higher than mere property (whatever itsvalue), such laws should be out-dated. All talk of social justice, the dignity of theperson, a better world to live in, sounds meaningless if the real beneficiary of it all—the common man—is treated as just an adjunct to the state and whose function is tosubserve its ‘larger’ interest, instead of the other way about. The whole questionboils down to this: Is man made for the laws, or the laws for man? The issue is notunconnected with that of capital punishment. Has ‘society the right’ to commit‘administrative murders’ any more than ‘judicial murders’? Administrative murdersare even less justified, for in judicial murders it is at any rate a life for a life. Inpolice firings where the purpose is; not to stop killing but to save property there isnot even that saving grace. No doubt in the; development of civilization we seen tobe moving away from the ancient law of a life for a life in the individual sphere, butwhere affairs of state are concerned we are moving in the wrong direction. In thecourse of its evaluation towards the ideal, the state may still be allowed to take a lifefor a life. But should it be allowed to take life for property? In raising the issue, Dr.Lohia has thrown a challenge to jurisprudence —to a concept basically adopted byall ‘civilized’ states. It is hoped that the question he has mooted would be widelydiscussed and thrashed out in the public forum in order to focus public thought andattention on a matter which is bound, as time goes by and civilization marches on, toassume greater and greater consequence. •

Hindustan Standard -September 04, 1954

“Towards A New Police’Sir, —In his “Towards a New Police” Mr. Shanti Prasad,, Inspector-General of

Police, U.P., has spoken hopefully about the force. He says that as a result of thechanges that have taken place and are about to take place “a new police cannot butbe around the corner” I am sure there is none so foolish as to grudge the fulfillmentof that hope.

Mr. Shanti Prasad has set out by enumerating the drawbacks and shortcomingsfrom which the system suffers; its unpopularity, its inability to command publicconfidence, and its inefficiency. But in his otherwise admirable essay he has chosento confine himself to discussing only the last of these—inefficiency, leaving theothers untouched, or touched only at the fringe.

He writes that “the police have two important functions, namely, the maintenanceof law and order, and the prevention and detection of crime”, He proceeds to postulate


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that “the popularity of the police depends ultimately on the efficiency with whichthey are able to perform these functions”, I beg to differ from this assumption, AndI make bold to say that this opinion of mine would be shared by a vast majority ofthe people.

Mr. Prasad himself claims that the police have, by and large, succeeded inmaintaining law and order in spite of heavy odds. So what now remain, according tohim, is prevention and detection of crime. And it they can perform this functionsatisfactorily, their popularity is assured. There was a time ‘when our police weremore efficient in this respect than they are to-day. Is it anybody’s case that it wasmore popular then?

To my mind the unpopularity of the police and their failure to win publicconfidence and cooperation springs from causes, which the I.G. has allowed toelude him. Unless we can diagnose the malady correctly, it is obvious that there canbe no effective treatment, The real causes which have made our police unpopularand all chat, are their technique of doing things which they have inherited from thepast and which they are not willing to unlearn; harshness and arrogance towardsthe guilty and the law-abiding alike, and, of course, corruption from which this posesprings.

Occurrence from petty gambling to dacoity and murder—is viewed by thepolice primarily as an opportunity of making illegal gain. Its suppression andpunishment is only a secondary consideration. Neither the law-breaker nor theinnocent is spared. It is disconcerting that the police chief should have ignored sopatent and glaring a cause, I can say with assurance that even if the state canprovide the police as Mr. Prasad would have it, with “enough men, resources andlegal powers” to deal with its problems, it would stay as unpopular as it is todayunless the directions I have pointed out are also looked into.

Not that I am not unmindful of the almost crippling difficulties under; which, thepolice labour, I am sure their difficulties will go on increasing with changing timesand the complexities of problems they would have increasingly to face. Complexsocial relationships, involved business methods, the growth of large cities, theindifferently regulated growth of the student community, the influx as the result ofpartition, of people whose mode of life antecedents and haunts are comparativelyunfamiliar factors, fine ‘development of dangerous and often subtle methods ofcommitting offence, more liberal grants of arms licences, the organization of crimealmost as an industry, improved methods of getting far away from the seen of crimeafter committing it, all these call for a complete refashioning of a system which: wehave received as a legacy from the dead past.

Pleading as far back as 1953 for the appointment of an all India police commission,I had, after describing the unsatisfactory nature of the existing arrangement as “notfair to the police themselves’’, written that “it is clear that if the law is to be respected,

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the guardians of law and order must be assured of respect first”, But it was addedthat “there are few tailings which require so much of a man; physical courage, tactand diplomacy, disciplined temper, good judgement, alertness of observation,specialised knowledge of; law and procedure, decisive action when trouble arises,unquestioning loyalty, a nigh sense of discipline and, most Important of ail, strongmoral fibre so as to be proof against constant temptations emanating from lawlessand anti-social elements always on the look-out to pay off condonation andconnivance, These qualities cannot be judged by our summary methods of selection,nor inculcated by the syllabus and courses of training that our training schoolsimpart to cadets”.

It is this last aspect—a strong moral fibre—that nobody seems to worry about.One would tike to be shown when and where the police commission, which thisstate appointed, considered this particular aspect of the matter. Or is it that it wastaken for granted that we have got to learn to live with corruption?

About the fundamental concept of the functions of the police in the new orderI had presumed to say that “with the transfer of power which now constitutionallyreposes in the people, freedom must come first, and limitations on it only when andwhere necessary in larger interests, The police, instead of regarding- themselves asthe instrument of the coercive powers of the state should now concern themselvesprimarily with protection and help to the people, utilizing their compulsive poweronly to make that protection more effective. A blueprint for an overall master planfor the reorganization of the police can come only after a high power commissionfor the whole country has reported on it. What can be prospected here are onlydirections in which to look and build for improvement as well as to suggest whatcan be done in the transitional stage”. Thereafter I had presumed to make, after anIntensive study of the subject, what I considered to be some realistic suggestions.But that is neither here nor there. When all is said and done line fact remains thatour post-independence police do not taste different from the police, which werefashioned for this country in the Victorian age, to instill only fear of the coercivepowers of the state in the minds of the people. Prevention and detection of crimejust flowed from the exercise of that paramount function. A democratic governmenthas to be based on the rule of law. A bureaucratic government is incompatible withit, The structure of the police a state and the methods criminals are a fair index ofit criminals are a fair index of its will—or want of it—to evolve into a sound, civilisedand progressive democracy.

It is to be hoped that the -Inspector-General would kindly throw more light onthis subject, especially on the aspects which I have touched. •

National Herald - September 21, 1962Northern India Patrika- September 23, 1962


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Crime Figures in U.P.Sir, —A comparative statement released by the Inspector-General of Police in

our state, giving the crime figures for the second half of February and the succeedingfirst half of March this year, as also of the first corresponding half of March lastYear, shows that while crimes of passion-like murder and rioting, have not registeredany large disparities, crimes of avarice like dacoity, robbery and burglary haverocketed. The respective figures for the first fortnight of March 1969, the secondfortnight of February 1970 and the first fortnight of March 1970, as cited are:Dacoity: 47, 46, and 329: robbery: 94, I48, 327, and burglary: 699, 829 and 2,260.

The police chief has attributed this phenomenal rise to the tendency of thepolice, in the past, to concealment and wrong registration of crimes.

In the absence of any data, scientific or pragmatic, of the proportion ofconcealment or wrong registration, it is naive to ascribe this rise exclusively to whatthe I.G. says.

Any general appraisement of the law and order situation in the state wouldreveal that there has lately been a perceptible aggravation of the sense of insecurityboth of person and property, especially the latter, particularly in the rural areas.Even if the previous figures of crimes were purposely deflated, the apparent increasereflects at least in part an actual increase in crime relating to greed.

I am all praise for the recent instructions warning against refusing to registerreports or minimizing their gravity at the police stations. Also I admire the attemptsto inject zeal and honest into police work and methods for preventing, detecting andinvestigating crime. At the same time I want to plead forcefully against complacencewhich may lead to thinking that all is well in out state and things are at any rate notworse than before. •

National Herald-April 08, 1970Indian Express- April 11, 1970

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LOCAL ISSUES

Murder of a JournalistSir, —Chauman Lal Chawla of Nai Dunia, a Hindi weekly of Shahranpur, was

killed about two months ago. He was called out of his small rented house, and whenhe came down to meets the callers. Some acid was thrown at his face. This blewout his eyes and he later scrambled to his injuries in the hospital.

In a statement before his death, he named certain individuals and parties includingthe local police.

I knew Chawla almost since he came to my town of Muzaffarnagar from whatis now the Pakistani part of Punjab, after partition. He started his journalistic careerin Muzaffarnagar. As a matter of the fact he had done me the honour of asking meto preside over the inaugural ceremony of his paper. Later, the shifted to Saharanpur.

Chaman Lal was intrepid as well as fearless. I know that in my town alone,several false criminal-cases, some of them very serious, were started against himat the instance pf high-level officers of the district. Each time he was honourablyacquitted. During his career he made many enemies because he was alwaysunsparing and scathing in his condemnation of those who rightly became the subjectat his acid pen. Black-marketing industrialists and businessmen corrupt officialsand politicians were equally his victims.

He leaves behind an ‘immature’ family, his wife an unhappily married daughterwho was his right hand in the editing of his Paper, and younger children, none out ofschool-going age. There is absolutely nothing the family can fall back; upon, theironly bread-winner has been snatched away by untimely and unnatural death.

The state makes some provision for journalists in the matter at providing medicalrelief and such other facilities. In its hounty, request that some provision be madefor the family of Chaman Lal Chawla who died while performing a most importantfunction in democracy—running a free and fearless press, if I say so, he was killedbecause he was carrying out his function with that agree of fearlessness whichalone should animate the press of a free country.

I hope I am not pleading in Vein. •National Herald – February 02, 1975

A professor’s deathSir, —This refers to the recent ENS write-up captioned “Harassment led to

professor’s death”. It is indeed a pity that a precious life has been cut short due to.the callous treatment meted out by an irresponsible officer who, from the mannerhe went about dealing with this particular case, appears to be ignorant of theelementary principles of law and therefore totally unfit to hold the position he hasbeen entrusted with.


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I have known the Krishnans for a long time. Both of them received their legaltraining with me here in Muzaffarnagar after their graduation in law from Lucknowand before they shifted to Delhi: he to join the Delhi University as a teacher andshe, to start practice in the law courts on her own. Gopalakrishnan collected hisLLM and then his doctorate and rose to be professor of law. He was a gentlemanto the core besides being a very able and learned teacher of law. He was of apeaceful nature almost to a fault. It is weird that he was being proceeded againstunder the provisions of Section 107/151 of the Criminal Procedure Code:apprehension of breach of peace.

Surendra, his wife, told me when I met her after Krishnan’s death that evenwhen his (ACP’s) mistake had been pointed out to him and he had admitted it, heissued a non-bailable warrant against Krishnan, the aggrieved party. If such is thetreatment which an officer in high authority can mete out to a respected and learneduniversity professor, his behaviour with lesser citizens can only be imagined.Moreover, Gopalakrishnan had approached the authorities for redress. He was thewronged party, not the accused, and yet a non-bailable warrant (in which theentrusted official has no option but to put the party under custody even when he isprepared to offer bail) was issued for his arrest.

Constitutional guarantees lose much of their meaning when ignoramuses (or isit worse than that? I wonder) are put in charge of departments which deal directlywith the liberties of the citizens in their daily lives. Here was a simple house-ownerand tenant dispute. And here we have an officer who does not seem to knowelementary law and who treats the petitioner himself as the criminal. And thatpetitioner a man not only learned in law but a teacher of law and in the capital cityof the country.

A country’s law and judicial procedure are the direct expression of its politicalsystem. The least that should be done to instil due sense of accountability andproportion in all those who are entrusted with power over the people, as well as toassure the people that their rights and liberties are the look-out of the administration,is to weed out such incompetent men from the services.•

Indian Express – January 11, 1988

Mohini Kamble’s DeathSir, —Mr. Shanta Ram Kamble has done me the honour of show-ering (People’s

Forum, April 10) some choice epithets on my earlier letter in relation to the unfortunatedeath of Miss Mohini Kamble. It is always painful to discuss with a father theunsavoury details of the circumstances of hi daughter’s death. I had pleaded in myletter only for a through probe through a higher agency it was rightly feared herethat it he local police was under pressure. Since Mr. Kamble has taken it uponhimself to request the Government publicly not to pursue the matter any further, itbe comes my painful duty not, mince matters any longer and show, in public interest,

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that he seems to be doing so under irrelevant inducements and, knowing only orunknowingly, making common cause with those interested in hushing up the matter.

If Mr. Kamble had come to Muzaffarnagar (from Bombay where he is publicrelations officer in company) when he was expected in the natural course, and notapparently quite late and from appearances at the behest of certain people, hewould have first met; those who wanted a thorough in-vestigation. But he comes,and ins-tead meets the ‘right’ kind of peo-ple and then proceeds straight to Lucknow,the headquarters of the state Government. Was there any public relations work todo there? If so, who were his clients?

My part in the sad affair is only this, Mohini Kamble died of poi-soning obviously,on February 29. On March 2 or thereabout, some lawyers whose children read inthe school of which she was the principal came to me with the request that Isummon a meeting of the District Bar Association (of which I happen to be President).They said that they suspected foul play. I put them off saying that I would write tothe District Magistrate and the Police Chief on the desirability of a thoroughinvestigation. This I did. But the demand for a meet-ing persisted, and so one wascall-ed, at very short notice. Over a hundred members attended. A re-solution wasunanimously passed requesting the Government for a high-level inquiry and, sincethis was not possible without a second post-mortem, for exhumation of the body.The members of the as-sociation deal in criminal law mostly, which embraces medicaljurisprudence. They did not take the post-mortem report at its face value. Evensome doctors had occasion to talk to opine that some features of the report werecertainly unusual. The CID currently engaged on the case thinks likewise and haveasked the District Magistrate for permission to disinter the body.

Now about Mr. Kamble’s letter, He says: “Mr. Sharma wrote that it was amysterious death either due to poisoning, suicide, or homicide and sex”. Now that isinaccurate only wrote: “The case is clearly either suicide or murder”. No sex at all,please. But Mr. Kamble would jumble things; at another place I did write, “It (thepolice) started working on the hypothesis that it was a case of homicide and sex”.No suicide here. They even asked the performing doctors to report if there was anypregnancy, or signs of rape. Let Mr. Kamble therefore takes his quarrel to thepolice and the Government. Why should be fall foul of me? I did not write a thing Icannot substantiate on evidence.

Mr. Kamble is being unfair when he says that my letter “even suspects theDistrict Magistrate at whose place she (Mohini Kamble) had dined the previousnight. Now I only mentioned “a high officer with whose daughter she is said to havebeen friends”. For Mr. Kamble to have introduced the District Magistrate when Ipurposely avoided identifying the officer is itself mischievous, if I may justifiablyreturn the compliment he so unjustifiably paid my letter. If the sequence of eventsleads to any possible inferences, howsoever indirect or remote, well it is just toobad, but it cannot be helped. The local police report also does not omit the fact. All


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I can say is that, speaking for myself any un-complimentary connection betweenthe two facts is unthinkable and in any case far-fetched. But it is for the partiesembarrassed to clear it or get it cleared, instead of the other way about.

After mentioning a few thing found in her room, Mr. Kamble goes on to saythat “Mr. Sharma should have waited for the police report on these things beforewrit-ing the letter”. That is all he knows of procedure. My point was that theinvestigation was being influenced. It was not before I had a talk with thoseresponsible. Wait-ing for the report would have de-feated the very purpose of mylet-ter—to take the matter out of the hands of the local police.

From all accounts the young lady was a good social mixer. So far as I know—and I came to know of her only after her death—she had a good reputation. Beingin the Sanatan Dharma Institution, she was naturally in contact mostly with Hindugentlemen. It was the season of Holi in fact the day she died was the day of Holire-vels. She was said generally to have been accessible at all reason-able hours,including late evening? And even far into them. She was not prudish at all. I cannotblurt, the police if they wanted to pursue their investigation in all possible directions.As I wrote in my letter, they even held a responsible office-holder in the managementfor interrogation.

Mr. Kamble says, “I knew my daughter and the reasons for her frustration(please mark the past tense of know). I think she had put an end to her life”. So hehim-self is not definite, he only thinks. From this it is a long jump for him to seek todictate that no thorough probe be undertaken. He presumes too much when heimplies that it was at his behest that the CID took up the case, as also that it onlyawaits his pleasure to wind t up.

A word more, the death occur-red on February 29. My letter was published onMarch 15. Are we to understand that the father did not earn of his daughter’s deathfor all of a fortnight? If so, why was to step taken here to inform the other? If heknew of it, what kind of a father is he who did not come lost-haste to find out howhis ‘child—single and lonely—met her and? He says she was ‘frustrated’. Themother, on the other hand, diary she was happy and contented. Whom to believe?

Normally educated people out to commit suicide after pre-planning eave a handwritten slip to say hat they are taking their own life and nobody else should be heldresponsible for it. Here it is negative. Not even an entry in the diary she was said tobe maintain-ing.

Why does Mr. Kamble want to scotch the enquiry and go about so franticallywhen he was obviously indifferent before? Who re the people he met here whobriefed him?•

National Herald- April 11, 1972National Herald (Delhi)- April 16, 1972National Herald (Lucknow)- April 17, 1972

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RELIGION

Kumbh TragedySir, —The Press note issued by the Government on the Government House

Party at Allahabad soon after the Kumbh Mela tragedy is an essay in artlessness.Reading between the lines, it exposes more than it was perhaps intended towithhold; and if by issuing it, it was sought to assuage public feeling over. AtHome that same afternoon, the effort has been wasted. It is expecting toomuch even from our gullible public if they are asked to believe that for eightlong hours, the heads of the Union and of our U.P. State, the heads of theGovernment both at the Centre arid in the State, and the hundreds of other highdignitaries who attended the function, were unaware of the great tragedy, althoughmost of them were in the Mela area itself for a greater part of the time. Eventaking the Press, note at its word, the conclusion is inescapable that our rulersare very much ill-served by those who had the duty to convey information tothem. Whichever way we look at it, it is a sad story of either monumentalineptitude, or criminal negligence, or unprecedented callousness. Nero himselfcould not have had the hardihood to add insult to injury by suggesting that he didnot know that Rome was burning while he was fiddling. And just as there is thefamiliar trick of abusing his adversary’s attorney when a party has no case, soalso, as if to forestall and discount condemnation, which was bound to follow,Government spokesmen have hit out against their opponents making it into apolitical question. It is difficult to speak with restraint when, instead of squarelyfacing up to the consequences of their acts of commission or omission, shelteris sought to be taken under invalid and untenable appeals of maintaining a duesense of proportion. If incompetence, bungling and failure of the administrationare not matters, which should be mercilessly exposed when occasions orsituations demand it, we may as well as leave the country to unquestionedtotalitarianism. Are we to sit silent and for fear of causing embarrassment toour rulers, gulp-down whatever understatements or misstatements are servedto us, without challenge?

The Government has set up, a committee of enquiry. Its purely officialpersonnel as well as its, much too limited terms of reference does not inspirethe necessary confidence. The terms of reference especially, such as they are,seer designed to obviate any enquiry into many matters, which are agitating theminds of the people. The public is in no mood for a white-wash enquiry. It willnot be satisfied until there is a thorough probe not only into the predisposing aswell as the immediate causes of the tragedy but also into the sense of values


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and proportion of those who were immediately or in the ultimate analysisresponsible I for the Mela arrangements. •

Hindustan Standard- February 17, 1954

Beef Tallow BanSir— I welcome the ban on the import of beef tallow notified by the Chief

Controller of Imports and Exports. But is that enough?As observed by Mr. Radha Krishan Bajaj (IE Aug 24) quantities of beef

tallow are admixed with edible vanaspati, by many manufactures who knowthat beef in any shape or from is anathema to Hindu sentiment. It is a shamethat these manufacturers some of them with assuring names which shouldguarantee their product’s purity, should be offering it for public consumption acooking medium.

Now in spite of a. legal ban on cow slaughter in a few States. There areother States where it is freely permitted. Where does the tallow there from go?Presumably it is mixed with the vegetable oil which ultimately finds its way toour kitchens. So the import ban on beef tallow only partially restricts theobjectionable adulteration; it does not do away with it. If there is real concernfor the religious susceptibilities of the majority community, steps should be takento prevent cow slaughter all over the country. This will incidentally ensure thatwe get vegetable oil free from beef tallow.

But I doubt very much whether the upsurge of sentiment against thismalpractice would be enduring. For not long ago it was revealed in Parliamentthat some diaries were repute were making cheese by using rennet as thecurdling agent for milk. Now, rennet is nothing but a preparation of the innermembrane of unweaned calf’s stomach obtained by slaughtering it. But, I doubtwhether these dairies have been restrained from preparing cheese with thehelp of rennet.

Vanaspati means vegetable. It is misrepresentation of the edible stuff if it ismixed with any kind of animal fat or tallow. •

2Indian Express-September 02, 1983Northern India Patrika- September 18, 1983

A temple and a MosqueSir, —Genuine secularists will agree with almost every word of what

Ramkrishna Bajaj has said in ‘Hindu Aggressiveness Reaction to appeasementPolicy’ (IE Dec 26). The middle-of-the-roaders in this controversy sincerelydeplore what happened in Ayodhya on December 6. It should not have happened,at any rate not in the manner it happened. However, as Bajaj has said, not in

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justification but in explanation, that the patience of the religious-minded Hindushad been tried to a breaking point by the dilatory casualness with which theexecutive, as also the judiciary, were treating such a sensitive matter.

Secularism, as we know, is defined as the State not allowing religion toimpinge on political issues, or in holding the scales on contending religious issuesstrictly even and fine-tuned. But, as everybody can see, the scale has alwaysbeen tilting in favour of the minority community and that too, not really to promoteits welfare but to secure its support at election time. Was even a serious movemade towards promoting their education at the primary state, the first steptowards their betterment or towards their economic welfare? The answer isno. They have never been encouraged to stand on their feet, unaided. Rather,whenever there is a separatist demand, howsoever obscurantist, it is notdiscouraged, and is even conceded if it can be turned into votes. Dormantemotions are raked up which, if conceded, can promise political support.

Let a masjid be built in Ayodhya the like of which exists nowhere, not evenin any Islamic country. Let the Hindus build their temple according to theirspecification.•

Indian Express-January 01, 1992


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SECULARISM

Elections And Muslim MassesSir, —In making an analysis of the way the Muslims generally have voted in

the General Elections in U.P., Shri Sampurnanand has been less than just to thatcommunity. He seems largely to have been influenced by subjectiveconsiderations. His ob-servations called loudly for comment and it is indeedgratifying to find that Kumari Naz Perveen (Hindusthan Standard, February26) has rightly lost no time in making it.

It is a matter of common experience that, whatever the reasons, Muslimshave almost en bloc voted, congress. It may be that a certain complex played alarge part in the emulation of the decision on their part. But the fact remainsthat they voted as was expected by almost a consensus of observant opinion inthe country, in view particularly of the internal developments in the Congressstaged in anticipation of the elections. There may have been exceptions to thisgeneral trend in the Muslim mass mind as when the choice lay other thingsbeing equal, between a Mus-lim and a non-Muslim: another excep-tion maywell have been Shri Sampurnanand’s own constituency. But the generalconclusion draw by Shri Sampurnanand from his particular case or for thatmatter from some others as well-is unwarranted, un-grateful, and historicallyincorrect.

But what is more disturbing is this singling out of the Muslim community foradverse criticism by no other than the Police Minister of the State. What wouldthat show anyway? I do not know of other parts of the country but in WesternU.P. the different castes and communities among the Hindus also behaved prettymuch as Shri Sampurnanand says the Muslims did that is, they voted for men ofthe same caste irrespective of political persuasions. In fact, the Congress partyitself, while selecting its own candidates for the various constituen-cies, bankedlargely on this weakness of the electorate for their own caste-men; it nominatedcandidates belong-ing to the predominant castes in the constituencies in theconfident expec-tation that their caste-fellows at any rate would plump forthem-Congress or no Congress. The results have not belied the calculation. It israther late in the day to turn the blind eye to this almost ubiquitous phenomenonof the General Elections and blame it on the leaders of the Muslim commu-nityalone.

Then again, what is wrong or “peculiar” if Muslims, like the others, shouldhave swung over in large or small numbers to other parties, even to theCommunists? Is it anybody’s case that they are on a bond of good behaviourand that the only party for them in India is the Congress which they may leave

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to join any other poli-tical party only, at their peril? The remarks of the PoliceMinister convey something more than a merely objec-tive analysis. What hesays amounts to this: If Muslims vote Congress, their leaders have played theirpart well. If they do not vote Congress, they create “a definitely bad impression”and revive “that suspicion against the Muslims which it is so essential to destroy.”Though not in so many words, it is again the same old loyalty test, notwithstandingthe loud exhibitionism in the internal politics of the Congress immediatelypreceding the elections. This analysis bears a family likeness to the one madesome time ago by Shri Algurai Shastri, the then General Secretary of the U.P.State Congress, when the Congress Muslims were defeated in the bye-electionsto the U.P. Assembly by a Socialist and a Jan-Congress Mus-lim respectively.Shri Algurai had then said in effect that the defeat of the Congressman wasevidence of the anti-national mentality of the Muslim voters.

As if in explanation of his stand and in extenuation of its dear implica-tions,Shri Sampurnanand has hasten-ed to add that Muslims “had every right to voteagainst the Congress but their behaviour is definite open to criticism because ofits lack of con-sistency.” This lack of consistency, according to him, was thatMuslims did not vote as a single bloc, as it were, all over the country. Coming asthis charge does from a leader of a party professing secularism, it discloses apeculiar attitude. It postu-lates political convictions and alle-giance community-wise. Muslims are denied the right to divide up politi-cally, economically orgeographically. Individuals of other communities may vote as they like;Communist at one place, Socialist at another, Jan Sangh at a third, Congress at& fourth and so on. But if Muslims do so, why, their behaviour is inconsistentand “it will take some effort to subdue the feelings which have been caused asa consequence.”

Ours is now a free country, and every individual citizen is absolutely free tojoin or support without fear or favour any political party he likes. Nodemocratically-minded person or party, least of all one in a position ofresponsibility or power, should say or do anything even remotely calculated todetract from that freedom. Only then can we claim to be building up a freedemocracy. And lastly, but by no means least, let us remember that we woulddo far better by being less Muslim-conscious than we get every time that thetemp-tation to comment on public affairs arises. •

Hindustan Standard - March 03, 1952


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COMMUNALISM

Pathology of CommunalismSir, —The evil of communalism lies principally in the sense of exclusiveness

which a person, as part, of his particular community, develops in looking downon the religion, the culture, the manners and the customs of the other community,in taking sides with and in desiring favour and discrimination in favour of hisown community irrespective of merit, and in banding together even for non-religious purposes. It is a kind of calculated isolation from the other communities.

Paradoxical as it may seem communalism has little direct relation withreligion, although outwardly that is its ostensible base. True men of religionbelonging to different communities hardly ever entertain feelings of hostilityagainst one another; as a matter of fact they have mutual regard and respect.And yet, puzzling as it, is, the only thing that tangibly divides men of differentcommunities from each other is the religion they profess.

We see how it was the communal frenzies that rocked this countryculminating in its division. The Muslim League had not many religious leaders init counsels. Its leadership was composed mainly of those who did not evenpractise their religion. The Jamiat-ul-Uiema-i-Hind, on the other hand, stoodshoulder to shoulder with the rest of the country in the national movement andwas strongly opposed to partition. The key to the riddle behind Muslimcommunalism lies in discovering how and why, after partition, the Leaguementality and the mind of the Jamiat are tending towards a common approachand have come to view national problems almost eye to eye.

In this connection we may recall that, by and large, the Muslims came intothe national movement, not as individuals but as adherents of the Jamiat. Ofcourse, there were exceptions buts they were few and far between. The leadersled, and followers uncritically followed. The raison d’etre of whatever Muslimparticipation there was in the national struggle was the strong anti-British biasof the Muslim divines. They were inspired by the memories of the Khilafatmovement. There was no positive content in their attitude The Leaguers, on theother hand, were anti-Hindu. They preferred the British to the Hindu who, theyknew, was bound to be the dominant partner in any arrangement after theattainment of independence.

With the departure of the British, the both notice of the Jamiat disappearedand it had to rethink its role. The Leaguer who elected to stay back in Indiareconciled himself to the concomitants of majority rule and life realization cameto him that after partition the Muslims as a community could not assertthemselves politically to anything like the same extent as hitherto.

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The Jamiat on the claim of its participation in the struggle for independenceagainst the overwhelming opposition of its coreligionists desires in its heart ofhearts, the same concessions and privileges, which the Muslims had beenenjoying under the British—a position of preference. As the new leaders of aminority they claim for then followers the old position of virtual parity. Itsdifferences with the League have narrowed down almost to vanishing point.

In wanting to exorcise the demon of communalism therefore, we have tofind ways to fight this tendency of exclusiveness from the Muslim mass mind.Apart from voicing platitudes, the Government has been doing little to solve thisimportant problem of national integration. Even now it is not prepared to acceptthe bitter analysis that in order to integrate the Muslims into the larger nationallife, the facts of the situation have to be squarely faced.

Greater social intercourse between the two major communities is the onlysolution. Let there be found ways and means of encouraging freer mixing,common social functions and even participation in each other’s religiousfestivities where these do not interfere with religious convictions orobservances.•

Northern India Patrika- August 08, 1961

Aspect of Communal ProblemSir, —There can be no two opinions that at the moment two dangers loom

large on the national horizon; the communal and the anarchist-communist, notin that order. Unless we can find ways to deal with them, the situation can getout of hand.

The Hindu-Muslim question has been with us for more than three quartersof a century. There can be no denying that of late it has assumed a more virulentform; there have been killings of which all of us feel ashamed. Let us not,however, lose our perspective. Much worse than what we see today has happenedbefore, and on a vastly larger scale. We therefore now take the problem in ourstride and have sort of learned to live with it. The Nasality menace on the otherhand is a recent phenomenon, fraught with incalculable hazards. Once themovement reaches the flash-point, there is no knowing what may happen; thefats of the country may well be sealed and the ways of national life becomeirreversible.

It is a fair presumption that the ruling party at its organizational meet inDelhi the other day, took a calculated risk In overdoing its part on the Hindufacet of communalism for the simple reason that the party representing itshappens to be in opposition; and In soft-pedaling the issue of communalism andthe Muslim side of communalism because it realises that it stays in power at


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their sufferance. Then it is, one suspects, not so much the enormity of the latesthappenings that led its leaders to denounce it with unprecedented vehemenceas the fact that they occurred in the home State of the Home Minister and onethat owes allegiance to the Prime Minister’s party. Further, in the familiar fashionor rulers everywhere it became necessary for it to go all out, and even foam atthe mouth, to anathematise communalism to draw people’s attention away fromthat other danger which is slowly building It self up and which, thinking menfear, may one day engulf the whole country, unless checked.

In comprehending the Hindu-Muslim question it is essential that all subjectivityand passion should be laid aside. The vast bulk of our people belong to one orthe other of the two major communities and it is natural that unconscious biascreeps in when we are on the subject. And although I take my hat off to thosewho, belonging to one community, take the part of the other almost on principle(to be frank there are far more such in the majority community than in theother), I regard that proclivity also as inhibiting a dispassionate consideration ofthe matter. The problem has to be viewed completely objectively because oncethat standpoint is given up, the correct diagnosis and thereafter the rightstreatment whichalone can lead to a cure of the malady, will continue to eludeus.

In this connection I cannot help referring to the speech of the Prime Ministerat the meeting, in the course of stigmatizing communalism she referred to anincident la which four innocent children are alleged to have been brutallymurdered before the eyes of their mother. (I have used “alleged” advisedly asthe case might well be sub judice). Assuming what she said was true in all itslurid detail, was it at a necessary for her to recount it and thus be responsiblefor the many-sided reactions which the repetition of this incident was bound totrigger, not the least of which is the mental provocation to the minority communityand a corresponding exacerbation of the other? It might be wanting in charity tosay that the speech was politically motivated—to make the Muslim communitysnuggle even more closely to her and her group, but- this much can be assertedwithout fear of contradiction that she has not thereby exactly promoted thecause of unity or secularism but has on the other hand harmed the image of hercountry abroad.

Far exceeding this indiscretion is the report of an interview which a MuslimMP, bead of a religious organization historically allied with the Congress as alsoa member of the AICC (N), gave to an important English daily. He is on recordas having stated that whenever a Muslim today goes out of his house in themorning he is not sure of returning to it safely in the evening. I do not deny thatat places were trouble brews, far more Muslims hare reason to be apprehensive

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than tile Hindus. But the Maulana lives in the same region as I do, whereconditions are quite normal and peaceful, as they are over a vast area of thiscountry. For a responsible Congress leader to make the kind of statement thathe has done is to my mind not only downright mendacious but positivelymischievous.

The cure of the malady of communalism depends obviously on its correctdiagnosis and men right therapy. If mere denunciation from the public platformcould even wound it, it would have been dead several times over. Before wewon freedom there was a third party to queer the pitch of our efforts at unity,as also to serve as an alibi for the failures that is no louse available. We havebeen trying ever since to tackle the issue. But with each successive effort, thesolution has receded and the disease gets worse than before stands to reasontherefore that either the diagnosis, or the treatment, or both, have been faulty.The fact is that we have been viewing the problem exclusively from theadministrative and the political angle. Arid we have been ministering to thesymptoms and neglecting the disease, except for calling imprecations on it.

When a Hindu kills a Muslim against whom he never had a grudge, or viceversa, what is needed, apart from its law and order aspect, is a close study oftheir psychology. What is the impelling impulse? The probe can be made,successfully and purposefully. If politics and politicking with a view to vote-caching are kept, out of it completely. Born a Hindu, I can well visualise whatpasses to the Hindu mind. Secular by long conviction and also practice, andmoreover one who count numerous Muslims among is his class’s friends whosecomplete confidence he enjoys. I think I am also qualified to ken what passes inthe minds of the Muslims. I wish all of us, Hindus and Muslims, could do so andnot minor preconceived and fixed ideas into their analysis. When communalfrenzies take hold of men’s mind, it is no use talking of innocent Muslim childrenor innocent Hindu girl.

The nostrums we have been devising – National Integration counsel and allthat – have proved ineffective. It is only commonsense to try others and in thelight of cold reason, uninfluenced by considerations of expediency andopportunity. Even the talk of elder brother and younger brother has Inst allappeal. Elder brothers in real life are not always considerate. I confess that theapproach of the ruling party to the problem is Just the kind of roadblock, whichmakes the task of national integration highly difficult. A thorough rethinking iswhat is called for. •

Indian Express-July 02, 1970Janata- July 05, 1970

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CASTEISM

CasteismSir—During his recent tour of the South, the Prime Minister rightly lashed

out against the evil of casteism. It has to be admitted that in spite of the earnestendeavors of some of our leaders, the canker of casteism is showing no signsof decline. I have said ‘some’ advised because many of our leaders not only donot regard it as an evil ‘but are willing to take whatever advantage caste feelingson the part of their community offer. This manifests mostly at the time ofelections. Voters, by and large, gravitate towards candidates of their own caste,irrespective of other considerations. Although in-dependent candidates (nothaving much else to appeal to) may be excused for playing on the caste feelingsof the voter, those standing on the ticket of political parties also reap whateverthey can out of it. Even parties usually do not resist the temptation of offeringto constituencies candidates of the local predominant community.

The Congress Party, being by far the best organized and the most powerful,with a long record of activity on a purely secular plane, should be the first togive no quarter to considerations of casteism in any shape or form. Being themost popular, it can afford to do so. At the time of selection of candidates,consideration of caste is upper-most in the mind of, at any rate, the primaryselectors. In 9-5 per cent of the cases they get the stamp of final approval. Theresult is that casteism is not only kept alive but encouraged. It is no use castigatingcasteism so long as we do not refuse to collect the divi-dends, which flow fromit. It is an unfortunate fact also that most of our non-Government educationalinstitutions bear cast and sect names. Casteism will not die unless it is fought onall fronts. •

Anand Bazar Patrika- December 28, 1957Hindustan Standard- December 28, 1957Hindustan Times- December 1957Leader- December 1957

Casteism in ElectionsSir, —While replying to the debate on the motion for consideration of the

I.P.C. (Amendment) Bill, Mr. Lal Bahadur Shastri, Union Home Minister, isreported to have “deplored the tendency among the opposition parties to contestelections on caste grounds. What actually happened was that in constituencieswhere the opposition parties were weak, a candidate belonging to a particularcaste which formed a substantial proportion of the population in that particulararea was put up to secure votes. This created an atmosphere of caste-ism, andforced the Congress also to put such candidates. This was a very unhealthy

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practice.” It is not a pleasant task to join issue with a person of the uprightnessand sincerity of Mr. Lal Bahadur Shastri. But in this particular context I cansay with confidence that his reading of the situation is partial to his party. Theboot is definitely on the other leg. It is the Congress party, which, by and large,has to bear the responsibility of fillip to casteism by importing it into its electionstrategy. For it to accuse other parties is therefore less than just. Shastriji hasbeen frank enough to admit that the Congress does put up candidates on theground of caste; only it is forced to do so, he says, as a retaliatory or defensivemeasure. But this justification of his will not bear security. Everybody knowsthat Congress candidates are selected by its party board well in advance of anyother parties; as a matter of fact many months ahead. The other parties, beingweaker, first wait for the fixation of their Congress opponent before decidingon their own candidates. Seeing also that multiple contests are the rule ratherthen the exception, the Congress party cannot say with even plausibility that allof them are guilty of this consideration in the determination of the candidates.For that would be defeating the purpose: the votes of a caste divided betweentwo or more candidates are bound to be less than other castes. So it cannot becorrect to say that it is the Congress, which is forced to import casteism innominating its candidates. It would be truer perhaps to say that it is forced totake caste into consideration because the electorate itself is caste-minded. Itmay also be that Mr. Shastri has some particular case or cases in mind fromwhich he has generalised. I would remind him back to a correct perspective ofsome other specific cases which go to prove beyond question or cavil, that it isthe Congress which has been chiefly responsible for bringing in and encouragingcasteism in our body politic. When for the first time in 1937 the Congress foughtelection under the scheme of provincial autonomy, its selection of candidateswas practically free from all considerations other than those of pure merit. Butby 1946 the vision of its advisers in matters parliamentary seems to haveundergone a change. Who does not know that in 1946 the Congress was all-powerful; its popularity was it its zenith; there was no organized party to give afight to it at the polls? It could very well afford to ignore all considerations otherthan those of merit in selecting candidates. Did it do it? No. In the generalelection of 1957 the Congress party won out of six general seats. In all thesefour constituencies it had selected candidates who belongs to the predominantcaste in those areas. In the predominantly urban constituency of Muzaffarnagarit had take care to put up an urban caste man: in the rural seats men of the ruralcastes. In the two constituencies it lost, one went to a Muslim PSP candidate,the other to an independent Muslim. Both these constituencies werepredominantly Hindu, sand the two non-Congress Muslims won obviously not


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because of communal or caste appeal but because of heir popularity. One ofthese two seats fell vacant in mid-term due to the death of the independentmember. So this time the Congress changed its strategy. It selected a Muslimwho nonetheless belonged to the majority caste in that area; he was particularlylettered. For the other seat where the sitting member is a PSP Muslim (in apredominantly Hindu constituency) I have reason to think a Hindu of thepredominant caste in the constituency is being sponsored on behalf of theCongress. So we see that while non-Congress candidate stood and got electedon a non-caste-or-community basis, the Congress has been adopting the casteformula in the selection of its candidates. Its other Muslim member is from apredominantly Muslim area. The only other party, which put up candidates inany strength, was the PSP. It did not put up any candidate belonging to thepredominant caste in any constituency, except in one. But there he was by farthe most outstanding member of the party. So you see that the Congress is notso innocent in the matter as Mr. Shastri thinks. •

National Herald- September 13, 1961Leader – September 14, 1961

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RESERVATION

ReservationsSir, —In asking for a national consensus on the sensitive question of

reservation Mr. Siddharaj Dnadda has only voiced a widely prevalent viewpoint,“ Nobody had thought that what in the begin-ning had the blessings of all sec-tionsof public opinion, would one day become a matter of fierce con-troversythreatening to tear up the very fabric of Indian society.”

One should not take the un-animous resolution of the Lok Sabha. In thisconnection at its face value, as everybody knows, no political party or individualdares to avow publicly what it thinks on the subject in its or his heart of hearts.The price of can-dour on the issue would be the loss of the Harijan vote—avery neces-sary ingredient for a successful election.

Viewed from the strict principle of fair play, the very idea of re-servation isundemocratic. It manifestly militates against equa-lity, and equal opportunityfor all citizens. The injustice to the high-ly deserving who is passed over infavour of one far less quali-fied, or even unqualified, has only to be stated tovisualise the magnitude of the inequity. But na-tional recognition that those whoseancestors had been kept depressed through the ages should be ac-corded specialconsideration to compensate them for the handicap, which they have been underto enable them to come up to the general level, over-ruled the objection. A ten-year time span was however, laid down in our Constitution in the expectationthe it this would be enough for the policy of deferred justice to bring about thedesired results This provision had the goodwill of all, including those whoseinterests were to be affected thereby. There was total consensus on the point.

This ten-year period expired in due course. Advantage was taken of thefurther provision whereby this period could be extended from time to time. Butfrom the manner in which unintended ad-vantage is being taken of this provisionit appears that reserva-tion threatens to become a perma-nent feature of oursystem—an eventuality, which was never con-templated by the founding fathersof our Constitution. It seems to have assumed the form of a vest-ed interest.Worse, more and more slices are being carved out of the common cake. Moreand more in-terests are springing up to claim their share of the special pri-vilege.

A point has been reached where national consensus over reserva-tions hasexhausted itself. It is felt that injustice to the commonweal is wearing the maskof justice to the under-privileged of past ages. The position is aggra-vated bythe expanding nature of the concessions. From initial appointment on the basisof under-privileged castes, they have spurted even to promotions and even specialselection trades—negating the constitutional conditions of efficiency on whichthe permission was conceded. When contradic-tions have reached the point ofintensity, wisdom lies in resolv-ing taken. Nothing can suppress facts of injustice,which urgently call for redress.


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The need of the hour is to rethink the entire question on a national basis.Who are the peo-ple who deserve to be helped? And in what integrated manneris that, help to be given? What is indicated is the convening of a meet of allparties and interests in the country to evolve an agreed schedule on this mostburning and sensitive question. Also, if possible, a time-bound programme—itdoes not matter how long that time is as long as it is precise and definite laiddown when reserva-tions would finally and automatically come to an end.•


Face-saving FormulaSir, —The only justification for the Prime Minister’s first major mistake

about reserving jobs for the back-ward castes, as recommended by the MandalCommission, is that its im-plementation was part of his party s election manifestoand, therefore, he was honour-bound to give effect to it. But doesn’t everybodyknow that when political parties sit down to draw their manifestos, they areinvariably in an expensive and charitable mood, ready to promise all things to allmen? The voters have to be wooed and all-round promises are made to securetheir support. But was the support, which the people gave to his party evenre-motely due to its Mandal Report content?

While the recommendations, if implemented, would certainly give jobs tothe backward castes, it is not clear how their social or educational backwardnesswould be assessed. If one brother in a family is a doctor, another is a lawyer.The third one looks after the farming. While the first two have obviously gotcollege education, the third one says he has no use for education and staysunlet-tered. What would be the educa-tional status of the family? Back-wardor forward?

There are parameters beyond which the Government cannot go.Reservations are in the nature of exceptions to the rule. Now, an exceptionshould not be allowed to undermine the range and amplitude of the rule itself,which is equality and equal opportunity for all.

However, if there is a general consensus, the Court may be per-suaded tostay its hand and help the Government out of the mess it has landed itself in.(There is the prece-dent of the Bhopal gas leak case where the Court, underspecial cir-cumstances, undertook to give a verdict which departed from knownand established procedures).

According to the only redeeming recommendation of the Mandal CommissionReport a time-limit has been suggested after which the reservations may beterminated if the Government gives an undertak-ing that in, say, ten years there-servations shall stand automatically abolished, irrevocably and reversibly, itmay be helped to save its face.•


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SOCIALISM

Socialist Planning and Feudal ThinkingSir, —The decision to build up a socialist society implies that even before

we introduce the norms of socialist economy in State planning, we start withdoing away with practices which we have inherited from feudal times. Outwardforms are per-haps more necessary in the beginning, they provide a propersett-ing for any serious effort to introduce socialist content in the policies andprogrammes of the State. The resolve to usher in a socialistic pattern ofsociety; would remain a resolve on paper if no step is taken in the direction oflaying down appropriate rituals which should govern public functions.

Recently Governor Giri paid a visit to Muzaffarnagar. The occasion wastaken advantage of to inaugurate Vana Mahotsava in the district. Four thousandsaplings are said to have been planted in the region of Shukratal-on-the-Ganga.One of these was to do honour to the Gover-nor with his own hands. Now,according to the way of thinking of the local authorities, the only way to dohonour to the Governor was to make the ceremony as feudal—and expensive—as possi-ble. A motor car was rushed all the way to Delhi to purchase a silvertrowel and trough, weighing respectively 25 and 200 tolas. Then, the ordinarywatering cans had to be painted with golden powder. These were placed be-forethe Governor for the plant-ing of that sapling.

Just consider. Shri V. V. Giri is a man of the people. A part of his life hasbeen spent working in the field of labour. Even if he tolerated this showy, time-worn and outmoded way of honouring him, he could not halve relished it. Apartfrom the extravagance and waste of public funds, which this involved, he musthave felt, in the face of our socialist pro-fessions, the incongruity of it all.

The question I want to ask is: Who orders our affairs in matters of thiskind? Day in and day out, there are inaugurations of one kind or another all overthe place and situations like this must be constantly cropping up. Has no oneever given a thought to these seemingly trivial but essentially fundamental details?If, even after twelve years of in-dependence, we are leaving these things to beworked out and arranged by officialdom (trained in the old feudalist-imperialistschool), we may be sure that even after another decade we would be wherewe are. Or is it that we ourselves have been in-fected and are getting enamour-edof this glitter? I remember when some years ago, the Prime Minister had returnedfrom a tour abroad, he was offered a costly present at Bombay. He had spurnedit as not only inex-cusable extravagance but also un-becoming. Just imagine thereactions of Gandhiji to practices of this sort!


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I think, it is time our leaders in the Government laid down fool-proofinstructions for the guid-ance of officials for similar occupations. Understandablythe local authorities are reluctant to make a departure from precedents lestthey be marked down as wanting in properly respectful behaviour. In the casein instance a ‘karni and tasla’ of solid iron and the usual unpainted watering canwould, in my humble opinion, have served the purpose equally well, if not a lotbetter. And of course, there would have been a saving of about five hundredrupees to the Antarim Zila Parishad.•

National Herald - August 12, 1959Hindustan Standard - August 14, 1959Leader- August 14, 1959

Muzaffarnagar FunctionLetter as Reply:Sir, —A letter by Shri Brahma Prakash Sharma of Muzaffarnagar has

appeared in your esteemed paper dated August 8, 1959, under the caption“Socialist Planning and Feudal Thinking”. Please allow me to state the facts, asthose stated in the above article are quite contrary to the facts. I think ShriSharma was not present at the function for, if he had been there, he would nothave contributed the article based on a misapprehension of facts. The Governor,Uttar Pradesh, visited Shukartal on July 20, 1959. His programme there in-cludedonly the plantation of a sapling, a round of the temple and an address to thegathering. There was no need for a trowel and trough for a function of this kindand the question of purchasing a silver trowel and trough by sending a vehicleto Delhi for their purchase does not arise at all. The learned contributor of theletter referred to above noted not only the weight of the trowel and the trough,but also the place of their purchase. There was absolutely no question ofpresent-ing such articles to the Governor. On the occasion the Governor wasthe guest of Shri Shukdeo Ashram Sewa Sangh, which is not a rich body andcan ill afford to present such articles. Its ac-counts are subject to audit and canbe inspected to find out the exact expenditure incurred on the occasion of theGovernor’s visit.

Shri Brahma Prakash Sharma has taken exception to the paint-ing of awater cans in golden co-lour. He considers it to be a ‘very expensive andextravagant thing’. Cans are usually painted by different kinds of paints as aprotection against rust etc. Shri Sharma should not be surprised to learn that thecost of painting a can in golden colour is ‘in no way more expensive than paint-ingit with aluminum paint or in ordinary red, blue or other co-lours. Even this smallexpense, hardly costing a rupee was borne by the Sewa Sangh and there is noquestion of Government officials coming into the picture.

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In the above circumstances, I fail to understand where the touch of ‘oldfeudalist-imperial-ist school’ was seen by Shri Sharma. It is not every day thatthe head of a state visits a dis-trict and the general members of the public,-outof sheer respect for him arrange neat functions. There should be nothing toob-ject to. The Governor loves sim-plicity and all the functions that were arrangedfor him were as simple as could be desired in keeping with the dignity of theoccasion.•

—R.R. Mathur, District Magistrate, Muzaffarnagar (U.P.)National Herald - October 07, 1959

Letter as Counter Reply:Sir, —Please refer to the letter of Shri R.R. Mathur, District Magistrate of

Muzaffarnagar, which appeared in your esteemed paper on October 7questioning the facts stated in my letter pub-lished in your issue dated August13, under the heading, “Socialist Planning and Feudal Thinking.”

It is true that I was not present at the Shukratal function of Vana Mahotsava.The basis of my letter was information conveyed to me, which after readingShri Mathur’s letter, I felt bound to check up. I am grateful to Shri Mathur forgiving me an opportunity for acknowledging. That some of that ‘informationwas inaccurate. For instance, she silver trough and trowel were not purchasedat Delhi, although so far as my informa-tion goes, there was a talk of sendingsome one up to Delhi because a suitable set was not locally available; the setdid not weigh as much as I stated and was not actually presented to the Governor.

Having said this, and not having the least intention to enter into anycontroversy in this connection with the Magistrate of my district (who by theway was not at all responsible for the transaction), I feel bound to repeat, onthe basis of my check up, that silver trough and trowel was purchased for theoccasion. The purchaser was a senior Gov-ernment officer, and the shop fromwhich it was purchased is located in the Bara Bazar of Muzaffarnagar.Incidentally, the price of the set has so far not been paid, so I cannot say whe-therit would be the Ashram, the Planning Department or the Antarim Zila Parishadwho would ultimately foot the bill. Then, not one but sixty watering cans werecommandeered from the Antarim Zila Parishad and were all painted for theoccasion, in-cluding the one painted with golden dust. The cost of this, ShriMathur would admit, would not come to less than twenty times the estimatemade by him. Incidentally again, quite a few of these cans have been lost anda goodly number damaged. Whoever makes good this loss must be deemed tobe responsible for the payment of the whole show.


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The central point which I wanted to make In my letter stands. The functions,which we organise, continue to be accom-panied by paraphernalia fit only for afeudalist order. They are quite out of place in a socialist set-up. It is not somuch the expense, which is objected to: It is what it Is incurred on. I quite seethat gold and silver would have their place—and their uti-lity—even in a socialistorder. But while I entirely agree with Shri Mathur that neat functions (his words)have to be arranged when the Governor visits a place I would re-state that ouridea of expressing our respect for him have now to correspond—if no to ourprofessions—at any rate to a basic shift in the relation between the Governorarid the governed.•

National Herald - November 03, 1959

P.S.P.—Socialist MergerSir, —It is surprising that inspite of the desire of an overwhelming majority

both of the rank and file and of the leadership of the two parties, the merger ofthe Praja-Socialist and the Socialist parties is still not coming about. At any ratethe compulsion of events arising from the results of the general elections shouldhave opened the eyes of those who, for reasons of their own, stand betweenthe two coming together. Many in this country who have nothing it whatever todo with socialism, but who nonetheless want to make a success of parliamentarydemocracy, devoutly wish for the emergence of a strong party committed toboth democracy and secularism, as an effective opposition to the present rulingparty, They have naturally been looking keep forward to a unification of thesetwo parties which answer to that description. It is a frustrating disappointmentthat, in spite of so many pointers, the parties continue to keep themselves isolatedConform each other.

What is it which really keeps the two parties apart? On the PSP we have itslatest resolution from Patna, inviting the S.P. for a heart-to-heart talk. Thelatter, instead of deigning to talk to the former, prefers to talk at it. Its spokesmenhave offered—not in any written communication but from the public platform—that while they are prepared to adopt the PSP party and the party electionsymbol, they insist on the PSP accepting advance the program and the policy ofthe S.P. Incidentally we can take it that the difference is not on the plane ofideology; but only on policy and program.

Before discussing the implications of this offer, it would be pertinent toremind ourselves—public memory being proverbially short—of what exactly itwas which made the present S.P. speak away from the parent PSP the mid-fifties. The breach had cured, not on account of any difference over programor hey, but as the result of career in action which the organization, decided to

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take against some those who lead the S.P, today, the ground and in the interestparty discipline. Lest it be thought that it was a smokescreen for some ulteriorpurpose, into should be enough to say that Acharya Narendra Deva was leadingthe party at the time as its repairman. His understanding of socialism and honestyof purpose has never been nor can ever question. As pointed out curlier,programme or policy are nowhere in the picture as a reason for the breakaway.

Details of programme and policy, as everybody knows, are I always a matterof discussion in e party forum from time to me, and are readjusted or twangedin the light of situations prevailing in the country. They deal with methodology-strategy and tactics; as distinct from I geology, which remains the bedrock.Coming down to brass tacks what is after all the programme arid policy ofwhich so much it’s being made? The programme of the S.P. was till the otherday kind of perpetual disobedience of laws, But sensing the temper of its followerswho after a brief spell, understandably got fed u& with repeated jail-going, theleadership wisely had to give it us in favour of other methods. Another item inits programme is the immediate and aggressive replacement of English by Hindi.By it whatever self no doubt a good plank on the score of nationalism or if youplease, even of democracy. But the demand is devoid of any socialist content.As for policy it has been claimed that it is based on equidistance from theCongress, from the communists and from the communalists. In keep forwardingwith this policy of equality of distance, the leaders of the S.P. would now perhapsbe opening a round of talks with the Congress, just as they recently; have beendoing with the Communists and the Jan Sangh, in order to discover some goodpoints therein also, as they say they have discovered in the CPI and the B.J.S.

If a merger is really the aim, without any mental reservations, then all talkof pre-conditions of the ground of policy or programme is meaningless. Thesewould be decided by the party resulting after the union. And if, as the S.P.claims, the rank and file of the PSP already agree with the programme andpolicy of the S.P. there should not be the least difficulty in getting the combinedmembership to endorse it formally. That is the only democratic way. One reallyfails to see the point in laying down conditions precedent to a merger. What isthere to prevent the party, after fusion, from refashioning or even reversing itsprogramme or policy? Or is it the case of the S.P. that even after the mergerwould retain its separate identity in the new party, and would insist that the willof the majority shall prevail over the will of majority (assuming that the majoritywants a programme off policy different from what the present S.P. stands for)?

Having said all this, it seems that it would be a good thing it the hard core ofthe S.P. constitutes itself, after the merger, into a ginger group, leavening up theentire body; If l read the mood of the S.P. aright, it is impatience with the staid,“respectable” and school-masterish ways of the PSP.


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Anyway the coming together the two parties is a historical necessity. Leadersof the two would do well to shake off their braver-than-thou complex. Thefuture of democracy, the future of socialism, and above all the future the countryitself demand that they lose no more time in joining their forces to forge SBweapon of strong and effective opposition which the country so badly needs tocorrect the imbalance in its political life.•

National Herald - April 1962Northern India Patrika- May 01, 1962


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COMMUNISM

Himalayan Frontiers and CommunistsSir, —There would be no sense in raking up the past lapses on the part of

our defence administra-tion if there was an assurance that mistakes have beengracefully acknowledged and a sense of urgency and whole-heartedness tofight to the bitter end has come to animate it. Unfortunately that is far frombeing the ease.

It is said that anybody can become wise after the event; that now that theChinese have actually committed aggression against all reasonable expectations,everybody is claiming: “Didn’t we tell you so?” It may be true of many; but sofar as the Praja Socialist Party is concerned, it is on record that for ten longyears, if not since the very inception of the People’s Republic of China, it hasbeen warning to the Government and the country of the danger and asking thatsteps be taken to safeguard against it.

I have before me a copy of the weekly Sangharsh, the mouth-piece of theU.P. branch of the PSP, instituted by Acharya Narendra Deva in the late thirties.The issue is dated January 26, 1954. In an article by a one-time member of thenational executive, headed “Our Himalayan Frontiers and Communists”, it givesthe climatic warning that “our northern fron-tiers which have stood sentinelover our culture, our civilization and our honour since times imme-morial, arecrumbling before our eyes. We have to guard them”.

The article, after describing the impenetrability till now of the Himalayas,proceeds: “After the passing of Tibet behind the Iron Curtain, the snow-packedvalleys of the Himalayas are warming up. For the first time in history thesevalleys are resounding to the foot- steps of an advancing foreign army. Prof.Arnold Toynbee has made the prophecy that Tibet would be the centre of theThird War. After the construction of big air-fields and roads, it has be-comeeasy for Moscow and Peking to concentrate their armies on our frontiers. Thespecial corres-pondent of a prominent New Delhi daily (named) has in his veryin- formative report told us that, in Lhasa, the Chinese armies have beenaugmented by recruitment of hundreds of Indian Communists, mainly fromBengal, Andhra, Tamil Nad and Kerala ..... From Kashmir in the north to Assamin the east our borders are in formid-able danger.” And after referring to theconditions then prevailing in Nepal, it goes on to say: “According to Shri KPUpadhyaya, secretary of the Nepal Congress, the Communists of Nepal havealready established a firm liaison with the Chinese Communists stationed inTibet. In the coming spring they would try to infiltrate into Nepal.


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“Nor,” the article comes to the present crux is the situation satisfactory inAssam. The McMahon Line is difficult to negotiate and the density of populationis sparse. According to some noted Indian press correspondents whoseindependence of opinion and honesty of purpose is beyond question, the Chinesearmed forces have violated our borders Several times. They cross over withphotographs of living or past Indian leaders and mislead the simple tribesmenthat they have the sanction of the Indian Government. Although our PrimeMinister takes no serious notice of the new maps wherein parts of India areshown included in Chi-nese territory, the information is disturbing”. Towardsthe close, the article says: “The situation, demands that in order to protect ourfrontiers and to crush, at the very outset, the dangers which are raising theirhead on our fron-tiers, we formulate a firm policy and start implementing it…….The rulers of China, with a view to expanding their territory, ate advancingtowards our borders so that once they establish their hold over India, the wholeof Asia should lie prostrate at the feet of the Kremlin,”

With all these Warnings, we have been maintaining a defence structure,which, quite sound at the base, has been inexcusably responsible at the top.With so to do at home, our Defence Minister had been gallivanting all overEngland and America and every-where else all these years, except where hisprimary duty lay. For tenth of his lapses, any mature democracy would haveturned him out long ago, and impeached him to boot. Yet he continues to be inthe highest counsels of the country, the cabinet and the Na-tional DefenceCouncil. It is insufferable that he should be associated with the administrationany longer in any capacity whatever. Ordering of national affairs is not likerunning a personal household. Nobody has any confidence in him, neither hisown party, nor the opposition, except the Communists whose interests, (knowinglyor un-wittingly that is irrelevant) he has been serving all these years. Whomdoes he represent in the Government at the Centre then? Any further delay insending him about his business would mean that a sense of complacency per-sistsin the highest quarters and that the first consideration is not so much the winningof the war as the rehabilitation of Mr. Menon.•

National Herald- November 13, 1962

Poll Stance of EMSSir, —In the unlikely but quite possi-ble event of the Congress(I) coming

back to power in the election, the blame for this would have to be largelyapportioned to the likes of Mr. E.M.S. Namboodiripad of the CPI(M) who aredoing all but mak-ing one-to-one contests in the Lok Sabha constituencies highlydifficult. For it goes almost without saying that given straight fights, there is no

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way the Congress(I) can avoid defeat. Its percentage of votes even in the mostfavourable conditions is evidence of that. So whoever comes in the way of thistrial by numbers cannot escape the charge of having facilitated the return ofthe ruling party to power, in case it does so.

Namboodiripad is quite right in paying that communalism must be ‘foughtrelentlessly. No one except the communalists would disagree with him. But thequestion he must face at the present moment is; would his opposition to theBharatiya Janata Party in the pending elections help in ending communalism oreven con-taining it?

Communalism is a canker in our body politic as are casteism, re-gionalism,linguism and a lot of other isms. They have to be tackled through well-though-out, large-scale plans. There are no instant remedies. And, a great many numberof people hold the Congress(I) itself, in spite of its mouthing sanctimoniousplati-tudes, responsible for encouraging the evil for its own nefarious politicalends. To solve the problem with any hope of success, is it not necessary toremove the Congress(I) first?

Mr. Namboodiripad has not always been overly concerned about thiscommunal problem. At one time which is still remembered, he had not thoughtit wrong to align with the Muslim League in the formation of his Ministry inKerala. He knew that it was the Muslim League, which was solely responsiblefor the vivisection of the country. Then why this squeamishness against thecom-munalism of the BJP which, at any rate in the present context, is com-mittedto fight for the same cause which Namboodiripad also professes to be fightingfor - the removal of the Congress?

Let me put the issue before Mr. Namboodiripad this way. The Con-gressmay return to power if there are no one-to-one contests in the constituencies,but is sure to be defeated if there are straight fights. Which alternative does heopt for? If he cannot find a clear answer to the poser, it means that although hepublicly wants the ouster of the Congress, he has a sneaking desire to see itsreturn to power.

I am reminded of a skit we staged in our college days. A British couple, outhunting in the hills with some Indian friends, fell ill. So also a friend, no modernmedical help was available. A vaidya from a village nearby was summoned. Headminis-tered a potion to the Indian, who instantly recovered. But when thesame potion was offered to the Bri-tisher, his wife cried out, “No, darl-ing, Iwould rather have you die than be cured by an uncertified practi-tioner.”

Would Namboodiripad rather that the Congress(I) stayed in power than beremoved with the help of the BJP?•



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PERSONALITIES

MOHANDAS K. GANDHI

Gandhi Ji & King George VSir, —I fully endorse what Shri Braj Bihari Lal has written about the meeting

between Mahatma Gandhi and King George V of England. It is not a fact thatGandhiji sat mum after the British King had vituperated at him. I do not recallthe precise authority but so far as I remember it is in some memory of SirSamuel Hoare, the then Secretary of State for India. The words used byMahatmaji have almost stuck in my memory. Sir Samuel says (subject tocorrection) that after the King had spoken, he (Sir Samuel) was in consternation,and feared that a first class crisis was at hand. But Gandhiji calmly rejoined,“Having accepted royal hospitality. Your Majesty would not expect me to enterinto any controversy over this matter” That not only left the King with anythingfurther to say but also showed up the culture and the showed up the culture andthe artless reaction of an Indian artless reaction of an Indian fakir. •

Northern India Patrika- September 29, 1969

PANDIT J.L. NEHRU

After Nehru—What?Sir, —So much was he the soul of today’s India that we have all been guilty

of persistently refusing to think of our country without Nehru, The question‘After Nehru, who?’ (or rather ‘Alter Nehru, what?’) is no longer an aca-demicexercise to be worked out at leisure. It has to be faced, at once, and in its starkreality. The Congress party, with its comfortable parlia-mentary majorities, wouldbe tempted, to consider the prob-lem ok routine lines: An interim arrangement(that the President has already made) and then the formal election of a newleader in Nehru’s place by the Legislature party in Parliament. It is as simple asthat! That would be taking a view which may well lead to the country’s undoing.

Whether it is realized in the proper quarters or not, the fact stands out thatin spite of its size and seeming strength, the Congress today is like a towerwhich leans from its very foundation. It was Jawaharal’s charismatic personalityand his hypnotic influence over the masses which somehow kept the organizationgoing as if nothing was the matter with it. With his passing away, thedisorganization of the party appears only to be a matter of time—and that toonot distant.

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Matters of mere government do not worry us. Government, the routineaspect of it, goes on almost by itself. What is of supreme importance is theholding of the country together; the ability to integrate its loose parts into onecompact nation, and the generation of public confidence in that ability. Thattask, we all feel, unless we are blinded by false self-assurance, is threatenednot only from without but also, and perhaps more, from within; from within theCongress party itself.

And though there are good, honest and a capable man within that party andoutside, a leader of broad shoulders as Nehru is nowhere is sight. It is obviousthat the vacuum left cannot be filled by just one man, or even a small group ofmen belonging to one party alone.

At the present juncture when the Nehru epoch has ended and a new one,pregnant with all kinds of possibilities, begins, taking a narrow party view of thematter would be a mockery. Jawaharlal was no mere party leader; he was anational figure, almost an institution. Those who have the larger interests of thecountry at heart cannot afford to take a petty and insular view. The solemnityof the occasion de-mands that not only our national leaders in the Gov-ernmentput their heads to-gether, but that they also take into confidence those outsidethe party whose contribution to national, life has been no less than theirs, whosepatriot-ism is beyond question and, who are above narrow nationalism. We aretoday ‘standing on the turning point in our country’s history and a wrong andbigoted step can easily lead us into disaster.

The obvious course indicated is the formation of a national governmentcomprised of all parties which subscribe to nationalism, democracy and economicprogress, and of course, secularism. All avail-able talent in the country must beharnessed to the prime task of holding the country to-gether and setting it onthe road to future greatness. Let it be said of our country, as it, was said ofanother country at another time, that in its hour of trial none was for the partyand all were for the State•

Hindustan Times- May 30, 1964Leader- May 31, 1964

A Socialist DilemmaSir, —The death of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru has removed from the Indian

scene the greatest single factor that made for national stability and soli-darity.Although the way the question of succession to him was resolved was beautifullysmooth and heart-warming themes dipper down may not be as placid after himas they upper on surface.


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During his lifetime the people had been contend to leave maters to him toworkout as he might after his passing away, on each one of us devolves theresponsibility of thinking for himself, not academically, but in practical terms.For, the country’s stability as well as its onward march would depend hereafteron the total corporate effort, and not on the work of just one man.

The socialists in particular have been facing a dilemma ever since theBhuvaneshwar resolution of the Congress. The Congress has since come roundto adopt democratic socialism as its objective. What impelled the socialists in1948 to leave it has been abrogated in speci-fic terms, so that they are now notonly free to join the orga-nization but also are being solicit-ously invited to doso. And in the context of the quantitative as well as the qualitative chang-esthat have been and are tak-ing place both in the texture of the problems that arefacing the country as well as in the ideology and methodology of the Congresssince the death of Pandit Nehru, a decision by the socialists one way or theother has become imperatively urgent and may no longer be delayed. If socialistsrejoin the Con-gress bodily, as is being advo-cated, what is to happen to theirdream of forming a heal-thy democratic opposition, an indispensable adjunct ofparliamentary life? Would not the ‘consolidation of socialist forces’ mean alsoat the same time a weakening of the cause of par-liamentary democracy?

The parliamentary alterna-tive to the Congress, if a separate and distinctsocialist party falls outside the range of party politics, would be parties ofcommunism and communalism. Once they climb into power, it goes withoutsaying that they would make short work of democracy.

Then, as every one knows the Congress is given with group is from top tobottom.

If was based on soraia principle, there would be no difficulty in making thechoice. But that is not so. How then is the new entrant to work? He has beenadvised to keep aloof from factionalism. Good. But he would not be able tomove an inch. Even to reach the level of the mandal or the dis-trict, he wouldhave to seek, organizationally speaking, some sort of adjustment, if not actualalignment. Otherwise he stays ineffective. How he is to work, independently ofthe prevailing groupism is not at all clear.

The reply to these questions is not easy. But every socialist would have tosearch his heart to find his own answers and take such decision as may ap-pealto him to be in the best interests of the country.

There is certainly a good case for socialists joining the Congress in theinterests of the consolidation of socialist forces, as there is one for their retain-ingtheir ‘separate entity in the interests of healthy parliamentary democracy. Letthe respective cases be not marred by any party taking delight in the discomfiture

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of the other. After all a strong and healthy opposition party is as necessary forthe functioning of parliament-ary democracy as is a party which runs thegovernment for the time being •

# The letter was published by the name of ‘Socialist’.Leader- June1964National Herald – June1964

RAFI AHAMAD QUIDWAI

L’Affaire QidwaiMuch constitutional and other dust is being raised over the controversy on

the propriety of retaining Shri Rafi Ahmad Qidwai and Shri Ajit Prasad Jain inthe Government at the Centre after their resignation from the Congress. Let ussee if there is any substance or rationale behind the demand for their head.

Unlike the Sate Govern-ments, the Government at the Centre was not formedout of any popularly elect-ed representatives. The M.P.’s as they now are were,to begin with, member only of the Constituent Assembly, elected indirect-ly bymembers of the State legislatures to frame a Cons-titution for the country.They had no other man-date. Later, through some improvised formulae theystarted functioning as the Central legislature also, with the convention that thoseof them who were members of the State legis-latures would not partici-pate inCentral legislation.

It is out of these that the present Central Cabinet was formed. The Parliamentis only a Provisional or Interim Parliament— to fill up the interregnum till theGeneral Elections un-der the Constitution are held and a regular Governmentderiving its mandate from the PEOPLE AS A WHOLE is formed. So, when Pt.Jawaharlal, not so much as the then head of the largest party but as a leaderwith the largest na-tional following, was charg-ed with the formation of aProvisional Government, he very rightly nominated a Composite (though notstrictly a Coalition) Cabinet, unlike the party ministries in the States. He includedin his Ministry even a Hindu Sabhaite, and of coarse man like Chetty, Bhabha,Mathai, Ayyangar and Ambedkar, and now Deshmikh, who had, and have,nothing in common with the Congress Party as such. Hid any of the otherparties elected to come in to work the broad outlines of an agreed programme,I do not doubt that the lead-er would have found place for their representativesalso.

It is true that he nominated congressmen also or his team, but that wasbecause they represented the biggest political party in the national life of the


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country. But there never was any distribution or allocation of quotas. Innominating his colleagues Jawaharlal Ji seems to have struck a workingcompromise between what was right and what was expedient. Broadlyspeak-ing, considering all things he selected a team while representing as awhole the majority of the people (though not in the accepted constitutional sense)was “fairly suited” to carry on the administration during the interim period.

This is the position when Shri Qidwai and Jain resign from the Congress. Itgoes without bay-ing that it would have been monstrous if either of them haddiffered from Nehru’s governmental policy and yet had been allowed to remainin the Cabinet. But they declare that there is no difference

at all on that score and that they are quite at one with their leader so far asthe government is concerned.

It is argued that they were nominated by Jawaharlal Ji because they wereCongressmen and since they have left the Congress they must leave thegov-ernment also. There is no logic in this nor is any principle involved. So longas other non-congress-men are in the Central Government there is no reasonwhy he who nominated them should ask them to leave, even though they leavethe Congress Party. Who knows for what considerations exactly did the leaderselect them; and at any rate he is the best judge of whether they should beretained or asked to go away.

But the position is undoubtedly most inconvenient to the Congress Party. Itis mortally afraid of embarrassments, in this pre-election period specially.

Any yet, hasn’t Congress agreed to work under worse embarrassments? Itworked in the same government with the Muslim League from which it differednot only on the political but also on the national plane. In composite or Coalition,Governments, the Ministers do not lose their right to advance the cause of theirrespective parties. The head of the Ministry can except from them nothingmore than unqualified support to Government policy, and Government policyalone. For if he, did the Prime Minister himself and his other congress colleaguesin the Cabinet would also have to suffer form the same disability; they wouldnot be free to extol their own party or to traduce other.

The Congress Party would have to put up with suck-like apparent anomaliesand inconveniences so long as it does not form, as of right, a representativeparty government. The present government is only a ‘Care-taker’ on a broadlynational and not a single-party basis. •

The Light House- August 15, 1951

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Acharya Kripalani

Our Neutrality-Now?Acharya Kripalani in his letter “Our Neutrality-Now?” has posed a question

to which it is unnecessary to find reply, except to re-state what has been ourcountry’s stand in relation to the two power blocs, the western and theCommunist. All the same, his letter serves a useful purpose; it must compelre-thinking on our part on what, so far has been, by and large, an exercise inacademics—neutrality as the corner-stone of our foreign policy.

The incubus of foreign domination to which our country had been subjectfor a long period, left us with a leadership which, fighting for independencewith the technique and the weapons of truth and non-violence, had never anyexperience of the practical side of foreign policy, or of two warfare. This inspite of two wars having been fought within living memory and in which ourcountry, willingly or unwillingly, had been a participant. This is leadership hadnot only kept itself aloof from these wars, but was also opposed to them. Thequestion of its participation in the rough and tumble, the checks and balances,of international politics and power diplomacy never arose.

The coming of independence found us totally unprepared in this imperfectworld where the weapons of force, intrigue, hypocrisy, falsehood, double-dealing,double-facing and double-crossing not only reign supreme but have assumedfantastic dimensions. We chose non-alignment as our basic policy: not to lineup with either of the power blocs, nor even to build up a third neutral force, butto treat each question as it arose on its merits. Aggression from our own sidehaving always been ruled out even where our own rights are directly involved,we never gave thought to even a defensive alliance. In our artlessness wethought that since we ourselves did nothing to make enemies, we could alwayspreserve our neutrality, come what may. We could even play the honest broker.We forgot that in the world we live in, though there may be individuals whohave faith in the ideal of ‘live, there are nations and ideologies which avowedlyaim at world conquest; by conversion, if possible, by force of arms, it necessary.We can, at best, renounce these weapons in aid of our own aggrandisement.What we cannot afford is to let down our guards against them.

Were neutrality and non-alignment a moral principle with us, ourmartyrdom? But just like non-violence in our fight for independence, it wasnever a moral imperative. It was only an attitude, a policy. There is no doubtthat it was a good policy, but the practical implications of the war withCommunist. China have their political compulsions. After all war is no child’splay. We have no option but to adopt policies, which promise results. There is

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no half-way house. Preservation of our integrity, our independence and ourhonour must come first. And the realisation must also come to us that interdepencewith like-minded people is a far more practical objective than an independencewhich we have neither the means of preserving, nor the will to forge thosemeans. •

National Herald- November 19, 1962

Dr. SAMPURNANAND

Babu Sampurnanand and DemocracySir, —Writing under the above caption, Prof. Mukut Behari Lal seems to

have overlooked the hard fact that to very many of those in our country whofought for Swaraj ‘democracy’ was just an incident of freedom, not its contend.It should not therefore sur-prise him that many of our leaders, with all theirprofession of democracy, find it mighty in-convenient at times. To themdemocracy is not a way of life at all, an article of faith it is a political altitude, anexpedient ever some of the tallest in the land who style themselves demo-cratsand love to be called so, are temperamentally just the reverse. At heart they areautocrats, and have to persuade themselves to act democratically. A realdemo-crat is one who is never impatient with opposition to his opinion he mustbe able to suffer even fools gladly. Here we have leaders, as Professor Sahebtestifies, who want to ‘crush the opposition parties with a heavy hand’.

Not long ago, our Chief Minister had publicly flayed a deputy director ofeducation for coming to a conference in a rickshaw— not because he had feltrevolted against an educator riding a vehi-cle drawn by another human beingbut because he had not come properly in a motor car. From this double-distilledbureaucratism, au-tocracy is just round the corner. No wonder that ShriSampurnanand does not mind the latter being wet-nurse to our infant de-mocracy.

By what right, I ask, did we re-fer sneeringly some time ago to the talk of‘controlled democracy’ across the border? A nurse-maid, who has the child onleading strings (controlled democracy) is any day an advance on the wet-nurse!

No Sir, Prof. Mukut Behari Lal need not worry. He may rest aspired thatdemocracy would not be allowed to be murdered in out country, try who may.•

Leader - November 11, 1958

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K. KAMRAJ

Kamraj Plan ReevaluatedSir, —The image of the Congress which the Kamraj Plan expected to re-

project on public mind was that fundamentally, Congressmen in general areimbued with a selfless sprit of public service and that such of then as are in theGovernment are there because the party needs their services there, and that ifand when the party should need them in the organizational wing, the party hasonly to say so and they would come out like true soldiers to work in the newfield with the same single-minded zest as they had been doing in the ministries.If the postulate was correct the shock treatment should have shown someimmediate result. I need no perspicacity to say that the assumption was whollyartless and self-deceiving.

Maybe it was thought that the example of ministers voluntarily resigningoffice would induce the necessary catalysis in the rank and file of the party andstart a welcome reaction. Judging from the private, and sometimes not so private,utterances and reactions of some of those who have been taken at their wordand relieved of their post, as well as from what has been going on in the Statesin connection with cabinet formations, the calculation has gone completely awryand, to say the least the situation is very far from having improved.

If the postulate on which the plan was based has been belied—it is no useshutting one’s eyes to reality and saying that it is too early to justice-what isthere in the plan to commend it? It had facilitated the weeding out of the unwantedfrom positions of power; it could have been a good ruse. But it has not servedeven that purpose. For there is not much to choose between those that havebeen sent out and those who have been brought in their place; at any rate as thestates go. There is old wine in new bottles. The new ministries would wear outtheir freshness and go stale in six months or a year. And then the old stressesand strains would reappear and the old story repeated. Surely it is notcontemplated to have a Kamraj Plan every year—or is it?

To my mind, although the spirit behind the Plan is commendable, it suffersfrom a faulty approach to the problem. Naturally there-force the remedyprescribed cannot be effective. Let me explain.

During the fight for freedom from a well-entrenched foreign imperialism,the Congress needed an army of devoted and whole-time workers who hadbrunt their boats and made the overthrow of the foreign yoke their life’s mission.The cause attracted the best in men and thousands flocked under the nationalbanner no thought whatever of any reward for the sacrifices which they werecalled upon to make in the cause.


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Freedom was won sixteen years ago. Now after every war, successful orotherwise, there is demobilization. No country can afford to maintain duringpeace-time an army the size it needs during active warfare. The bulk of thearmed forces revert to their pre-war occupation. Gandhiji put it in a difficultway when he suggested thee disbandment of the Congress and its conversioninto a Sarvodaya Saamaj. A politician of rare insight, he could foresee whatwas coming even in the few months what were left to him after the winning ofindependence.

But in the name of reconstruction of the country, the ‘demobbing’ did nottake place. Political power that had come to the party, it was argued inside,needed a political machine to retain. Where would it be possible to obtain it ifthe machine already in service was dismantled? So the army was kept intact.But whereas only a few qualified for being made administrators, everyCongressman who has been to jail and even he who come on the scene latterand manouvred to occupy positions of power in the organisation, regards himselfas good enough for the post of a minister.

So instead of career, politics has become a profession. That is the problem.A former Congress President very wisely suggested a maximum of ten yearstenure for a minister. Lauded in principle, it was considered embarrassing towork and so rejected in practice. The Kamaraj Plan will succeed if it adopts thecorrect approach. The start must be made from de-professionalising polities,instead of just transposing men from Government to party work. (I was aboutto say and ‘vice versa’ but that has not been possible for fear of opening theflood-gates of ambition). After all no man is indispensable in a democracy.Bring in the best men possible. But also see that they sit light and not tight ontheir chairs. Frustration would dog all steps at revitalization of the organizationunless the practice of hanging on is put down with a firm hand. Politics must beplaced out of bounds for those who seek to make a living out of it.•

Leader- October 23, 1963National India Patrika- November 04, 1963

S.P. Mookerjee

Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerjee“Through Indian News-paper Features Syndicate, New Delhi, we have

received a fantastic but interesting story, vouched for by Mr. BrahmaPrakash Sharma, Advocate of Muzaffarnagar, whom the I.N.F.S. call ‘’aman of integrity and the Praja Socialist leader in his district.”

In as much as this story is virtually the report of a spiritual séance at whichthe Muzaffarnagar advocate was himself not present, we have to record itpurely as hearsay, and the importance attached to it would vary entirely with

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each individual person, depending on whether some people believe that thespirit can return to earth or not. Nevertheless, in as much as it refers to amatter of great public interest and to a personality known through the lengthand breadth of this land, recently deceased and, regarding the circumstances ofwhose death there has been so much speculation, we feel it of genera newsinterest to reproduce as per parts of this report which can be reproduced withoutdamage to any living person concerned. Mr. Sharma, in a signed letter, forwardedto us, says:

“Before putting on record the story of a most extraordinary phenomenonrelated to me and other, by a Vakil, I must introduce him as a rationalist, anArya Samajist, and the through disbeliever in things super natural. He has anunyieldingly scientific bent of mind; as a matter of fact he was a mathematicianof a high order before he turned to law. Such is his distaste of make-believethat he can’t stand a cinema how. And yet he told us the following story—albeita little same-facedly. Facts are facts’, he said, “even though they go againstwhat you have always believed.” Asked to comment on what he saw, he saidthat he had none to make; neither, said he, had he any explanation to offer. Hesaid that he was just giving the bare facts; no more.

“Since I think the story deserves a wider audience, I am sending it to youfor whatever use you might like to make of

The Advocate goes on to say: “It was Janmashtami evening (31 August1953). Time: 9-30 p.m. The place was a room in the residential quarters attachedto one of the biggest hydro-electric stations. The persons present were thisparty; his son the latter’s wife, and an overseer. The time till moonrise was stillabout three hours ahead and they were listlessly thinking of how to while itaway.

A sudden idea struck the lady. She brought out a planchette, which she hadobtained from somewhere some time ago. They spread a double sheet of whitepaper on a table, placed the planchette on it and the party and the Overseer satdown with their hands on it. Nobody had any idea what was to follow, or evenif anything would follow at all.

“Suddenly the pencil began to move. The words ‘Jai Barat’ (in English)was clearly decipherable. The party says that although he was surprised at agadget writing on a piece of paper unaided, he did not see any great significancein it. But getting interested, he bawled out his question, ‘Who are you?’ Thereply came, ‘S.P. Mukerjee’.

“This was stunning,” the Advocate says, “and almost bowled them over,”and thereafter, in the Advocate’s letter, are reproduced the questions and answerswhich purport to relate to the cause of Dr. Mookerjee’s death.

It appears from this conversation between the spirit and the medium thatDr. Mookerjee wished a message to be conveyed to a certain individual mentioned


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by name, in Kashmir, with regard to the apples which Dr. Mookerjee is allegedto have eaten at some time or the other before his death. There appears to beno authority for this order that the spirit of Dr. Mookerjee.

It would appear from the conversation between the spirit and the mediumthat these apples had a bearing on his death. The conversation does not appearto be clear on other questions asked in connection with well-known figures, butit would appear that the spirit was very anxious to have message about applescommunicated to someone in Kashmir.

Changing the subject, it appears that the medium enquired as to what wouldhappen in Kashmir. The spirit of Dr. Mookerjee thought much the same wouldhappen there as happened in Hyderabad. The Advocate reports that as theparty could not make head or tail of it he put it to the spirit more straightforwardlyand asked: ‘Please tell us whether there will be a plebiscite or a war.” Accordingto the Advocate, the answer to this was very clear. The spirit intended tocommunicate that it would be “War in the name of plebiscite.”

The spirit of Dr. Mookerjee is further said to have indicated that ‘Bharat’as he put if, would appear to be successful in this.

That ended the interview, so far as it interested the general public. At theend of it, the party asked a further personal and last question, apropos of nothingin particular. The question was: “How would crops come?”

The spirits reply was terse, characteristic and not without its dry humour,for it is reported to have replied: “As you sow, so shall you reap.”

The Advocate says: “I have given the interview verbatim, only translatingthe questions whenever they were asked in Hindi. The replies were invariablyin English.” The advocate adds: What all the this is worth I do not know. It isfor the readers to assess it. But this I can say that this party is a man whoneither imagines things or is easily imposed on.”

It is in the same spirit that we reproduce this report sent to us and it ishoped that it will be published for intelligent readers of ‘The Current’ in exactlyin the same manner.

(We are sending the copy of the report received by us to the late Dr.Mookerjee’s brothers, Justice Mookerjee and Uma Prasad Mookerjee.)•

The Current (Bombay)- September 16, 1953

M.C. CHAGLA

Mr. Chagla’s ResignationSir, —Twenty years may be a short period in the life of a nation but it

appears to have been long enough for the gradual erosion of our national self-respect. For in the first years of our independent existence it would have beenunthinkable to suggest that a foreign language-the language of our slavery underforeign rule-would continue to be the language of free India.

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A common language, it goes without saying is indispensable to fullnationalhood. Had independence come to us through revolution, the retention ofEnglish would have been un-imaginable-almost an act of disloyalty. But sincewe came into our own as the result of the graceful abdication of power by ourEnglish rulers. We gave their language a period of grace. To extend that period,as the English-educated elite of our country would have us do is to confess bothto a lack of national pride as well as to a want of faith in the potentialities of ourown language.

Those who stand for the retention of English as this country’s officiallanguage for all foreseeable time-Mr. Chagla’s resignation implies no less-arefor the enthronement of an insignificant minority rule over an over-whelming,but, alas, not so vocal majority. A successful transition from foreign bureaucratictradition to democratic self-government depends indispensably on the supplantingof English by a language of this country. Many of those who talk of democracyin support of English are really interested in the status quo and not in things, asthey ought to be fashioned. Let those who are for English search their hearts.They will find that although they can clothe their reasoning in plausibility, it isbasically the difficulty of changing their own sophisticated habits acquired duringa life-time of British rule.

Difficulties of communication between state and state are bound to beexperienced with the switch-over from English, and lingual jealousies to cropup when choosing its substitute. Are these a valid reason for the retention ofEnglish as the official language? Supposing difficulties and inter-state rivalriesstand in the way of unanimity in choosing, say, the Prime Minister. Do we thenimport an outsider? Every great change, we ought to know, is accompaniedwith pains. Things usually get worse before they start getting better. We shouldnot be afraid of some dislocation of work before we are back into a smoothworking order.

It is said that English is a window on the world, Granted. But first thingsmust come first, before looking out on the world; the people must have thedoors opened to enable them to look at what goes on inside first. And who is forclosing the window any way? All we say is that the official language inside thecountry cannot be English.

I am no being chauvinistic at all. I am only arguing for the natural play ofdemocracy.•

National Herald- September 16, 1967Indian Express- September 1967


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RAM MANOHAR LOHIA

Ram Manohar LohiaSir, —In the case of Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia, it is no mere conventional

tribute to him to say that the place he occupied in the national life of the countrywould be hard to fill.

The writer of this letter first came in contact with Dr. Lohia in 1940 in theBareilly Central Prison. The impression that most of us, his fellow prisoners,formed of him was that he was an intellectual introvert. He had a retiringdisposition and though younger in age than most, would seidom take part incommunal activities. Food of readings and of chess as a pastime, he seemed tobe cast in the role of an elder stateman.

Later we were thrown together as fellow members of the A-ICC belongingto the CSP group. As a socialist, Lohia was most unconventional; for the matterof that he was unconventional in almost everything. But he was a convincedand unswerving Gandhi-ite Gandhi himself had a high opinion of him. RamManohar (that is how he liked to be addressed by friends) had a certainindefinable charm. When he smiled, his eyes would dance and he was altogetherenchanting. He had a capacity to attract youth towards him as to a magnet,wherever he was, he always became the focus of he company. Having perfectcommand on language, both Hindi and English, he was a brilliant conversationalistas well as an impressive public speaker. He was apt at coming net phrases andirresponsible for many current slogans.

Temperamentally he was plainspoken: always calling a spade a spade andby no other name. He was an image builder as well as an iconoclast. So hecreated enemies as easily as he made friends, when be opposed, the oppositionwas hearty and implacable, whether it was on principle or merely personal.Some of his followers imitate him in this but, not having his charisma, fail toimpress.

His thinking was clear and he knew what exactly he wanted. He could usefacts and figures to devastating effect. We all remember him confounding thetreasury benches in Parliament over the average daily income of the Indiancitizen.

Almost a rebel, he was a humanist par excellence, with an unflinching respectfor the human personality. He would not ride in a riksha—a practice I share.Who does not remember his historic stand on the police firing to kill in Kerala,which created a first class crisis in his party leading to its eventual bifurcation?In this connection I well remember his coming to Muzaffarnagar. He could notconvince me of the indispensability of breaking away from the PSP. On the

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contrary, I obtained from him a promise to stay his hand and give conciliationanother try. A letter was written to Acharya Narendra Deva then in Rajasthan.A reply had come from him that his doctors had ordered complete cessation ofpublic activity for a time. So all that effort came to ought and the socialist partyreceived its severest blow.

The formative years of Dr. Lohia’s youth were spent in Germany. He hadseen Hitler rising to power. From his talks to us in jail about his life in GermanyI got the impression that he had, at any rte then, a sneaking though discriminatingesteem for the Fuhrer. Who knows if it had not been for that, the socialistmovement in India would have taken a different course? •

Northern India Patrika- October 26, 1967

C.B. GUPTA

The Other Side of ManiramSir, —While there can be no two opinions as to the correct course which

Mr. T.N. Singh, should have adopted after his de feat in the Maniram bye-election a measure of the general erosion at political sensibility can be had fromthe act that there is hardly a politician left in our country qualified to throw thefirst stout at him. The game of politics as it is coming to be played here isreaching a stage, if it has not already reached there, where no holds seem to bebarred. It dose not any longer lie in the mouth of any leader in active partypolitics to blame another for lapse from right conduct. Constitutional improprietyis noticed only when it is committed by the other side.

When way faced in 1967 Mr. C. B. Gupta found that his Government hadlost majority on Mr. Charan Singh crossing over to the opposition, he did notlose a literal minute tendering his resignation. He did not even wait for theformal vote on the amendment to the address. And for this principled conducthe was berated fey some of the highest leaders of his then united party, whotoday twit Mr. T.N. Singh for sticking to office. Ever since that time situationshave been piling up in which morality has been yielding place to the mechanicspower; the philosophy of democracy to the mathematics of party combinations.For instance when last year Mr. Kamalapati’s group in the U.P. ministrywithdrew with drew its support to Mr. Charan Singh as Chief Minister, ail itsministers should have tendered their resignation. And Mr. Charan Singh shouldhave followed suit irrespective of what his erstwhile colleagues did or did notdo. Nothing like that happened. And then came the action of the Governor ofthe state dismissing the ministry barely seventy-two hours before the Assemblywas due to meet. This was the last word in manipulative politics.


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It is clear that, left to himself Mr. T.N. Singh would not stay in office a dayafter his defeat to the Manipur bye-election, teut being a nominee of a coalitionGovernment, he cannot very well take the obvious step without consultationwith the constituents They have obviously advised him to carry on, becausethey are suspicious of the impartiality of those whose duty it is to sit as umpiresIn the game. The fear is that a correct step taken by them would be takenunfair advantage of by their opponents without benefit of objective arbitration.

It has been so very rightly said that democracy is possible only because ofthe innate good sense which animates men in general; Unless each one of usplays his or her part according to the well-recognised rules of the game withouttwisting them to suit or serve their passing advantage, it is no use blaming theother side, Supposing Mr. T.N. Singh had resigned out of hand (as in normalcircumstances he should have done) where is the guarantee they the Governorwould not have been pressurized to drag his fee calling in a successor to him?That would have left the field for the opposition to exploit or is coining to afinding that the situation called for the rule of the President? One feels surethat Mr. T.N. Singh would have been asked to do the obvious thing if the SVDhad not before it the bitter experience of Mr. Charan Singh’s dismissal last yearin the face of overwhelming constitutional opinion.

If democracy is to survive in this country, those interested in its survivalhave to do some hard thinking after elevating themselves above party politics,instead of making a song out of Maniram. The least that can be done is toassure that the state Governors and the President are left free from politicalinfluences and pressures in the exercise of their discretionary powers. Theiracts in that context should be placed explicitly outside and beyond the ambit ofministerial advice at the Center Otherwise, first disrepute and then extinctionface our system of government. •

Hindustan Times- February 17, 1971National Herald (Delhi)- February 17, 1971National Herald (Lucknow)- February 26, 1971

INDIRA GANDHI

Prime Minister’s BroadcastSir, —In her first broadcast to the nation alter the formation of her new

Government the Prime Minister, after dueling on the post election picture asevidence of a resurgent democracy, made a survey of a variety of problemsthat face the country. Among them particularly mentioned minority groups, thefood situation specially in, scarcity areas, the goal of “Arthic Swaraj”, nationallanguages, family planning and the need for the reform of the educational system.

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Surprisingly, but one hopes quite accidentally, she left, out one of importantfacts of our national life which is eating into the vitals of the body politic, andwhich to my mind is one of the potent causes reverses in the recent elections.

Whereas the defeat of almost food ministers pointedly signifies public angerat the wrong policies pursued by the Government at the Centre in the states, acursory glance, at individual results would by and large reveal almost theconscious rejection by the electorate of men whose reputations have been shady.Party Governments may have their own views on corruption, or theindispensability of some key partymen in some slates, irrespective of theirintegrity. But the voter on his part has made short work of many corruptpoliticians. The rout when the congresses suffered in Orissa can be explainedonly on the assumption that the people were fed up and decided to tolerate theevil no longer. It is strange therefore that the Prime Minister should have failedto take note of the causes of so glaring a debacle in a state where her party’sstrong men had the run of the poll.

We refuse to believe, as some cynics say, that corruption is built-in sculleryin the edifice of democracy or that, as Gibbon says, it is the most infalliblesymptom of constitutional liberty. Then are our leaders reconciled to regardingcorruption as an accepted way of life undeserving of even a passing mention?

No evil is ever met by shutting it out of sight. Bigotry is seldom justified;personal allergies have no place in representative institutions. And even if wepass over its moral aspect—hardly a commendable attitude—there is no gettingaway from its immense economic implications. The matter may not be veryconsequential in an affluent society, as some modern thinkers aver. In abackward economy like ours, however, its impact is most crucial.

The problem of corruption must find a high place in priorities. To ignore it isto ignore public opinion.•

National Herald - March 23, 1967

Mrs. Gandhi—Desai etc.Sir, —I do not know what sort of polity Mr. Kaushal Chandra has in mind

(N.LP, April I8) when after eliminating sarvashri Morarji Desai, Atal BihariVajpai, Cnaran Singh, Jagjiwan Bain and Chandra Shekhar as possible PrimeMinisters of the future, he lands on the name of his apparent idol, Mrs. IndiraGandhi, as “ultimately the only choice.”

He forgets that before she can again aspire to be the Prime Minister, herparty has to secure a majority in a general election on the strength of itsprogramme and popular backing to it. People choose parties to govern them,not Prime Ministers. Prime ministers are thrown up by the winning parties. Mr.Kaushal Chandra is free to cast his vote for Mrs. Gandhi in the next election (ifshe stands from Allahabad where he hails from) if that can help her to become


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Prime Minister once again and thus give this country the benefit of “herefficiency, capacity for leadership, popularity and prestige and status” (Mr.Kausb Chandra’s own words) and incidentally of her propensity for dictatorshipwhich obviously Mr. Chandra finds very convenient as it would be relieving thepeople from free and independent thinking. As G. B. Shaw has said “Liberty.Means responsibility. That is why roost are dread it”•

Northern India Patrika-May 08, 1979

CHARAN SINGH

Government Servants and Party PoliticsSir,—It is, had enough when local party bosses impose themselves upon

Govern-ment servants in order to enlist their direct or indirect support for politicalends, or funds from the public exchequer are spe

nt, albeit indirectly or partially, for political propaganda on party lines, asduring many ministerial tours when side by side with official business time isfound for gearing up of the party machinery. But it would be crossing all boundsof democratic decency if members of the Government, ostensively or evenmainly on official tours, were to act in a way which gave an unmistakableimpres-sion to the general mass of the people government servants are partand of their party apparatus. For if Government servant not only conduct theirtours and organise their public meetings at which controversial mailers likeelections are canvassed but actively participate therein by addressing them ortaking prominent seats on the dais or otherwise, the impressionable public arebound to think that the party running the Government and the Government areidentical. And yet that is exactly what recently happened in my district.

During the recent tour in Muzaffarnagar of Mr. Charan Singh, it was notunexpected that the entire bandobast of his itinerary would be made by thedistrict authorities and the subordinate officials that during his tour he shouldhave also exhorted the villagers assembled to hear him in public meetingsorganized by tahsildars and kanungos to subscribe to the Zamindari AbolitionFund was only natural. That the district magistrate also should have spoken onthe same subject at these meetings is also a matter to which, no serious objectioncan be taken, although it is desirable that a practice be established thatGovernment servants do not, as a rule, sponsor meetings which are to beaddressed by politicians, and vies versa. For the education of our people ondemocratic usages and convention is one of the most important responsibilitiespolitical of our parties, and the Congress being the largest party and occupyingthe seat of power, has an added responsibility on this subject. Officially organizedmeetings of which workers of the party in power – or of any other party for the

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matter—are invited to speak on political matters are not a step in the directionof democracy.

BY-ELECTION -But whether as a coincidence or otherwise, it happened that a by election

to a vacant seat in the district board was also in the constituency which Mr.Charan Singh toured. All the time accompanied by local officers, he made fulluse of the opportunity but, incidentally, not a very fair use official position, tomake propaganda for his party candidate. Addressing the public meeting atKakrauli (in the constituency) he appealed for votes and support to has partynominee. The district magistrate, who along with other officials, was sittingprominently on the dais, also addressed the meeting. 1 have informed that animportant Congressman thereafter went about propagandizing in the constituencythat his party candidate was, as all could see, the sarkari candidate, districtofficials at his back. And some uncharitable people even go to the extent ofsaying that Mr. Charan Singh had been brought all the way from Lucknow forthis very purpose.

Now I ask: Is it democracy? And where would these—no, not thoughtless—hut deliberately calculated actions lead to? Those who do not understand theseessen-tial distinctions may be excused; but what about those who do; and yetignore them for party advantage. Do they not give cause for people to think thatthey place the interest of the party above the interest of the country? On theone hand, we are asked always to “act in terms of democracy” and there is talltalk of doing everything to convince the people that elections would be fair andfree—free from official influence and pressure and otherwise; and on the other,there is this rough-shod ride on established tennis of democratic behaviour.Judging from this wide gulf between profession and per-formance, there arevery serious misgiving about Government servants keeping aloof or being allowedto keep aloof by those in power from the general elections which would givethe country its fore-taste of what our conception of democracy is like.

Is there an explanation for this conduct? •National Herald– January 22, 1951Leader-January, 1951Letter in reply:Sir, —I have come across a long dissertation on “Government Servants and

Party Politics” in the form of a letter by Mr. Brahma Prakash Sharma ofMuzaffarnagar published in Monday’s issue of your newspaper. There was aby election pending to a seat in the District Board of Muzaffarnagar in the lastweek of December, and the impression is sought to be created by Mr. Sharmathat I misused my official position in addressing several meetings in favour of


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the Congress candidate which had been organised by officials, ostensibly forthe Z.A.F. It has also been asserted that the district magistrate addressed themeeting at Kakrauli and the readers are left to infer that he, too, canvassed forthe Congress candidate. Mr. Sharma then goes on to conclude that CongressGovernments are riding rough-shod on democratic tenets and cannot be expectedto run fair elections free from official influence and pressure.

But here are the facts. The district magistrate of Muzaffarnagar visitedLucknow in the second week of December and saw me also. I told him that asI was coming to Muzaffarnagar to preside over a college function on December24, he might, if he could do so conveniently, arrange two meetings in the interioron December 23 in connection with Z.A.F which I would like to address. Lateron the college function was postponed and the district magistrate, in consultationwith the district Congress committee, arranged four meetings, two on each day,in area which either toad not been visited by any member of Government hithertoor were slack in collections to the Z.A.F. I did not know that a by-election waspending; the D.C.C. had not asked for my visit either. In all, I addressed sixmeetings instead of four. It was only at Kakrauli, when I had finished speakingfor about two hours on the Zamindari abolition scheme and the Z.A.F. and onabsolutely nothing but these two subjects, that the president of the D.C.C. toldme that a by-election was pending and I might also put In a word for theCongress candidate. I then again took the mike and said two or three sentences,but not a fourth, I do not remember the district magistrate addressing the meetingat all but if he did he did so for a minute or two either by way of introduction orconclusion.Just A Fling-

I now leave it to the readers to judge from the above whether democracywas outraged, whether meetings were got organised by official agency with aview primarily to party propaganda by a member of the Government in power,whether I went or was taken to Muzaffarnagar for the purpose of the by-election, and whether, by necessary implication, the Government will, in thegeneral elections of the future, press the officials into the service of their partyor in favour of their candidates.

One can only draw the conclusion that Mr. Sharma could not resist thetemptation of seizing the opportunity for having a fling at the Congressirrespective of facts and irrespective of truth. He knows me personally. Butbefore rushing to the press he did not care to inquire from me and, I believe,from the district magistrate either.

Only three points more need be mentioned. The rival candidate was notsponsored by any political party. Secondly, Muzaffarnagar, thanks the untiringefforts of the district magistrate aided by official and non-official workers, has

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done exceedingly well in the matter of Z.A.F. The total of its collections nowstands at about seventy per cent of the target, and the misleading propagandaof Mr. Sharma and his friends of the Socialist Party has fallen flat. Lastly, Iwould draw his attention to the admission of his leader, Mr. Jayaprakash Narayan,made during the course of a speech in Bangalore last year, that the SocialistParty lost the district board elections and the by-elections to the assembly in theU.P. in 1948, not owing to official pressure, but on merits. •

—Charan Singh, Parliamentary Secretary. Lucknow.National Herald– January 24, 1951Leader-January, 1951

Letter in counter reply:Sir,—Mr. Charan Singh in a letter published in your issue of January 24,

which was a reply to my letter publish on January 22, has conceded the substanceof my complaint. But his counter charge against me is that I was seeking tocreate impressions which according to him, were unwarranted. His actual wordsare, “.….The president of the District Congress Committee told me that a bye-election was pending and I might also put in a word for the Congress candidate.1 then again took up the mike and said two or three sentences....”

So the gravamen of my charge is admit-ted, he did in those two or threesenten-ces canvass support for his party candidate; only he seems to imply thatall that was just by the * and too not much. Not a denial by any means but aplea for extenuating circumstances? Would he tell us what number of sentences,according to him, keep an indefensible act within the limits of the allowable, andwhether a prompted act is any less objectionable than one committed suo moto?

Mr. Charan Singh has been kind enough to say that we know each otherand, if he would permit me to claim that privilege, we know each other intimately.On my part I can assure him that I have the same old regard for him, irrespectiveof politics. 1 quite see that in case of doubt I should normally have verified myfacts from him or from the district magistrate. But it just happened that I learntof his tour and what he said at Kakrauli, from the hand-out of the distinctinformation officer. So there was nothing left to verify.

Had this particular incident at Kakrauli been a solitary instance it need nothave been referred to through the press, but there was an earlier instance alsoof the visit of another Parliamentary Secretary here in Muzaffarnagar, to whichI had drawn attention. In that case the district magistrate and the superintendentof police had not only attended a political meeting convened by the town Congresscommit-tee and addressed by Mr. Govind Sahai, the then ParliamentarySecretary, but had been the two solitary and prominent figures on the dais.


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There was again a case in the adjoining district of Meerut to which attentionhad to be drawn. There the district magistrate had been talking politics from thepublic platform, prais-ing the policy of the party in power and decrying theother. So instead of looking at this matter as a fling. I would have my friend Mr.Charan Singh look at it in a spirit of helpfulness. For a member of the Governmentto allow himself to be persuaded by a local Congressman to speak in support ofthe Congress candidate may be a matter of little concern to the party in power.But I do maintain that it does strike at the very roots of the es-tablishedconvention that Government servants should be left severely alone in matterspolitical. Less responsible politi-cians would not stop at “two or three sentences”.And what about the confusion that is bound to be produced in the minds ofGovernment servants? Would they also not think it a matter of no consequenceto put in a word or two of their own on political or election matters just becausethey have been prompted by local party bosses? It is certainly open to politiciansin power to support or oppose candidates —but not when the particular meetingsat what they propose to do so are or agonized by officials.

Mr. Charan Singh has adopted near the end, the familiar practice of ‘abusingthe other parity’s * when you have no case’. His interferences to handsomeZ.A.F. collections in Muzaffarnagar are wholly irrelevant in this context, I willonly say that responsible congressmen – the old guard and not the neophytes–made definite complaints of high handedness and coercion in the matter ofZ.A.F. collections in this district to Hafiz Mohammad Ibrahim. Minis-ter forP.W.D., when he came to Muzaffarnagar to deputize for Baumidhar Day.

That how and why the Socialist Party lost the district board and assemblybyelections more than two years ago, as mention-ed by Mr. Charan Singh, isalso beside the point. Here Mr. Charan Singh has himself fallen into the temptationof clutching at an opportunity of making fling at the Socialist Party.•

National Herald–February 28, 1951

Jagjivan Ram

Jagjiwan Ram’s defectionSir, —It is always interesting and sometimes even entertaining to study

people’s reaction to politicians changing sides, when one of these comes overto your side leaving his own, you are all praise for him. You call it realization onhis part of the goodness in yours and the wrong and unprincipled direction hiserstwhile organization is taking. You extol it as a genuine change of heart on hispart even if the motivation is all too apparent. He is welcomed with open arms

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like the return of the prodigal son in the Bible. But when he leaves yours to joinanother, he ‘defects’. You call him names; he is a renegade an opportunist aturncoat. He has betrayed your party, stabbed it in the back, committed treachery;and what not. Writing under the caption “Jagjiwan Ram’s Defection” (NH,Feb. 10) Mr. Bal Patil has indulged in just such an exercise.

Speaking generally, his lecture on political morality is unexceptionable. Butwhile representing the side he obviously does, why has he forgotten to explainthe reason for its failure to bring on the statute book, while it had all the power,the law which seeks in its bill form to punish with various disabilities the menwho cross the floor after getting elected on the ticket of a political party? Thebill has been on the taps all these long years; its enactment demanded by allsections. Was there a waiting to close the stable gate only after all the horseshad bolted? Now when the traffic has become two-away, Mr. Patil has chosento wake up with his lament.

Anyway, Mr. Patil’s sermon closes on a very wholesome note. He hasquoted Gandhi laying down a test when one is in doubt about the merit of anymatter. Recall, he has said, the face of the poorest man you have seen and askyourself if the doing of that thing would help him in getting a little less poor.Placing this yardstick before his mind’s eye, let Mr. Patil explain how he justifiessky-scrapers going up where there used to be hutments to house the hard-ups;how the widening of city roads benefits the indigent hawker when he is obligedto shift his trade to some other less frequented corner; how the painting ofwhole markets in a uniform color puts more bread in the mouths of starvingchildren; how the introduction of Rajdhani Express and luxury coaches maketravel cheaper for the toiling millions; how the raising of the hospital prescriptionticket fee to full one rupee makes it easier for the sick and under-nourished toobtain his medicine cheaply; how the raising of the land revenue to in somecases, twenty times the previous rate within six months enables the agriculturistto give a decent wage to his farm labourer? If Mr. Bal Patil ponders over theseand a hundred other things besides, his enthusiasm for the side he obviouslybacks might abate a little.•

National Herald (Lucknow)- February 22, 1977

Acharya Vinobha Bhave

Vinobha’s DeathSir, —The death of Acharya Vinobha Bhave, self-induced as it was, is being

publicly lamented by all alike. However, there is a significant aspect of it, whichis being underplayed by the State media.


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Towards the closing chapters of his life, the Acharya had concentratedmost of his efforts on the protection of the cow. I think that if the matter hadbeen raised during the Prime Ministership of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, he hadthe moral courage to say something like this; “Look here, Sir. The issue interestsonly the Hindus most of whom regard it as a part of their religion. But ours’ isa secular State where the church-or the different churches in the context ofIndia—is completely separated from it. Apart from the provision we have madein our constitution in the interest of agriculture and animal husbandry in thisregard, we cannot do anything more.”

But our later-day leaders, who are in positions of power, have not thatcourage. On the contrary, with a diminishing moral base they are all the timeafraid of losing the support of their party from whatever quarters it comes.Moreover, Vinobha’s ashram was a very convenient shelter behind which theyalways took refuge in times of public pressure. Remember the use they madeof a casual remark of his in a collateral context during the Emergency? “So thisis an era of discipline” which was broadcast all over. From what we understandthis remark was extracted from him by a party politician who had easy accessto the saint. He was trying to sell the Emergency to the Baba, And when theAcharya had later on suggested that the issue be referred to a conference ofapolitical learned men of the country—Archrya Kul—the idea was draggedalong for a time and later shelved.

On the question of cow slaughter, many promises were made to him by theCentral leaders to have it banned throughout the land. But they where as oftenforgotten. There is a feeling that perhaps the departure of the Acharya fromthe national scene is a relief in many quarters.•

Northern India Patrika- November 27, 1982

Kamlapati Tripathi

In times like these’Sir, —Express News Service is responsible for an item (June 23) saying

that Mr. Kamalapati Tripathi is ‘hurt’ by the reply of Mr. Devaraj Urs to theshow-cause notice issued to him. Mr. Tripathi is reported to have re-markedthat ‘no gentleman or a sane man would adopt the language and the tone whichDevarajji has adopted against a person whom he called his leader at least athousand times during the last 27 months’ (emphasis mine).

May I quote an apt couplet explaining the situation?‘Ba faiz-e maslahat aisaa bhi hota hai zamaane men;ka rahzan ko ameer-e kaarwaan kahna hi partaa hai;Bataoon kya dil-e nashaad pe kaisi guzarti hai,ke jab be-mehr ko bhi mehrbaan kahna hi partaa hai’.

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In three times it sometimes becomes expedient to call a highwayman theleader of the caravan. How shall I describe what passes in the mind of the self-respecting, when he has to address his oppressor as ‘my benefactor’. •


Maneka Gandhi

Rajiv or Maneka?Sir, —What part Mr. Rajiv Gandhi takes up, or is induced to take up, in the

Congress (I) hierarchy is the look-out of that party alone. But since that partyrules at the Centre and in most of the states, the question impinges on theaffairs of the country as a whole. His induc-tion therefore assumes a largersignificance.

As we all know, unlike his younger brother, Sanjay Gandhi, Rajiv has allalong kept himself aloof from politics. Left to him-self perhaps, his naturalinclina-tions would point away from its hurly-burly. However, the death of Sanjayhas made a difference of a personal nature to Mrs. Gandhi, and this re quitelikely to influence his thinking.

For one thing she had learned to lean increasingly on Sanjay for adviceeven on matters of state. As she is getting no younger, her need to have someone reliable by her side in a personal capacity is now all the greater. For another,the mother’s instinct after having lost a son in an air accident, would naturallytie to wean the sur-vivor from continuing in a career which involves the samerisk, in a professional; way. So, as a family arrangement, the entry of Rajiv intothe affairs of the Congress (I) party is all right.

But looking at the way a good many of her partymen, particularly the youngerset, are going about canvassing for Rajiv’s entry into their party in a big way, Itappears as if in their myopic vision there is not one in this nation of .six hundredfifty million souls fit enough to lead it after Mrs. Gandhi. The land which gaveAshok and Akbar, to name only two, is in the eyes of tree Congress (I) youthincapable of throwing up a man, outside the Nehru family, cap-able of headinga team to ad-minister’ the affairs of this de-mocratic country. By shouting if ora Rajiv or a Maneka, are they not proclaiming themselves to be sycophants ornincompoops, or both? Are they lost to all sense of self-respect to announce tothe world at large their country’s bankruptcy of talent?

If Rajiv or Maneka have a mind to join politics, they have every right to doso. But Cong-ress (I) men try to make it seem as if they are Indispensable. Thisis negation of the concept of democracy itself.

Even from the point of view of the Opposition, there are men and women inthe Congress (I) itself who, though they may not be adorning the treasury benches


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at the moment, can bring credit to any party government. Why should the searchfor leadership be confined to the Nehru family, by birth or marriage? I do notknow whom Mr. A.P. Sharma, Union Minister of Transport, was serv-ing whenhe lodged a formal protest with his opposite number in the United Kingdomover the BBC’s description of the Sanjay Gandhi as “crown prince” and itsreference to “dy-nastic rule” in its broadcast. For one thing, the BBC, unlikeour All India Radio and Doordarshan, is an autonomous corporation over whichthe British Govern-ment has no control. For an-other, what exactly was thepoint of the Minister’s peevish-ness? It is a pity that some of our politicians,because of their imperfect understanding of de-mocracy and its ways, as alsobecause of their lack of a sense of proportion, sometimes make a laughingstock of themselves before the world.•


Chandra Shekhar

Cong (I) and Real IssuesSir, —Mr. Chandra Shekhar has rightly pointed out that Rajiv Gandhi and

his Congress (I) are skirting the real issues facing the country and are harpinginstead on matters on which there is no difference of opinion among the nationalparties and which have no relevance in the election debate. So unless the electionspeeches of the P.M. on the problems of Punjab and Sikhs are just electiongimmicks to exploit Hindu sentiment to garner electoral advantage and wouldgive place to serious application of mind to solve them after the pools are over,the country is in for continued turmoil and instability And Mr. H.H. Dua is onfirm ground when the writes (IE, Dec 19 that “winning votes through a backlashmight win Rajiv Gandhi some more seats but the exercise is dangerous in thelong run.”

It is too late in the day for the Congress (I) to ward off the charge (it hasnever been specifically denied) that the Bhindranwale phenomenon in Punjabowes its origin to its strongmen in Punjab and Delhi in order to go one betterthan the moderate section of the Akalis. Or that the riots in Delhi and otherplaces outside Punjab, with Sikhs as targets, were engineered by its followersto avenge Mrs. Gandhi’s murder.

Even before the Assam impasse could be settled-again a creation of theruling party seeking to import a captive vote-bank from across the border-theill-judged and ill-advised policies pursued in Punjab added to the already tangled

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problem. The party is now making a great noise about the danger to the country’sunity and stability (from the Sikhs). If for no other reason, the Congress (I)deserves to be voted out on this very score, to preserve the unity and stability ofthe country, which has been critically jeopardised by its own manipulative politics.It must be clear to the meanest intelligence that the Punjab problem-as also theAssam problem for that matter-can be solved by any party other than theCongress (I). This party has failed to do this all these long years for sordidmotives and the other side, the Sikhs and the Assamee, have completely lostfaith in its bonafides. Having been in power all most uninterruptedly for such along time, the only stand it now knows is the position of strength of confrontation.It has forgotten that most people inhabit this land than its camp flowers. •


Rajiv Gandhi

Means And EndSir, —There is none so churlish as would grudge credit to Mr. Rajiv Gandhi

were be to make a sizable dent in the problem of corruption. The evil hascrossed all bounds to become almost a part of life in this country. In the lasttwenty years or so, it has attained unimaginable dimensions. Whereas previouslyit was confined mostly to the lower rungs of the ladder, today it has “spread tothe highest levels.

So it is refreshing to be promised a cleaner national life. We can certainly-do with a determined drive to make life not only more decent but also easier atleast for the down-trodden who find the going a lot more difficult than thosefinancially better-placed. But the ques-tion of questions is given thecircumstances, is it possible to fulfill the promise? Cleansing the Augean Stablesof graft and corruption is a Herculean task. What is needed first is a strong andstable government. That means clean politics, which in turn means cleanejections.

Which brings us to the crux of the problem. The elections today have cometo mean heaps and heaps of money. For a party to fight flections and to win, itmust have access to those neaps. Mr. Rajiv Gandhi’s party has no doubt wonthe ejections in a big way; maybe it would have won without the moneybags.But money and cartfuls of it certainly helped it.

Our sages, and the last one amongst them, Mahatma Gandhi whosecollec-tive wisdom holds for all time, have told us that only dean means canlead to clean ends. Mr. Rajiv Gandhi’s promises would sound hollow unless hecan de-monstrate to the people that the Gov-ernment he heads is clean and


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based on clean politics, and that it is not at all tainted with black money. Thosewho want clean results must come with clean hands.•

Indian Express- March 05, 1985

Vishvanath Pratap Singh

Limit to MandalSir, —The Mandal commission report holds the centre-stage of the nation’s

politics these days. Competing for the SEBCs vote-bank, all political parties,without exception, are vying with each other for the most advantageous standon the issue, apprehensive at the same time of a backlash from those whoseshare of the cake the SEBCs are usurping.

To give it a touch of rationalism, the ruling party has conditioned the 27percent largesse to the SEBCs by an undefined economic criterion To make itlook equitable.

The Janata Dal whose baby the 27% reservation for the SEBCs originallyis, has threatened to oppose the economic criterion. This stand of the dal exposesits real intention. Because those, who have a life-time of observation andexperience, know that that the fruits of any privilege granted to any class, isinvariably plucked by the upper and stronger slabs among them, leaving theweaker sections high and dry.

To explain how this is let me to be specific. By way of an exemplar, I wouldtake the Yadav community, which has been classified among the castes to befavoured. The Yadavs’ claim to belong to the clan of Lord Krishna who isworshipped as a god not only in India but also in many other parts of the globe.The sect, after his name has a considerable number of adherents in most othercountries. If even then it says it is socially backward, what then pray is theyardstick to measure social backwardness?

Then, a community which can throw up ministers by the dozen, includingtwo chief ministers of the country’s largest states; any number of legislators atthe centre and the states which contributes substantially to the All-Indiaservices—the I.A.S. and the I.P.S. to name only two; which sends officersand jawans to the nation’s defence for-ces; which has more than a fair sprinklingamong the country’s administrative services at all levels, cannot surely beclassified as educationally backward. If there is; not also a couple of Yadavgover-nors of the states, the default is Mr. V.P Singh. Why did he not nominatethem when he had the power?

Of course, the poorer and back-ward rows of Yadavs deserve equalreservation with the rest of the socially and educationally back-ward. This

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however does not fit in with the leaders’ scheme of things. What is really intendedis to give more clout to the leaders of these castes who can around up and herdtheir lower level caste-men to their rallies and the polling booths. Any analysisof the existing realities on the ground would bear out this reading of the picture.

Even the most ardent advocates of Mandal would, have to concede that theprovision of reservation for any section of the people would always be at thecost of democratic Puritanism; the principle of equali-ty, the basic feature ofany democ-ratic policy. Transitional allowance can certainly be made to rectifyanomalies, even to rectify some past injustice but it should always be ensuredthat this does not negate or stultify the sanctity of the general principal. TheSupreme Court’s dictum ‘limiting the reach of reservations of 49½ percenterred, if one may say so with all respect for its thinking of the apex court on theside of “ample” generosity. The Janata Dal or, to be more specific, its supremoMr. V.P. Singh appropriated the whole of what was left after setting aside the22½ per cent for the Scheduled Castes and the Tribes, earlier carved out forthem leaving nothing for any other class which might come up later with perhapsa more meritorious claim when confronted with the undeniable entitlement of apoorer section of the so demand for their share of the cake, the Janta Daltentatively and the ruling party specifically has promised them ten per cent,over and above the Lakshman Rekha of the half loaf allowed by the court. Thiscan come only from the remaining moiety of the common pool. Add to this theslices pledged to the physically handicapped and the ex-soldiers and we have aperfect example of the exception swallowing the rule.

Happily the entire matter is coming up before the Supreme Court to unravelthe triangles in which politicians have tied up the issue. The court itself aiddown a ceiling of forty-nine and a half percent. It would against be for theCourt to undo or redo what the political parties have done in heir rat race.

As said above reservations indisputably detract from the salutary rule ofequality of all citizens the bed-rock on which the edifice of democracy rests.Reservations, if allowed for any reason must not be allowed to stay on ourstatute books a day longer than what is absolutely necessary. They can neverbe allowed to become a feature of the Constitution.

So, whatever the picture as it emerges after the awaited verdict of theCourt, it should be ensure in unequivocal terms that after the expiry of, say, ten,fifteen or even twenty years, reservations of all and every kind shall be erasedfrom our polity/lock stock and barrel, inexorably, irrevocably and irreversibly.•

Times of India (Lucknow)- October 14, 1991


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12345678901234567890123456789012123456781234567890123456789012345678901212345678123456789012345678901234567890121234567812345678901234567890123456789012123456781234567890123456789012345678901212345678Ram Jethmalani

The Art of AdvocacySir, —Much of what Mr. Ram Jethmalani has said in “Mandal revi-sited”

(IE, Sept. 28) is unexception-able. A seasoned lawyer, he has persuasivelyargued his side of the case. The other side he has conve-niently skipped. Whiledwelling on the preamble of the Constitution (an introductory statement ofgener-al intent) and a directive principle of state policy (which is no more thana recommendation), he has skirted the unfavourable-specifics contained in thebody of the fundamental law. For instance, while he expatiates on the‘constitutional prescription’ of ‘social justice’ and ‘special care’ for the weakersections to ‘protect them from all exploitation’, he passes over the overridingconstitutional conditionally of merit, which cir-cumscribes these provisions.

Article 335 lays down that “The claims of the members of the Sche-duledCastes and the Scheduled Tribes shall be taken into considera-tion, consistentlywith the mainte-nance of efficiency of administra-tion, in the making ofappointments to services and posts in connection with the affairs of the Unionor a State”. While all other provisions speak generally of permissibility, here isone definite and specific mandate relating to jobs, plainly overriding generalities.

About the need of concessions to the Scheduled Castes and ScheduledTribes, there is not much dispute among the thinking section of the people. Thedisabilities, which these classes suffer from, are manifest and tangible, can seethem. Our Constitution-makers therefore took care at the very doorstep to abolishuntouchability. But while it stands legally banned, in practice it is still there inparts of the country, parti-cularly in the rural areas. But it is, and perceptibly, onthe way out and sooner rather than later, this blot on our country would vanishcomplete-ly. Till such time as this, and maybe some other disabilities, do sothere is certainly a case for extending reparation in their favour.

Even so, there is room for dispute—whether the existing arrangement isserving the object it is seeking to achieve. Should it be changed to achieve thedesired results? If in-stead of helping the SC/ST to over-come their handicaps,they are seen in fact to disable them from rising up, it is clear that the medicinemust be changed. If the crutches, meant to strengthen and reinforce the limbs,are actually debilitating them, they should be discarded and other devices thoughtup.

The matter of the Other Back-ward Classes is qualitatively diffe-rent. Mr.Jethmalani has adroitly clubbed it with the matter of SC/ST who are indisputablydeserving. In the case of OBC, if we leave out the accident of birth we are leftwith system, which has to be an integral part of any civilised community where

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division of labour, according to the leaning and aptitude of the individual, is notonly the norm but a necessary factor as well. If one individual opts for theplough, or the potter’s wheel, or for being an unskilled help to the ploughman,what is so unnatural or unsocial about it? If, however, he wants to become anengineer or a doctor, he should certainly be helped to be-come one. In theformer case, he would not be needing any formal reading and writing; in thelatter, he would require help to go to school college and the engineering/medicalinstitute. Social and educational dis-parity would thus be intrinsic in the system.The Constitution has directed the State to make provision for free and compulsoryeducation for all. If some castes do not want to take advantage of this, in whatway can Mr. Mandal’s recommendations force them? If one brother in a familywants to become a lawyer and another a teacher, while the third is content tomind the family farm or the shop, where is the social injustice, which is beingtalked about or sought to be remedied? Or the caste-based disability requiringspe-cial treatment?

Mr. Jethmalani’s long quotation from a judgment of the Supreme Courtwhich fantasises the situation of a child surrounded with all the good things oflife and of another ‘deprived of the same, essentially boils down to the differencebe-tween the rich and the poor, not between ‘high’ and ‘low’ castes. During atalk I had with a senior surgeon in the state service, he told me that in his villagein Morena district (MP), mostly inhabited by his caste-people, Gujars (classifiedOBC), the single Brahmin family is the poorest of the lot. I invite Mr. Jethmalanito apply the phantasy here. It is not a question of caste at all. Not at any rate inthe present times. It is just economic status.

The current agitation against reservations has no doubt been con-taminatedby politics and hooligan-ism. But it is revolt—a spontaneous revolt against theobvious calcula-tion though garbed deviously in constitutional permissibility,behind it. I totally disagree with Mr. Jeth-malani when he says, “Reserva-tionsdo not perpetuate caste. They destroy its ugly manifestation.” On the contrary,we make bold to assert that even if not calculated to exactly do just the opposite,they are bound to have that result. As well talk of uprooting beggary by alms-giving.

Then, although under pressure of public opinion, these reservations arepromised not to apply to promo-tions and certain categories of ser-vices,tomorrow as memories dim, these too are likely to be brought in their embrace.Vested interests have a way of wangling more and more. Can Mr. Jethmalanigive us an idea of the time when he thinks that the wrongs of centuries andmillennia shall have been expi-ated (his argument) and the country would leveloff to its central ideal of equality?

Reservations are in the nature of exceptions to a rule. Even when expanded,they cannot be allowed to overrun and almost negate the rule.•

Indian Express- Otober13, 1990


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Dr. Manmohan Singh

Economic PerestroikaSir: The Congress party is angry with its Finance Minister, who un-used to

the ways of politicians, has frankly confessed that there is no way he can rollback the prices, as promised in the party’s elections manifesto.

Dr. Manmohan Singh had the ground realities in mind when he stated thatthe state exchequer was sick.

And why should it nor be so, with drains and outflows galore and nocorresponding inputs and refills?

Take ‘the Festivals of India’. Was this not poor imitation of what the richand affluent nations were doing to advance their trade and other interests? Andyet we spent cores and crores over them with not a thought of whether wecould afford the extravaganzas, then the ‘loans-melas’, ‘loans-waivers, subsidieson the price of fertilisers for the agriculturists and so on.

A rail accident occurs due to the inefficiency of the staff. Straightaway agrant of a lakh of rupees to the next-of-kin of each of the killed is announced tosilence their outcry and consequently of the public and the press. The questionof negligence of the governmental apparatus is thus effectively covered!

These are only some of the outflows from the national exchequer.Seized hides, skins and ivory worth crores of rupees were destroyed, instead

of being sold abroad to substantially improve the foreign exchange position.The rationale? It is immoral to earn money from trading in items which havebeen banned by the country’s laws; this would be indirectly encouraging tradein what is banned. All right! But what about the confiscated smuggled gold andsilver? Why is the principle changed here? And when the outgoing prime ministerwisely uses some of the confiscated metal to pay off a part of the national debt,a hue and cry is raised against our ‘frittering away’ precious reserves.

All those who care for the country would wish all power to ManmohanSingh’s elbow. They are behind him in his efforts to repair the country’seconomy.•

Indian Express- July 09, 1991

Mulayam Singh Yadav

Mulayam’s MinoritySir, —Is the re-introduction of Urdu by the Mulayam Singh gov-ernment in

UP a help or a drag in the cause of literacy currently advertised on a grandscale? Urdu is a beautiful tongue of culture, elegance and poetry. But is it not

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just a form of Hindi or Hindustani with words of Persian added? It has thesame format, diction and grammar. The only difference is the script. But whileHindi (nagari) is very simple with each sound repre-sented by a single letter ofits al-phabet, the Urdu alphabet is far more complicated.

These may have their phonetic nuances in Arabic and Persian but in Urduthey are abundant and confusing.

The difference between Hindi and Urdu is thus largely, if not en-tirely, ofscript. With all these facts what is it that is goading Mulayam Singh to reintroduceUrdu? Ap-peasement of Muslims? No. Appeasement means satisfying somedemand. I have lived my four score years and ten in a part of the state whereMuslims constitute a very large proportion of its population. There has been nodemand for Urdu in my perception. Muslim boys and girls have taken to theeasily mas-tered Hindi like ducks to water. Their handwriting in Hindi readslike print. Their spoken Hindi (re-ally no different from Urdu) is flow-ing andfluent and without accent.

So why this re-introduction? The motive is as transparent as sheet glass. Inthis connection, I am reminded of the strategy of the Conservatives of Britain,which ruled our country at the time. In their policy of divide and rule, they usedthe Aga Khan to induce the Musbms to demand separate elec-torates. Thestrategy worked and the foundation of Pakistan was laid. In like manner theChief Minister of UP is using his pliable followers in the minority community todemand Urdu so that by conceding it he may appear to them as a messiahwant-ing only their votes in return! Does he not realise that he is also negat-ingwhat the activists of national in-tegration are trying to do?

And then look at the cost—crores and crores of tax-payer’s money. No,Sir, the entire project is miscon-ceived and against national interest Moves shouldbe initiated to thwart it on a national scale. •

Indian Express- February 1993


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PHOTOGRAPH - Ist

U.P. CONGRESS QAUMI SEVADAL CAMPEXECUTIVE COUNCIL MEMBERS AND OTHERS

Allahabad March-April 1940

Ground :- Ram Datta Awasthi, Shiv Swarup Singh, Pashupati Nath Gupta, Kripa Shankar, Shekar Nath Ganguly,Sundar Lai Gupta, Gupta, Radhey Shiam PahtakChairs:- Sri Prakash, Brahma Prakash Sharma, Shri Krishna Dutt Paliwal, Jagdish Prasad (Camp Director), MaulanaAbulkalam Azad (President), Purshottam Das Tandon, Shiv Balak Ram Dwivedi (Drill Incharge), Jawahar Lal Nehru,Atma Ram Govind Kher, Chandra Bhal.Standing :- Hazari Lal, Lal Bhadur Shastri, Malkhan Singh, R.S. Pandi, Keshav Dev Malaviya, Kali CharanTandon, Z.A. Ahmad, Prem Kishan Khanna, Muzaffar Hasan, Ganga Sahai Chaubey, Shiamle Behari Srivastava, S.Satyanand.Standing 2nd row :- Jaleshwar Singh, B. V. Keshkar, Ganesh Prasad Jaiswal, Mohammad Yunus, ManglaPrasad, Kashi Prasad, Ganesh Dutt Vajpai, Brahmeshwar Nath Paudey.

PHOTOGRAPH - IInd

U.P. CONGRESS QAUMI SEVADAL CAMPALLAHABAD, MARCH-APRIL 1940

DASTA NO. 1

Standing :- Malkhan Singh, Mohammad Yunus, Brahmeshwar Nath Pandey, Chandra Bhal.Chairs :- Ranjit Pandit, Sri Prakash, Brahma Prakash Sharma, Sri Krishna, Datta Paliwal, Jawahar Lal Nehru.

Photograph

306

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307

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7 uEcj flikgh & iafMr tokgj yky usg:

308

ds mijkUr izFke xzke ds fy, izLFkku dk le;A Hkkstu lekIr djus ds ckn mUgksus viuh ?kMhns[kh vkSj dgk & eSa rS;kj gw¡A

eSa us dgk fd vHkh vk/kk ?k.Vk ckdh gS] vHkh vkjke dhft,Abl ij mUgksusa fQj dk;ZØe dh izfr ekaxhA eSus mUgsa fQj ,d izfr ns nh&vla’kksf/krA mUgksaus

dgk fd og ykvksa ftl ij eSaus la’kks/ku fd;s gSaAeSuas dgk og dgha b/kj&m/kj gks xb] ijUrq dksbZ gtZ ugha D;ksafd ge us tks izksxzke cuk;k

Fkk] ge mlh ds vuqlkj dk;Z dj ldsaxsA bl ij mUgksaus eq>s Åij&uhps ns[kkA nks”,d {k.k rdHk‘dqfV ruh vkSj fQj vka[kksa vkSj gksaBksa ij dqN ean eqLdku fy;s gq, ihNs dks rfd, ij yksVx,A

vijkg~u rd dk;ZØe fcYdqy Bhd pyk vkSj fQj bl ds ckn ge mUgsa vius uxj dsxkSjo mn~;ku& deyk usg: okfVdk esa ys x,A ogh ij dqN Qy tks gesa pjFkkoy dLcsa esa HksaVgq, Fks [kk, vkSj iafMr th ;g dgrsa gq, fd cspkjs dks uk ekywe lqcg ls dqN [kkuk feyk gSfd ugha] lh-vkbZ-Mh- dh dkj ds ikl tk dj dqN Qy mUgsa ns vk,A tc eSus dgk le; gksx;k gS pyus dk] rc cksys vkSj 5&7 feuV cSBs jgksaA ,slk izrhr gksrk gS fd gekjh le;kuqdwyrkls izHkkfor gks dj mUgksaus ;g 5&7 feuV dh fj;k;r gesa nhA ckfVdk ls pyrs le; ;g dgk&dqN vko’;d i=ksa ds mRrj nsus gSA ckr rks rc gS] tc 'kke dks lkoZtfud lHkk ds ckn vkieq>s 9 cts rd ykyk mxzlsu ds edku ij okil igqpk nsaA

eSus dgk ,slk gh gksxkA Qyr% tc la/;k dh lkoZtfud lHkk esa 9 ctus esa yxHkx nlfeuV ckdh Fks] eSus mudks Nw fy;kA lk/kkj.kr;k ;fn mu ds Hkk"k.k ds nkSjku dksÃ mUgsa dqNdguk pkgrk Fkk] ;k /;ku nwljh vksj vkdf"kZr djrk Fkk rc og vR;Ur vizlUu gks tkrs Fks]ijUrq mUgksaus b’kkjk le> fy;kA Hkk"k.k lekIr dj fn;k vkSj esjh ckag idM dj eap ls dwndj rsth ls c<us yxs tSlk fd ges’kk gksrk FkkA lkeus HkDrksa dh ,d Bksl nhokj te xbZ vkSjfdruk gh vksj yxk;k] og Vl ls el u gqbZA mUgksaus cMs gh fuLlgk; Hkko ls esjh vksj ns[kkAeSus dgk ;fn esjk usr‘Ro djus dh txg esjk vuqlj.k djs rks {k.k Hkj esa bl HkhM+ ls NqVdkjkfnyk ldrk gwaA og ?kwes vkSj esjs ihNs gks fy,A eSa mu dk gkFk idM dj Hkxk dj Vkmugkydh ,d f[kMdh ij ys x;k tgka ij igys ls gh dkj [kMh dj j[kkh FkhA iafMr th dks f[kM+dhls fudky dj mldh dq.Mh vius ihNs yxk nh vkSj bl ls iwoZ fd fdlh dks Kkr gks fd D;kgks x;k ge eksVj esa cSB dj rsth ls py dj Bhd 9 cts fu/kkZfjr LFkku ij igqap x,A

vxys fnu lqcg mUgsa jsy }kjk lgkjuiqj tkuk FkkA mUgksaus esjs ls Vkbe iwNk D;ksafd mUgksausdgk esjh viuh ?kMh dk Vkbe dqN T;knk fo’okluh; ugha gSA

esjh viuh ?kMh Hkh ekaxh gqbZ Fkh vkSj eq>s Hkh ugh irk Fkk fd og jsy ds Vkbe ls rstgS ;k eUnhA u tkus fdl dkj.k& ’kk;n feF;k LokfHkeku gh gks] ;g ckr eSus mu ls fNikbZAmUgksus esjh ?kMh ls feyk dj viuh ?kMh ikap feUkV ihNs dj yhA

tc ge LVs’ku ij igqaps] rc xkMh IysVQkeZ ij vk pqdh FkhA viuh xyrh le> dj eSaiafMr th dks tYnh ls xkMh ij ys tkuk pkgrk Fkk] ijUrq mUgksaus dgk fd vHkh ikap feuV ckdhgSA ;g dg dj lsokny ds Lo;a lsodksa dk ^xkMZ vkQ vkuj* dk fujh{k.k djus yxsA eq>s BaMk


309

ilhuk vk jgk FkkA vkf[kj og IysVQkeZ ij vk gh x, vkSj vius fMCcs esa p< x,A xkMh rqjUrpy iMhA LVs’ku ekLVj us ckn esa eq>s crk;k fd xkMh dks mUgksaus 5 feuV rd jksds j[kk FkkA

le; dh ikcUnh dh ppkZ djrs le; jksgkuk fey ds ljnkj ';keflag }kjk fn, x, Hkkstudh ;kn vk xbZA Hkkstu ds ckn dk;Z Øe dh vxyh en dks ,d ?kaVk ckdh FkkA eSus iafMr thls iwNk &^vkjke djsxsa\*

mUgksaus dgk&^tSlk djksA*,d dejk [kksy fn;k x;k vkSj og fcLrj ij ysV x;sA tc pyus ds le; esa 3&4 feuV

jg x;sA eSus vkfgLrk ls njoktk [kksy dj vUnj >kadkA tokgj yky th lks jgs FksA eSus njoktkfQj can dj fn;k vkSj lViVkus yxkA 2 feuV ckn og Lo;a gh pqipki ckgj vk x, vkSjdgk “ rS;kj gwWA

lu~ 1946 ds esjB esa gksus okys dkaxzsl ds okf"kZd lEesyu esa mUgksus Lo;alsod f’kfoj dkfujh{k.k djus dk dk;ZØe j[kk FkkA mu fnuksa og cgqr dk;Z&O;Lr FksA pg ok;ljk; dh,DthD;wfVo dkSafly ds mik/;{k Hkh FksA dqN fnu igys x<eqDrs’oj esa tcZnLr fgUnw&eqfLye dkaMHkh gks pqdk FkkA bl ij rqjkZ ;g fd iafMr th ds iSj esa eksp vk jgh FkhA bl eS la’k; Fkkfd og f’kfoj esa vk Hkh ik,axs] fdUrq og vk, vkSj le; ijA ;|;fi og gYdk lk yaxMkrsFks] rFkkfi mUgksus reke f’kfoj dk cgqr rsth ls pyrs gq, pDdj yxk MkykA eS] tks mu ls14 lky vkSj 1 fnu NksVk gwa] eqf’dy ls muls dne feyk ldkA

;g fo’okl gS fd lkoZtfud lHkkvksa esa mRiUu fo?u mUgsa Øqn~/k dj nsrk Fkk] ijUrq lnSo,slk ughA gekjs eqt¶Qjuxj ds ikl vke tyls esa og Hkk”k.k ns jgs Fks fd ,d cPpk] tksfd viuh eka dh xksn esa Fkk] tksj&tksj ls fpYykus yxk vkSj fdlh rjg Hkh pqi ugh gksrk FkkAgalrs gq, iafMr th us cPps dh eka ls dgk&bldks esjh ckrsa ilan ugh gSA bldks D;ksa etcwjdjrh gks fd og esjh ckrs lqusA

f’kfoj ds dk;ZØe esa tokgj yky th iwjk&iwjk Hkkx ysrs FksA :V&ekpZ ds volj ij xqMvkSj pus dk iwjk jk’ku ys dj xzkeh.kksa dh rjg iwjs ets ls [kkrs Fks tc rfc;r djrh Fkh] mNydwn esa fdlh ls de u FksA ,d fnu ge lc dks ,d iafDr esa [kMk fd;kA ,d fljs ij vki[kMs gks x, vkSj fQj f’kfoj ds reke vgkrs es 10 feuV rd ,slk ukp upk;k fd ge ilhusesa rj&c&rj gks x,A mUgksaus crk;k fd ;g ,d ^LdkWfV’k* ukp gS] ftlesa ’kjhj ds reke vaxksadks fofHkUu eqnzkvksa esa eksM&rjksM dj dne&dne pyk tkrk gSA

tc f’kfoj lekIr gqvk rc mlesa Hkkx ysus okys lHkh O;fDr;ksa dk ,d xzqi&QksVks [khapkx;k] ftlesa ekSykuk vktkn vkSj VaMu th Hkh ’kkfey gq,A fdlh us ;g lq>ko Hkh fn;k fd gekjsnLrs dh Hkh ,d vyx QksVks f[kpuh pkfg,A eSa bl esa igt ugh djuk pkgrk Fkk] ijUrq tc;g lq>ko tokgj yky th ds ikl igqapk rc og ,dne rS;kj gks x, vkSj cSBkus dk izca/k Lo;amUgksus vius gkFkksa esa ys fy;kA dqlhZ ij cSBusa okyksa rFkk ihNs [kMs gksus okyksa dh nks iafDr;ka 5&4ds Øe esa gksrh FkhA ge esa ls pkj dks ys tk dj mUgksaus ihNs [kMk dj fn;kA fQj mUgksaus Jhizdk’k th vkSj ikyhoky th dks chp dh dqlhZ ds Øe’k% nkfguh vkSj ckbZa vksj cSBk fn;kA Jhj.kthr iafMr dks nkfgus fljs dh dqlhZ dh vksj ladsr djrs gq, iafMr th us esjk gkFk idM

7 uEcj flikgh & iafMr tokgj yky usg:

310

dj eq>s chp dh dqlhZ ij cSBk fn;k vkSj esjh xnZu dks leqfpr eqnzk ns dj ck,a fljs dh lhV ijLo;a tk cSBsA ;g fp= vkt esjh lcls cgqewY; lEifRr gSA

,d cgqewY; lEifRr vkSj gS D;ksafd esjs ikl mu dk ,d vlk/kkj.k i= Hkh gSA eSuslekpkj esa i<k gS fd fdlh ?kVuk ls iafMr th dks pksV vkbZ gSA eSus mUgsa i= fy[kk ;g tkuusds fy, fd D;k gky gS vkSj ;g Hkh fy[kk fd ,gfr;kr cjruh pkfg,A ;g eSa dguk Hkwy x;kfd tc ge f’kfoj esa Fks] iafMr th ,d nwljs dks Cktk; uke ds uEcjksa ls lacksf/kr djuk vf/kd mi;qDr le>rs FksA ;g jgk mu dk mRrj tks fd mUgksaus f’kfoj&in~èkfr ds vuqlkj eq>sfy[kk&

¼ewy i= vaxzsth esa gS] mldk vuqokn nsrk gwWA½vkuan Hkou] bykgcknvDVwcj 25] 1940uSuh lsokny”f’kfoj ds nLrk ua- 1 dk 7 uEcj vius uk;d dks fouez fjiksZVZ nsrk

gS fd gky esa gh tks pksV vkbZ gSS] mldk lekpkj c<k”p<kdj fn;k x;k gSA og LoLFk Hkhgks x;k gSA og tkudkjh izkIr djus dk vkHkkjh gSaA

iafMr tokgj yky usg: ÛlkIrkfgd fgUnqLrku” ebZ 30] 1965

tc usg: th dEiuh ckx dh csap ij cSBstc usg: th dEiuh ckx dh csap ij cSBstc usg: th dEiuh ckx dh csap ij cSBstc usg: th dEiuh ckx dh csap ij cSBstc usg: th dEiuh ckx dh csap ij cSBsiafMr czãizdk’k ’kekZ ofj"Bre ,MoksdsV] iwoZ fo/kk;d rFkk Lora=rk lsukuh us ,d izsl

foKfIr esa dEiuh ckx ds ckjs esa vius laLej.k esa ckrk;k fd fiNys 30 twu ds ^cqysfVu* vadesa ^misf{kr o mtkM gks pqds ’kgj ds ikdZ vkSj deyk usg: okfVdk* uked [kcj i<+hA okfVdklEca/kh dqN iqjkuh ckrsa ;kn vk x;h fd lu~ 1935 ls igys bl okfVdk dks yksx dEiuh ckxds uke ls tkurs Fks] rc vaxzsth ljdkj dk gh cksyckyk FkkA ljdkjh rU= ds v/khuuxjikfydk Hkh bldks ,d NksVs ls foHkkx dh rjg ekurh FkhA blds ps;jeSu dks dysDVj dkekgrgr vfèkdkjh le>k tkrk Fkk rFkk uxjikfydk dk lc dke dkt ljdkjh b’kkjksa ij pyrkFkkA dEiuh ckx ij uxjikfydk cksMZ dk vf/kdkj ukeek= dk FkkA ckx dh Qly ls ljdkjhmPpf/kdkfj;ksa ds ;gka ^Mfy;k* Hksth tkrh FkhA ckx ds ekyh mudh dksfB;ksa ij cxhpksa dhns[kHkky djrs Fks rFkk uxjikfydk ds lnL; Hkh bl okfVdk ls dkQh vuqfpr ykHk mBkrs FksAeSus Lo;a ,d lnL; ds iq= ds ?kj ds vkxau esa dEiuh ckx ls mBk;s x;s ikS/kksa lfgr xeyksadks cMh ek=k esa ns[kk gSA

1935&36 esa tc eS dkaxzsl esa Fkk] rks geus dkaxzsl dh vksj ls izkUr Hkj esa uxjikfydkds pquko yMsA rc eqt¶Qjuxj esa dqy 16 LFkku ¼13 fuokZfpr rFkk 3 ljdkjh euksuhr½ Fks]ftuesa geus 7 LFkku thrs FksA ml le; ernkrk eqfLye rFkk rFkk xSj eqfLye nks Jsf.k;ksa esafoHkkftr FksA ;s lkrksa lnL; vkSj xSj eqfLye Fks] ij ,d us’kufyLV eqfLye ds leFkZu ls vkSjps;jeSu dh dkfLVax oksV ds lgkjs thrk FkkA gekjk cksMZ ij iwjk fou;a=.k gks x;k D;ksafd eq>sckxokuh dk ’kq: ls gh ’kkSd Fkk ¼eSa ckWVuh foÔ; esa ,e-,l-lh- Hkh gwa½ blfy, dEiuh ckx dk


311

pktZ eSus vius gkFksa esa fy;k vkSj lcls igys dke tks bl lEca/k esa geus fd;k] ,d izLrko}kjk budk uke ^deyk usg: okfVdk* j[kkA ml le; ckcw ’;kefcgkjh yky xkMZu v/kh{kdvkSj pkS- nqxkZ izlkn gSMekyh FksA mudks eSus fo’okl esa ysdj vkns’k fn;k fd vkt ds ckn dksbZekyh lnL; ;k vf/kdkjh ds ?kjksa ij tkdj dke ugha djsxk rFkk ckx dk ,d iRrk Hkh ckxls ckgj ugh tk;sxkA blls ckx dh Qly dh lkykuk uhykeh esa Hkh Qk;nk gksus yxkA

^njckj iSfofy;u* ftldks *cqysfVu* [kcj esa ckjknjh dgk tkrk gS] mldh ejEer ,oa isUVdjkdj fQj lqUnj cuk;hA ,d Qjujh rFkk ulZjh Hkh cuk;h vkSj Hkwfe [kjhndj ckx ds {ks=esa feyk;h x;h rFkk ckgj ls Qwyksa ds o‘{k Hkh eaxkdj yxk;s x;sA lMdksa vkSj D;kfj;ksa dhejEer] ubZ D;kfj;ka Hkh cuok;h x;h rFkk ckx dk Bhd ls ys”vkmV Hkh djk;k x;k] ml le;feLVj tSu lsØsVjh gks pqds FksA mUgksaus Hkh bl dk;Z esa dkQh fnypLih yhA esjB jksM dh vksj,d fljs ls nwljs fljs rd rkj f[kapok;k x;k] ftlls okfVdk ds QkVdks ds vfrfjDr dksbZO;fDr vFkok tkuoj okfVdk esa izos’k u dj ldsA ckx ds dsUnz esa QOokjk yxokdj mldklqUnjhdj.k fd;k x;k rFkk mlds ikl gh cSap cuok;hA okfVdk ds ml lqUnjhdj.k ls deykusg: okfVdk ukxfjdksa rFkk lMd ls xqtjus okys i;ZVdksa ds fy, ,d je.kh; LFky cuh] ftllsukxfjdksa dks bl ij xoZ gksus yxkA

mlh le; gekjs ftys esa ia0 tokgj yky usg: dkaxzsl izpkj gsrq nkSjs ij vk;sA ml le;eSa dkaxzsl dk ftyk v/;{k Hkh FkkA muds izksxzke esa eSus nksigj ds ckn yxHkx 15 feuV dk le;okfVdk esa yxk;kA tc pjFkkoy ds izksxzke ds ckn esa mUgsa okfVdk esa ys x;k] rks lcls igysmUgksaus QkVd ij yxs cksMZ ^deyk usg: okfVdk* dks ns[kkA eSus mUgsa crk;k fd geus gky esagh bl okfVdk dk ukedj.k laLdkj fd;k gS] ;g lqudj og Hkkoqd gks mBsA rc ge QOokjsds fudV cuh cSap ij vkdj cSB x;sA lnhZ ds fnu FksA /kwi QSyh Fkh] ikS/kksa ij [kwc Qwy vkjgs FksA pjFkkoy ds lQy dk;ZØe ls osa cMs [kq’k FksA gekjh dkj esa yksxksa us feBkb;ka ,oa Qyksadh Hkjekj dj j[kh FkhA usg: th ,d FkSys esa Qy rFkk feBkb;ka ysdj dkj esa cSBs lh-vkbZ-Mh- vf/kdkfj;ksa ds ikl x;s rFkk ;g dgrs gq, mUgsa feBkb;ka rFkk Qy HksaV fd;s fd cspkjs Hkw[ksgksaxs D;ksafd ljdkj ds izca/ku ds vuqqlkj lh-vkbZ-Mh- dh dkj muds ihNs&ihNs pyh FkhA tcfu/kkZfjr 20 feuV lekIr gks x;s rks eSus dgk fd vc pfy, le; gks x;k gS rks iafMr th cksysfd ,slh Hkh D;k tYnh gSA dqN vkSj Bgjks] vPNk yx jgk gSA dqN nsj vka[ks cUn fd;s cSBsjgs] fQj ge izksxzke cjyk ds fy, pysA eSa le>rk gwa fd ;g izFke volj Fkk fd usg: thus Hkkoqdrk ds dkj.k le; dh ikcanh esa <hy dh gksA deyk usg: okfVdk gekjs uxj dk xkSjojgk gS vkSj okfVdk dks fQj mlh LRkj ij yk;k tk ldrk gS] c’krsZ fd bldh ns[kjs[k izHkko’kkyh]bZekunkj rFkk ftEesnkj O;fDr;ksa ds liqnZ dj nh tk,A okfVdk;sa vkSj ikdZ cfLr;ksa dk QsQMkdgs tkrs gS] ftlls og LoPN ok;q o ty dk vkaun mBk ldsA blds t:jh gS fd bldk mfprlaj{k.k fd;k tkuk pkfg, vkSj eq>s mEehn gS fd orZeku ftyk eftLVªsV Jh vuUr dqekj flagth tks fd bl le; flVh ckMZ ds iz’kkld Hkh gS] Lo;a bl okfVdk ds Hkfo"; ij fopkj djsaxsvkSj ’kgj dh yk[kksa ds tuekul dks izkd`frd lkSUn;Z ds n’kZu djk;saxsAÛ

eqt¶Qjuxj nSfud cqysfVu” tqykbZ 08] 1994

tc usg: th dEiuh ckx dh csap ij cSBs

312

eqt¶Qjuxj uxjikfydk pqukoeqt¶Qjuxj uxjikfydk pqukoeqt¶Qjuxj uxjikfydk pqukoeqt¶Qjuxj uxjikfydk pqukoeqt¶Qjuxj uxjikfydk pqukolu~ 1935 dh ckr gS] ns’k esa vaxzstksa dk ’kklu FkkA ;|fi vlg;ksx vkUnksyu LFkfxr Fkk

rFkkfi ljdkj fojksèkh xfrfof/k;ka pje~ lhek ij FkhA izR;sd ekspsZ ij eqykdkr djus dk fu’p;FkkA bu xfrfof/k;ksa dk usr`R; dkaxzsl dj jgh FkhA eqfLye yhx dk dke rks ljdkj ls vUnj[kkus feys jgdj Lora=rk laxzke esa jksMk vVdkus dk gh FkkA

’kkldks us viuh QwV Mkyksa vkSj jkt djks* dh uhfr ds vuqlkj eqfLye leqnk; ds vkj{k.kds fy, muds vuqikr ls T;knk fo/kkf;dkvksa vkSj LFkkuh; fudk;ksa esa izfrf/kRo ns js[kk FkkAbySDVksjy Hkh eqlyekuksa vkSj xSj eqfLyeksa ds vyx&2 FksA eqkyeku ukxfjd dsoy eqlyeku dsfy, gh oksV ns ldrs FksA xSj eqfLye ¼ftl laKk esa eqlyekuksa dks NksMdj vU; lc oxZ fgUnw]bZlkbZ vkfn vkrs FksA½ oks dsoy xSj eqfLye ukxfjd gh pqurs FksA

eqt¶Qjuxj uxjikfydk esa eqfLye vkcknh 1@3 Fkh] ijUrq uxjikfydk dh 13 lhVksa ij8 xSj eqfLye vkSj ikap eqfLye eSEcj pqus tkrs FksA bl rsjg ds vfrfjDr 3 lnL; izkUrh;ljdkj euksuhr djrh FkhA ftuesa ,d efgyk] ,d gfjtu vkSj ,d ^fo’ksÔ fgr* ¼Lis’kybUVjsLV~l½ gksrk FkkA

lu~ 1935 esa LFkkuh; dkaxzsl us nyxr vk/kkj ij uxjikfydk ds pquko esa Hkkx ysus dkfu.k;Z fy;k ¼ml le; dh dkaxzsl vkt dh dkaxzsl ls bruh fHkUu Fkh] ftruk eD[ku dks;ys lsgksrk gS½ vkB tujy lhVksa esa lkr dkaxzsltu lQy gq,A igys fnu ds pquko esa rks la?kÔZiw.kZfojks/k gqvk ijUrq tc bl pquko esa fojksf/k;ksa dh djkjh gkj gks x;h rks vxys fnuksa fojks/k Ô{kyxHkx vuqifLFkr Fkk ¼pquko ,d gh fnu esa u gksdj dbZ fnu rd gksrk FkkA ,d okMZ esa ,dfnu vkSj nwljs okMZ esa vxys fnu bR;kfn½ vkBoha tujy lhV ls ykyk tuknZu Lo:Ik ¼ftudkvHkh fiNyss fnuksa LoxZokl gqvk gS½ pquko thrs FksA ikap eqfLye lhVksa esa pkj eqfLye yhx vkSjikapok ,d us’kufyLV eqfLye gkth vCnqy vtht [kka pqus x;sA ljdkj us tks rhu lnL;euksfur fd;s os Fks] ,d ljnkj vdje [kka] tks ûokctknk fy;kdr vyh [kka* ¼ikfdLrku dsizFke iz/kku ea=h½ ds dkfjUnk FksA nwljs fel [kku* tks uxjikfydk dU;k gkbZ Ldwy esa iz/kku v/;kfidk Fkh vkSj rhljs pkS/kjh ^gjnsok* gfjtuA

ge tks dkaxzsl lnL; Fks] dkaxzslh ps;jeSu ykuk pkgrs Fks] ijUrq 16 lnL;ksa esa dsoy 7 gksusds dkj.k ,slk lEHko ugh Fkk tcfd ljdkj dk iwjk&iwjk fojks/k FkkA ge 7 FksA ¼1½ Mk0 ckcwjke]¼2½ ckcw lqer izlkn tSu] ¼3½ ykyk mxzlSu tSu] ¼4½ Mk0 jkeukFk oekZ] ¼5½ Jherh rkjkorh]¼6½ ykyk dka’khjke] ¼7½ eSa ¼Lo;a½A bl izdkj 7 xSj eqfLye dkaxzslh] ,d xSj eqfLye] xSjdkaxzslh] 4 yhxj ,d us’kufyLV eqfLye vkSj 3 ljdkjh lnL; tks fd gj lwjr esa gekjk fojks/k djus dks FksA

ljdkj us viuh vksj ls ^lS;n vgen glu* tks eftLVªsV Hkh Fks] dks viuk mEehnokjcuk;kA mudh Ldhe Fkh fd muds dSUMhMsV dks ikapks eqfLye fuokZfpr lnL; vkSj rhuksa euksuhrlnL; vkSj ‘kk;n xSj dkaxzslh ykyk tuknZu Lo:Ik dh oksV fey tk;s rks Li"V mudh thr ojuk;fn os vkB Hkh jg tk;sa rks Hkh muds cjkcj vkus esa dkaxzsl 8oha lnL; dk oksV dgka ls yk;sxh\

m/kj ge dkaxzslh lnL;] dkaxzslh eqlyeku ps;jeaSu pquus dks rS;kj Fks] rks Hkh gekjs ikl8 gh oksV gksrs Fks] lkr gekjs vkSj ,d us’kufyLV eqfLye dkA yhxh eqfLye dkaxzslh eqlyeku


313

dks cnkZLr ugh dj ldrs FksA vr% geus lQyrk dh xqatk;’k fudkyus ds fy, ;s t:jh ns[kkfd ge ykyk tuknZu Lo:i dk fdlh rjg leFkZu izkIr djsa] rks ,slh flFkfr gks tk;sxh fd 8gekjs i{k esa vkSj 8 ljdkjh lnL; ds i{k esaA pqukaps geus ^ykyk txnh’k izlkn* ¼dqaoj th½tks eSEcj dkÅfUly vkWQ LVsV Hkh Fks] dks viuk mEehnokj pqukA og ykyk tuknZu Lo:i dsfj’rs esa pkpk Fks blfy, gesa fo’okl Fkk fd og ^lS ;n vgen glu* ds i{k esa oksV u nsdjlEHkor% gekjs i{k esa gh oksV nsaxsA

pquko ls nks fnu igys pkS/kjh gjnsok ¼euksuhr gfjtu½ dks flVh eftLVªsV ’ks[k the:n~nhu*us vius edku ij cqykdj vius dCts esa dj fy;k fd dgha mldksa pquko ds le; xk;c ukdj fn;k tk;s vkSj ml ij ljdkjh izHkko lS;n vgen glu dks oksV nsus dk vkf[kjh oDrrd dk;e jgsA

pquko ds fnu lc lnL; uxjikfydk Hkou esa bdV~Bk gq,A E;wfufliy cksMZ ml le; mltxg Fkk tgka vkt xksy ekfdZV gSA mlds vkaxu esa ukxfjdks dk vikj lewg ,df=r FkkA ftykU;k;k/kkh’k dh v/;{krk esa ps;jesauh dk pquko gksuk FkkS 16 dqflZ;k¡ lnL;ksa ds fy, yEch estds nksuksa rjQ yxk nh xbZ mu ij lnL; cSB x;sA eSus ,slk Øe fd;k fd ftl [kkyh lhV ij,su le; pkS/kjh gjnsok vkdj cSBs] og esjh dqlhZ ds cjkcj esa FkhA

pquko ds fufLpr le; ls dqN feuV igys flVh eftLVªsV dh dkj ikfydk ds vkaxu esavkdj :dh vkSj mlesa ls pkS/kjh gjnsok mrjdj Hkou esa vk;s vkSj esjs nkfgus j[kh [kkyh dqlhZij cSB x;s mlds ijyh rjQ ljnkj vdje [kka ¼euksuhr½ cSBs FksA csysV isij ckaV fn;s x;smu ij mius dSUMhMsV ds uke ds lkFk eSEcj dks mius nLr[kr Hkh djus FksA lnL;ksa us viusmEehnokj dk uke fy[kdj vius csysV isijkas dks QksYM dj fn;kA

pkS/kjh gjnsok ds lkeus j[ks cSysV isij ij esjh utj Fkh mEehnokj ds [kkus esa mUgksaus ,dyEch ykbZu [khph vkSj ml ij ,d MaMk ekjk fQj :d x;s vkSj dqN lkspus yxs] vdje [kkaus mUgksa izksRlkfgr djus ds fy, dksguh ekjh vkSj /khjs ls dgk fd tYnh fy[kksaA bl ij eSusrqjUr [kMs+ gksdj tt eksgn; ls vkifRr dh fd cSBd esa izksisaxMk fd;k tk jgk gS vkSj oksVnsus ds fy, tksj fn;k tk jgk gSA bl ij tt lkgc us dM+d dj ,syku fd;k fd gky esa fdlhfdLe dk izksiasxMk ugha gksxhA vdje [kka cgqr grksRlkfgr gq, pkS/kjh gjnsok us ?kcjkdj oSlkdk oSlk cSysV isij QksYM dj fn;k] lc cSysV isij lnL;ksa ls ysdj tt lkgc ds ikl igqapkfn;s x;sA 8 er dqoaj txnh’k izlkn ds i{k esa rFkk 7 lS;n vgen ds i{k esa vkSj ,d pkS/kjh gjnsok dk vfuf’prA yhx okyksa ds lq>ko ij tt lkgc us gjnsok ls iwNk fd rqeus fdldksoksV fn;k gS\ nl ij rqjUr geus vkifRr dh fd ;g iz’u ugh iwNk tk ldrkA cSysV isij ghvfUre izek.k gS oksVj dk tks dqN fu.kZ; gS] ml ij vafdr gSA mldks nwljh oksV nsus dk voljugh fn;k tk ldrk gSA lc rdZ lquus ds ckn tt lkgc us gekjh vkifRr Lohdkj dh vkSjcgqer izkIr fd;s gq, dqoaj txnh’k izlkn dks fuokZfpr ?kksfÔr dj fn;kAÛ

eqt¶Qjuxj nSfud cqysfVu” tuojh 26] 1989

eqt¶Qjuxj uxjikfydk pquko

314

ogh <kd ds rhu ikrogh <kd ds rhu ikrogh <kd ds rhu ikrogh <kd ds rhu ikrogh <kd ds rhu ikrvHkh dqN fnu gh rks gq,] cMs /kwe/kke ls ,d lekjksg fd;k x;k FkkA leL;k Fkh fd fctyh

ds xk;c gksus ds lkFk&2 uy dk ikuh Hkh can gks tkrk FkkA bl leL;k ds fuokj.k gsrq tsujsVj*eaxkus x;s rFkk vk’oklu fn;k x;k fd vc ty leL;k nwj gks tk;sxhA fctyh ds lkFk&2 ikuhcan ugh gksxkA blds lkFk”lkFk ukxfjdksa us Hkh pSu dh lkal yh fd vc jkst”jkst dh ty leL;kdk fuokj.k gks tk;sxkA vc bl lEca/k esa dksbZ dfBukbZ ugh gqvk djsxhA

vk;k vxyk fnu] uy dh VksaVh [kksyh rks ikuh xk;c vFkkZr ogh <kd ds rhu ikr dgk¡x;s oks ^tSujsVj* rFkk og vk’oklu] ftldh ,d fnu iwoZ lkoZtfud :i ls ?kksÔ.kk dh x;hFkh\ fdl vk/kkj ij dh x;h Fkh ;g ?kksÔ.kk\ dkSu ftEesnkj gS bl reke dqO;oLFkk ,oa dqizca/k dk\ fdruk iSlk [kpZ gqvk vkSj og dgka x;k \ D;k fdlh dh dksbZ ftEesnkjh ugh gS\ lclscMh ckr rks ;g gS fd gekjs ukxfjd tks VSDl vnk djrs gS] ftuds cy ij reke iz’kkludk <k¡pk [kMk gSA os lHkh bl reke vjktdrk ij mnklhu D;ksa gS \

esjk ;g nkok gS fd dsoy ,d izf’kf{kr] ftEesnkj] bZekunkj] tkx:d o deZfu"B dsoy nks;k rhu lgk;dksa dh enn ls reke uxj dh ty vkiwfrZ lqpk: :i ls pyk ldrk gSA ;gbruk cMk ty foHkkx] ,d lQsn gkFkh ¼vU; foHkkx Hkh T;knk fHkUu ugha ijUrq mu dk ftdzvU; volj ij gS½ n¶rjksa esa dsoy dkxth ?kksMs nkSMk;s tkrs gS] vlyh dke rks eq[; VksafV;ksaij gksrk gSA mudh O;oLFkk ;fn Bhd ls dh tk;s rks ukxfjdksa dks ftu dfBukbZ;ksa dk lkeukdjuk iM jgk gS os lekIr gks tk;saA

eq>sa ;kn gS fd 1937 esa eqt¶Qjuxj dh fctyh dk izca/k uxjikfydk us dydRrs dh ,dQeZ êkfVZu cuZ ,.M dks-* dks 21 oÔZ ds Bsds ij ns j[kk FkkA Hkxoku tkus uxjikfydk dsvf/kdkfj;ksa] lnL;ksa o ps;jeSu ls vUnj[kkus mldk D;k le>ksrk jgk gks] ijUrq uxjikfydkds /ku dh cgqr ywV gks jgh FkhA ,d 3 :i;s ewY; ds fy, Bdsdsnkj 28 :i;s pktZ dj jgkFkkA tc gekjk ¼ml le; dh dkaxzsl dk½ cksMZ pqu dj x;k rks geus Bsdsnkj dks 14 fnu dkuksfVl ns fn;k fd rqjUr Bsdk fujLr fd;k tkrk gSA Bhd 14 fnu Ik’pkr nksigj dks ckjg ctsdEiuh nks yksfj;ksa esa ls ,d esa nQrjh lkeku] dyiqtsZ vkfn ykn dj o nwljh ykjh esa viusreke dqyh] etnwj ,oa deZpkjh ykndj uxjikfydk dk;kZy; ds lkeus vk [kMh gq;h fd uksfVlds vuqlkj ge tk jgsa gS] viuk dke lEHkkyksaA os ml le; dks vaxzst iqfyl v/kh{kd dks Hkhvius lkFk yk;s FksA bl vfHkizk; ls fd ge muds izHkko esa vkdj ;k ?kcjkdj ge vkSuh&ikSuh’krksZ ij Bsds dk uohuhdj.k dj ysxsa] ijUrq geus mudh NqV~Vh dj nh vkSj os esjB pys x;sAiqfyl v/kh{kd gekjs gh ikl cSBs jgsaA geus mu ls dgk fd gesa vk’kadk gS fd Bsdsnkj vkSjmlds leFkZd fctyh dh ykbuksa esa dgh rksM&QksM u dj nsaA cl ge ’kklu ls bruk lg;ksxpkgrs gS fd og ,slk u gksus nsA rhu fnu rd uxj dh fo/kqr O;oLFkk Hkxoku dks lefiZr jghArhu fnu I’pkr geus 2 :i;s jkst dh etnwjh ij :Mdh ls fctyh dqyh cqyk fy;sA ¼mu fnuksadqyh ekfld osru 10 :i;s FkkA½ dqN fnuksa rd uxj dh fo/kqr O;oLFkk dh ns[kHkky mUgh yksxksaus dhA ckn esa /khjs&2 geus ckdh foHkkxksa esa Hkh fu;qfDr;ka dj yhA Bsdsnkjh dh lekfIr dsifj.kkeLo:i fctyh foHkkx esa iSlk cjlus yxkA ;g dguk lR; ls nwj ugha gksxk fd ml le;


315

uxjikfydk dh [kq’kgkyh eq[;r% fctyh dh vk; ls gh FkhA Bsdsnkj us ml oÔZ izkUr dh ljdkjls uxjikfydk ds uke ls 30]000 :0 dk dtkZ eatwj djk j[kk FkkA mls geus ;g dg djokfil dj fn;k fd ge viuh vkenuh ls gh viuh lHkh vko’;drkvksa dks iw.kZ dj ysxsaA gesafdlh _.k dh vko’;drk ugh gSA

blh lEca/k esa ,d etsnkj ckr eq>s ;kn gS fd ykyk dka’khjke lnL; dks geus foRr ,oafctyh dk dke lkSaik gqvk FkkA foHkkx dh vksj ls bu dks ,d yEch pkSMh lwph izkIr gq;h fd;g lkeku fnYyh ls eksy vkuk gSA vfèkdkfj;ksa dks Hkst dj lkeku [kjhnus dh ctk; ykykth Lo;a fnYyh x;s rFkk [kwc yM++&>xM+ dj rFkk lkSnsckth dj ds og vuqekfur ykxr dk rhupkSFkkbZ ewY; ij os lHkh lkeku [kjhn yk;sA bl ds lkFk&lkFk mUgksaus crk;k fd ;g [kjhnkjhij ^deh’ku* feyk gS] tks fd osa nLrwjh crkrs gSA og Hkh geus foHkkx dh vkenuh esa ’kkfeydj fy;kA

;gk¡ ,d ckr vkSj gS tks ’kk;n ukxfjd Hkwy tkrs gS fd fctyh tks gekjs ?kjksa dks jks’kudjrh gS] ftlls ia[ks o fQzt vkfn pyrs gS] mldk mRiknu eqt¶Qjuxj esa ugh gksrk og rkscgknjkckn esa gksrk gSA eqt¶Qjuxj esa rks flQZ bldk forj.k gksrk gSA blfy, fctyh dk tksHkh izca/k ;k dqizca/k vkSj O;oLFkk ;k dqO;oLFkk gS pg forj.k lEca/kh gSA ;g rks ge eku ysrsgS fd fctyh dh ek=k bruh i;kZIr ugh fd ukxfjdksa dks 24 ?kUVs fufoZ?u miyC/k gks] ijUrqbruk rks fd;k gh tk ldrk gS fd izR;sd ekSgYys esa fuf’pr le; ij fctyh miyC/k gks rFkkfuf’pr le; ij dkVh tk;sA ftlls ukxfjd iwoZ lwpuk ds vk/kkj ij viuh fnup;kZ cuk ysaA,slk u gks tSlk fd fdlh vko’;d dk;Z dk flyflyk py jgk gks vkSj fctyh dV tk;sAfo|kfFkZ;ksa dh ifj{kk;sa py jgh gksa] os viuh i<kbZ esa O;Lr gks vkSj ,d ne ykbV xqy gks tk;sAfQj <wa<rs fQjks fn;klykbZ] eksecRrh ;k rsy dk ySEiA bl dqO;oLFkk dk fujkdj.k gks ldrkgS] ;fn deZpkjh deZB gks rFkk viuh ftEesnkjh eglwl djrss gksa] ijUrq vktdy rks Åij lsuhps rd vkok dk vkok gh fudEek gSA

gk¡ rks uy dk ikuh brus [kpZ ds I’pkr Hkh dgka x;k \ bldk dksbZ ftEesnkj gS ;k ugh \tjk&tjk lh ckr ij ?ksjko] /kjuk] tywl fudkyrh gS ikfVZ;ka] bl ty leL;k ij osa

[kkeks’k D;ksa gSAÛeqt¶Qjuxj nSfud cqysfVu” twu 01] 1994

fctyh foHkkx ls ,d lokyfctyh foHkkx ls ,d lokyfctyh foHkkx ls ,d lokyfctyh foHkkx ls ,d lokyfctyh foHkkx ls ,d lokyegksn;]” nwjn’kZu }kjk dbZ fnu igys ls foKkiu fn;k tk jgk Fkk fd xr ’kfuokj vFkkZr~

30 tuojh dks Vh-oh- ij fo’ofo[;kr fQYe ^xk¡/kh* fnu esa 2 cts fn[kykbZ tk;sxh] pqukaps esaHkh lifjokj vU; dk;ksZ ls fuo`Rr gksdj vius Vh-oh- ds lkeus le; ls cSB x;kA fQYe ’kq:gqbZ tu lHkk esa xka/kh th dks gR;kjs us xksyh ekjh] ^gs jke* dgdj og py cls] ekreh tqywl’kq: gqvk gh Fkk fd fctyh BIiA

fQYe dh lekfIr rd ugh vk;k vkSj ge ml fQYe dks ns[kus ls oafpr jgsa] ftldk dbZfnuksa ls bUrtkj mRlqdrk ls dj jgs FksA

;g fctyh dk O;o/kku dsoy gekjs ekSgYys x<h xksjoku esa gh gqvkA iwNus ls ekywe gqvkfd iMkSlh ekSgYys îRFkjksa okyh ljk;* esa uxjokfl;ksa us fufoa?u lg fQYe ns[khA

fctyh foHkkx ls ,d loky

316

;g O;o/kku gekjs ’kgj ds fctyh deZpkfj;ksa vkSj vf/kdkfj;ksa dh vdeZ.;rk dk gh ughoju mudh tulsok jfgr Hkkouk dk izek.k gh dgk tk ldrk gSA blls tulk/kkj.k ds fnyksaesa grk’kk ds lkFk&lkFk vkdzks’k Hkh gksuk LokkHkfod gS]ftldk urhtk ,d fo’ks”k foHkkx dks ghugh oju leLr ’kklu dks cnuke dj ldrk gS] vkSj blls mRikfr tuvkdzks’k ,sls dk;Z djusij mrk: Hkh gks ldrk gS] tks lkekUU; fLFkfr esa u gksus pkfg;saA

D;k gekjs fctyh foHkkx vkSj ftyk iz’kklu us ’kkeyh esa dqN le; igys gqbZ ?kVukvksa lslcr ugh fy;kA

nwljs ;g rks ljdkj dh gh gh uhfr Fkh fd *xak/kh* fQYe dks ns’k dh 70 izfr’kr turkns[k dj mlls ykHk mBk;sA bl uhfr dks Hkh fctyh vf/kdkfj;ksa vkSj dzepkfj;ksa us fctyh dkmfpr izca/k u j[kdj mYya?ku fd;kA

dgk tk jgk gS fd dqN ,sls dkj.k mRiUu gks x;s] ftudh otg ls ;g O;o/kku mRiUu gksx;kA gekjk fo’okl gS fd ;fn tkx:drk cjrh tkrh rks ;g :dkoV u gks ikrhA vktdyns’k esa gks jgs :lh mRlo dh ,d bdkbZ us tc Hkkjr vkus ls bUdkj fd;k Fkk vkSj dgk Fkkfd Hkkjr esa fctyh dk mfpr vkSj v[k.M izca/k u gksus ds dkj.k mudh ml ;wfuV dk izn’kZuu gks ldsxk] rks mUgsa ;g vk’oklu fn;k x;k Fkk fd fctyh fujurj tkjh j[kh tk;sxh vkSjblesa :dkoV ugha vjus bh tk;sxhA bldk vFkZ rks ;g gS fd ;fn rRijrk cjrh tk;s] rks O;o/kku jksdk tk ldrk gSA

30 tuojh ds fnu xka/kh fQYe ds nkSjku fctyh Qsy gksus dk tokc vkuk pkfg,A ;fntukdzks’k QwV iMrk gS] rks bldh ’kr&izfr’kr ftEesnkjh foHkkx dh gh ugh leLr ’kklu dhgh gksxhAÛ

eqt¶Qjuxj nSfud cqysfVu” Qjojh 03] 1988

Hkkjrh; o fons’kh laLd‘frHkkjrh; o fons’kh laLd‘frHkkjrh; o fons’kh laLd‘frHkkjrh; o fons’kh laLd‘frHkkjrh; o fons’kh laLd‘fregksn;]” fiNys fnuksa lukru /keZ ifCyd Ldwy }kjk vk;ksftr cky esys esa fopj.k djus

dk volj feykA ;g cgqr vPNk ek/;e gSa] euksjatu vkSj nSfud vfofof/krkvksa dks rksMus dslkFk&lkFk Nk=&Nk=kvksa esa O;ogkfjd dq’kyrk vkSj tulEidZ dh Hkkouk dks cks/k djkukALFkku&2 ij nqdkusa yxh Fkh] tgka ij vYikgkj ds lkFk NksVh&eksVh O;ogkj dh oLrq;sa Hkh miyC/k FkhA [ksydwn dh lkeaxzh Hkh FkhA

izca/kdx.k {kek djsxsa ;fn vkykspuk ds vfHkizk; ls ugh] dsoy lq>ko ek= dh Hkkouk lsnks&,d ckrksa dh vksj esa ladsr djus dk lkgl d:aA

;fn blesa dqN lkj gks rks budh vksj /;ku fn;k tk;s vU;Fkk budks misf{kr fd;k tk;sAtukC;ku vkdÔZ.k ds fy;s fgUnh dh txg vaxzsth HkkÔk dk iz;ksx dqN T;knk gh izrhr gksrk

Fkk] fo’ksÔr;k% tgka ,d ckr dks ckj&2 nksgjk;k tkuk O;ogkfjd gksA turk dks vkefU=r djus;k vkdfÔZr djus ds gsrq fons’kh HkkÔk dk O;ogkj dqN csrqdk lk yxkA eSa ugh dgrk fd vaxzthdk cfg"dkj gksuk pkfg,] vaxzsth vko’;d gksus ds lkFk&2 ,d Lrj ij O;ogkfjd Hkh ekuh tkrhgSA ijUrq cky esyksa esa bldk iz;ksx de ls de vkSj vko’;drk vuqlkj gks] rks mfpr gSA


317

oSls rks vkt dsanz Lrj ij ^dSfluksa* dks vius ns’k esa izpfyr djus ds iz;kl ’kq: gks x;sgSA dgk tkrk gS fd blesa fons’kh /ku vkSj eqnzk dk iz;kIr ek=k esa vk;kr gksxkA ijUrq blmn~ns’; dks cky Lrj ij ys tkuk csrqdk lk yxrk gS] izfr;ksfxrk vkSj Li/kkZ dh Hkkouk rksljkguh; gS] ij nkao yxk dj [ksyus dh Hkouk bl Lrj ij jksdh tk;s rks vPNk gksA esys esadbZ LFkkuksa ij bldk mnkgj.k ns[kus dks feyk] tks u gksrk rks vPNk FkkA

rhljh ckr fooknLin gks ldrh gS] dgk tkrk gS fd vk/kqfud laLd‘fr esa [kku&iku dk fo’k;dsoy O;fDrxr gSA lekt dks blesa gLr{ksi djus dk vf/kdkj ugh gS vkSj bl ij fookn mBkukxyr iz;kl gSA gks ldrk gS ;g n‘f"Vdks.k vktdy ds ekun.M ds vuqlkj ekU; gks] ij ,d,slh laLFkk esa ftlds uke ls *lukru /keZ* tqMk gqvk gks] vaMs vR;kfn dk lkoZtfud lsou dqNvViVk lk yxkA ,d nqdku yxh Fkh tgka *vkeysV* rS;kj djds forfjr fd;s tk jgs Fks vkSjml ij HkhM o lgh i;kZIr ek=k esa xzkgd [kMs ns[ks x;sA

esys ds izca/kd eq>s {kek djsaxs ;fn eSus ,d vuqHkoh ukxfjd dks gSfl;r ls ls i= fy[kdjHkkoksa vkSj fopkjksa dks *eqt¶Qjuxj cqysfVu* tSls ikBdksa rd izfrf’Br ek/;e }kjk ikBdksa rdigqpkusa dh /k‘"Vrk dhA

ge pkjksa rjQ ns[k jgs gS fd iqjkuh ekU;rk;sa ,d ds ckn ,d fxjrh pyh tk jgh gS vkSjfons’kh ekU;rk;sa mudk LFkku ysrh tk jgh gSA gesa fopkjuk gS fd fdl gn rd mudks viuk;s\tcfd ;g Li"V gksrk tk jgk gS fd og fons’kh lekt ls Åcdj Hkkjrh; lH;rk dh vksj n‘f"V?kqekus yxk gSA

eqt¶Qjuxj nSfud cqysfVu” uoEcj 24] 1987

vxj eSa eqlyeku gksrk rk—vxj eSa eqlyeku gksrk rk—vxj eSa eqlyeku gksrk rk—vxj eSa eqlyeku gksrk rk—vxj eSa eqlyeku gksrk rk—1 v;ks/;k esa 6 fnlEcj dks tks dqN gqvk] xyr FkkA mls nqHkkZX;iw.kZ vkSj vQlkslukd gh

dgk tk ldrk gSA ljdkj] eqfLye leqnk; vkSj fgUnw lekt ,dne LrC/k vkSj O;xz ls jg x;sgSA ;s lc D;k gks x;kA tks Hkh uD’kk fdlh dh utj esa jgk gks] tks dqN Hkh gqvk og lcvizR;kf’kr FkkA

2& tks dqN gks x;k mldks vc vu&gqvk rks ugha fd;k tk ldrk] ,slk gh izd‘fr dk fu;egS A ij ge lcdks Hkxoku us lkspus&le>us dh ’kfDr nh gSA vkxs D;k djuk pkfg, vkSj D;kdjuk Bhd gksxkA

3& eS fgUnw gwaA eS fgUnw blhfy, rks gwa fd eSa ,d fgUnw ifjokj esa iSnk gqvkA eka&cki fgUnwFksA eaSuas vius cukus okys ls rks dgk ugha fd eq>s fgUnw ifjokj esa tUe nsukA vxj eqfLye ?kjesa iSnk gksrk rks eqlyeku dgykrkA u eSus osn] iqjk.k i<+s] u dqjku] u vathy rks Hkh fgUnw cukcSBk gwaA ftrus er gS] u mudk rqyukRed erkyk ¼v/;;u½ fd;k vkSj u mlds ckn bl urhtsij igqapk gwa fd lcds fgUnw /keZ gh Js"B gSA fQjdk&okfj;r ¼lkEiznkf;drk½ dh tSgfulr¼eukso‘fRr½ ls ges’kk vyx jgk gwaA vktknh dh yMkbZ ds nkSjku tc tsyksa esa ltk dkVus dk ekSdkfeyk rks vU; jk"Vªh; dk;ZdrkZvksa dh rjg ,d ’kSj cgqr ilUn Fkk&

eSg’kj esa Hkh dg nwaxk] etgc ls xwjstk Fkk] fgUnw Fkk uk eqfLye Fkk]eSg’kj esa Hkh dg nwaxk] etgc ls xwjstk Fkk] fgUnw Fkk uk eqfLye Fkk]eSg’kj esa Hkh dg nwaxk] etgc ls xwjstk Fkk] fgUnw Fkk uk eqfLye Fkk]eSg’kj esa Hkh dg nwaxk] etgc ls xwjstk Fkk] fgUnw Fkk uk eqfLye Fkk]eSg’kj esa Hkh dg nwaxk] etgc ls xwjstk Fkk] fgUnw Fkk uk eqfLye Fkk]bd vYyk is bZeka Fkkbd vYyk is bZeka Fkkbd vYyk is bZeka Fkkbd vYyk is bZeka Fkkbd vYyk is bZeka Fkk

vxj eSa eqlyeku gksrk rk—

318

4& fgUnw gksus ds ukrs vxj eSa eqlyekuksa esa tkrk gwa vkSj muls fny dh dgrk gwa] rks og;s gh le>rsa gSa fd fgUnw gS] fgUnw i{k dh gh ckr djrk gS] vxj eaS eqkyeku gksrk rks eqlyekuksaesa tk dj dqN bl rjg eq[kkfrc ¼lacksf/kr½ gksrk] ^fcjknjkus feYyr! ge bl eqYd fgUn esaiSnk gq, gS ;gk ds gh ’kgjh gS] blh ukrs ;gka gesa ’kgjh;r ds bf[r;kj ¼vf/kdkj½ gkfly gS]mlh ds cjkcj Qjk;t ¼drZO;½ Hkh gSA vkt ls 45 oÔZ igys dqN gekjs jguqekvksa useknj&,&cru ds VqdMas bl fcuk ij djk fn;s fd ge fgUnwvksa ds lkFk ugh jg ldrs] ml oDreqYd ij vaxzsth gqdqer FkhA mlus bl tSgfu;r dks [kwc gok nh] ikfdLrku cu x;k vkSj cuusds ckn ml eqYd us vius dks ,d bLykeh jktk ,syku dj fn;kA blds ekus ;s gq, fd ogkadk eqlyeku ’kgjh uEcj ,d gks x;k vkSj fgUnw vkSj xSj&eqfLye uhps ntsZ ds ’kgjh jg x;sA

5& bl urhts esa fgUnwvksa dk ckdh fgLlk] ftlesa ge jg jgs gS vxj [kqn dks fgUnw ns’k,syku dj nsrk rks lkjh nqfu;k bl ,syku dks okftc vkSj equkflc gh ekurh] fgUnw ;gka ’kgjhuEcj ,d vkSj eqlyeku ’kgjh ua0 nksA ysfdu fgUnwLrku esa ,slk djus ls bUdkj dj fn;kA;gka ds yhMjksa us r; fd;k fd tks ’k[l Hkh ;gka dk okf’kank gS] mld ’kgjh gdwd ¼gd½ cjkcjgksaxs vkSj bldh xkjUVh Hkh vkbu ¼dksaLVhV;w’ku½ cukdj dj nhA vc vki ns[ks fd ikfdLrkuesa ,d fgUnw NksVh ukSdjh Hkh ugh ik ldrk \ tSls uk;c rglhynkj] lc&bLiSDVj ;kvksojlh;jA blds foijhr ;gka Hkkjr esa eqlyeku nks ckj lqizhe dksVZ ds phQ tfLVl] lwckasds xouZj] eq[;ea=h] ea=h] tt] jktnwr tSls Åaps&Åaps vkSgnksa ij fgUnwvksa dh rjg cuk, tkjgsa gSaA ;g eqYd flQZ fgUnwvksa dk ugh gS] eqlyekuksa dks Hkh cjkcj gdwd ¼vf/kdkj½ gSA D;kge bls fgUnwvkas dh bUrgkbZ Qjk[kfnyh ugha ekurs] D;k ge eqluekuksa dks bldh rkjhQ ughadjuh pkfg, vkSj D;k gedks bldk tjk Hkh vglkueUn ugha gksuk pkfg,\

6& vxj fgUnwvksa dh bl Qjk[kfnyh ds ckn fgUnwLrku ds okf’kans dh gSfl;r ls fQj Hkhge vtljs gS] cfYd vglku Qjkeks’k ugha] ge eqlyekusa dh ;g cnfdLerh jgh gS fd gesayhMj Hkh ,sls feyrs jgs gS ftUgksus geas xqejkg gh fd;k gSA igys vyx ogka ikfdLrku cuokfn;k vkSj fQj Hkh gesa fgUnwvkas ls vyx&Fkyx gh jgus dk lcd i<krs gSA vyx êqfLyeilZuy yk* ^vyx eqfLye igpku*! vjs HkkbZ bu ckrksa ds fy, rks ikfdLrku cuok fy;kA vcfQj D;k nwljs ikfdLrku dk cht cksdj ge eqfLye vkoke dks fnDdr vkSj ijs’kkuh esa Mkyukpkgrsa gksA lu~ 47 esa rks fons’kh ;kfu vaxzsth gqdqer ds cy ij ge yksaxksa us fgUnqLrku ds nksfgLls djkdj nksuksa fgLlksa dh ijs’kkfu;ka vkSj eqf’dykr c<k fn,A D;k vHkh Hkh viuh yhMjhdks vkSj Åapk mBkus dh gljr ckdh gS \

7& vktknh ds 45 lky ckn geus ns[k fy;k gS fd eqlyekuksa dh gkykr esa dksbZ csgrjhugha gSA dksbZ Hkh rks elyk gy ugh gqvkA ge bl loky ij vxj xkSj djsa rks blh urhtsij igqapsxsa fd gesa vc rd gesa vkSj gekjh csgrjh dk ne Hkjus okyksa us xqejkg gh fd;k gSAbldk urhtk ge ns[k gh jgs gSA 6 fnlEcj dks v;ks/;k esa tks gqvk vkSj mlds ckn tks dqNns’k esa gks jgk gS] mldh ftEesnkjh vxj dekscs’k lcdh gSA ejdth ljdkj ¼dsUnz ljdkj½]izns’k dh ljdkj] dkaxzsl ikVhZ vius dks xSj fQjdsokjkuk ¼lkEizknkf;d½ dgykus okyh ikfVZ;ka]Hkkjrh; turk ikVhZ] vkj-,l-,l-] eqfLye yhx] fo’o fgUnw ifjÔn] tekrs bLykeh] ctjax ny]


319

bLykeh lsod la?k] ckcjh efLtn ,D’ku deSaVh bu lcus [kqys fny ls elys ij xkSj djdsmldks lqy>kus dh ugha lksphA vius vius gh uqDrkutj dks rjthg ¼izkFkfdrk½ nhA ,slh gkykresa ge vkoke dh lkspuk ;g gS fd gesa vc D;k pkfg,A

8& ge eqfLye vkoke us ikfdLrku pys tkus ds ctk, Hkkjr esa gh jguk ilUn fd;kAgekjh xyrh ;s jgh gS fd geus vius eQkn ¼fgrksa½ dks [kqn u lkspdj vius [kqn’kk[rk ¼Lo;EHkw½yhMjksa ij buglkj ¼Hkjkslk½ fd;k gSA tks rkdr ds Hkw[ks gSA gedks D;wa ds bl ns’k esa ghejuk&thuk gS rks fgUnwvksa ds lkFk gh fdlh jkthukes ij igqapuk gh iMsxkA fgUnwvksa ls feydjgh jguk iMsxk] vkSj ’khj”’kDdj dh rjg cgqr ls le>kSrs djus gksaxsA ,slk ugh fd ehBk&ehBkgIi&gIi vkSj dMok Fkw&FkwA dqN yks vkSj dqN nksA cfYd bl ckr dks ns[krs gq, fd eqlyekuksaus vyx ikfdLrku cuokdj fQj Hkh ckdh fgUnwLrku esa cjkcjh dk ntkZ ik fy;k gS rks dqNT;knk nsuk vkSj dqN de ysus gh esa ’kjkQr gSA eqYd esa ,d ;dcgrh ¼,d gksuk½ dh [kkfrjdqckZfu;ka nsuk bUlkQ dh utj esa gekjs Åij ykfte gSA

9& dqN eghus igys geus Vh-oh- ij egkHkkjr ns[kh gksxhA ;g ,d egt dsoy rokjh[kh¼,sfrgkfld½ fdLlk gh ugh gSA cfYd bl dFkk ls gesa lcd Hkh cgqr ls fey ldrs gSAgfLrukiqj ,d jkT; FkkA ikaMq vkSj dq: nks HkkbZ FksA ftudh vkSyknsa ikaMo vkSj dkSjo dgyk;hAigyh ?kVukvksa ds urhtur lkjk jkT; dkSjoksa ds gkFk esa vk x;k ftlds cqtqxZ /k‘rjkÔVª FksAos tUe ls vU/ksa Fks vkSj bl ns’k dh cnfdLerh ls og vius cMs iq= nq;ksZ/ku dh lykg ijgh pyrs FksA nq;ksZ/ku ,d ftn~nh vkSj de le>QnZ ¼O;fDr½ FkkA ikaMoksa us /kr‘jkÔVª ls viusclus ds fy, ,d cMs jkT; esa ls flQZ ikap xkao dh ekax dhA vius gh HkkbZ Hkrhtksa dks bruscMs jkT; ls ikap xkao nsuk dksbZ cMh ckr u Fkh ysfdu nq;ksZ/ku us bl ekax dk tokc ;g fn;kfd ikap xkao rks D;k ,d lqbZ ds uDds ds cjkcj Hkh Hkwfe ugha nwaxkA vxj dsoy ikap xkao dkSjoyksx ikaMoksa dks ns nsrs rks reke Hkkjr dks fo/oal ls cpk;k tk ldrk FkkA mlus viuk ;k eqYddk uqdlku fd;k ;k uk fd;k gks] vius dks djhc&djhc flQZ vBkjg fnu ds tax ds ckn rckgdj fy;kA

10& gekjs yhMjksa us tks ge lk/kkj.k eqlyeku gS] mudh vlyh t:jrksa dks utj vUnktdjds gesa NksVh&NksVh fl;klh vkSj ttckrh ¼vkos’kkRed½ xqfRFk;ksa esa my>k j[kk gSA

lu~ 1947 ls igys gesa vaxzsth ljdkj dk lgkjk fnykdj gesa detksj fd;kA gesa viusiSjksa ij [kMk gksuk ugh fl[kk;k cfYd ljdkj dh cSlk[kkh ds lgkjs gh thus dh vknr MkyhAfQj dkaxzsl ikVhZ ls ukrk tksMdj gekjs yhMjksa us viuh jksVh lsdhA fQj ekSdk ijLrh dh fcukij dHkh ml ikVhZ esa lCtckx fn[kkdj gedks ?klhVdj ys x;sA lp rks ;s gS fd dksbZ fl;klhikVhZ gekjk Hkyk ugha dj ldrhA og rks viuh t:kr ds eqrkfcd ge eqlyekuksa dh oksVksa lsQk;nk mBkuk pkgrsgSA gekjk vlyh Qk;nk fdlesa gS] bldh gekjs yhMjksa dks fQØ ugh ughAge vc blh urhts ij igqapuk gksxk fd gekjh [kq’kgkyh bl eqYd dh fgUnw vDljh;r ¼cgqer½ls] fcuk fdlh fcpkSfy, dks chp esa Mkys] ,d cjkgkjkLrs ¼lh/kk jkLrk lEca/k½ djus esa gh gSAvkSj ge ns[ksaxs fd budk urhtk vkt rd vktek;s x;s rjhdksa ls gekjs fy, dgh T;knkQk;nsean gksxkA


320

11& vc eS vkrk gwa ckcjh efLtn] jketUe Hkwfe ekeys ij] tSls igys dg pqdk gwa 6fnlEcj dks tks dqN gqvk] cgqr cqjk gqvkA [kkl rkSj ls eqkyekuksa dks cgqr lnek igqapk A blbekjr ds fxjkus okyksa dk tks Hkh edln jgk gks] ge eqlyekuksa dks uhpk fn[kkuk Hkh bldk,d cMk fgLlk FkkA gekjs t+Tckr dks blls bUrgkbZ Bsl igqaph gSA bldh ftruh Hkh vkykspukdh tk;s] og de gSA ;s lc dgdj eS bruk dguk pkgwaxk fd tc ge BaMs fny ls bl iwjsgknls ij xkSj djsa rks ;s ekuuk iMsxk fd gekjk lnek etgch de ttckrh T;knk gSA ,ddnheh vkSj ,d gn rd detksj gqbZ bekjr esa ftlesa fiNys djhc pkyhl] iSrkyhl lky lsuk geus uekt i<h] uk gh fdlh nhxj ¼nwljs½ bLykeh dke ds fy, bLrseky fdlkA v;ks/;kesa vkSj Hkh dbZ efLtnsa gS] tgka ge uektsa i<rs jgsA bl reke vlsZ esa blesa ewfrZ;ka eqdhe j[khjgh ftudh fgUnw yksx bl nkSjku iwtk djrs jgsA mudk nkok gS fd ;s txg Jh jkepUnz dhtk;oyknr ¼tUeHkwfe½ gS vkSj ;g cjkcj ckn’kkg us ;gka ij igys ls dk;e ¼LFkkfir½ fgUnwefUnj dks fxj dj mldh txg eqxy bekjr ckcjh efLtn rkehj djkbZA ;s gh ut+k ¼fookn½Fkk ge eqlyekuksa vkSj fgUnwvksa ds njfe;kuA fgUnw vius lcwr is’k dj jgs Fks vkSj geus viusAdkuwu dh utj ls gesa ;g ekuuk iMsxk fd fgUnwvksa dks nyhyksa esa ge eqlyekuksa dh nyhyks ldT;knk otu Fkk vkSj vc tks efLtn fxjkus ds ckn mlds uhps ls vklkjsdUnhek ¼vo’ks”k½ feysgS tSls fd cMs&cMs rkacs ds ?kUVs] rkacs ds cqr vkSj laLd‘r Hkk”kk dh rf[r;ka] ftu ij fgUnw nsorkx.ks’k dh ewfrZ ls cuh gS rks fgUnwvksa dk Qjhd ¼i{k½ vkSj Hkh etcwr gks tkrk gS fd bl txgigys efUnj Fkk vkSj vc cqr ijLrh gksrh gS rks bu nksuksa otwokr ¼dkj.kksa½ ls ;g txg geeqlyekuksa dh bcknrxkg ¼iwtkLFky½ ugh jg ldrhA tks txg utkbZ ¼fooknxzLr½ gks vkSj tgkacqrijLrh ¼ewfrZ iwtk½ gksrh gks og txg eqlyekuksa ds dke dh ugh jgrh vkSj ogka ij vnkdh xbZ uekt Hkh vYykg dks dcwy ugh gksrhA

12& uht ¼vkxs½ ;g fd fgUnw yksx bl txg ij jkeuke dk efUnj cukuk pkgrs gSA vcls nlksa gtkj lky igys Jh jkepUnz gekjs oru Hkkjr ds ,d fugk;r dkfcys rktke ¼vR;UrlEeku;ksX;½ gLrh gq, gSA bZlkbZ /keZ vkSj bLyke ls cgqr igysA blds ekus ;s gq, fd ge lcfgUnqLrkfu;ksa ds iss’kjkS ¼iwoZt½ og egkiq#”k ekus tkrs jgs vkSj ge mudh vkSykn gksus ds ukrs^Jhjke* dh rkthu ¼lRdkj½ djus ds elrkSftc ¼mRrjnkrk½ gSA gekjs vYykek Mk- lwj ekSgEenbdcky rks ,d vkyk ntsZ ds fQykslQj vkSj ’kk;j Hkh gq, gSA mUgksaus gh ’ksj esa Jhjke dk,grkje djrs gq, dgk gS&

gS] jke ds otwn ij fgUnwLrka dks ukt] igys utj le>rs gS] bldks bekeks&,&fgUn**Aotwn ¼vfLrRo½] ukt+ ¼xoZ½] vgysutj ¼fnO;n‘f " V½] bekes fgUn ¼Hkkjr dk /kkfeZd ekxZ

n’kZd½;kfu jke fgUnqvksa ds beke ugh cfYd reke fgUnqLrku ds ekxZ n’kZd FksA ;kn jgs fd

vYykek bdcky egt ¼dsoy½ ,d gekjs etgch yhMj gh u FksA mUgksaus lcls igys y¶ts**ikfdLrku** dh :g gekjs tguksa ¼euksa½ esa Qwadh fgUnqLrku ds caVokjs ds oDr esa dqy iatkcdh eqfLye yhx ds lnj Hkh FksA vxj ,slh ’kf[’k;r jke ds uke ij fgUnwvksa ds tfj;s ,dbcknr txg ¼iwtkLFky½ cukus dh is’kd’k djrh gS rks ges blh eq[kkyQr ¼fojks/k½ rks D;k]bldh rkbZn ¼leFkZu½ djus esa Hkh xqjst ¼vkifRr½ ugh gksuh pkfg,A


321

13& esjh utj esa ,d uD’kk gSA vxj og vkSjksa dh le> esa Hkh vk tk;s rks esjs fopkjesa vkt ls N% eghus ds ckn mlds vuqlkj dke gks rks iqjkuh lc dMokgV cny dj ns’k dslkekftd thou esa fQj ls feBkl yk;h tk ldrh gSA ,d lkS djksM ¼,d vjc :i;s½ yxkdjv;ks/;k esa gh vkyh’kku laxejej dh ,slh efLtn cukbZ tk;s ftldh lkuh Hkkjr esa D;k nqfu;k¡Hkj ds bLykeh eqYdksa esa Hkh u gksA lalkj ds i;ZVd rktegy ls Hkh T;knk mldks ns[kus ds fy,vk;saA iqjkuh txg ij fgUnw vius uD’ksa ds eqrkfcd ¼vuqlkj½ jke efUnj dh LFkkiuk dj ysaAlksus ij lqgkxk gks tk;s vxj efLtn dk uke ^jke efLtn* vkSj efUnj ds uke ^beesa fgUndk efUnj* j[k fn;k tk;sAÛ

eqt¶Qjuxj nSfud cqysfVu” tuojh 02] 1993


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Letter to the Editor -Manukant Sharma