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MagnaCartaWithaNewCommentaryby

DavidCarpenter

Contents

Preface

NoteontheText

MAGNACARTA

1MagnaCarta:TheDocuments

2TheChapters,ContentsandTextofMagnaCarta

TextofMagnaCarta

3KingJohnandtheSourcesforHisReign

4MagnaCartaandSociety:Women,Peasants,Jews,theTownsandtheChurch

5MagnaCartaandSociety:Earls,Barons,KnightsandFreeTenants

6MagnaCartaandtheStructureofRoyalGovernment

7TheRuleoftheKing:JohnandHisPredecessors

8StandardsofJudgement

9Resistance,1212–1215

10TheDevelopmentoftheOppositionProgramme

11Runnymede

12TheEnforcementandFailureoftheCharter

13TheRevivaloftheCharter,1216–1225

14DidMagnaCartaMakeaDifference?

Notes

Bibliography

GlossaryofTerms

MapoftheEnglishCounties

AppendixI:KingJohn’sletterannouncingthetermsofthe1209TreatyofNorham

AppendixII:TheCanterburyMagnaCarta

FollowPenguin

PENGUIN CLASSICS

MAGNACARTA

DAVIDCARPENTERisprofessorofmedievalhistoryatKing’sCollegeLondon.HeisaleadingauthorityonthehistoryofBritaininthecentralMiddleAgesandauthorofTheStrugglefor

Mastery:Britain1066–1284.HehasheldlectureshipsatChristChurch,Oxford,StHilda’sCollege,Oxford,theUniversityofAberdeen,andQueenMaryCollege,UniversityofLondon.

Preface

Runnymedetodayisanatmosphericandevocativeplace.ThegreatmeadowstretchesoutbesidetheThames,andonecaneasilyimagineitfilledwiththepavilionsofKingJohnand

thetentsofthebaronsduringthoseJunedaysin1215whenMagnaCartawasbeingnegotiated.JohnendedtheGreatCharterwiththestatementthatitwas‘GivenbyourhandinthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede,betweenWindsorandStaines,onthefifteenthdayofJune,intheseventeenthyearofourreign’,which

meantthatitwason15June1215thatheauthorizedtheCharter’swritingoutandsealing.ThegreatjetstakingofffromLondon’sHeathrowAirportoftencomeupoverRunnymede,andthenturntoflydownitswholelength,slowlygainingheightastheydisappearintothedistance.Itisasthoughtheyarecarrying

theChartertothefourcornersoftheworld.TheCharterhasindeed

becomeoneofthemostfamousdocumentsinworldconstitutionalhistory,regardedasafundamentalprotectionagainstarbitraryandtyrannicalrule.Insomeways,thisillustrioushistoryisasundeservedasitwasunintended.MagnaCarta,as

originallyconceived,certainlydidnotofferequalprotectiontoalltheking’ssubjects.Itwas,inmanyways,aselfishdocumentinwhichthebaronialelitelookedafteritsowninterests.While,moreover,theCharterisusuallyregardedasfiringitssalvoesattheking,itwasalso(amajorthemeofthisbook)firingatsectionsof

society.Itdiscriminatedagainstunfreepeasants,whoformedthelargestsectionofthepopulation.Italsodiscriminatedagainstwomen.Itrevealedtensionsbetweenbaronsandtheirknightlytenants.Thetowns,liketheknights,gotfarlessfromtheCharterthantheymighthavehoped.MagnaCartashowstheking’ssubjectsinconflict

withoneanotheraswellasinconflictwiththeking.YetMagnaCartadidassert

afundamentalprinciple.Thatprinciplewastheruleoflaw.Henceforth,thekingwastobeboundbylaw,thelawtheChartermade.Hewasthusrestrictedinawholeseriesofways,fortheCharterhadnofewerthansixty-threechapters.Mostsignificantof

allwerechapters39and40.Inchapter40,thekingwasnottosell,denyordelayjustice.Underchapter39,nofreemanwastobeimprisonedordispossessedsave‘bythelawfuljudgementofhispeers’or‘bythelawoftheland’.ThesetwochaptersarestillonthestatutebookoftheUnitedKingdom.1Tobesure,in

1215,itwasonlythe‘freeman’whobenefitedfromchapter39.Itofferednothing,therefore,totheunfreepeasant.Thechapterstillreads‘freeman’today.Incourseoftime,however,thechapterbecamemoresociallyinclusive.Legislationin1354defined‘freeman’asa‘manofwhateverestateandconditionhemaybe’.The

legislationalsomadeclearthattreatmentaccordingtothelawofthelandmeanttreatmentaccordingtoduelegalprocess.Otherlegislationinterpreted‘lawfuljudgement’bypeersasmeaningtrialbypeers(thatissocialequals),andsotrialbyjury.2While,moreover,chapter39read‘nofreeman’,‘man’here,fromthe

startin1215,couldbeunderstoodasmeaninghumanbeing,andthusasapplyingtobothsexes.3

Intermsoftheprinciplesitasserted,therefore,theCharterwasrightlycalledinaidbytheparliamentaryoppositiontoCharlesI,andbythefoundingfathersoftheUnitedStatesofAmerica.Inthetwentiethcenturyitwas

appealedtobybothMahatmaGandhiandbyNelsonMandela.4ItstillfeaturesinpoliticaldebatesinBritaintoday.AGuardiannewspaperleaderin2005,protestingabouttheproposedninety-daydetentionperiodinterroristcases,washeaded‘ProtectingMagnaCarta’.5

ThatMagnaCartawastohaveanillustriousfuture

hardlyseemedlikelyin1215.LittlemorethanamonthafterRunnymede,JohnaskedthepopetoquashtheCharter.Hisbaronialopponentstooseemedtoabandonit.Givinguphopeofrestrictingtheking,theydecidedtoreplacehimaltogetherandofferedthethronetoPrinceLouis,theeldestsonofthekingofFrance.Theresultwasacivil

war,notthepeacethatMagnaCartawassupposedtobring.WhenJohndiedatNewark,duringthenightof17–18October1216,asagreatstormbatteredthetown,hisheirwashisnine-year-oldson,HenryIII,whileLouiscontrolledmorethanhalfthecountry.Inthisdesperatesituation,Henry’sgovernorseffectedacompletechangeof

policy.Inordertotemptrebelsintotheyoungking’sallegiance,theyimmediatelyissued,intheking’sname,anewversionofMagnaCarta.TheydidsoagaininNovember1217,havingwonthecivilwar,thistimeinordertoconsolidatethepeace.AndthenHenryissuedtheCharterforathirdandfinaltimein1225,inreturn

foragrantoftaxation.Itwasthe1225Charterthatbecamethedefinitiveversion.ConfirmedmanytimesunderHenryIIIandhissonEdwardI,bytheendofthethirteenthcenturyithadachievediconicstatus.Giventhesignificanceof

theCharterof1225,itmightbewonderedwhythe800thanniversaryofMagnaCarta

isbeingcelebratedin2015andnotin2025.Celebrationsin2025willcertainlybeinorder,butthosein2015easilydeservefirstplace.Althoughthereareimportantdifferences,theCharterof1225,initsspirit,detailandmuchofitsphraseology,replicatestheCharterof1215.Withoutthe1215originaltherewouldhave

beenno1225version.ThisbookischieflyaboutMagnaCarta1215,althoughitalsoconsiderstheimpactoftheCharter,initsvariousversions,inthethirteenthcentury.IfirstencounteredMagna

Cartain1968inthechapterhouseofOxfordcathedral,abuilding,withitselegantlancetwindows,whichwas

beingerectedaroundthetimeJohnconcededtheCharter.ThereIheardJohnMasonlectureonBishopStubbs’SelectChartersandOtherIllustrationsofEnglishConstitutionalHistoryfromtheEarliestTimestotheReignofEdwardtheFirst.ThiswasnolongerapopularcoursebythetimeItookit,havingbeeneclipsedbyone

ontheCrusades.AsfarasIremember,therewereonlyoneortwootherstudentsintheaudience.YetIfoundthelectures,whichclimaxedwithMagnaCarta,enthralling.ThedocumentsthemselvesilluminatedbothconstitutionalhistoryandthewholechangingnatureofEnglishsociety.WhenIcomplimentedDrMasonon

theseries,hemodestly(toomodestlyIthink)saidthatthelectureswereactuallythoseofhisoldtutor,SirGoronwyEdwards,whohadbeentaughtbyT.F.Tout,whointurnhadbeentaughtbyStubbshimself.Thelectureswerefollowedbyone-to-onetutorialswithJohn(althoughitwasmanyyearsbeforeIcalledhimthat),inwhichwe

workedthroughthedocuments,andIwrotegobbetsonmanyofMagnaCarta’schapter.6

Subsequently,revisingforfinalsbackatWestminster(wheremyfatherwasacanonoftheabbey),Iworkedlateintotheeveningintheabbey’smunimentroom,withitswonderfulviewoverHenryIII’sgreatchurch.

ThereIcross-referencedinmycopyofSelectChartersthechaptersofMagnaCartawiththeirequivalentsintheArticlesoftheBarons,theCoronationCharterofHenryI,andtheChartersof1216,1217and1225.IhaveusedmyannotatedcopyofSelectCharterseversince,althoughithasnowlostitscoverandisinaverydilapidatedstate.

The1960sprovedtobeaveryexcitingtimegenerallyandespeciallysoforthosestartingworkonMagnaCarta.ThiswasbecausethesubjecthadbeentransformedbytwogreatbooksbyJ.C.Holt.ThefirstwasTheNortherners:AStudyintheReignofKingJohn,whichappearedin1961.ThesecondwasMagnaCarta,published

in1965tocoincidewiththeCharter’s750thanniversary.Iacquiredmycopyofthelatteron27March1968,oratleastthatisthedateIwroteintoit.W.L.Warren,whoin1961broughtoutasuperbbiographyofKingJohn,generouslyacknowledgedthatHolt’sbookshadsoalteredthelandscapethat‘allearlierwork[ontheCharter]

appearstobelessthansatisfactory’.7AlthoughmybookoftendiffersfromHolt,itdoessointhecontextofaprofoundadmirationandrespectforhiswork.Unlikeprevioushistoriansoftheperiod,Holtstartednotwiththekingbutwithavastamountofresearchintothehistoriesofbaronialandknightlyfamilies.Hefocused

onthenorthbecauseitwasthenortherners,astheywerecalledatthetime,whotooktheleadintherebellionthatledtoMagnaCarta.Holtthusgainedauniqueunderstandingofthecomplextiesoflordship,neighbourhood,friendshipandfamilythatheldtogetherthelocalsocietyonwhichJohn’sgovernmentimpacted.

Hewasalsoadeptatdeducingpoliticalideasfromstatementsinlettersandlawcases.Andheexpressedhimselfinwhatwereoftenpithyandepigrammaticsentences:‘SometimesMagnaCartastatedlaw.Sometimesitstatedwhatitssupportershopedwouldbecomelaw.Sometimesitstatedwhattheypretended

waslaw.Asapartymanifestoitmadeapartycasewithscantregardforfactorexistingpractice.’8

TheimpactandauthorityofHolt’sworkwassuchthatformanyyearslittlewaswrittenaboutMagnaCartabyanyoneelse.Indeed,whenHoltbroughtoutasecondeditionofMagnaCartain1992,themajoraddition,a

chapteronjusticeandjurisdiction,wastheresultofhisownresearch.9Knowingasecondeditionwasontheway,IhadmyselfsentHoltasmalllistofmistakesthatIhadfoundinthefirstedition.ApostcardcamebackinreplypointingoutthatIhadgotthedateofJohn’sdeathwronginmyMinorityofHenryIII(1990)!

Nonetheless,whenthesecondeditionappeared,Holtdidthankmeintheprefaceforcorrectingerrors‘whichwerestillburieddeepinthefirstedition’.Readingthesecond

edition,IwasstruckbytheaccountofeventsatRunnymede,asIhadnotbeenforsomereasonbefore,althoughitwasmuchthe

sameasinthefirstedition.Holt(incommonwithmanyhistorians)tooktheviewthat15June1215wasnotthetruedateofMagnaCarta.Insteadhethoughtitwasonlyfinalizedfourdayslateron19June.Ifeltthishypothesiswasmistaken,andthefirstchapterofmyReignofHenryIII(1996)soughttovindicatethe15Junedate.Letushope

Iamrightaboutthat,otherwisethecelebrationsin2015willclimaxonthewrongday.Chapter2ofTheReignofHenryIIIwentontoofferacritiqueofHolt’snewchapteronjusticeandjurisdiction.Inaletterofreply,Holt,whilenotsayingheagreed,congratulatedmeonthe‘toughthinking’aboutthedateofMagnaCarta,and

wrotethat‘Cheneywouldhavelikedthis,andGalbraithwouldhaverelishedit’.Highpraiseindeed!Ontheotherhand,hethoughtthatthechapteronjusticeandjurisdictionwas‘almosttotallymisconceivedasyourbrighterstudentswillbeabletotellyouinamoment’.Iwasnotpersuadedbyhiscomments,butthisisagood

exampleofhowhistorianscanlookatthesameevidenceandcometodifferentconclusions.10

ThisbookdiffersfromHoltinitsinterpretationofseveralindividualchaptersintheCharter.11Moresignificantly,italsogiveswhatissometimesaverydifferentnarrativeoftheeventsof1214–1215,quite

apartfromtheactualdateoftheCharter.WhereHoltwasscepticalastowhethertherehadbeenarevolutionarymeetingofthebaronsatBuryStEdmundsin1214,Iarguethatonecertainlydidtakeplace,butnotatthetimeusuallyascribedtoit.IalsoarguethatJohnwasforcedtomakefurtherconcessionsatRunnymede,havinggranted

theCharter,somethingonecanonlyappreciateafterestablishingitstruedate.IgiveacompletelynewaccountofhowtheCharterwasimplementedinthelocalities.Inaddition,IbringouttheimportanceoftheOxfordcouncilinJuly1215,andsuggestitwastherethatJohntookthedecisiontoabandontheCharter.The

bookalsooffersafreshperspectiveonMagnaCartabyusingitasawindowintothenatureof,andtensionswithin,Englishsocietyintheearlythirteenthcentury.SomeofwhatIsayhas

dependedonnewdiscoveries.Ihave,Ihope,beenabletoprovethatoneofthefourextantoriginalsofthe1215Charter,thatpreservedinthe

BritishLibraryandknownasCi,wassenttoCanterburycathedral,whereindeeditremaineduntilitwasstolenintheseventeenthcentury.ItshouldthusbeknownastheCanterburyMagnaCarta.ThisexcitingfindingaddstoourunderstandingofhowtheCharterwasdistributedandpublicized.Ihavealsodiscoveredacopyofaletter

inwhichKingJohnsetsoutthetermsofthetreatythatheforcedonWilliamtheLion,kingofScots,in1209.Thisrevealsastunningfact,hithertounknown,namelythatJohnwastryingtoassertoverlordshipovertheScottishkingdom.TheScottishinvolvementinMagnaCartaandmuchelseaboutAnglo-Scottishrelationsinthe

thirteenthcenturybecomeclearerinthiscontext.Inthecourseofmyresearch,Ihaveattemptedtocollectandanalysecopiesofthe1215MagnaCartamadeinthehundredyearsafterRunnymede,somethingneverdonebefore.Manyoftheseturnouttobevarianttexts,andseeminplacestopreservedraftsmadeat

Runnymede.TheyhelpcastnewlightbothonthecourseofthenegotiationsandonhowknowledgeoftheCharterwasspread.InChapter2,IprovideaLatintextandtranslationoftheCharter,whichforthefirsttimeindicateshowtheconventionaldivisionsintochaptersdonotalways

correspondwiththedivisionsinthefouroriginals.SinceHolt’ssecond

edition,muchimportantworkhasbeenpublishedaboutthereignofKingJohn,MagnaCarta,andthewiderpoliticalandsocialsetting.IhopeIhaveputittogooduse.WeknowfarmoreabouttheAnglo-Normanrealm,thescaleofroyalrevenue,the

developmentofparliament,thenatureoftheknightlyclass,theroleoftheking’shouseholdknights,thepositionofwomenandthestructuresofmagnatepower.Wealsoknowmoreabouttheintellectualclimateoftheperiod,towhichJohn’sarchbishopofCanterbury,StephenLangton,himselfmadeanotablecontribution.

ThereismuchaboutLangtoninthisbook.Ioweagreatdebttothe

MagnaCartaProject,fundedbytheArtsandHumanitiesResearchCouncil:http://magnacarta.cmp.uea.ac.ukIts‘PrincipalInvestigator’,tousetheofficialterm,isNicholasVincent,oftheUniversityofEastAnglia(UEA),whiletheco-

http://magnacarta.cmp.uea.ac.uk

investigatorsarePaulBrandofAllSoulsCollege,Oxford,LouiseWilkinsonofCanterburyChristChurchUniversityandDavidCarpenterofKing’sCollegeLondon,thatistosaymyself.Theoriginal‘Researchers’wereHughDohertyandHenrySummerson,withHughbeingreplacedbySophieAmbleronhis

appointmenttoalectureshipatUEA.TheBritishLibraryisalsoinvolved,whereClaireBreayandJulianHarrisonareorganizingagreatMagnaCartaexhibitionfor2015.Onefocusoftheproject’sresearchistocollect,analyseandpublishontheproject’swebsitealltheoriginalchartersandlettersofKingJohn,scatteredastheyare

acrossmanyarchivesinBritainandabroad.Severalhundredofthesehavenowbeenfound.NicholasVincenthasalsodiscovered,thistimeasacopyratherthananoriginal,abaronialletterfrom1215thatIhaveusedextensivelyinmychapterontheenforcementoftheCharter.ThediscoverywasmadeonewetFriday

afternoonintheLambethPalaceLibrary,andIwasluckyenough,throughNick’semail,togetthereintimetoseeitwithhim.Amemorablemoment!Anotherfocusoftheprojectistowritethefirstchapter-by-chaptercommentaryonthe1215ChartersinceW.S.McKechnie’sin1905,andthefirstchapter-by-chapter

commentaryeveronthedefinitiveCharterof1225.ThebulkoftheworkhereisbeingdonebyHenrySummerson,andhiscommentariesarelikewiseappearingontheproject’swebsite.HenryandIhavenotalwaysagreedaboutthemeaningandsignificanceofindividualchapters,but,asmyfootnotesshow,Iam

hugelyindebtedtohiscommentariesbothforinformationandforinterpretation.Manyotherscholarshavehelpedbygivingtheiradviceonindividualpointsandbyreadingsectionsandchaptersofthebook.Ithankthemallattheappropriateplace.Manycelebratoryevents

forthe800thanniversaryof

theCharterin2015havebeenplannedandcoordinatedbytheMagnaCarta800thCommittee,chairedbySirRobertWorcester:http://magnacarta800th.com/magna-carta-today/the-magna-carta-800th-committe.Muchhistoricalwork,explainingthesignificanceoftheCharter,hasbeendonebyNigelSaulofRoyal

http://magnacarta800th.com/magna-carta-today/the-magna-carta-800th-committe

HollowayCollege,andIhaveoftenbeenhelpedandentertainedbydiscussingmatterswithhim.Parliament’sowncelebrationsin2015bothforMagnaCartaandforthe750thanniversaryofthe1265parliamentofSimondeMontforthavebeenorganizedbyCaterinaLoriggio.Ihavebeenluckyenoughtobeon

therelevantSpeaker’sAdvisoryCommitteechairedbyLordBewandSirPeterLuff.AtPenguinIoweagreat

debttomycommissioningeditor,SimonWinder,andtoAnnaHervé,editorialmanagerofthePenguinClassicsseries,andPenelopeVogler,publicist.Iamalsogreatlyindebtedtomycopy-

editor,RichardMason,andtotheproofreaderStephanRyan.ThebookcouldnothavebeenwrittenwithouttheMAstudentsatKing’sCollegeLondonwhohavetakenmyMAcourseonMagnaCartaovertheyears.Manyoftheideasandapproachesinthebookhavebeendevelopedandtestedinourdiscussions.

DavidCarpenterKing’sCollegeLondon

June2014

NOTES

1.See‘MagnaCartarepeals’:http://www.legislation.gov.uk/aep/EdwIcc1929/25/9/contentsChapters39and40ofthe1215Charterbecamechapter29ofthedefinitiveMagnaCartaof1225.ThelatterappearsonthestatutebookinEdwardI’sconfirmationof

http://www.legislation.gov.uk/aep/Edw1cc1929/25/9

1297.Theotherchaptersstillonthestatutebookarechapter1,givingfreedomtothechurchandannouncingtheconcessionstotherealm,andchapter9,protectingthelibertiesandcustomsofLondonandthoseofothercities,boroughs,townsandports,includingtheCinquePorts.Althoughtheotherchaptershavebeenrepealed,thiswasoftenbecause,asRichardGoddenhaspointed

outtome,theircontentswerecoveredbylaterlegislation.

2.Thompson,FirstCentury,pp.90–92;Holt,MagnaCarta(1992),pp.9–10.

3.FortheuseofhomointhissenseseeGlanvill,p.106,areferenceIowetoJohnGillingham.

4.ThislaterhistoryoftheCharterisfullyexploredintheBritishLibrary’sMagnaCartaexhibitionof2015.

5.TheGuardian,5November2005:

http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2005/nov/05/terrorism.terrorism6.Inthecardshesentme,John,

whowasakindbutquiteshyman,avoided,orsoIthought,signingoffeitheras‘John’oras‘JohnMason’,byalwaysscrawlinghisinitials‘JFAM’.

7.Warren,KingJohn,p.xiv.8.Holt,MagnaCarta(1965),p.

205;MagnaCarta(1992),pp.300–301.

9.HoltseemstohavemissedThomasKeefe’simportantarticle‘HenryIIandtheearls’.

http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2005/nov/05/terrorism.terrorism

10.JohnHudson,inhisOxfordHistory,p.853note47,observesthat‘overallthedifferencesof[Carpenter’s]positionandthatofHoltarelimited’.ThisistruewhenitcomestothecourseofjusticeunderJohn.ThedebatechieflyconcernedwhathappenedunderHenryIII.

11.Holttoldmehedislikedtalkingofthe‘clauses’oftheCharter,andIhavefollowedhiminspeakingof‘chapters’.

NoteontheText

TheTextandTranslationofMagnaCarta

TheLatintextandEnglishtranslationofMagnaCartamaybefoundbetweenpp.36and69.

GlossaryofTerms

AglossaryoftermsfoundinMagnaCartaisplacedattheendofthebookbetweenpp.461and470.Thisincludesanexplanationofpounds,shillings,penceandmarks,forwhichseealsop.26.

References

Intheendnotes,worksbyauthorswritinginthetwelfthandthirteenthcenturiesappearforthemostpartundereitherthenameoftheauthor,or,inthecaseofchronicleswheretheauthorisunknown,undertheplacewherethechroniclewaswritten.Occasionallytheyarealsocitedunderanabbreviatedformofthetitleofthework.

Recordsourcesarecitedbyanabbreviatedformofthepublishedtitle,soPRforPipeRollandFforFoedera.FullreferencestoallthesesourcescanbefoundintheBibliography.Referencestounprintedsourcesaregiveninfullintheendnotes,whereBLstandsfortheBritishLibraryandTNAforTheNationalArchivesatKew.

Secondarysourcesarecitedbythesurnameoftheauthorandashortformofthetitle,italicizedinthecaseofbooks,placedwithininvertedcommasinthecaseofarticles.FulldetailsmaybefoundintheBibliographyunderthenameoftheauthor.

CapitalizationandSurnames

Aftersomehesitation,Ihaveemployedlowercaseforofficesandinstitutions:so‘chancellor’and‘chancery’.Asforsurnames,wheretheyrefertoidentifiableEnglishplaces,theplaceisputinitsmodernform,precededby‘of’:soRobertofRopsley(Lincolnshire).However,Ihavenotappliedtherulewhereitconflictswith

establishedusage:soHubertdeBurghnotHubertofBurgh(Norfolk).Whereplacescannotreadilybeidentified(atleastbyme),Ihaveusedacontemporaryform,precededby‘de’:soLaurencedeTybridge.IdentifiableplacesinFrancearelikewiseputintheirmodernform,precededby‘de’:soEngelarddeCigogné(dép.Indre-et-

Loire).

1

MagnaCarta:TheDocuments

MagnaCartaisadocumentapproximately3,550wordslong,writteninLatin.1

‘MagnaCarta’meansinEnglish‘GreatCharter’.ItwastheNormanConquestthatreplacedEnglishwithLatinasthelanguageofrecord.LatinwasthusthelanguageofthehugenumberofdocumentsproducedbythegovernmentofKingJohn.

Itwasalsothelanguageofthemonasticchroniclerswhowrotethehistoryofhisreign.FortheofficialversionofMagnaCartatohavebeeninotherthanLatinwouldhavebeeninconceivable.2

Latinwasnot,however,thenormalspokenlanguageeitherofKingJohnorofthebaronsandknightswhoshapedthecourseofeventsin

1215.ThatwasFrench.InordertobroadcasttheChartertosuchanaudience,itwasquicklytranslatedintoFrench,thusbringingusclosesttothelanguageusedduringthenegotiationsatRunnymedebeforeitwasturnedbyclerksintothelapidaryLatinoftheCharter.AlatertranslationshowshowMagnaCartawasdescribed

inFrench:‘lagrauntchartredesfraunchises’–‘thegreatcharterofliberties’.3ItwaslikewiseinFrenchthatthetwoaccountsofJohn’sreigndesigneddirectlyforconsumptionbythelayaristocracywerewritten.4ItisherethatonecomesclosesttotheactuallanguageusedbyKingJohn,hisremarksatturnscutting,atturns

conciliatory,oftenfixingattentionbyadirectaddressorbytheuseofhisfavouriteoath,‘Segnour…’,‘Ha,Robiert’,‘parlesdenzDieu’(‘bytheteethofGod’).5

ThisdoesnotmeanthatJohnandhisnobleswereignorantofLatin,makingtheCharter,initsofficialform,aclosedbooktoallbutchurchmen.John’sfather,

HenryII,accordingtohisclerkWalterMap,spokeLatinaswellasFrenchandwasforpracticalpurposes‘litteratus’,whichcertainlymeanthecouldread.ThesamewasprobablytrueofJohnandmanyofhisbaronsandknights.6BaronsmightalsospeakEnglish,atleasttocommunicatewiththeirsocialinferiors.Amongtheknights,

EnglishsatalongsideFrenchasanaturallyspokenlanguage.Thepeasantry,whoformedthegreatbulkofthepopulation,wereexclusiveEnglishspeakers.ItindicatesthecirclesinwhichtheChartermovedthatitwastranslatedintoFrenchbothin1215andseveraltimeslaterinthethirteenthcentury.Itwasnotuntil1300,asfaras

theevidencegoes,thattheCharterwasproclaimedinEnglish.ThefirstwrittenEnglishtranslationsonlyappearinthesixteenthcentury.7

WHENCETHENAMEMAGNACARTA?

KingJohnneverdescribedthecharterthatheissuedatRunnymedeinJune1215as

‘magnacarta’.Nor,atthetime,didanyoneelse.Inthedocumentitselfandinlettersissuedsoonafterwards,Johnspokesimplyofhis‘carta’(‘charter’).SodidtheEnglishbishopswhentheyissuedaletterauthenticatingthefinaltext.When,in1216,therebelJohndeLacysurrenderedtotheking,heforswore‘thecharteroflibertieswhichthe

lordkinghasgrantedincommontothebaronsofEngland’.8Contemporarychroniclerswroteinexactlythesameterms.9How,then,didtheterm‘magnacarta’comeintobeing?Theansweristhatitcameintobeingasaresultofaclerk’ssecondthought.InNovember1217,atthe

endofthecivilwar,the

minoritygovernmentofJohn’sson,HenryIII,issuedanewversionofthe1215Charter,onethatamendedtheversionithadissuedatthestartofthereignin1216.AlongsidethenewCharter,italsopublishedaquiteseparatecharterregulatingtherunningoftheroyalforest.Somemonthslater,inFebruary1218,the

governmentorderedthetwocharterstobeproclaimedthroughoutthecountry.Nooriginalofthisorderisknowntosurvive,butacopywasmadeonthechancerycloseroll.Asitfirstappearedthere,theorderremindedthesheriffs(theking’slocalagents)ofanewclause‘attheend’whichstipulatedthatalltheunauthorizedcastles

builtduringthewarshouldbedestroyed:

youaretocausethecharterstobeobservedinallpoints,andyouareespeciallytoimplement,withoutanydelay,whatisplacedattheendconcerningthedestructionofunauthorizedcastles,builtorrebuiltafterthebeginningofthewar,accordingtowhatis

containedinthegreatercharter[inmaioricarta].

Heretheterm‘greatercharter’wasbeingusedtodistinguishHenryIII’s1217versionofthe1215CharterfromtheshorterCharteroftheForest.Thetextinthecloserolldidnot,however,remainlikethis,forverysoonafterwardstheclerkmadean

alteration.Attheendoftheentry,hecrossedout‘inthegreatercharter’(‘inmaioricarta’)andwroteinstead‘inthesamecharter’.Thisreferredbacktoaninsertionthathehadmadeabovethelinebetween‘attheend’and‘concerningthedestructionofunauthorizedcastles’.Theinsertionwas‘magnecarte’,whichwas‘magnacarta’in

thegenitivecase,hence‘ofmagnacarta’.Thepassageaboutthecastleswasthustobefound‘attheendofmagnacarta’.Thetextnowran:youaretocausethecharterstobeobservedinallpoints,andyouareespeciallytoimplement,withoutanydelay,whatisplacedattheendofmagnacartaconcerning

thedestructionofunauthorizedcastles,builtorrebuiltafterthebeginningofthewar,accordingtowhatiscontainedinthesamecharter.

Almostcertainly,theexplanationforthischangeisthattheclerkwasworkingfromadraftoftheorder,whichwassubsequentlyaltered,andsohealteredhis

copytobringitintoline.Itis,therefore,ascribalinsertionabovealineinthechanceryrolls,promptedbythesecondthoughtsofadraftingclerk,thatthenameMagnaCartaentershistory.ItappearednottoproclaimthegreatnessofthedocumentbuttodistinguishitfromitssmallerForestCharterbrother.10

Thefutureoftheterm‘magnacarta’(itwasrarelycapitalized)wasfarfromassured.In1225,whenHenryIIIissuednewversionsofbothcharters,hedidnothingtoinserttheterm‘magnacarta’intothelargerone.Insteadhesimplycalledit,asbefore,‘ourcharter’.Thus,althoughtheCharterof1225becamethefinaland

definitiveversionofMagnaCarta,theonewithlegalforce,thenamebywhichitbecameknowntohistoryneveractuallyappearedinthedocumentatall.ItsestablishmentdependedentirelyonhowtheCharterwasdescribedelsewhere.Hereinitially‘magnacarta’,asthepreferredterm,hadtoviewiththe‘maiorcarta’

(‘greatercharter’)initiallyusedin1218.ThustheCharteroftheForest,inits1225version,referredtothelibertiesconcedednotin‘magnacarta’but‘inmaioricarta’.Likewise,inaproclamationof1225thegovernmentreferredtotheliberties‘inthegreatercharter’and‘inthelessercharter’–‘inmaioricarta’,

‘inminoricarta’.11Neither‘maiorcarta’nor‘magnacarta’,however,seemstohavepenetratedthemindsofcontemporarychroniclerswhentheymentionedtheChartersof1225.AtStAlbansabbey,RogerofWendoverdescribedoneasacharterof‘commonliberties’andtheotherasacharterabout‘thelibertiesofthe

forest’.12

Theterm‘magnacarta’,however,remainedinthefieldandgraduallyconquered.HenryIIIhimself,inaletterof1225tothebishopofDurham,referredtothelibertiesconcededin‘ourmagnacarta’.13In1237,whenHenryconfirmedtheChartersof1225,hedescribedthemashis‘magnacarta’andhis

‘charteroftheforest’.14Inthesameway,MatthewParis,whohadbythentakenoverfromRogerofWendoverasthechronicleratStAlbansabbey,wroteofthekingpromisingtomaintain‘thelibertiesofmagnacarta’.15

Whenthe1225Charterswereagainconfirmedin1253,withthebishopssolemnlyexcommunicatingallwho

transgressedthem,theterm‘magnacarta’isfoundingeneraluseinbothgovernmentproclamationsandtheaccountsofchroniclers.16Itwasnotuniversal.Contemporariescontinuedtospeakof‘thecharterofcommonliberties’orjustthe‘charterofliberties’.17Nonetheless,in1297and1300,whenEdward

Iconfirmedagainthe1225Chartersinwidelycirculatedletters,hereferredto‘themagnacartaofthelordHenry,formerlykingofEngland,ourfather,aboutthelibertiesofEngland’.AclerkattheexchequerdrewasplendidpictureofEdward,imposinginhiscrown,withastraightnoseandbigjaw,pointingtohisorder‘forthe

observanceofthegreatcharter’–‘promagnacartaobservanda’.18Theterm‘magnacarta’wasnowfirmlyfixedinthepublicmind.Bythistimetoo,onemaybesure,‘great’wasnolongersimplyawayofdistinguishingitfromtheForestCharter.ItreferredtothegreatnessoftheCharteritself.

Thisgradualestablishmentoftheterm‘magnacarta’was,however,establishmentfortheCharterofHenryIII.‘Magnacarta’wasveryrarelyappliedtotheCharterofKingJohn.Instead,whenitwascopiedinthethirteenthcenturythelatterdocumentwasgivensuchtitlesas‘thecharterofRunnymede’,‘theprovisionsofRunnymede’,

‘thecharterofKingJohnwhichiscalledRunnymede’,orindeedsimply‘Runnymede’.Inthis,itwasbeingbroughtintolinewithotherlegislationthatwasoftenassociatedwithitsplaceofissue.Thuslegalcollectionsmightbeginwith‘theprovisionsofRunnymede’,continuewithHenryIII’s‘magnacarta’,

andthenhavethestatutesofMerton(1236),Marlborough(1267),Westminster(1275)andsoon.Againstthistideconfining

theterm‘magnacarta’totheCharterofHenryIII,therewere,inthethirteenthcentury,justafewcontrarystreams.ThechiefwasatStAlbansabbey,whereRogerofWendovertooktheview,

infacterroneous,thatHenryIII’sCharterof1225wasidenticaltoJohn’sof1215.ThisseemedallthemorethecasesincetheonlytextoftheCharterthatWendoverprovidedwasoneissuedinJohn’sname,althoughinfactitwasaconflationoftheChartersof1215,1217and1225.LikewiseWendover,orhissource,hadconcocteda

versionoftheForestCharterwhichhaditgrantedbyJohn,ratherthanbyHenryIII.19Itwashardlysurprising,therefore,thatinthe1250sMatthewPariscoulddescribethe1225Charterasthe‘magnacartaofKingJohn,whichKingHenryIIIsworetouphold…’.20ItwasdoubtlessinthesamespiritthattheArticlesoftheBarons

(aprecursorofMagnaCarta)werecataloguedinthemunimentsofthearchbishopofCanterburyas‘thearticlesofthemagnacartaoflibertiesunderthesealofKingJohn’.21

Thesecontraryviews,didnot,however,havemuchimmediatepurchase.TheStAlbans’texts,whichcontainedWendover’s

versionofJohn’sMagnaCartaandofhisCharteroftheForest,hadverylittlecirculation.Instead,theworkbyWendoverandParisthatdidgainwidecurrencywastheFloresHistoriarum.ThiscertainlyhadHenry,inthe1250s,confirmingthe‘magnacartawhichKingJohnconceded’,buttheimpactwasratherlessenedbythe

omissionofanyreferencetoJohn’sCharterfromtheaccountsofeither1215or1225,asalsobythefailuretoprovideanytextsoftheChartersatall.22Thegeneralview,exemplifiedbythelawyersoftheTudorperiod,remainedthatMagnaCartahadbegunwithHenryIII.23

Itwasinthelaterpartofthesixteenthcenturythatall

thischanged.In1571ArchbishopParkerpublishedMatthewParis’sChronicaMajora,whichforJohn’sreignwasessentiallyWendover’schroniclewithParis’sadditions.ThisexposedthehistoriansStoweandHolinshed,andthelawyersCokeandSelden,totheviewthatJohn’sCharterwasthesameasHenryIII’s.

ForthosereadingParisandWendover,therefore,thereappearedtobeonlyoneMagnaCarta,thatofKingJohn.IthadbeenconceivedasabulwarkagainstJohn’styranny.Now,itcouldbeabulwarkagainstthetyrannyoftheStuarts.Itwasnotuntiltheworkof

thelawyerWilliamBlackstone,publishedin

1759,thattheversionsoftheCharterissuedin1215,1216,1217and1225werefinallydistinguished,andtheirseparatetextsestablished.Intheprocess,BlackstoneshowedthatJohnhadneverissueda‘CharteroftheForest’.Blackstone,however,madenoefforttodepriveJohn’sCharterofthenameandstatusof‘MagnaCarta’.

HistranscriptionofJohn’sCharterwasheadedincapitalletters‘MAGNACARTAREGISJOHANNIS’.Subsequenthistorianshaveallfollowedhislead,withoutfeelingmuchneedforexcuseorevenexplanation.Indeed,theCharterofHenryIII,whichonceheldcentrestage,hasdroppedintothebackground,receiving

nothinglikethestudydevotedtotheCharterofKingJohn.W.S.McKechnie’sMagnaCarta,firstpublishedin1905,wasthus,asthesubtitlestated,‘AcommentaryontheGreatCharterofKingJohn’.SowasJ.C.Holt’sclassicMagnaCarta,whichwasfirstpublishedin1965tocoincidewiththe750thanniversary.

Thisbookisnodifferent.Ittooplacesthe1215Chartercentrestage.Technically,tobesure,therewasno‘MagnaCarta’in1215.Thenamehadyettobeinvented.YetwithouttheCharterof1215,therewouldhavebeennosubsequentversionsandnodefinitiveversionof1225.WhilethelatterisnotidenticalwithJohn’sCharter,

itretainsalargeproportionofitscontents.Contemporariesthemselvesrecognizedtheimportanceofthe1215Charter,fortheycopieditmanytimesinthethirteenthcentury.WhenMatthewParisfinallyobtainedanauthentictext,hestrovetocorrectthebotchedversionhehadfoundinWendover.WhenhedescribedtheCharterof1225

as‘themagnacartaofKingJohn,whichKingHenryIIIsworetouphold’,hewastechnicallyincorrect,butrightinspirit.TheCharterof1215isdeservedlyhallowedbythenameMagnaCarta.

THEAUTHORIZEDTEXT

Wasthereafinal,authorizedtextofMagnaCartain1215?Nosuchtextwasrecordedon

therollsofthechancerytowhichwehavereferred,althoughtheyhadreamsofotherbusinessfrom1215.Yetafinal,authorizedtexttherewas.AttheendoftheCharter,Johndeclaredthatthebishopswouldissue‘letterspatenttestimonial’tothe‘aforesaidconcessions’.Theseletterstestimonialwereinfactlettersaffirmingand

guaranteeingthefinal,authentictextoftheCharter.Weknowthisbecause,althoughnooriginalssurvive,onedidresideintheroyalexchequerintheearlyfourteenthcentury,whenitwascopiedintoavolumeofimportantdocumentsknownas‘TheRedBookoftheExchequer’.24Theletter,asrecordedthere,wasissuedin

thenameofthearchbishopofCanterbury,StephenLangton,thearchbishopofDublin,sixotherbishops,andMasterPandulf,therepresentativeofthepope.ThisimposingbodyofecclesiasticshadfeaturedatthestartoftheCharterinthelistofthoseonwhoseadviceJohnsaidthathehadacted.Theynowmadepublictheir‘inspection’ofthe

Charter‘underthisform’,thewholetextoftheCharterbeingthensetout.Theaimoftheinspectionwasmadeclearintheconclusiontotheletter:‘sothatnothingcanbeaddedortakenawayordiminishedfromtheforesaidform,wehaveplacedoursealstothiswriting’.25Thecopyistoftheletterstestimonialmadeafewmistakesinhistranscription.

Onewasparticularlysilly,forhewroteofallwho‘wish’(‘voluerint’)tosweartosupporttheCharterbeingcompelledtodoso,insteadofallwho‘donotwish’(‘noluerint’).26Elsewhere,however,hewascarefultocorrecthisslips,soadding‘letters’abovethelinetocorrectanomissioninchapter14andsqueezinginthe‘or’

(‘aut’)thathehadomittedinchapter40.Wecanbeconfidentthattheletterstestimonialofthebishops,barafewobviousmistakes,preservethefinal,authorizedtextoftheCharter.

THEENGROSSMENTANDSEALINGOFTHECHARTER

Althoughtherewasasingleauthorizedtext,therewasno

singleoriginalMagnaCarta.Rather,Johnissuedanumberoforiginals,allwithequalstatus.Itisusualtocalltheseoriginals‘engrossments’,anengrossmentbeingadocumentwrittenout(orengrossed)soastomakeaformalandlegalrecordofatransaction.Itisthusdistinctfromwhatissimplyacopyofsuchadocument,whichin

itselfhasnoauthority.JohnendedtheCharterwiththestatementthatithadbeen‘GivenbyourhandinthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede,betweenWindsorandStaines,onthefifteenthdayofJune,intheseventeenthyearofourreign’.The‘givenbythehand’formula–‘datapermanum’intheLatin–was

usualinroyalcharters,andindicatedwhen,whereandbywhomauthorizationhadbeengivenforthefinalengrossment.SoJohnauthorizedMagnaCartaatRunnymedeon15Juneintheseventeenthyearofhisreign,whichwas15June1215.27Theengrossmentwasfollowedbythesealing,whichgavetheCharterits

finalauthentication.OneofthemostoftenrepeatederrorsaboutMagnaCartaisthatitwas‘signed’byKingJohn.ThevisionofJohnworkinghiswaythroughapileofMagnaCartas,grimlyscribblinghisnameattheend,iscertainlyattractive,butitisafantasy.Royaldocumentsatthistimedidnotreceivetheking’ssign-

manual.MagnaCarta,likeallroyalcharters,wasvalidatedbyattachingtheking’sseal,nothissignature.Itwasthesealthatdistinguishedtheoriginalengrossmentsfromsimplecopies,accurateorotherwise.AsthechroniclerRalphofCoggeshallputit,theCharterswere‘ofonetenorvalidatedbytheroyalseal’.28

Thesealingitselfwastheworkofaspecialofficial,thebeareroftheseal.Hewouldhaveplacedthesilkencordsorparchmenttongue,withwhichthesealwastobeattachedtoeachCharter,intothesealingapparatusalongwiththesoftwaxthatcameinavarietyofcolours–white,green,red,yellow.Theapparatuswasthentightened

sothatitpressedthewaxbetweenthetwohalvesofthesilverdealdie,andproducedJohn’smagnificentdouble-sidedseal.TheapparatusitselfanditsoperatordoindeedappearinsomemoderndepictionsofthesceneatRunnymede.

THENUMBEROFCHARTERSANDTHESURVIVING

ORIGINALS

AlmostcertainlysomeengrossmentsoftheCharterwereimmediatelywrittenoutandsealed.Attheveryleastthebaronialnegotiatorsneededoneasproofoftheirachievements.Inthedaysandweeksthatfollowed,moreengrossmentswereproducedfordistributionaroundthecountry,aprocesswhichwas

stillgoingonaslateas22July.Justhowmanythereultimatelywereisamatterofdebate.If,ascouldbeargued,eachcountygotanengrossment,alongwithLondonandtheCinquePorts,thentherewerearoundfortyCharters,beyondthosemadeimmediatelyatRunnymede.Ifontheotherhand(asisarguedinChapter12),the

Charterwasdistributednottothecountiesbuttothebishoprics,thenumberproducedwasmuchsmaller,beingsomethingupwardsofthirteen.Historianshavelong

acceptedthatfouroriginalengrossmentssurviveofthe1215Charter.TwoofthesearenowdisplayedintheBritishLibraryandwerepart

ofthestupendouscollectionofmedievaldocumentsmadeintheseventeenthcenturybySirRobertCotton.TheseareconventionallyknownasCiandCii.TheothertwoengrossmentsarepreservedatLincolnandSalisbury,andbelongtothecathedralarchives.Likemostdocumentsinthisperiod,allfourCharterswerewrittenon

parchment,awritingmaterialprepared,byanelaborateprocess,fromsheepskin.Thefouraredifferentinshapeandsize.CiandSalisburyaretallerthantheyarebroad.TheythushavemorebutshorterlinesoftextthanCiiandLincoln,whicharebroaderthantheyaretall.Tobeexact,Cihas86lines,Salisbury76lines,Cii52

lines,andLincoln(themostnearlysquare)54lines.29Noparticularsignificanceattachestothesedifferencesindimension.Itwasnormalforroyalcharters,andindeedforlaterversionsofMagnaCarta,tobeissuedindifferentshapesandsizes.Probablytheclerkseithertookwhateversizeofparchmentwasathand,orcut

itthemselvesintothesizewithwhichtheyfeltmostcomfortable.Thereasonsfordeeming

thefourChartersauthenticarethreefold.First,allarewritteninhandscompatiblewithadateintheearlythirteenthcentury;second,allhavetextsintheiressentialsthesameasthatfoundintheletterstestimonialofthe

bishops;andthird,andmostimportant,allhaveevidenceofsealing.IthasbeenassertedthatCi

andCiiaretheworkofthesamescribe,butthisplainlyisnotthecase.30Infact,allfourChartershaddifferentscribes,whichisnotsurprisinggiventhelengthofthedocument,andthenumbersthathadtobe

produced.AccordingtoacalculationbyJ.C.Fox,basedonthetestimonyof‘anexperiencedlawstationer’aboutratesofcopying‘inanoldengrossinghand’,theCharterwouldhavetakenabouteighthourstowriteout.31Ci,CiiandLincolnareallinhandstypicalofclerksworkinginKingJohn’schancery.Theclerkswere

using,however,notthemostformalchanceryhand,suchasthatfoundinsomeroyalcharters,butoneastepdown,aquicker,more‘cursive’hand(tousethetechnicaltermforit)–againnotsurprisinggiventheamounttheyhadtowriteout.ItmaybethatwhentheMagnaCartaProject’scollectionoforiginalKingJohncharters

hasbeencompletedandsifted,thehandsofthethreeMagnaCartascribeswillreappearinthatcorpus.Theymayalsobefoundelsewhere,forsuchhandswerecertainlynotconfinedtotheroyalchancery.ThehandintheSalisburyCharterisdifferentfromthoseintheotherthreeCharters.Itisfarmore‘bookish’inform,being

similartothosefoundintextssuchasbiblesandpsalters,asopposedtoroyaldocuments.This,however,isnoreasontodoubtitsauthenticity,ashasoccasionallybeendone.32Itwouldnotbesurprising,underthepressureofbusinessafterMagnaCarta,iftheking’sclerkscalledinorweremadetoacceptoutsidehelp.OfthefourCharters,

Lincoln’s(inmyview)isthemostfinelywritten.Itistheonlyonewheretheclerkelegantlyspacedoutthewordsonthelastline(aswassometimesdoneinroyalcharters)soastomakethatlinecomplete.Inalltheotherexamples,partofthelastlineisleftblank.AftertheLincolnCharter,simplyasaworkofart(asmanyroyal

chartersare),comesCi,andthenthemoreworkadayCii.TheSalisburyhandisthemostformalandthus,tomymind,theleastidiosyncraticandengaging.Thetextsofthefour

originalsare,aswehavesaid,intheiressentialsidentical.ThevariationsarerecordedinthenotestotheLatintextoftheCharter,whichisgivenin

thenextchapter.33ThemostobviousdifferenceisthatthescribesofCiandCiimistakenlyomittedsomeshortpassages,andhadtowritetheseinatthebottomoftheCharterwithanindicationastowheretheyshouldgo.TherearethreesuchcorrectionsinCii,andfiveinCi,threeofwhichoverlapwiththoseinCii.Thetwo

originaltoCimaybenomorethanthescribecorrectinghisownmistakes,butthethreecorrectionsthatthetwoChartershaveincommonpresumablyarosefromtheirbeingcopiedfromasimilarlymisleadingdraft.AcollationofthetextsagainshowstheSalisburyChartertobetheoddoneout,sinceithasoverthirtyreadingsnotfoundin

theotherengrossments,overtwiceasmanyasintheLincolnCharter,whichhasthenexthighestscore.NearlyallSalisbury’sdifferences,however,likeLincoln’s,areminoranddonotaffectthesense.Theyarisefromsuchthingsastheinsertionoromissionofindividualwordslike‘et’and‘de’,fromvariationsinwordorderand

fromdifferencesintense,Salisburyoftenpreferringthefutureindicativetothepresentsubjunctive.ThereareonlythreemistakesinSalisburywhichvergeonthesignificant:namelytheomissionof‘elongatus’(‘dispossessed’)fromchapter57;theomissionofthenameofHenry,archbishopofDublin,fromchapter62;and

thestatement,inchapter61,probablythroughaslipofthepen,thatbreachesoftheChartershouldbereferredtotheking’sjustices,ratherthanhisjusticiar.NoneofthesewereasseriousasthemistakesinCiandCii,and,iftheywerespotted,theywereevidentlyconsiderednotworthcorrecting.Iftheothervariationsweredownto

Salisbury’sscribe,asopposedtobeingfoundinthedraftfromwhichhewasworking,theyarenomorethanmightbeexpectedfromanoutsiderunusedtoroutinecopyingofroyaldocuments.TheoverallimpressionisthatallfourengrossmentswerewrittencarefullyandwithapropersenseoftheCharter’simportance.Certainlyitwas

notacaseofthescribesallgoingindifferentdirections.ThuswheneithertheLincolnorSalisburyCharterdidgoitalone,theotherengrossmentsandthebishops’copynearlyalwaysagreeagainstthem.Wenowcometothemost

importantfeatureoftheCharters,whenitcomestojudgingtheirauthenticity,namelytheirsealing.34Here

Cistandsabovetheothers.Itistheonlyonethathaspreserveditsseal,albeitnowreducedbyafirein1731tonomorethanadiminishedandfeaturelessroundelofwax.TheCottoniansub-librarian,however,testifiedthathehadseenthesealbeforethefireandrecognizeditasindeedKingJohn’s.Theendoftheparchmenttongue

thatattachedthesealtotheCharterstillprotrudesfromthewax,althoughthecurrentattachmentistheresultofrepair.TheLincolnCharterhasnosurvivingsealbut,byanarrangementsoastobeartheweightoftheseal,whichisfoundinotherroyalcharters(andprobablyonceinCi),theparchmentisfoldedatthebottom.Inthe

centreofthefoldtherearethreeholesintheformofapyramidthroughwhichthecordsholdingthesealonceran.InthecaseofSalisbury,thesealwasprobablyattachedtotheCharterbycordshangingfromtwoholesratherthanthree.ThiswouldexplainthetwogashesintheparchmentatthebottomoftheCharter,whichwere

made,onemaysuppose,whenthesealwasremovedbyaclumsywrench.TheSalisburyCharterhasnofold,butthatmaywellhavebeentrimmedoffatsomepointafterthesealwasremoved.FinallyCii.Herethereis

evidenceofsealingbecauseatthebottomoftheCharter,inthecentre,thereisaslit,throughwhichthesealtag

wouldhaverun.ThesealwasthusattachedinthesamewayasinCi,ratherthanwiththecordsoftheLincolnandSalisburyCharters.Givenitscurrentsituation,thereiscertainlyinsufficientparchmentbeneaththeslitinCiitocreateafoldforbearingtheweightofthetagwiththeseal,butwehavetorememberthattheCharter

wasprobablycroppedwhenitwasboundintoavolumeoftheCottoncollection.35Cialsohastwosmallerslitsatitsbase,totherightofthecentralslitthathadthetag.‘Fromtheirappearance,’Foxwrote,‘theymight…betakenfortheworkofJohn’sownhand–stabswithaknifeoradagger–thevisibleevidenceofhisfuryagainst

thebarons.’Theyare,disappointingly,farmorelikelytobetheresultofincisionsmadebyRobertCotton’sbookbinder.36

Whatoftheoriginsandhistoryofthefouroriginals?TheLincolnCharterhas‘LINCOLNIA’writtentwiceonitsback.Sincethehandseemsthesameasthatwhichwrotetheactualtext,this

suggeststheCharterwasdestinedforLincolnfromthestart.Thatitwaskeptinthecathedralarchivesisindicatedbyshelfmarksonitsback.Itisalsoverylikelytohavebeenthesourceforthecopyofthe1215Charterfoundinthecathedral’sfourteenth-centuryregister.37TheLincolnCharter,morerecently,hashadan

adventurous,nottosaydangerous,time.ItwassenttotheUSAin1939fortheNewYorkWorldFairand,trappedacrosstheAtlanticbytheoutbreakofhostilities,wasexhibitedattheLibraryofCongressinWashington.AschemetogivetheCharterpermanentlytotheUSAhavingfallenthrough,itwasreturnedtoLincolnafterthe

war.ItwassubsequentlytouredaroundAustralia,inthehopethatitwouldmakemoneyforLincolncathedral.Sincenomoneywasmadeandthecathedralendedupindebt,LincolnwasperhapsluckytogettheCharterback.Beforeoneofitslasttrips,Imyselfsawthespeciallymadebomb-proofcontainerinwhichitwastowingits

wayagainacrosstheAtlantic.TheLincolnCharterisnowdisplayednotinthecathedralbutinthecastle,thusendingupironicallyintheoneplacein1215where(aswewillsee)itwasnotmeanttogo.TheSalisburyCharterhas

hadalessexcitinghistory.Ithasnodestinationmarkonitsback,butseemstohaveremainedinthecathedral

archivesthroughoutitshistory,althoughforaperiodnoonecouldfindit.AsaresultitdidnotcontributetotheofficialtextoftheMagnaCartapublishedintheStatutesoftheRealmin1810.ItisnowdisplayedinthechapterhouseasthecentreofaMagnaCartaexhibition.Weknowvirtuallynothing

abouttheprovenanceofCii,

savethatCottonacquireditin1629fromabarrister,HumphreyWyems.38

Cotton’ssecondCharter,Ci,isquiteanothermatter.

THECANTERBURYMAGNACARTAREVEALED

InMay1630,SirEdwardDeringwrotetoCottonfromDovercastle(wherehewaslieutenant)asfollows:

IhaueheereyeCharterofK.Johndat.attRunningMeade:byyefirstsafeandsuremessengerittisyour’s.SoareyeSaxoncharters,asfastasIcancoppythem:butinyemeanetimeIwillcloseK.Johninaboxeandsendhim.39

IfonlyanoriginalofMagnaCarta,letaloneJohnhimself,

couldbeobtainedsoeasilyinaboxtoday!AttheSotheby’sNewYorkauctionin2007,anengrossmentofthe1225CharterinEdwardI’sconfirmationof1297fetched$21,321,000.ThesubsequenthistoryofCihasbeensadindeed.Cii,LincolnandSalisburyareallinreasonablecondition,andperfectlylegible,despitethedarkened

cabinetsinwhichperforcetheyhavenowtolive.Ciisquitedifferent.ItwasfirstofallcaughtupinthegreatfirethatsweptthroughtheCottoncollectionin1731.This,however,leftthetextperfectlylegible,asisclearfromanengravingmadeandmarketedbyJohnPinein1733,wherethecharterwasattractivelysurroundedbythe

‘hand-coloured’shieldsoftheMagnaCartabarons.Despitehiscommercialinterestandacumen,thereisnoreasontosupposethatPine’sengravingwasotherthanaccurate.Indeeditwascertifiedassuchatthetime,whenonlyninelettersinthemaintexthadtobesuppliedbyreferencetoCii.40Thechiefdamageseemstohavebeentothe

seal,whichappearsfeatureless,althoughPine’sengravingshowsitwasthenred,asopposedtoitscurrentdarkishhue.Allthusmighthavebeenwellbutforfurtherinterventionin1834.Thevillainofthepiecehere,exposedbyAndrewPrescott,wastherestorerHogarth.Itwasalmostcertainlyhismisplacedeffortsthatreduced

Citonomorethanaparchmentsheetonwhichhardlyasinglewordisreadilydiscernible.41HowfortunatethenthatthetextlivesoninPine’slovelyengraving,showingCitohavebeen,despiteitscorrections,areallybeautifulexemplaroftheCharter.ThefactthatCiwassentto

CottonfromDovercastlehas

ledtorepeatedsuggestionsthatitwasanengrossmentdespatchedtotheCinquePorts,ofwhichofcourseDoverwasone.ThisideaseemedsupportedbythefactthataletterinJohn’sname,dated19June1215,wasindeedsenttotheofficialsoftheCinquePortsinformingthemofthepeace‘whichyoucanseefromourcharter,

whichwehaveorderedtobereadandobeyedinyourbailiwick’.TheimplicationisthattheofficialsoftheCinquePorts,likethesheriffstowhomtheletterwasalsosent,weretoreceiveengrossmentsoftheCharter.Infact,however,therearereasonstobelievethatthisneverhappened.Evenifithad,CiwasnottheCharter

thatwassenttothePorts.InsteaditsdestinationwasCanterburycathedral.ThepossibilitythatCihadaCanterburyprovenancewasfirstputtomebyJulianHarrisonandNicholasVincent,thisonthegroundsthatSirEdwardDeringhadcertainlyobtainedtheAnglo-Saxoncharters(whichhelikewisementionedinhis

lettertoCotton)fromthatsource.42Followingupthissuggestion,Ihadabrainwave,namelythatofcollatingCi,asfoundinthePineengraving,withthecopyofthe1215Charterpreservedinthelatethirteenth-centuryRegisterEofCanterburycathedral,aregisterthatisstillinthecathedralarchives.43Wasthereany

evidencethatthetextinRegisterEwascopiedfromCi?Iftherewas,itwouldcomeclosetoprovingthatCiwasintheCanterburyarchivesatleastinthelatethirteenthcentury.Ihadnotmuchhopeofanyveryconclusiveresults,butIwaswrong.AsIwentthroughtheCharteritbecameclearerandclearerthatthetextin

RegisterEwasindeedcopiedfromCi.Theevidenceissetoutin

AppendixII.ItturnsoncertainmistakesandodditiesintheEtext,whicharereadilyexplicableifitwascopiedfromCi.MostconclusiveofallisthepassagewherethescribeofEgottooneofthesectionsinwhichCihadomittedsome

wordsfromitstextandhadaddedtheminatthebottom.HereE’sscribebecameconfusedoverjustwhatneededtobeincluded,andcopiedintextfromthebottomofCibelongingtoadifferentinsertion.Hethenrealizedhiserror,andhadtostartthepassagealloveragain.Theseandotherindicationscomecloseto

provingthatEwascopiedfromCiandthus,asIsay,thatCiwasinthearchivesofCanterburycathedralinthelatethirteenthcentury.Onecanofferseveralhypothesesastohowitgotthere,butbyfarthemostlikelyisthatitwassenttherein1215itself,justastheengrossmentsnowatLincolnandSalisburywereprobablydespatchedtotheir

cathedrals.Ifthisisright,threeofthefourknownoriginalsofthe1215Charterwerepreservedfromthestartatcathedrals.ThesignificanceofthisformofdistributionwewilldiscussinChapter12.

THEUNKNOWNCHARTERANDTHEARTICLESOFTHE

BARONS

Whathistorianscallthe‘UnknownCharter’isalistofconcessionssaidtohavebeenmadebyKingJohn.TheyareundatedbutprobablyrepresentbaronialdemandsputtogetherintheimmediateperiodbeforeMagnaCarta.Thenamethe‘UnknownCharter’derivesfromthedocumentbeingindeedunknowntoEnglish

historiansbefore1893.TheUnknownChartersurvivesonasinglesheetofparchmentnowpreservedintheArchivesNationalesinParis,whereitisclassifiedasJ.655.Onthesheet,itfollowsacopyofthecharterissuedbyHenryIafterhiscoronationin1100.44BoththeCoronationcharterandtheUnknownCharterarewritten

bythesamescribe,whomadesomeerrorsinbothtexts,someofwhichhecorrected.Althoughitcannotbeproved,myfeelingisthathewascopyingadocumentinwhichthetwowerealreadytogether.Aswewillsee,theCoronationCharteritselfplayedaveryimportantpartinthebuild-upofbaronialdemandsin1214–15.Just

whenthecopywasmadewecannotknow,butthehand,aneverydaybusinessone,iscertainlycompatiblewithadatein1215orsoonafterwards.ItisnotatallimpossiblethatthedocumententeredtheFrenchroyalarchivesaspartofthematerialtakenoutofEnglandbyPrinceLouisafterhegaveuphisclaimtotheEnglish

thronein1217.45Whateverthetruthhere,thereisnoreasontodoubttheUnknownCharter’sauthenticity.Itstwelvechaptersareimportantevidenceforthedevelopmentofbaronialdemandsin1215.Doubtlesstherewereother,similarschedulesnowlost.BythetimenegotiationsbeganatRunnymede,however,allthesehadbeen

consolidatedintoonecomprehensivedocument,theArticlesoftheBarons.TheArticlesoftheBarons

surviveasanoriginaldocument.Bythemiddleofthethirteenthcentury,theywereinthearchivesofthearchbishopofCanterbury.ProbablytheyweretakenfromRunnymedebyArchbishopLangton

himself.46TheArticlesremainedinthearchiepiscopalarchivesuntilthefallofArchbishopLaudin1640,whenwithotherdocumentstheywerespiritedawaytopreventtheircapturebyhisparliamentaryenemies.Aftervarioustravels,whichtheywereluckytosurvive,theyfinallyreachedtheBritishMuseumin1769.

TheyarenowondisplayintheBritishLibraryalongsidetheLibrary’stwooriginalsofthe1215Charter,Cii,andCiortheCanterburyCharteraswewillnowcallit.TheArticlesoftheBaronsconsistofasinglesheetofparchmentwiththeheading‘ThesearethechapterswhichtheBaronsseekandthelordKingconcedes’.What‘concedes’

reallymeantinthiscontextwewilldiscusslater.ThatJohnhad,however,agreedtheArticlesinsomewaywasmadeclearbyonevitalfeature,afeaturethatgavethemanauthoritywhichtheUnknownChartercompletelylacked.Thiswasthat,althoughnotcouchedinanywayasaformalcharterissuedinJohn’sname,the

Articlesnonethelessborehisseal.Thiswasattachedbyaparchmenttongueinsertedintothefoldatthebottomofthedocument,muchaswasthecaseinCiiandtheCanteburyCharter.Theseal,madeofwhitewax,isnowdetachedanddisplayedseparately.However,itwasinplaceinanearlynineteenth-centuryengraving.

Judgingfromthehand,theArticlescouldhavebeenwrittenoutbyoneofJohn’schanceryclerks,although,aswehavesaid,suchhandsarenotexclusivetothechancery.TheprecisepointatwhichJohnagreedtheArticlesisunknown,forthedocumentisundated,butitwasprobablyon10June,atthestartofthe

finalnegotiationsatRunnymede.47

Underneaththeheading,proclaimingJohn’sconsent,theArticlescontainedforty-eightseparatechapters,unnumberedbuteachbeginninganewline,distinguishedbyaparagraphmark.Thesetakeupseventy-fourlines.Then,afterafour-linegap,therefollowsthe

securityclause,inwhichtwenty-fivebaronsarepermittedtoforceJohntokeeptheCharter.Thistakesupanotherfourteenlines,makingeighty-eightinall.Someofthechaptersarecouchedintermsofwhatthekingshallorshallnotdo.Othersjuststatewhatistobewithoutreferencetotheking(so‘justice’isnottobe

denied).TheArticleswerethefoundationforMagnaCarta.Allforty-eightofthechaptershavecorrespondingchapters,orpartsofchapters,inMagnaCarta,oftenemployingthesameorsimilarphraseology.

COPIESOFTHE1215MAGNACARTA:THESURVIVALOF

DRAFTS

TheCharterofKingJohnwascopiedmanytimesinthecenturyafteritsconcession.Itisfound(inwholeorpart)inchronicles,monasticcartulariesandunofficialcompilationsmadebylawyersoflegislationandotherlegaltextsknownasstatutebooks.Sometimesthecopywasmade,asinthecaseofCanterbury’sRegisterE,

fromanoriginalengrossment;sometimesitwasmadefromanothercopy.Onecannotalwaysbesurewhich.Notallthecopies,however,areofthefinal,authorizedtext.Instead,someseemtocontainelementsfromdraftscirculatingatRunnymede.Oneoftheearliestcopies

oftheCharteristhatpreservedinthecartularyof

theleperhospitalofSaintGilesatPont-AudemerinNormandy.ThecopyisremarkableinbeingthatofaFrenchtranslationoftheCharter.Thecopyitselfisinanearlythirteenth-centuryhandandmusthavebeenwrittenwithinafewyearsof1215.Thetranslationwasprobablymadein1215itself.48Anotherearlycopyof

theCharterwasthatmadebyRogerofWendoveratStAlbans.Itdatestosoonafter1225.Wendoverdidnot,however,possessacompletetextofthe1215Charter.Hehadthebeginningandthesecurityclauseattheend;fortheresthe,orhissource,insertedsectionsfromtheChartersof1217and1225.Wendover’ssecurityclause,

moreover,differsfromthatfoundintheCharter,notablybyplacingthecastellansoffourstrategiccastlesundertheordersofthetwenty-fivebaronsappointedtoenforcetheCharter.Wendoverdoesnothaveagreatreputationforaccuracy,buthecannothavemadethisup.Inallprobabilityhewasusingarivaldraftoftheclauseaimed

atimposingtougherrestrictionsontheking.WhenHoltbroughtoutthe

firsteditionofhisMagnaCartain1965,Wendover’sversionofthesecurityclausewastheonlyknownevidencefordrafts.Thiswassoontochange.In1967,V.H.GalbraithpublishedanarticleaboutacopyofMagnaCartawhichhehadfoundinalate

thirteenth-centurystatutebookpreservedintheHuntingtonLibraryinCalifornia.49ThisdifferedfromtheauthorizedversionoftheCharterinvariouswaysandwas,soGalbraithargued,infactadraft.Theabsolutelykeyevidenceherecameinthechapteronfinesandamercements,wherethephraseologywasfarcloserto

thatintheArticlesoftheBaronsthanitwastothatinMagnaCarta.50Again,thiswasnotsomethingaclerkcouldhavemadeup.Itseemed,therefore,thattheHuntingtoncopypreservedaversionoftheCharterinwhichsomefeaturesoftheArticleshadyettobechangedintotheformfoundintheauthorizedversionof

theCharter.SincetheHuntingtoncopywasgivenbythehandofKingJohnon15JunenotatRunnymedebutatWindsor,Galbraitharguedthatitwas,infact,thepenultimatedraft,beingmadebeforeJohnmovedlaterinthedaytoRunnymedeforthelastnegotiationsandtheagreementofthefinaltext.

Galbraith,onhisreturntoEnglandfromAmerica,seemstohavemadenoefforttofollowuphisdiscoverybyexaminingothercopiesoftheCharter.Inthatsensehewaslikeatouristwholooksatsightsabroadbutneglectsthoseathome.Tobefair,Galbraithhadtheexcuseofage.HehadretiredfromtheRegiusChairatOxford

Universitybackin1955,hoping,vainlyasitturnedout,thatA.J.P.TaylormightbehissuccessorratherthanHughTrevor-Roper.HolthimselfwasagreatadmirerofGalbraith(rightlyso),buthetoosteeredclearofthefieldofcopies.InthesecondeditionofhisMagnaCarta,publishedin1992,hecommentedinanAppendix

onGalbraith’sfindings(whichheaccepted),andobservedthat‘draftversionsoftheCharterconstitutethemostintriguingproblemofall’.Healsosaidtherecouldbemoreofthem,butthenleftitatthat.51

Icannotclaimanyparticularvirtuemyselfinthisareaofhistoricalendeavour.Ibecame

interestedincopiesofMagnaCartanottofinddraftsbuttoseethedifferentwaysinwhichitwasdividedupintochapters,thedivisionsoftenbeingmoreemphaticincopiesthanintheoriginalengrossments.ItwasreadingthroughacopyoftheCharterinacartularyofPeterboroughabbey,preservedintheSocietyofAntiquariesin

London,withthisendinview,thatIsuddenlynoticedchaptersinadifferentorderandtextindifferentwordsfromthatfoundintheauthorizedversion.52ItwasonlythenthatIthoughtofGalbraithandstartedtocomparehisHuntingtoncopywiththePeterboroughone.AlthoughmostofPeterborough’svariations

weredifferentfromHuntington’s,theydidhaveonesovereignpointincommon,namelythetextofthechapteronfinesandamercements.InthePeterboroughcopy,asintheHuntington,thismanifestlycamefromtheArticlesoftheBaronsratherthanMagnaCarta.Therewasalsooneotherchapter(onthe

dismissalofJohn’sforeignagents)wherethePeterboroughwordorder,hereunlikeHuntington’s,seemedclosertothatintheArticlesthantothatintheCharter.Inspiredbythisfinding,I

setouttofindmorecopiesofthe1215Charterwiththeideaoftesting,byword-for-wordcollation,whetherthey

wereinfactcopiesoftheauthorizedversion.Onethingquicklybecameapparent,namelynottotruststatementsincatalogues,forthesesometimesclaimedacopyasbeingoftheauthorizedtextwhenitturnedouttobenosuchthing.Editorsevidentlyhadmerelyglancedatthetext,insteadofactuallyreadingitthrough.Thesearch

forcopiesofthe1215Charterremainsongoingbut,atthetimeofwriting,Ihavefoundoverthirtyexamplesfromthehundredyearsafter1215.53

Nearlyhalfoftheseareoftheauthorizedversion,barringobviousmistakes.Theothersarevariants,sevenassociatedwithStAlbans,andoneauniquesingle-sheetcopynowintheBodleianLibrary.Ten

arealllinkedtotheHuntington/Peterboroughfamilythroughthetreatmentofthechapteronfines.Thereis,however,onlyoneincompletecopywhichfollowsHuntingtoninbeing‘given’atWindsorratherthanatRunnymedeon15June.Alltoldthecopiesseemtopreserveatleastfivedifferentversionsofthe

Charter.Onecannot,ofcourse,assumethatallthevariationsderivefromdrafts.Somemaybemistakesorimprovementsmadeintheprocessoftransmission.Nonetheless,itisnoticeablethattheyoftenoccurinchaptersthatweknowwerechangedduringthenegotiationsatRunnymede.Arguably,thecopiesshed

newlightonthetenseandtortuousdebatesthatfinallyproducedtheCharter.Theycertainlysuggestthatunofficialtextsmadeanimportantcontributiontospreadingknowledgeaboutit.Enoughaboutthecopies,

illuminatingalthoughtheymaybe.LetusnowturntothetextofMagnaCartaitself.

2

TheChapters,ContentsandTextofMagna

Carta

THECHAPTERSOFMAGNACARTA

DiscussionofthecontentsofMagnaCartahingesonitsseparatechapters:‘chapter40saysthis’,‘chapter42saysthat’.Toaidsuchadiscussion,intextsprintedtoday,whetherinLatinorinEnglishtranslation,eachchapterisnumberedandstartsanewparagraph.The

originalCharterwasnotlikethatatall.Allthefourengrossmentswerewrittenoutascontinuoustextwithoutanynumeration.InthistheydifferedfromtheArticlesoftheBarons,whereeachofthe‘capitula’,althoughstillunnumbered,beganonanewlineandstartedwithasignconventionallyusedtoindicateanewitemonalist.

TheCharterdidnotfollowthispattern,becausetherewasnotraditionofputtingnewparagraphsintoroyalcharters.Whatthefourengrossmentsdiddo,however,wastodividethecontentsupintowhatwereeffectivelyseparatechaptersbystartingeachnewonewithaprominentcapitalletter,althoughthiswasdoneless

emphaticallyintheSalisburyCharter,givenitsformalbookhand,thanintheothers.Sometimes,moreover,capitalsofsmaller,butstillabnormalsize,seemtoindicatesubsectionswithinchapters.Thesedivisionsmayreflecttheway,untilalatestage,draftsoftheCharterweredividedupintoseparate‘capitula’,asintheArticles

oftheBarons.Thisinturnwouldreflecthowthenegotiationsthemselveswerecarriedoutarticlebyarticle.WhenMagnaCartawascopiedoutafter1215,thescribesoftenmadethedivisionsclearerbystartingeachchapteronanewlineandcolouringinitsfirstletterorparagraphmarker.Onlyoneattempt,asfarasIhave

discovered,wasmadeinthesecopiestonumberthechaptersoftheCharterandtheretheeffortwasabandonedbeforetheend.Thenumberswereanywaybeingappliednottothefinal,authorizedversionbuttooneofthevariantcopiesoftheHuntington/Peterboroughfamily.1

Thekeymomentinthenumberingofthe1215ChartercamewithBlackstone.Inhisbookof1759,heprintedtheCharterasacontinuoustext,anddidnotdistinguishthestartofnewchapterswithlargercapitalletters.Butwhathediddowastosupplynumberstothechaptersinthemarginofhistext,histotalbeing

sixty-three.NearlyallthelatereditionshavekepttoBlackstone’snumbers,althoughBishopStubbsinhisSelectChartersdidnotdivideupthesecurityclause,andthusendedupwithonlysixty.2Itisacuriousfact,however,neverapparentlynoticed,thatBlackstone’schapterdivisionsdonotexactlymatchupwiththose

intheengrossmentsoftheCharter,asindicatedbytheircapitalization.ThiswaspartlybecauseBlackstonehadnumberedtheArticlesoftheBaronsinordertorelatethechaptersintheArticlestothecorrespondingchaptersinMagnaCarta.WhereaMagnaCartachaptereitherbrokeanArticleschapterintotwo,orrantwotogether,Blackstone

occasionallyignoredthisandkepttotheArticles’division.Equally,whenanewsectionappearedintheCharter,hesometimescreatedachapterforit,aswithhischapter19,evenwhentheengrossmentsdidnotdoso.Blackstonealsomadenoefforttoindicatewheretheengrossments,ifnotnecessarilystartingnewchapters,certainlyseemto

indicatesubsectionswithinchapters.Theresultingdivergencesarenotofgreatmoment,butarenonethelessapity,fortheycanobscurewhatisgoingon.Theengrossments,forexample,manifestlybreakwhatischapter27intheArticlesintotwo,rightlysobecausethebearingofthesecondpartiscompletelychanged,andina

wayprejudicialtoknightsandunder-tenants.Blackstone,however,presumablytoretainthecorrespondencewiththeArticles,kepteverythingtogetherastheCharter’schapter37.Itis,ofcourse,toolatenowtoundoBlackstone’snumbering,butImentiontheoriginaldivisionsinthediscussion

thatfollows,andalsoindicatetheminmytextandtranslationoftheCharter.Studentsstudyingthe

Charteraresometimesgiventhetask(atleastbyme)ofputtingitschaptersintoamorecoherentorder.HowfartheCharter,asitstands,isorganizedlogicallyisaquestionwewilladdresswhenlookingatthe

negotiationsatRunnymedeandthedifferences(somemadetoimprovetheorganization)betweentheArticlesoftheBaronsandMagnaCarta.Herewewillindicatebriefly,bywayofintroduction,theCharter’smainconcerns,thedosanddon’tsthatitlaiddownforkingship.Thosecanbebrokendownintoseveral

broadinterlockingareas,withindividualchaptersoftenbearingonmorethanoneofthem.TheCharterwasaboveall

aboutmoney.Itsoverwhelmingaimwastorestricttheking’sabilitytotakeitfromhissubjects.Anothermajorthrustwasintheareaoflawandjustice.TheCharterwantedtomake

theking’sdispensationofjusticefairerandmoreaccessible,whileatthesametimepreventinghisarbitraryandlawlesstreatmentofindividuals.Overlappingwithboththeseagendaswastheissueoflocalgovernment.HeretheChartersoughttodealwiththemalpracticesoftheking’slocalofficials,aboveallhissheriffsand

foresters.TherewerechaptersonLondon,andtownsandtrade,whilethefirstchapterofallwasonthechurch,onethatarrivedataverylatestageinthenegotiations,despitecomingrightattheCharter’sstart.TheCharter,asithoped,thussetanewcourseforkingshipinthefuture.Itwasalsoaboutredressingtheinjustices

committedinthepast.Severalchapterssetupproceduresfordoingthat,andincludedamongthebeneficiariesbothLlywelynabIorwerth,theWelshrulerofNorthWales,andAlexanderII,thekingofScots.MuchthoughtwentintohowJohn’sconcessionsmightbeenforced.The‘securityclause’attheendof

theCharterwaseasilyitslongestandmostcontroversialchapter.ThechaptersoftheCharter

setoutthe‘liberties’beinggrantedbythekingtohissubjects,hencethewaythe1215Charter,likeitssuccessors,wascalled‘thecharterofliberties’.Johnwouldhaveregardedtheselibertiesverymuchas

privilegesthathehadgraciouslyconceded.Hissubjectswouldhavebaulkedatsuchadescription.Forthemthelibertiesweremoreinthenatureofrightstowhichtheywereverymuchentitled,oftenbyancientcustom.Indeed,whenJohnconcededtoLondon,inchapter13,‘allitsancientlibertiesandfreecustoms’,he

wasmanifestlymerelyconcedingwhatLondonershadalready.Theissuewasalsoblurred,attheendoftheCharter,whenJohn,inchapters60and63,referredto‘theseaforesaidcustomsandliberties’and‘theforesaidliberties,rightsandconcessions’.Therewasoneotherkey

featureoftheconcessions

Johnwasmaking.Theywere,ashesaidthriceover,tobeheldfromhimandhisheirsinperpetuity.TheCharterforeverafterwardswastoprovidethefundamentallawforthegovernmentofthekingdom.

THECONTENTSOFMAGNACARTA

ThePreamble

KingJohnstartedtheCharter,havingsetouthistitles,bygreetinghissubjects.Hethenfixedtheirattention(aswasusualinroyalcharters)witharesoundingandcommanding‘Know’,alltheengrossmentsgivingabigcapitallettertothe‘S’atthestartof‘Sciatis’.Thekingwentontoexplainhisreasonsforacting,andonwhoseadvicehehadacted,

afterwhichtherefollowedanimpressivelistofcounsellors–bishops,baronsandministers.Itisonlyattheendofthislist(thusmakingagiganticsentence)thatwefindoutwhatJohnwasactuallydoing.

TheChurch

‘Inthefirstplace’–‘Inprimis’–Johngrantedfreedomtothechurch,demonstratinghisgoodfaithinsodoingbyreferencetohisearlierconcessionoffreedomtoelectbishopsandabbots,whichhadbeenconfirmedbyPopeInnocentIII.BlackstonenaturallymadethisthefirstchapteroftheCharter.

TheNewStart

Havingprivilegedthechurchinthisseparatesection,JohnthencommencedtheCharteralloveragain.‘Wehavealsograntedtoallthefreemenofourkingdom,forusandourheirsinperpetuity,allthebelowwrittenliberties.’Blackstonesimplyincludedthisinhischapter1anditisalwaysprintedassuch.That

isfairenoughonthebasisoftheLincolnCharterandthecopyintheletterstestimonial,buttheotherengrossmentshavethekindofacapitalhere(forthe‘C’in‘Concessimus’,‘Wehavegranted’)thatindicatesthebeginningofanewsection.LatercopiesoftheCharterwentdownthesamepath.Thismakessense,

fortheCharterisclearlynowmakinganewstart.Whatthenweretheareas

inwhichJohngrantedlibertiestohisfreemen?

Money

Thepre-eminentconcern,aswehavesaid,wasmoney,andbeforestartinghere,awordaboutmoneyitself.In

John’sreigntherewasonlyonecoin,thesilverpenny,ofwhichtherewere240inthepound.‘Pound’itselfwassimplyatermofaccount,awayofexpressingasumofmoney.Thesamewastruebothof‘shilling’,ofwhichthereweretwentyinthepound,makingeachworthtwelvepennies,andof‘mark’,whichwastwothirds

ofapound,so160penniesorthirteenshillingsandfourpence.TheLatinforpoundwas‘libra’,forshilling‘solidus’andforpenny‘denarius’,hencetheabbreviationsl.s.d.Pounds,shillingsandmarksavoidedtheneedforpeopletotalkinlargesumsofpennies;butsincepenniesweretheonlycurrency,therewasno

avoidingtransportinglargenumbersofthemaround,whichwasoftendoneingreatsacksandbarrels.InJuly1215Johnacknowledgedreceiptof9,900marksinsixty-sixsacks,whichmeanttherewere24,000penniesineach.3Theking’sannualrevenueatthestartofJohn’sreignwasaround£22,000,or5,280,000pennies.John

mintedmanysilverpenniesbutneverinhisownname.HisbrotherRichardhadbeenequallynameless.Bothcontinuedtomintcoinsthatboreononesidethenameoftheirfather‘Henry’placedaroundasometimescrudeimageofaroyalhead.Ontheothersidewasasmallcrossandthenameofthemoneyer.

ReturningthentotheCharter,araftofearlychapters,nearlyallthosebetween2and14,wereconcernedtorestrictthemoney-gettingoperationsofroyalgovernment.Withinthisgroup,chapters2–8regulatedthehighlylucrativerightsthatcamefromthetenurialrelationshipbetweenthekingandhisearls,baronsand

othertenants-in-chief.Sothesechapterswereaboutrelief(aninheritancetax),wardshipsandthemarriagesofheirs,heiressesandwidows.LaterintheCharter,chapters37,43and53dealt,atleastinpart,withparticularaspectsofrelatedrightsanddemands.Withchapters10and11,

theChartertackledanother

issue,thatofdebtsowedtotheJews,onepointbeingtopreventthemaccruinginterestduringminorities.Heretoothekingwasinvolvedbecause(aschapter10indicated)hemighttakedebtsowedtheJewsintohisownhandsandextractthemoneyforhimself.Chapters12and14wereof

thegreatestimportance,for

theywereabouttaxationintheformof‘scutagesandaids’.Saveonthreespecifiedoccasions,thesewereonlytobeleviedby‘ourcommoncounselofthekingdom’.Theassumptionherewasthatcounselwouldleadtoconsent,soessentiallythismeantthattaxationneededtheconsentofthekingdom.4

Chapter14wentontosetout

therulesforconvokingtheassemblywhichcouldgivethatconsent.Thekingwasnotjustowed

money.Healsohadunpleasantwaysofforcingpeopletopayup,notablyby‘distraint’,whichinvolvedtheseizureofthechattelsandlandofthedebtorandhissureties.Thisprocesschapters9,26and27

attemptedtoregulateandlimit.MoneywasalsoanissueinthesectionsoftheCharterthatdealtwithjusticeandlocalgovernment.

JusticeandtheArbitraryTreatmentofIndividuals

AftertheopeningsectionoftheCharteronmoney,therefollowedchapters17to22–

aboutjustice.Chapters17to19madetheking’sproceduresforcivillitigationmoreaccessible,andalsoplacedthemunderlocalcontrol.Later,chapter36waslikewiseconcernedtomaketheking’sjusticemoreavailableandfreeofcost,althoughhereintheareaofcriminaljurisdiction.Conversely,chapter34aimed

atpreventingroyaljusticeinterferingwithprivatecourts.Chapters20to22wereabout‘amercements’.Thesewerefinancialpenaltiesforfallingintotheking’s‘mercy’,andarosewhenanindividualwasconvictedbeforethekingorhisjudgesofsomeoffence.Todaytheywouldbecalledfines.Theaimofthechapters

wastoensuretheywerekeptatareasonablelevelandassessedeitherbythevictim’sneighboursor,inthecaseofanearlorabaron,byhispeers,thatis,socialequals.Therelatedchapter32limitedtheking’sabilitytoseizelandaspenaltyforafelony.Anothersectionabout

justicecomesbetween

chapters38and40.Chapter38preventedabailiff,thatisalocalofficial,puttinganyone‘tolaw’,meaningessentiallyputtinganyoneontrial,onhissoleaccusationunsupportedbywitnesses.Chapters39and40arethemostfamousinMagnaCarta,andarestillpartofthelawoftheUnitedKingdomtoday.Chapter40seemedtomakea

blanketpromiseofjustice,speedyandfree,toeveryone.

Tonoonewillwesell,tonoonewillwedenyordelay,rightorjustice.

Chapter39dealtdirectlywiththearbitrarytreatmentofindividuals.

Nofreemanistobearrested,orimprisoned,ordisseised,oroutlawed,orexiled,or

inanywaydestroyed,norwillwegoagainsthim,norwillwesendagainsthim,savebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland.

Here‘disseised’meantdispossessedofproperty,whilstgoingagainstorsendingagainstsomeonemeant(ifnotexclusively)takingactionagainstthemby

forceofarms.Ihavepreferred‘destroyed’,asatranslationoftheLatin‘destruatur’,tothemorecommon‘ruined’,sinceitbettercapturesthesenseofthreattolifeaswellasproperty.

LocalGovernment

Afterthesectiononjusticebetweenchapters17and22,chapters23to31turnedtolocalgovernmentandthemalpracticesoftheking’slocalagents–sheriffs,bailiffsandconstablesofcastles.Herechapter25hadparticularimportancesinceitsoughttolimitthefinancialburdensplacedbythekingonthecounties.Chapter45

attackedonanotherfrontandinsistedthattheking’sofficialsshould‘knowthelawofthekingdomandwishtoobserveitwell’.Chapter50wentfurtherandmadethekingdismissvariousnamedsheriffsandcastellans,allofthemforeigners,fromtheirbailiwicks,whichmeanttheirlocaloffices.

TheCharterwasalsoconcernedwiththerunningoftheroyalforest.Chapter44soughttolimitthejurisdictionoftheforestjustices,whilechapter47reducedimmediatelytheextentoftheforest,withmoretocome,itwashoped,fromchapter53.MostpromisingofallforJohn’ssubjects,mostpoisonousof

alltotheking,waschapter48,whichempoweredtwelveknightselectedineachcountytoinvestigateandabolishthemalpracticesoftheking’slocalagents.

London,Towns,Trade,MeasuresandMovement

ThechapterprotectingLondonfromarbitrary

taxationandconfirmingitslibertiesis,inmodernprintings,splitbetweenchapters12and13.Onecouldarguethecase,lookingattheoriginalengrossments,formakingitadiscretechapter,oratleastasubsectionwithinachapter.Whatiscertainisthatalltheengrossmentsstartedanewchapterwiththelibertiesand

ancientcustomsoftheothertowns,ratherthantaggingthemon,asinmodernprintings,tothechapteronLondon.AnotherchapterbenefitingbothLondonandothertownswaschapter33,whichremovedfishweirs(anobstacletotrade)fromtheriversThamesandMedwayandelsewherethroughoutallEngland,unlessatthe

seashore.Chapter35soughttoestablishuniformmeasuresofdrink,cornandcloththroughoutthecountry(cornaccordingtothemeasureofLondon),whilechapter41allowed,saveintimeofwar,allmerchantssafetyoftravel,withoutsufferinganyunjustexactions.Thefollowingchapter42gavefreedomoftraveltoeveryoneinandout

ofthekingdom,againsaveintimeofwar.

AppointmentsandPatronage

TheChartersaidthatofficialsshouldknowthelawofthekingdom,anddismissedsomenamedsheriffsandcastellans.Apartfromthat,however,itdidnothingtocontroltheking’schoiceofhisministers,

eitherlocallyorcentrally.Thatcouldbeseenasoneofitscentralweaknesses.TheCharterwasnotmuchmorerestrictivewhenitcametotheking’sbestowalofpatronage.Chapter4atleastmeantthattheking’sappointeeswouldlosecontrolofwardshipsformaladministration.Chapter6wasdesignedtopreventheirsandheiressesinwardship

frombeing‘disparaged’inmarriage,whichmeantbeingmarriedtothosebeneaththeminsocialrank.Italsostipulatedthatthefamilyshouldbeinformedofwhatwasplanned.Theideawasthustomakeitmoredifficultforthekingtogivemarriagestowhomeverhewanted.Thesamewastrue,moreastringently,ofchapter8,

whichlaiddownthatawidowcouldnolongerbeforcedintoremarriageifshewishedtolivewithoutahusband.

RedressofPastGrievances

TwoimportantchaptersintheCharter,chapters52and55,wereconcernedtoredressthewrongssufferedbyindividualsinthepast.Under

chapter52thosedisseised(thatis,dispossessed)oftheirpossessionsbyKingJohnwithoutlawfuljudgementoftheirpeerswouldhavethemimmediatelyrestored.Underchapter55allfinesandamercementsimposedunjustlybyJohnweretobepardoned.Amercementswehavealreadyencounteredinthechaptersthatsoughtto

limittheirsizeandregulatetheirassessment.Fineswereoffersofmoneyacceptedbythekingforconcessionsandfavours.Theymightbemoreorlesscompulsory(sotorecovertheking’sgoodwill)orentirelyvoluntary(sofortherighttosetupanewmarket).Bothchapterslaiddownthatifdisputesaroseovertherestorationsand

pardons,theseweretobedeterminedbythetwenty-fivebaronsnamedintheCharter’s‘securityofpeace’,thatisthe‘securityclause’,whichisdescribedbelow.Chapter52alsoputontheagendathedispossessionscommittedbyJohn’spredecessors,hisfatherHenryIIandbrotherRichardI.Johnwastodealwiththesewhenhereturned

fromorabandonedhisprospectivecrusade.TherewasnopostponementwhenitcametothehostagesandcharterswhichJohnhadextractedasguaranteesofpeaceand‘faithfulservice’.Underchapter49,theseweretobeimmediatelyreturned.

TheWelshandtheKingofScots

ItwasinthecontextofredressofgrievancesthattheWelshandAlexander,kingofScots,enteredtheCharter.Underchapter56,WelshmenwereimmediatelytoberestoredtolandsandlibertiestakenbyKingJohnwithoutjudgementoftheirpeers.Thechapteralsosetupprocedurestodealwithanydisputesovertheprocess.Chapter57put

thedisseisinssufferedbytheWelshatthehandsofHenryIIandRichardIontheagenda,whilechapter58laiddownthatJohnwastorestorethesonofLlywelynandtheotherWelshhostages.Underchapter59,Johnpromised,withonequalification,totreatKingAlexander,whenitcametoreturninghissisters,hostages,libertiesandrights,

inthesamewayas,underthetermsoftheCharter,hewastotreatthebaronsofEngland.

ThePassingDownoftheConcessions

TheCharterwasprimarilyaimedatthemalpracticesofthekingandhisministers.Itdid,however,aspiretosetthe

samestandardsforothers.Thuschapter60,thefinalonebeforethesecurityclause,statedthatallthecustomsandlibertieswhichJohnhadconcededtohismenshouldbeobservedbyeveryoneinthekingdomtowardstheirmen.Therewereotherchapterstoo,likechapters7and8onwidows,andchapter15onaids,whichprotected

tenantsfromthedemandsoftheirlords.WewilldiscussinChapter4thetensionswithinsocietytheCharterthusrevealed.

TheEnforcementoftheCharter

AttheendoftheChartercamethemostsensationalandrevolutionarychapterof

all.Johndeclaredthat,wishinghisconcessionstobefirmlymaintained,hehadofferedthebaronsthefollowing‘security’.Thiswasthattheymightchoosetwenty-fiveoftheirnumberwhowereempowered,ifnecessary,toforcehimandhisministerstoobservethelibertiesgrantedandconfirmedintheCharter.

Theyalsohadthepowertoputrightanyotherwrongs.Inthis,thetwenty-fiveweretoactwith‘thecommuneofalltheland’.Theword‘commune’heremeantaswornassociation.Itwastobeformedby‘alltheland’swearingeithervoluntarilyor,ifnecessary,undercompulsiontoobeytheordersofthetwenty-fivein

bringingthekingtoheel.Finally,thechapterconcludedwithJohnpromisingnottoseekanythingbywhichtheChartermightbeinvalidated.Blackstoneprintedthesecurityclauseasasinglechapter,buttheengrossmentsbrokeitup,inslightlydifferentways,whichshowsthedesiretomakeits

elementsasclearaspossible.ItwasnotquitetheonlydeviceintheCharterbywhichthebaronssoughttoensureitsenforcement.TheyalsostrovetoreduceJohn’spowerofresistance.Thekeychapterherewaschapter51,underwhichJohnpromised,afterthepeace,todismissalltheforeignsoldiershehadrecruited.Intheprinted

versions,thischapterisseparated,asitisintheArticlesoftheBarons,fromtheprecedingchapter,whichdismissedsomeofJohn’sforeignsheriffsandcastellansfromoffice.Infact,intwooftheengrossments,andinthebishops’copyoftheCharter,thetwochaptersareone,whichstronglysuggeststhatthedismissals,apartfrom

removingunpopularlocalofficials,werealsoseenasstrippingJohnofmilitaryexperts,asallthesemenwere.

TheConclusionoftheCharter

Attheendofthesecurityclause,inwhatisprintedaschapter62,Johnremittedhis

rancourandillwill,pardonedalltransgressionscommittedsincethestartofthecivilwaratEaster1215,andundertookthatthebishopsshouldissueletterstestifyingtothe‘aforesaidconcessions’.Infact,theengrossments,perhapssurprisingly,givelittlewarrantformakingthisadiscreteandsinglechapter,buttheyallagreeinstarting

thefinalsectionoftheCharterwithwhatbecamechapter63.HereJohnreiteratedthatthechurchshouldbefreeandstatedthatthemenofthekingdomandtheirheirsweretoenjoythe‘foresaidliberties,rightsandconcessions’inperpetuity.Anoath,hecontinued,hadbeentakenonhisbehalfandthatofthebaronsforthe

observationofeverythingingoodfaith.Inanormalcharter,whatwouldhavefollowednextwouldhavebeenalistofwitnesses,butinMagnaCartathesewerestatedtobeas‘abovesaid’.ThisreferredtothecounsellorsJohnhadlistedatthestartoftheCharter.MagnaCartathenconcludedwiththefollowingstatement:

GivenbyourhandinthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede,betweenWindsorandStaines,onthefifteenthdayofJune,intheseventeenthyearofourreign.

ThedateofMagnaCartawasthus15June1215.

THETEXTOFMAGNACARTA

TheLatintextandEnglishtranslationofMagnaCartaarehereprintedonfacingpages.TheLatintextcomesfromtheLincolnChartersince,ofalltheengrossments,itisthemostfinelywritten.Itisalsotheengrossmentwhosehistoryismostcertainsince‘LINCOLNIA’,writtentwiceontheback,almostcertainlybythescribeofthe

Charter,showsitwasintendedforLincolnfromthestart.TheLatintextgivenherediffersfrompreviousprintedexamplesintryingtoindicatehowtheoriginals,bytheuseofcapitallettersofdifferentsizes,weredividedupintochapters,orsectionswithinchapters.Whilethedivisions,thusindicated,forthemostpartcorrespondwith

thenumberedchapterssetinstonesinceBlackstone’sworkof1759,5therearedifferences,aswehaveseen.InboththeLatinandEnglishtextssetoutbelow,alineisleftblankwheretheengrossmentsindicatethestartofanewchapterorsection,butonlythosegivennumbersbyBlackstonearenumbered.Thelargestcapital

lettersfoundintheengrossmentsIhaverenderedintheLatintextasN.Capitallettersoflessemphasis,butstillofasizetoindicateadivision,appearasN.WhereBlackstonemadechapterdivisions(soatchapters19and51)thatarequestionable,thenhisnumberisplacedinthebodyofthetext.Inmakingthesedivisions,I

havenotfollowedLincolnexclusively,buthavealsotakenintoaccountthecapitalizationsfoundinCanterbury,CiiandSalisbury,althoughthecapitalsintheSalisburyCharterarethroughoutgivenlessemphasisthanthoseintheotherthree.Ihavealsotakenintoaccountthecapitalizationfoundinthe

bishops’letterstestimonial,whichguaranteedtheauthentictext.Significantdivergencesinthecapitalizationbetweenthesesourcesareindicatedinthefootnotes.Thesymbol|intheLatintextindicateswheretheLincolnlinesend.Ihaveusedalargerfontaltogethertoreflecttheexceptionallylargelettersatthestartofthe

LincolnCharter.Inthetranslation,followingHolt,IindicatetheequivalentchaptersintheArticlesoftheBarons(AB)andtheCharterof1225(1225).Inthefootnotes,Ihave

collatedtheLincolntextwiththatfoundintheotherthreeengrossmentsandthecopyinthebishops’letter.Althoughofnogreatmoment,thisis

thefirstpublishedcollationtouseallfive,sincetheSalisburyengrossmentcouldnotbefoundwhentheStatutesoftheRealmtextwaspublishedin1810.6Mycollationindicatesomissions,correctionsandvariationsinwordorder.Ihavenot,however,includedthevariationsinthespellingsofpersonalnamesplacenames

andsuchwordsas‘pledges’,‘carts’,‘socage’andsoon.Ihavealsoomittedsomesmallslipsinthebishops’copy,whichwereprobablytheresultofmistakesmadebythefourteenth-centurycopyist.SomesignificancemayattachtoacorrectedomissioninCanterburyandCii,butapartfromthatthechiefvalueofacollationisto

showthatthedifferencesbetweenthetextsareminor.Theengrossmentsweremade,onthewhole,withcare.Ofpreviouspublished

texts,Blackstone’sistheCanterburyengrossmentcollatedwiththebishops’copy.ThatinStatutesoftheRealmusestheLincolnengrossment,andindicatesall

variationswithCanterbury,Ciiandthebishops’copyinfootnotes.Itmakesnodivisionintochaptersanddoesnotexpandtheabbreviations,insteadusingatypefacethatsoughttoreproducethem.7Italsosoughttofollowtheoriginalpunctuation.Thetextbelow,inlinewithcurrentpractice,expandstheabbreviationsand

usesmodernpunctuation.Itseeks,however,tofollowthetext’suseofcapitals.Asinmuchothercontemporarywriting,thisappearstohavebeenhaphazard.Itisalsooftenambiguous,especiallywherealetterlike‘w’hasthesamefrominbothupperandlowercase.IhaveusedcapitalslessfrequentlythanStatutesoftheRealm,and

usuallyonlywheretheyseemquiteclear.Intheprocess,Imaysometimeshavebeenunfairtosheriffs,WalesandtheWelshwhereIhavegenerallygoneforlowercase:‘vicecomites’,‘wallia’and‘walenses’.8Inpreparingthetranscription,IhaveusedaphotographofthePineengraving,theengravingoftheLincolnCharterpublished

inFoedera,9andphotographsofLincoln,SalisburyandCii.Withthebishops’copy,IhavebeenabletoworkdirectlyonthetextintheRedBookoftheExchequer.10Ihavealsophotographedit.Therehavebeenmany

translationsofthe1215Charter,themostwidelyusedbeingJ.C.Holt’s,whichisprintedasanAppendixtohis

MagnaCarta.(Holt’sLatintextwasCii.)11ThepresenttranslationisinplacesperhapsalittlemoreliteralthanHolt’sbutisnotfundamentallydifferentfromitormanyothers.Inmakingthetranslation,IhavebeenhelpedimmenselybybothDanielHadasandHenrySummerson’stranslationonthewebsiteoftheMagna

CartaProject.ThemeaningofsomeofthetechnicaltermsandobscurewordsfoundinthetranslationisexplainedintheGlossaryattheendofthebook(pp.461–470).

MagnaCarta1215

JohannesdeigratiaRexAnglie,DominusHibernie,DuxNormannieetAquitanie,ComesAndegavie,Archiepiscopis,Episcopis,

Abbatibus,Comitibus,Baronibus,Justiciariis,Forestariis,Vicecomitibus,Prepositis,MinistrisetOmnibusBallivisetFidelibusSuisSalutem.

Sciatisnosintuitudeietprosaluteanimenostreetomniumantecessorumetheredumnostrorum,adhonorem*|deiet

exaltacionemsancteecclesie,etemendationemRegninostri,perconsiliumvenerabiliumpatrumnostrorum,StephaniCantuariensis,ArchiepiscopiTotiusAnglie,PrimatisetSancteRomaneecclesieCardinalis,HenriciDublinensisArchiepiscopi,WillelmiLondoniensis,PetriWintoniensis,Joscelini

BathoniensisetGlastoniensis,HugonisLincolniensis,WalteriWigornensis,WillelmiCoventrensis,etBenedictiRoffensisEpiscoporum;MagistriPandulfidominiPapeSubdi|aconietfamiliaris,et†fratrisEimericiMagistriMilitieTempliinAnglia;etNobiliumvirorumWillelmiMarescalliComitis

Penbrocie,WillelmiComitisSarresbyrie,WillelmiComitisWarennie,WillelmiComitisArundellie,AlanideGalweiaConstabulariiScotie,WarinifiliiGeroldi,HubertideBurgoSenescalliPictavie,PetrifiliiHereberti,‡HugonisdeNevill’,MatheifiliiHereberti,ThomeBasset,|AlaniBasset,PhilippideAlbiniaco,Robertide

Roppelay,JohannisMarescalli,JohannisfiliiHugonisetaliorumfideliumnostrorum:

JohnbythegraceofGod,kingofEngland,lordofIreland,dukeofNormandyandAquitaine,countofAnjou,tohisarchbishops,bishops,abbots,earls,barons,justices,foresters,sheriffs,reeves,ministersandallhis

bailiffsandfaithfulmen,greeting.

Knowthatwe,inspiredbyGodandforthesalvationofoursoul,andforthesoulsofallourancestorsandheirs,forthehonourofGodandtheexaltationofholychurch,andthereformofourkingdom,bythecounselofourvenerablefathers,Stephen

archbishopofCanterbury,primateofallEngland,andcardinaloftheholyRomanchurch,HenryarchbishopofDublin,WilliamofLondon,PeterofWinchester,JocelynofBathandGlastonbury,HughofLincoln,WalterofWorcester,WilliamofCoventryandBenedictofRochester,bishops,MasterPandulfsubdeaconand

memberofthehouseholdofthelordpope,andbrotherAymeric,masteroftheknightsoftheTempleinEngland,andofthenoblemen,WilliamMarshal,earlofPembroke,WilliamearlofSalisbury,WilliamearlofWarenne,WilliamearlofArundel,AlanofGalloway,constableofScotland,WarinfitzGerold,HubertdeBurgh,

seneschalofPoitou,PeterfitzHerbert,HughdeNeville,MatthewfitzHerbert,ThomasBasset,AlanBasset,Philipd’Aubigné,RobertofRopsley,JohnMarshal,JohnfitzHugh,andourotherfaithfulmen:

1.Inprimisconcessissedeoethacpresenticartanostraconfirmasse,pronobisetheredibusnostrisinperpetuum,quodAnglicanaecclesialiberasit,ethabeatjurasuaintegra,etlibertatessuasillesas;etitavolumusobservariquodapparetexeoquodlibertatemelectionum,quemaximaet|*magis

necessariareputaturecclesieAnglicane,meraetspontaneavoluntate,antediscordiaminternosetBaronesnostrosmotam,concessimusetcartanostraconfirmavimus,eteamobtinuimusaDominoPapaInnocentiotercioconfirmari;quametnosobservabimusetabheredibusnostrisinperpetuumbonafidevolumusobservari.

Concessimus†etiamomnibusliberishominibusregninostri,pronobisetheredibusnostrisinperpetuum,omneslibertatessubscriptas,habendasettenendas,eis|etheredibussuis,denobisetheredibusnostris.

1.Inthefirstplace,havegrantedtoGodandbythisourpresentcharterhave

confirmed,forusandourheirsinperpetuity,thattheEnglishchurchistobefree,andistohaveitsrightsinwholeanditslibertiesunharmed,andwewishitsotobeobserved;whichismanifestfromthis,namelythatthelibertyofelections,whichisdeemedtobeofthegreatestimportanceandmostnecessaryfortheEnglish

church,byourfreeandspontaneouswill,beforethediscordmovedbetweenusandourbarons,wegrantedandconfirmedbyourcharter,andobtaineditsconfirmationfromthelordpope,Innocentthethird,whichweshallbothobserveandwishtobeobservedbyourheirsinperpetuityingoodfaith.

Wehavealsograntedtoallthefreemenofourkingdom,forusandourheirsinperpetuity,allthebelowwrittenliberties,tobehadandheldbythemandtheirheirsfromusandourheirs.[1225,1]

2.Siquiscomitumvelbaronumnostrorum,sivealiorumtenentiumdenobisin

capiteperserviciummilitare,mortuusfuerit,etcumdecesseritheressuuspleneetatisfueritetreleviumdebeat,habeathereditatemsuamperantiquumrelevium;ScilicetheresvelheredescomitisdeBaroniacomitisintegrapercentumLibras;heresvelheredesbaronisdeBaroniaintegrapercentumLibras;heresvelheredes|

militisdefeodomilitisintegropercentumsolidosadplus;etquiminusdebueritminusdetsecundumantiquamconsuetudinemfeodorum.

2.Ifanyofourearlsorbarons,orothersholdingfromusinchiefbyknightservice,diesandwhenhedieshisheirisoffullageand

owesrelief,heistohavehisinheritancebytheancientrelief;namelytheheirorheirsofanearlforawholebaronyofanearlbyahundredpounds;theheirorheirsofabaronforawholebaronybyahundredpounds;theheirorheirsofaknightforthewholefeeofaknightbyahundredshillingsatmost;andwhooweslessisto

givelessaccordingtotheancientcustomoffees.[AB,1;1225,2]

3.Siautemheresalicuiustaliumfueritinfraetatemetfueritincustodia,cumadetatempervenerit,habeathereditatemsuamsinerelevioetsinefine.

3.If,however,theheirofanysuchoneisunderageandisinwardship,whenhecomesofage,heistohavehisinheritancewithoutreliefandwithoutfine.[AB,2;1225,3]

4.Custosterrehuiusmodiheredisquiinfraetatemfuerit,noncapiatdeterraheredisnisirationabilesexitusetrationabiles

consuetudines,etrationabiliaservitia,ethocsinedestruc|tioneetvastohominumvelrerum.

Etsinoscommiserimuscustodiamalicuiustalisterrevicecomitivelalicuialiiquideexitibusilliusnobisresponderedebeat,etilledestructionemdecustodiafeceritvelvastum,nosabillo

capiemusemendam,etterracommittaturduobuslegalibusetdiscretishominibusdefeodoillo,quideexitibusrespondeantnobisveleicuieosassignaverimus.

Etsidederimusvelvendiderimusalicuicustodiamalicuiustalisterre,etille|destructionemindefeceritvelvastum,amittat

ipsamcustodiam,ettradaturduobuslegalibusetdiscretishominibusdefeodoilloquisimiliterrespondeantnobis*sicutpredictumest.

4.Theguardianofthelandofanheirofthiskindwhoisunderage,isnottotakefromthelandoftheheiranythingotherthanreasonableissuesandreasonablecustomsand

reasonableservices,andthiswithoutdestructionandwasteofmenorthings.

Andifwecommitthewardshipofanysuchlandtoasherifforanyoneelsewhooughttoanswertousforitsissues,andhecausesdestructiontothewardshiporwaste,wewilltakeamendsfromhim,andthelandisto

becommittedtotwolaw-worthyandprudentmenofthatfee,whoaretoanswerfortheissuestousortohimtowhomweassignthem.

Andifwegiveorsellthewardshipofanysuchlandtoanyone,andhethencausesdestructionorwaste,heistolosethatwardship,anditistobehandedtotwolaw-worthy

andprudentmenofthatfee,whosimilarlyshallanswertousasaforesaid.[AB,3;1225,4]

5.Custosautem,quamdiucustodiamterrehabuerit,sustentetdomos,parcos,vivaria,stagna,molendina,etceteraadterramillampertinentia,deexitibusterreeiusdem;etreddatheredi,

cumadplenametatempervenerit,terramsuamtotaminstauratamdecarruciset|waignagiissecundumquodtempuswaignagiiexigetetexitusterrerationabiliterpoteruntsustinere.

5.Theguardian,however,foraslongashehaswardshipoftheland,istomaintainthehouses,parks,fishponds,

ponds,millsandotherthingsbelongingtothatland,fromtheissuesofthesameland.Andheistodelivertotheheir,whenhecomesofage,hislandfullystockedwithploughsandwainagesaccordingtowhatthetimeofthewainagewilldemandandtheissuesofthelandwillreasonablybeabletosustain.[AB,3,35;1225,5]

6.Heredesmaritenturabsquedisparagatione,ita†quod,antequamcontrahatur,matrimoniumostendaturpropinquisdeconsanguinitateipsiusheredis.

6.Heirsaretobemarriedwithoutdisparagement,providedhoweverthat,beforeamarriageiscontracted,itistobemadeknowntothe

nearestkinofthatheir.[AB,3;1225,6]

7.Vidua‡postmortemmaritisuistatimetsinedifficultatehabeatmaritagiumethereditatemsuam,necaliquiddetprodotesua,velpromaritagiosuo,velhereditatesuaquamhereditatemmaritussuusetipsa|tenuerintdieobitusipsiusmariti,etmaneat

indomomaritisuiperquadragintadiespostmortemipsius,infraquosassignetureidossua.

7.Awidow,afterthedeathofherhusband,immediatelyandwithoutdifficulty,istohavehermarriageportionandinheritance,norshallshegiveanythingforherdower,orforhermarriageportion,orher

inheritance,whichinheritancesheandherhusbandheldonthedayofthedeathofthathusband.Andsheistoremaininthehouseofherhusbandforfortydaysafterhisdeath,withinwhichtimeherdoweristobeassignedher.[AB,4;1225,7]

8.Nullaviduadistringaturadsemaritandumdumvoluerit

viveresinemarito,itatamenquodsecuritatemfaciatquodsenonmaritabitsineassensunostro,sidenobistenuerit,velsineassensudominisuidequotenuerit,sidealiotenuerit.

8.Nowidowistobedistrainedtomarrywhileshewishestolivewithoutahusband,providedhowever

thatshegivessecuritythatshewillnotmarrywithoutourassent,ifsheholdsfromus,orwithouttheassentofherlordfromwhomsheholds,ifsheholdsfromanother.[AB,17;1225,7]

9.Necnosnecballivinostrisaisiemusterramaliquamnecredditumprodebitoaliquo|quamdiucatalladebitoris

sufficiuntaddebitumreddendum;necplegiiipsiusdebitorisdistringanturquamdiuipsecapitalisdebitorsufficitadsolutionemdebiti.

Et*sicapitalisdebitordefeceritinsolutionedebiti,nonhabensundesolvat,plegiirespondeantdedebito;et,sivoluerint,habeantterrasetredditusdebitorisdonecsit

eissatisfactumdedebitoquodanteproeosolverint,nisicapitalisdebitormonstraveritseessequietumindeversuseosdemplegios.|

9.Neitherwenorourbailiffsaretoseizeanylandorrentforanydebt,foraslongasthechattelsofthedebtorsufficetopaythedebt;norarethesuretiesofthatdebtor

tobedistrainedforaslongasthechiefdebtorhimselfhassufficientforpaymentofthedebt.

Andifthechiefdebtorfailsinthepaymentofthedebt,nothavingthewherewithaltopay,thesuretiesaretoanswerforthedebt.Andiftheywish,theyaretohavethelandsandtherentsofthedebtoruntil

satisfactionisgiventothemforthedebtwhichbeforetheypaidforhim,unlessthechiefdebtorshowsthatheisquitagainstthosesamesuretiesinthatmatter.[AB,5;1225,8]

10.SiquismutuoceperitaliquidaJudeis,plusvelminus,etmoriaturantequamdebitumilludsolvatur,debitumnonusuretquamdiu

heresfueritinfraetatem,dequocumqueteneat;etsidebitumilludincideritinmanusnostras,nosnoncapiemusnisicatallumcontentumincarta.

10.IfanyonehastakenanythingonloanfromtheJews,moreorless,anddiesbeforethatdebtispaid,thedebtisnottobearusuryfor

aslongastheheirisunderage,fromwhomeverheholds;andifthatdebtfallsintoourhands,weshallnottakeanythingsavethecapitalcontainedinthecharter.[AB,34]

11.Etsiquismoriatur,etdebitumdebeatJudeis,uxoreiushabeatdotemsuam,etnichilreddatdedebitoillo;et

siliberiipsiusdefunctiquifuerintinfraetatemremanserint,provideantureisnecessariasecundum|tenementumquodfueritdefuncti,etderesiduosolvaturdebitum,salvoservitiodominorum.

SimilimodofiatdedebitisquedebenturaliisquamJudeis.

11.Andifanyonedies,andowesadebttotheJews,hiswifeistohaveherdower,andistopaynothingofthatdebt;andifchildrenofthedeceased,whoareunderage,remain,theirneedsaretobeprovidedforinkeepingwiththetenementwhichwasthedeceased’s,andthedebtsaretobepaidfromtheresidue,savingtheserviceofthe

lords.Inasimilarway,itistobefordebtsowedtoothersthanJews.[AB,35]

12.Nullumscutagiumvelauxiliumponaturinregnonostronisipercommuneconsiliumregninostri,nisiadcorpusnostrumredimendum,etprimogenitumfiliumnostrummilitemfaciendum,etadfiliamnostram

primogenitamsemelmaritandam,etadhecnonfiatnisirationabileauxilium.

Similimodofiatdeauxiliis|decivitateLondoniarum.

12.Noscutageoraidistobeleviedinourkingdom,savebythecommoncounselofourkingdom,savefortheransomingofourbody,and

themakingofourfirst-bornsonaknight,andforthemarryingasingletimeofourfirst-borndaughter;andforthesethingsthereisonlytobeareasonableaid.[AB,32;1225,37]

InasimilarwayitistobeforaidsfromthecityofLondon.[AB,32]

13.EtcivitasLondoniarumhabeatomnesantiquaslibertatesetliberasconsuetudinessuas,tamperterras,quamperaquas.

Pretereavolumusetconcedimusquodomnesaliecivitates,etburgi,etville,etportus,habeantomneslibertatesetliberasconsuetudinessuas.

13.AndthecityofLondonistohaveallitsancientlibertiesandfreecustoms,bybothlandandwater.

Inaddition,wewishandgrantthatallothercitiesandboroughs,andvillsandports,havealltheirlibertiesandfreecustoms.[AB,32;1225,9]

14.Etadhabendumcommuneconsiliumregnideauxilioassidendoaliter*quamintribuscasibuspredictis,veldescutagioassidendo,summonerifaciemusArchiepiscopos,Episcopos,|Abbates,Comites,etmaioresbarones,sigillatimperLitterasnostras.Etpretereafaciemussummoneriingenerali,per

vicecomitesetballivosnostros,omnesillosquidenobistenentincapiteadcertumdiem,scilicetadterminumquadragintadierumadminus,etadcertumlocum;etinomnibuslitterisilliussummonitioniscausamsummonitionisexprimemus;etsicfactasummonitionenegotiumaddiemassignatumprocedatsecundumconsilium

illorumquipresentes|fuerint,quamvisnonomnessummonitivenerint.

14.Andtohavethecommoncounselofthekingdomforanaidtobeassessed,otherthaninthethreecasesaforesaid,orforascutagetobeassessed,wewillcausetobesummonedarchbishops,bishops,abbots,earlsand

greaterbarons,individuallybyourletters;andinadditionwewillcausetobesummonedingeneral,byoursheriffsandbailiffs,allthosewhoholdfromusinchief,ataspecifiedday,namelyatatermoffortydaysdistantatleast,andataspecifiedplace;andinallthelettersofthatsummons,wewillexpressthecauseofthesummons;and

thus,thesummonshavingbeenmade,thebusinessistoproceedontheassignedday,accordingtothecounselofthosewhoarepresent,althoughnotallthosesummonedcome.

15.Nosnonconcedemusdeceteroalicuiquodcapiatauxiliumdeliberishominibussuis,nisiadcorpussuum

redimendum,etadfaciendumprimogenitumfiliumsuummilitem,etadprimogenitamfiliamsuamsemelmaritandam,etadhecnonfiatnisirationabileauxilium.

15.Wewillnotgranthenceforthtoanyonethathemaytakeanaidfromhisfreemen,savefortheransomingofhisbody,andthemaking

ofhisfirst-bornsonaknight,andforthemarryingasingletimeofhisfirst-borndaughter,andforthesethingsthereisonlytobeareasonableaid.[AB,6]

16.Nullusdistringaturadfaciendummaiusservitiumdefeodomilitis,necdealioliberotenemento,quamindedebetur.

16.Nooneistobedistrainedtodomoreserviceforthefeeofaknight,orforanotherfreetenement,thanisowedtherefrom.[AB,7;1225,10]

17.Co|mmuniaplacitanonsequanturcuriamnostramsedteneanturinaliquocertoloco.†

17.Commonpleasarenottofollowourcourtbutaretobeheldinsomespecifiedplace.[AB,8;1225,11]

18.Recognitionesdenovadissaisina,demorteantecessoris,etde‡ultimapresentatione,noncapianturnisiinsuiscomitatibusethocmodo.

Nos,vel,siextraregnumfuerimus,capitalisJusticiariusnoster,mittemusduosjusticiariosperunumquemquecomitatumperquattuorvicesinanno,qui,cumquattuormilitibuscuiuslibetcomitatuselectispercomitatum,capiantincomi|tatuetindieetlococomitatusassisaspredictas.(19)Et*siindiecomitatus

assisepredictecapinonpossint,totmilitesetliberetenentesremaneantdeillisquiinterfuerintcomitatuidieillo,perquospossintsufficienterjuditia†fieri,secundumquodnegotiumfueritmaiusvelminus.

18.Recognitionsofnoveldisseisin,ofmortd’ancestor,andofdarreinpresentment,

arenottobetakenunlessintheircountiesandinthisway.

Weor,ifweareoutofourkingdom,ourchiefjusticiarshallsendtwojusticesthrougheachcountyfourtimesayear,who,withfourknightsofeachcounty,electedbythecountycourtaretotaketheaforesaidassizes,inthecountycourt

andonthedayandintheplaceofthecountycourt.[AB,8;1225,12](19)Andifonthedayofthecountycourt,theaforesaidassizescannotbetaken,enoughknightsandfreetenantsaretoremainfromthosewhoattendedthecountycourtonthatday,thatjudgementscanbeeffectivelymade,accordingtowhetherthe

businessisgreatorsmall.[AB,13;1225,12]

20.Liberhomononamercieturproparvodelicto,nisisecundummodumdelicti;etpromagnodelictoamercietursecundummagnitudinemdelicti,salvocontenementosuo,etmercatoreodem|modosalvamercandisasua,etvillanus

eodemmodoamercietursalvowaignagiosuo,siinciderintinmisericordiamnostram;etnullapredictarummisericordiarumponaturnisipersacramentumproborumhominumdevisneto.

20.Afreemanisnotbeamercedforasmalloffence,andonlyinaccordancewiththedegreeoftheoffence;and

foragreatoffence,heistobeamercedaccordingtothemagnitudeoftheoffence,savinghislivelihood,andamerchantinthesame,waysavinghismerchandise,andavilleinistobeamercedinthesamewaysavinghiswainage,iftheyfallintoourmercy.Andnoneoftheaforesaidamercementsaretobeimposedsavebytheoathof

uprightmenoftheneighbourhood.[AB,9;1225,14]

21.Comitesetbaronesnonamercienturnisiperparessuos,etnonnisisecundummodumdelicti.

21.Earlsandbaronsarenottobeamercedsavebytheirpeers,andonlyinaccordance

withthedegreeoftheoffence.[1225,14]

22.Nullusclericusamercieturdelaicotenementosuo,nisisecundummodumaliorumpredictorum,etnonsecundumquantitatembeneficiisuiecclesiastici.

22.Noclerkistobeamercedinrespectofhislaytenement,

saveaccordingtothemanneroftheothersaforesaid,andnotaccordingtothequantityofhisecclesiasticalbenefice.[AB,10;1225,14]

23.Nec‡|villanechomodistringaturfacerepontesadRiparias,nisiquiabantiquoetdeiurefaceredebent.

23.Novillnormanistobedistrainedtobuildbridgesatriverbanks,savethoseobligedtodosofromancienttimesandbylaw.[AB,11;1225,15]

24.Nullusvicecomes,Constabularius,Coronatores,velaliiballivinostri,teneantplacitacoronenostre.

24.Nosheriff,constable,coronersorotherofourbailiffsaretoholdpleasofourcrown.[AB,14;1225,17]

25.OmnesComitatus,et§Hundredi,TrethingiietWapentachii¶sintadantiquasfirmasabsqueulloincremento,exceptisdominicismaneriisnostris.

25.Allcountiesandhundreds,ridingsandwapentakes,aretobeattheancientfarmswithoutanyincrement,exceptourdemesnemanors.[AB,14]

26.Sialiquistenensdenobislaicumfeodummoriatur,etvicecomesvelBallivus|nosterostendatlitterasnostras*patentesde

summonitionenostradedebitoquoddefunctusnobisdebuit,liceatvicecomitivelBallivonostroattachiareetinbreviarecatalladefunctiinventainlaicofeodoadvalentiamilliusdebiti,pervisumlegaliumhominum,itatamenquodnichilindeamoveatur,donecpersolvaturnobisdebitumquodclarumfuit;†etresiduumrelinquatur

executoribusadfaciendumtestamentumdefuncti;et‡sinichilnobisde|beaturabipso,omniacatallacedantdefuncto,salvisuxoriipsiusetpuerisrationabilibuspartibussuis.

26.Ifanyoneholdingalayfeefromusdies,andoursherifforbailiffshowsourletterspatentforour

summonsofadebtwhichthedeceasedowedus,itistobepermissibleforoursherifforbailifftoattachandwritedownthechattelsofthedeceasedfoundinthelayfee,tothevalueofthatdebt,byviewoflaw-worthymen,providedhoweverthatnothingisremovedfromthereuntilthedebtwhichwasclearispaidtous.Andthe

residueistobelefttotheexecutorstomakethewillofthedeceased;andifnothingisowedusbyhim,allthechattelsaretopasstothedeceased,savingforhiswifeandchildrentheirreasonableshares.[AB,15;1225,18]

27.Sialiquisliberhomointestatusdecesserit,catallasuapermanuspropinquorum

parentumetamicorumsuorum,pervisumecclesiedistribuantur,salvisunicuiquedebitisquedefunctuseidebebat.

27.Ifanyfreemandiesintestate,hischattelsaretobedistributedbythehandsofhisnearestrelationsandfriends,underthesupervisionofthechurch,savingtoeachperson

thedebtswhichthedeceasedowedhim.[AB,16]

28.Nullusconstabulariusvelaliusballivusnostercapiat§bladavelaliacatallaalicuiusnisistatiminde¶reddatdenariosautrespectumindehabere|possitdevoluntatevenditoris.

28.Noconstableorotherbailiffofoursistotakethecornorotherchattelsofanyone,unlessheimmediatelygivesmoneyforthis,orisabletohaveadelaywiththeconsentofthevendor.[AB,18;1225,19]

29.Nullusconstabulariusdistringataliquemmilitemaddandumdenariosprocustodia

castrisifacerevolueritcustodiamillaminpropriapersonasuavelperaliumprobumhominem,siipseeamfacerenonpossitpropterrationabilemcausam;etsinosduxerimusvelmiserimuseuminexercitum,eritquietusdecustodiasecundumquantitatemtemporisquopernosfueritinexercitum.**

29.Noconstableistodistrainanyknighttogivemoneyfortheguardofacastle,ifhewishestoperformthatguardinhisownperson,orthroughanotheruprightman,ifhehimselfcannotdoitforareasonablecause.Andifweleadorsendhiminanarmy,hewillbequitoftheguard,accordingtotheamountoftimehewillhavebeeninthe

armybyourorder.[AB,19;1225,20]

30.Nullusvicecomes,velBallivusnoster,velaliquis|aliuscapiat††equosvelcarettasalicuiusliberihominisprocarriagiofaciendo,nisidevoluntateipsiusliberihominis.

30.Nosherifforbailiffofoursoranyoneelseistotakethehorsesorcartsofanyfreemanforcarriage,savewiththeconsentofthefreemanhimself.[AB,20;1225,21]

31.Nec*nosnecballivinostricapiemusalienumboscumadcastra,velaliaagendanostra,nisiper

voluntatemipsius†cuiusboscusillefuerit.

31.Neitherwenorourbailiffsshalltakewoodbelongingtoanotherpersonforcastles,orforourotheraffairs,unlesswiththeconsentofhimwhosewooditis.[AB,21;1225,21]

32.Nosnontenebimusterrasillorumquiconvictifuerintde‡felonianisiperunumannumetunumdiem,ettuncreddanturterredominisfeodorum.

32.Wewillnotholdthelandsofthosewhoareconvictedoffelony,saveforoneyearandoneday,andthenthelandsaretobereturnedtothelords

ofthefees.[AB,22;1225,22]

33.OmneskidellideceterodeponanturpenitusdeTamisia,et|Medewaye,§etpertotamAngliam,nisipercosterammaris.

33.AllfishweirsarehenceforthtoberemovedcompletelyfromtheThames

andtheMedway,andthroughallEngland,saveattheseashore.[AB,23;1225,23]

34.Brevequodvocaturprecipedeceterononfiatalicuidealiquotenementoundeliberhomopossit¶amitterecuriamsuam.

34.Thewritwhichiscalledprecipeisnottobemadeout

henceforthtoanyoneforanytenementwherebyafreemancouldlosehiscourt.[AB,24;1225,24]

35.Unamensuravinisitpertotumregnumnostrum,etunamensura**cervisie,etunamensurabladi,scilicetQuartariumLondoniense,etunalatitudopannorumtinctorumetRussetorumet

Halbergettorum,scilicetdueulneinfralistas.Deponderibusautemsitutdeme|nsuris.

35.Thereistobeonemeasureofwinethroughallourkingdom,andonemeasureofale,andonemeasureofcorn,namelythequarterofLondon,andonewidthoftintedcloths,and

russetsandhaubergets,namelytwoellswithintheborders.Moreover,forweightsitistobeasformeasures.[AB,12;1225,25]

36.Nichildeturvelcapiaturdeceteroprobreviinquisitionisdevitavelmenbris,sedgratisconcedaturetnonnegetur.

36.Nothingistobegivenortakenhenceforthforawritofinquisitionconcerninglifeorlimbs,butitistobegivenwithoutpaymentandnotdenied.[AB,26;1225,26]

37.Sialiquisteneatdenobisperfeodifirmam,velpersocagium,velperburgagium,etdealioterramteneatperservitiummilitare,nosnon

habebimuscustodiamheredisnecterresuequeestdefeodoalterius,occasioneilliusfeodifirme,velsocagii,velburgagii;nechabebimuscustodiamilliusfeodifirme,velsocagii,velburgagii,nisiipsafeodifirma|debeatservitiummilitare.

Nos*nonhabebimuscustodiamheredisvelterre

alicuius,quamtenetdealioperservitiummilitare,occasionealicuiusparveserianteriequamtenetdenobisperservitiumreddendinobiscultellos,velsagittas,velhuiusmodi.

37.Ifanyoneholdsfromusbyfeefarm,orbysocage,orbyburgage,andholdslandfromanotherbyknight

service,wewillnothavewardshipoftheheirnorofhislandwhichisofthefeeofanother,byreasonofthatfeefarm,orsocage,orburgage,norwillwehavewardshipofthatfeefarmorsocageorburgage,unlessthatfeefarmowesknightservice.

Wewillnothavewardshipoftheheirorthelandofanyone,

whichheholdsfromanotherbyknightservice,byreasonofanysmallserjeantywhichheholdsfromusbytheserviceofrenderingtousknives,arrowsorthingsofthatkind.[AB,27;1225,27]

38.Nullusballivusponatdeceteroaliquemadlegemsimpliciloquelasua,sine

testibusfidelibusadhocinductis.

38.Nobailiffishenceforthtoputanyonetolawonhissoleaccusationwithouttrustworthywitnessesbroughtforwardforthis.[AB,28;1225,28]

39.Nullusliberhomocapiatur,velinprisonetur,aut

dissaisiatur,aututlaghetur,autexuletur,autaliquomodo|destruatur,necsupereumibimus,necsupereummittemus,nisiperlegaleiuditiumpariumsuorumvelperlegemterre.

39.Nofreemanistobearrested,orimprisoned,ordisseised,oroutlawed,orexiled,orinanyway

destroyed,norwillwegoagainsthim,norwillwesendagainsthim,savebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland.[AB,29;1225,29]

40.Nullivendemus,nullinegabimus,autdifferemus,rectumaut†justitiam.

40.Tonoonewillwesell,tonoonewillwedenyordelay,rightorjustice.[AB,30;1225,29]

41.Omnesmercatoreshabeantsalvumetsecurumexireab‡Anglia,etvenireinAngliam,§morarietireperAngliam,tamperterramquamperaquam,ademendumetvendendumsine

omnibusmalistoltis,perantiquasetrectasconsuetudines,preterquamintemporeguerre,etsisintdeterra|contranosguerrina,etsitalesinvenianturinterranostrainprincipioguerre,attachientursinedampnocorporumetrerum,donecsciaturanobisvelcapitalijusticiarionostroquomodomercatoresterrenostre

tractentur,quituncinvenienturinterracontranosguerrina;etsinostrisalvisintibi,aliisalvisintinterranostra.

41.AllmerchantsaretobesafeandsecuredepartingfromEnglandandenteringintoEngland,andstayingandgoingthroughEngland,bothbylandandbywater,tobuy

andsell,withoutanyevilexactions,accordingtoancientandrightcustoms,saveintimeofwar,andiftheyarefromalandatwarwithus.Andifsucharefoundinourlandatthebeginningofthewar,theyaretobeattachedwithoutdamageofbodyandgoods,untilitisknownbyusorourchiefjusticiar,howthe

merchantsofourlandaretreated,whothenarefoundinthelandatwarwithus,andifoursaresafethere,theothersaretobesafeinourland.[AB,31;1225,30]

42.Liceatunicuiquedeceteroexirederegnonostro,etrediresalvoetsecureperterrametperaquam,salvafidenostra,nisitempore

guerreperaliquodbrevetempus,|proptercommunemutilitatemregni,exceptisinprisonatisetutlaghatissecundumlegemregni,etgentedeterracontranosguerrina,etmercatoribusdequibusfiatsicutpredictumest.

42.Itistobeallowableforanyonehenceforthtodepart

fromourkingdom,andreturnsafelyandsecurely,bylandandbywater,savingourfaith,saveintimeofwarforsomebrieftime,forthecommonutilityofthekingdom,exceptthoseimprisonedandoutlawedaccordingtothelawofthekingdom,andpeoplefromalandatwarwithus,and

merchantsforwhomitistobeasaforesaid.[AB,33]

43.Siquistenueritdealiquaescaeta,sicutdehonoreWallingeford’,Notingeham’,Bolonie,Lancastrie,veldealiisescaetis,quesuntinmanunostra,etsuntbaronie,etobierit,hereseiusnondetaliudrelevium,necfaciataliudnobisservitium*quam

faceretbaronisibaroniaillaesset|inmanubaronis;et†noseodemmodoeamtenebimusquobaroeamtenuit.

43.Ifanyonedieswhoholdsfromanyescheat,asfromthehonourofWallingford,Nottingham,Boulogne,Lancaster,orfromotherescheatswhichareinour

hand,andarebaronies,hisheirisnottogiveusotherrelief,nortodousotherservice,thanhewoulddotothebaronifthatbaronywasinthehandofabaron;andwewillholditinthesamewayasthebaronheldit.[AB,36;1225,31]

44.Hominesquimanentextraforestamnonveniant

deceterocoramjusticiariisnostrisdeforestapercommunessummonitiones,nisisintinplacitovelplegiialicuiusvelaliquorumquiattachiatisintproforesta.

44.Menwholiveoutsidetheforestarenothenceforthtocomebeforeourjusticesoftheforestthroughthecommonsummonses,unless

theyareinaplea,orthesuretiesofsomepersonorpersonswhohavebeenattachedfortheforestbusiness.[AB,39;1225ForestCharter,2]

45.Nosnonfaciemusjusticiarios,‡constabularios,vicecomites,velballivos,nisidetalibusquisciantlegem

regnieteambenevelintobservare.

45.Wewillnotmakejustices,constables,sheriffsorbailiffs,savefromthosewhoknowthelawofthekingdomandwishtoobserveitwell.[AB,42]

46.Omnes|baronesquifundaveruntAbbatias,unde

habentcartasRegumAnglie,velantiquamtenuram,habeantearumcustodiamcumvacaverint,sicuthaberedebent.

46.Allbaronswhohavefoundedabbeys,forwhichtheyhavechartersofthekingsofEngland,orancienttenure,aretohavecustodyofthesewhentheybecome

vacant,astheyoughttohave.[AB,43;1225,33]

47.Omnesforestequeafforestatesunttemporenostro,statimdeafforestentur;etitafiatderipariisquepernostemporenostropositesuntindefenso.

47.Allforestswhichhavebeenafforestedinourtime

aretobeimmediatelydeforested;anditistobethesameforriverbankswhichthroughusinourtimehavebeenplacedinenclosure.[AB,47;1225,16;1225ForestCharter,3]

48.Omnesmaleconsuetudinesdeforestisetwarrennis,etdeforestariisetwarrennariis,vicecomitibus,

eteorumministris,Ripariis|etearumcustodibus,statiminquiranturinquolibetcomitatuperduodecimmilitesiuratosdeeodemcomitatu,quidebenteligiperproboshomineseiusdemcomitatus,etinfraquadragintadiespostinquisitionemfactam,penitus,itaquodnumquamrevocentur,deleantur*per

eosdem.Itaquodnoshocprius†sciamusveljusticiariusnoster,si‡inAnglianonfuerimus.

48.Allevilcustomsofforestsandwarrens,andofforestersandwarreners,sheriffsandtheirministers,riverbanksandtheirkeepers,aretobeimmediatelyinquiredintoineachcountybytwelvesworn

knightsofthesamecounty,whoaretobeelectedbyuprightmenofthesamecounty,andwithinfortydaysaftertheinquiryhasbeenmade,theyaretobewhollyabolishedbythem,sothattheyareneverrevived,providedthatwe,orourjusticiar,ifwearenotinEngland,knowaboutitbeforehand.[AB,39]

49.OmnesobsidesetcartasstatimreddemusqueliberatefueruntnobisabAnglicisinsecuritatempacisvelfide|lisservitii.

49.WewillimmediatelyreturnallhostagesandcharterswhichweregiventousbyEnglishmenassecurityforpeaceorfaithfulservice.[AB,38]

50.NosamovebimuspenitusdeballiisparentesGerardideAtyes§quoddeceteronullamhabeantballiaminAnglia;EngelardumdeCygoyny,Andream,PetrumetGyonemdeCancellis,¶GyonemdeCygoyny,GalfridumdeMartinyetfratreseius,PhilippumMarc’,etfratreseius,etGalfridumnepotemeius,ettotamsequelam

eorumdem;(51)et**statimpostpacisreformationemamovebimusderegnoomnesalienigenasmilites,Balistarios,servientes|stipendiarios,quivenerintcumequisetarmisadnocumentumregni.

50.Wewillremovecompletelyfromtheirbailiwicksthekinsmenof

Gerardd’Athée,sothathenceforththeyshallholdnobailiwickinEngland:EngelarddeCigogné,Andrew,PeterandGiodeChanceaux,GiodeCigogné,GeoffreydeMartigny,andhisbrothers,PhilipMarcandhisbrothers,andGeoffreyhisnephew,andalltheirfollowing.[AB,40](51)Andimmediatelyafterthe

restorationofpeace,wewillremovefromthekingdomallalienknights,cross-bowmen,serjeants,mercenaries,whohavecomewithhorsesandarmstotheharmofthekingdom.[AB,41]

52.Siquisfueritdissaisitusvelelongatuspernossinelegaliiuditiopariumsuorum,deterris,castellis,††

libertatibus,veliuresuo,statimeaeirestituemus;etsicontentiosuperhocortafuerit,tuncindefiat‡‡perjuditiumvigintiquinquebaronum,dequibusfitmentioinferiusinsecuritatepacis.

Deomnibusautemillisdequibusaliquisdissaisitusfueritvelelongatussinelegaliiuditiopariumsuorum,per

Henricum|RegempatremnostrumvelperRicardumregemfratremnostrum,queinmanunostrahabemus,velquealiitenent,quenosoporteatwarantizare,respectumhabebimususqueadcommunemterminumcrucesignatorum;exceptisillisdequibusplacitummotumfuitvelinquisitiofactaperpreceptumnostrum,

antesusceptionemcrucisnostre.

Cumautemredierimusdeperegrinationenostra,velsiforteremanserimusaperegrinationenostra,statimindeplenamiustitiamexhibebimus.

52.Ifanyonehasbeendisseisedordispossessedby

us,withoutlawfuljudgementofhispeers,oflands,castles,libertiesorhisright,wewillrestorethesetohimimmediately.Andifadisputearisesaboutthis,thenitistobedealtwithbythejudgementofthetwenty-fivebaronsofwhommentionismadebelowinthesecurityofpeace.

Concerning,however,allthosewhohavebeendisseisedordispossessedwithoutlawfuljudgementoftheirpeersbyKingHenry,ourfather,orbyKingRichard,ourbrother,whichthingswehaveinourhand,orwhichothershold,whichweoughttowarrant,wewillhaverespiteuntilthecommontermofcrusaders;

exceptforthosethingsconcerningwhichapleahasbeenmovedoraninquestmadebyourorder,beforethereceivingofourcross.

When,however,wereturnfrompilgrimage,orifbychanceweremainbehindfromourpilgrimage,wewillthenimmediatelygivefulljustice.[AB,25]

53.Eundem*autem|respectumhabebimus,eteodemmodo,deiustitiaexhibendadeforestisdeafforestandis†velremansurisforestis,quasHenricuspaternostervelRicardusfraternosterafforestaverunt,etdecustodiisterrarumquesuntdealienofeodo,cuiusmodicustodiashucusquehabuimus

occasionefeodiquodaliquisdenobistenuitperservitiummilitare.EtdeAbbatiisquefundatefuerintinfeodoalteriusquamnostro,inquibusdominusfeodidixeritseiushabere.Etcumredierimus,velsireman|serimusaperegrinationenostra,superhiisconquerentibusplenamiustitiamstatimexhibebimus.

53.Weshallhavethesamerespite,andinthesameway,concerningthegivingofjusticewithregardtoforeststobedeforestedorforeststoberetained,whichHenry,ourfather,orRichard,ourbrother,afforested,andconcerningthewardshipoflandswhichareofthefeeofanother,wardshipsofwhichkindwehavehadhithertoby

reasonofafeewhichsomebodyheldfromusbyknightservice;andconcerningabbeyswhichhavebeenfoundedinthefeeofanother,notourown,inwhichthelordofthefeesayshehasright.Andwhenwereturn,orifweremainbehindfromourpilgrimage,wewillimmediatelygivefulljusticeonthesethingstothe

complainants.[1225ForestCharter,1,3]

54.Nulluscapiaturnecinprisoneturpropterappellumfeminedemortealteriusquamvirisui.

54.Nooneistobearrestedorimprisonedthroughtheappealofawomanforthe

deathofanyoneotherthanherhusband.[1225,34]

55.Omnesfinesquiiniusteetcontralegemterrefactisuntnobiscum,etomniaamerciamentafactainiusteetcontralegemterre,omninocondonentur,velfiatindeperiuditiumvigintiquinquebaronumdequibusfitmentioinferiusinsecuritatepacis,

velperiuditiummaiorispartis|eorumdem,unacumpredictoStephanoCantuariensiArchiepiscopo,siinteressepoterit,etaliisquossecumadhocvocarevoluerit:etsiinteressenonpoterit,nichilominusprocedatnegotiumsineeo.Itaquod,sialiquisvelaliquidepredictisvigintiquinquebaronibusfuerintinsimiliquerela,

amoveanturquantumadhociuditium,etaliilocoeorumperresiduosdeeisdemvigintiquinque,*tantumadhocfaciendumelectietiuratisubstituantur.†

55.Allfineswhichhavebeenmadewithusunjustlyandagainstthelawoftheland,andallamercementsmadeunjustlyandagainstthelaw

oftheland,aretobecompletelyremitted,ordealtwithbythejudgementofthetwenty-fivebaronsofwhommentionismadebelowinthesecurityofpeace,orbythejudgementofthegreaterpartofthem,togetherwiththeaforesaidStephen,archbishopofCanterbury,ifhewillbeabletoattend,andwithotherswhomhewishestocallwith

himforthis.Andifhewillnotbeabletoattend,nonethelessthebusinessistoproceedwithouthim,providedthatifanypersonorpersonsfromtheaforesaidtwenty-fivebaronsisinsuchaplea,theyaretoberemovedjustforthatjudgement,andothersinplaceofthem,chosenandswornjusttomakethatjudgement,areto

besubstitutedbytherestofthetwenty-five.[AB,37]

56.Sinosdisseisivimusvelelongavi|muswalensesdeterrisvellibertatibusvelrebusaliis,sinelegaliiuditiopariumsuorum,‡inangliavelinwallia,eisstatimreddantur;etsicontentiosuperhocortafuerit,tuncindefiatinmarchiaper

iuditiumpariumsuorum,detenementisangliesecundumlegemanglie,detenementiswalliesecundumlegemwallie,detenementismarchiesecundumlegemmarchie.Idemfacientwalensesnobisetnostris.

56.IfwehavedisseisedordispossessedWelshmenoflands,orlibertiesorother

things,withoutlawfuljudgementoftheirpeers,inEnglandorinWales,thosethingsaretobeimmediatelyrestoredtothem.Andifadisputearisesaboutthis,thenitistobedealtwithintheMarchbyjudgementoftheirpeers,concerningtenementsinEnglandaccordingtothelawofEngland,concerningtenementsofWales,

accordingtothelawofWales,concerningtenementsoftheMarch,accordingtothelawoftheMarch.Welshmenshalldothesameforusandourmen.[AB,44]

57.Deomnibusautemillisdequibusaliquiswalensiumdissaisitusfuerit|velelongatus§sinelegaliiuditiopariumsuorum,per

HenricumregempatremnostrumvelRicardumRegemfratremnostrumquenosinmanunostrahabemus,velquealiitenentquenosoporteatwarantizare,respectumhabebimususqueadcommunemterminumcrucesignatorum,illisexceptisdequibusplacitummotumfuitvelinquisitiofactaperpreceptumnostrum

antesusceptionemcrucisnostre.Cumautemredierimus,velsiforteremanserimusaperegrinationenostra,statimeisindeplenamiusticiam|exhibebimus,secundumlegeswalensium¶etpartespredictas.

57.Concerning,however,allthethingsofwhichany

Welshmanhasbeendisseisedordispossessed,withoutlawfuljudgementofhispeers,byKingHenry,ourfather,orKingRichard,ourbrother,whichwehaveinourhand,orwhichothersholdwhichweoughttowarrant,wewillhaverespiteuntilthecommontermofcrusaders,thosethingsexceptedconcerningwhichapleahas

beenmovedoraninquesthasbeenmadebyourorderbeforethereceivingofourcross.When,however,wereturn,orifbychanceweremainbehindfromourpilgrimage,wewillthenimmediatelygivefulljusticetothemaccordingtothelawsoftheWelshandtheforesaidparts.[AB,44]

58.NosreddemusfiliumLeulinistatim,etomnesobsidesdewallia,etcartasquenobisliberatefueruntinsecuritatempacis.

58.WewillreturnthesonofLlywelynimmediately,andallhostagesfromWales,andthecharterswhichhavebeendeliveredtousassecurityofpeace.[AB,45]

59.NosfaciemusAlexandroRegiscottorumdesororibussuisetobsidibusreddendis,etlibertatibussuis,etjuresuo,secundumformaminquafaciemusaliisbaronibusnostrisAnglie,nisialiteressedebeatpercartasquashabemusdeWillelmopatreipsius,*quondamregescottorum;ethoceritper|

iuditiumparium|suorumincurianostra.

59.WewilldealwithAlexander,kingofScots,concerningtherestorationofhissistersandhostages,andhislibertiesandhisright,accordingtotheforminwhichwewilldealwithourotherbaronsofEngland,unlessitshouldbeotherwise

byreasonofthecharterswhichwehavefromWilliam,hisfather,oncekingofScots,andthiswillbebyjudgementofhispeersinourcourt.[AB,46]

60.Omnesautemistasconsuetudinespredictasetlibertatesquasnosconcessimus†inregnonostrotenendasquantumadnos

pertineterganostros,omnesderegnonostro,tamclericiquamlaici,observent‡quantumadsepertinetergasuos.

60.Alltheseaforesaidcustomsandliberties,moreover,whichwehavegrantedtobeheldinourkingdom,asmuchasitpertainstoustowardsour

men,allthemenofourkingdom,bothclerksandlaymen,aretoobserve,asmuchasitpertainstothem,totheirmen.[AB,48;1225,37;1225ForestCharter,17]

61.Cumautemprodeo,etademendationemregninostri,etadmeliussopiendamdiscordiaminternosetbaronesnostrosortam,hec

omniapredictaconcesserimus,volenteseaintegraetfirma§stabilitateinperpetuumgaudere,¶facimusetconce|dimuseissecuritatemsubscriptam;videlicetquodbaroneseligent**vigintiquinquebaronesderegnoquosvoluerint,quidebeantprototisviribussuisobservare,tenere,etfacereobservari,

pacemetlibertatesquaseisconcessimus,ethacpresenticartanostraconfirmavimus.Itascilicetquod,sinos,veljusticiariusnoster,velballivinostri,velaliquisdeministrisnostris,inaliquoergaaliquemdeliquerimus,velaliquemarticulorumpacisautsecuritatistransgressifuerimus,etdelictumostensum|fueritquattuor

baronibusdepredictisvigintiquinquebaronibus,illiquattuorbaronesaccedent††adnosveladjusticiariumnostrum,sifuerimusextraregnum,proponentesnobisexcessum;*petentutexcessumillumsinedilationefaciamusemendari.Etsinosexcessumnonemendaverimus,vel,sifuerimusextraregnum,

justiciariusnosternonemendaveritinfratempusquadragintadierumcomputandumatemporequomonstratumfueritnobisveljusticiarionostro†siextraregnumfuerimus,predicti|quattuorbaronesreferantcausam‡adresiduosdeillis§vigintiquinquebaronibus,etillivigintiquinquebaronescumcommunatotiusterre

distringentetgravabuntnosmodisomnibusquibuspoterunt,scilicet¶percaptionemcastrorum,terrarum,possessionum,etaliismodisquibuspoterunt,donecfueritemendatumsecundumarbitriumeorum,salvapersonanostraetReginenostreetliberorumnostrorum;etcumfuerit

emendatum,intendentnobissicutpriusfecerunt.

Etquicumquevolueritde|terra,iuretquodadpredictaomniaexequenda,parebitmandatispredictorumvigintiquinquebaronum,etquodgravabitnospropossesuocumipsis,etnospubliceetliberedamuslicentiamiurandicuilibetquiiurare

voluerit,etnulliumquamiurareprohibebimus.

Omnesautemillosdeterraquiperseetspontesuanoluerintiurare**vigintiquinquebaronibus,dedistringendoetgravandonoscumeis,faciemusiurareeosdemdemandatonostro,sicutpredictumest.

Etsialiquisde††vigin|tiquinquebaronibusdecesserit,velaterrarecesserit,velaliquoaliomodoimpeditusfuerit,quominusistapredictapossent‡‡exequi,quiresiduifuerintdepredictis§§vigintiquinquebaronibuseligantaliumlocoipsius,proarbitriosuo,quisimilimodoeritiuratusquoetceteri.

Inomnibusautemqueistisvigintiquinquebaronibuscommittunturexequenda,siforteipsivigintiquinquepresentesfuerint,etintersesuperrealiquadiscordaverint,velaliquiexeissummonitinolintvelneq|ueantinteresse,ratumhabeaturetfirmumquodmaiorparseorumquipresentesfuerint,providerit,

velpreceperit,acsiomnesvigintiquinqueinhocconsensissent.Etpredictivigintiquinqueiurentquodomniaantedictafideliterobservabunt,etprototopossesuofacientobservari.

Etnosnichilimpetrabimusabaliquo,pernosnecperalium,perquodaliquaistarumconcessionumet*libertatum

revoceturvelminuatur.Etsialiquidtaleimpetratumfueritirritumsitetinaneetnumquam|eoutemurpernosnecperalium.

61.Since,moreover,forGodandforthereformofourkingdomandforthebetterquietingofthediscordarisenbetweenusandourbarons,wehavegrantedallthethings

aforesaid,wishingthesethingstoenjoyacompleteandfirmdurabilityinperpetuity,wemakeandgrantthemthebelowwrittensecurity:namelythatthebaronsshallchoosetwenty-fivebaronsofthekingdom,whomtheywish,whoshouldwithalltheirstrengthobserve,keepandcausetobeobserved,thepeaceand

libertieswhichwehavegrantedtothem,andhaveconfirmedbythisourpresentcharter,sonamelythatifwe,orourjusticiar,orourbailiffs,oranyofourministers,offendsagainstanyoneinanyway,ortransgressesanyofthearticlesofpeaceorsecurity,andtheoffenceisshowntofourbaronsoftheaforesaid

twenty-fivebarons,thesefourbaronsshallgotousorourjusticiar,ifweareoutofthekingdom,puttingbeforeusthetransgression;theyshallseekthatwecausethattransgressiontoberedressedwithoutdelay.Andifwedonotredressit,or,ifweareoutofthekingdom,ourjusticiardoesnotredressit,withinthetimeoffortydaystobe

countedfromthetimewhenitisshowntousorourjusticiar,ifweareoutofthekingdom,theaforesaidfourbaronsaretoreferthecausetotherestofthosetwenty-fivebarons,andthosetwenty-fivebarons,withthecommuneofalltheland,shalldistrainanddistressusinallwaystheycan,namelybythetakingofcastles,lands,possessions,

andinotherwaysastheyshallbeable,untilitisredressed,accordingtotheirjudgement,savingourpersonandthoseofourqueenandourchildren.Andwhenitisredressed,theyshallobeyusastheydidbefore.

Andwhosoeverofthelandwishes,istoswearthatfortheexecutingofallthe

aforesaidthings,heshallobeytheordersoftheforesaidtwenty-fivebarons,andthathewilldistressuswiththemaccordingtohisability,andwepubliclyandfreelygivelicencetosweartoanyonewhowishestoswear,andtonoonewillweeverprohibitswearing.

Allthose,however,ofthelandwhodonotwishoftheirownaccordandspontaneouslytosweartothetwenty-fivebarons,concerningdistraininganddistressinguswiththem,weshallcausethesesametoswearbyourorder,asisaforesaid.

Andifanyofthetwenty-fivebaronsdies,ordepartsfromtheland,orinanyotherwayisimpeded,sothattheyarethelessabletocarryouttheforesaidthings,thosewhoremainoftheaforesaidtwenty-fivebaronsaretochooseanotherinhisplace,accordingtotheirdecision,whowillbesworninthesamewayastheothers.

Inallthethings,moreover,whicharecommittedtothesetwenty-fivebaronstobedealtwith,ifbychancethesetwenty-fivearepresent,anddisagreeamongthemselvesonanything,orifanyofthem,havingbeensummoned,shouldnotwishorshouldbeunabletoattend,whatthegreaterpartofthosewhoarepresentprovideor

order,istobetreatedasratifiedandbinding,asifallthetwenty-fivehadconsentedtothis.Andtheaforesaidtwenty-fivearetoswearthattheywillfaithfullyobservealltheaforesaidthings,andtothebestoftheirabilitywillcausethemtobeobserved.

Andwewillobtainnothingfromanybody,byusnorby

another,bywhichanyoftheseconcessionsandlibertiesmayberevokedordiminished;andifanysuchthingisobtained,itistobeinvalidandvoid,andwewillneveruseit,eitherthroughourselvesorthroughanother.[AB,49]

62.Et†omnesmalasvoluntates,indignationes,et

rancores,ortosinternosethominesnostros,clericosetlaicos,atemporediscordie,pleneomnibusremisimusetcondonavimus.

Pretereaomnestrangressionesfactasoccasioneeiusdem‡discordie,aPaschaannoRegninostrisextodecimousqueadpacemreformatam,

pleneremisimusomnibus,clericisetlaicis,etquantumadnospertinet,plenecondonavimus.

Etinsuper,fecimuseisfieri|litterastestimonialespatentesDominiStephaniCantuariensisArchiepiscopi,DominiHenriciDublinensisArchiepiscopi,§etEpiscoporumpredictorum,et

MagistriPandulfi,supersecuritateista¶etconcessionibusprefatis.

62.Andallillwill,indignationandrancourwhichhasarisenbetweenusandourmen,clerksandlaymen,fromthetimeofthediscord,wehavefullyremittedandpardonedtoeveryone.

Inaddition,alltransgressionsperpetratedonoccasionoftheaforesaiddiscord,fromEasterinthesixteenthyearofourreign,untiltherestorationofpeace,wehavefullyremittedtoall,clerksandlaymen,andasmuchasitbelongstous,havefullypardoned.

And,moreover,wehavecausedtobemadeforthem

letterspatenttestimonialoflordStephen,archbishopofCanterbury,oflordHenry,archbishopofDublin,andoftheaforesaidbishops,andofMasterPandulf,onthissecurityandtheaforesaidconcessions.

63.Quarevolumusetfirmiterprecipimusquodanglicanaecclesialiberasitetquod

hominesinregnonostrohabeantetteneantomnesprefataslibertates,jura,etconcessiones,beneet*inpace,libereetquiete,pleneetintegre,sibiet|heredibussuis,denobisetheredibusnostris,inomnibusrebusetlocis,inperpetuum,sicutpredictumest.

Juratumestautem,tamexpartenostraquamexpartebaronum,quodhecomniasupradictabonafideetsinemaloingenioservabuntur.†

Testibussupradictisetmultisaliis.

DatapermanumnostraminPratoquodvocaturRunimed’interWindleshor’etStanes|

QuintodecimodieJunii,AnnoRegniNostriSeptimodecimo.‡

63.Wherefore,wewishandfirmlycommandthattheEnglishchurchbefree,andthatthemeninourkingdomhaveandholdalltheaforesaidliberties,rightsandconcessions,wellandinpeace,freelyandquietly,

fullyandcompletely,forthemandtheirheirs,fromusandourheirs,inallthingsandplaces,inperpetuity,asisaforesaid.

Moreover,ithasbeenswornbothonourpartandonthepartofthebarons,thatallthesethingsabovesaidwillbeobservedingoodfaithandwithoutevilintent.

Witnessestheabovesaidandmanyothers.

GivenbyourhandinthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede,betweenWindsorandStaines,onthefifteenthdayofJune,intheseventeenthyearofourreign.*

3

KingJohnandtheSourcesforHisReign

JohnwastheyoungestsonofKingHenryIIandEleanorofAquitaine.HeaccededtothethroneofEngland,onthedeathofhisbrotherRichardtheLionheart,in1199.YethewasfarmorethansimplykingofEngland.AtitsstartMagnaCartaproclaimedhimalso‘lordofIreland,dukeofNormandyandAquitaine,countofAnjou’.Inan

importantrespect,eventhispanoplyoftitlesfailedtoreflectJohn’spower,foritsuggestednothingofhisdominanceoverWalesandScotland.ItwasthatwhichprovokedtheWelshrulersandthekingofScots,AlexanderII,toallywiththebaronsin1215.TherewerechaptersintheirfavourinMagnaCarta,makingita

British,notjustanEnglish,document.Norweretheotherdominionsirrelevanttowhathappenedin1215.Quitethereverse.TherebellionhadnofootinginIreland,andthe1215Charterwasnotsentthere,butJohn’squarrelswithsomeofhisgreatestbaronshadmajorIrishdimensions.1Evenmoreimportant,indeedabsolutely

crucial,wasthecontinentalempire.HowrightthatNormandy,AquitaineandAnjoustandinlargelettersonthefirstlineofMagnaCarta,asthoughweighingdownalltherest!ThefinancialburdensplacedonEnglandtodefendandrecoverthecontinentalempirewerethesinglemostimportantcauseofMagnaCarta.HadJohn

beencontentwithrulingEnglandanddominatingBritainandIreland,therewouldhavebeennoCharter.Theassemblageof

territoriesproclaimedinJohn’stitlewasputtogetherbyHenryII.HenrybegantoruleinAnjouandNormandyin1151.Anjouhehadinheritedfromhisfather,Geoffrey,hencethewaythat

historiansrefertothedynastyasthatoftheAngevins,whilecallingthedominionsundertheirruletheAngevinempire.Henry’stitletoNormandy,astoEngland,camefromhismother,Matilda,daughterofHenryI(r.1100–1135),andthusagranddaughterofWilliamtheConqueror.In1152HenryII’smarriagetoEleanorofAquitainebrought

himherextensiveduchy,whichembracedbothPoitouandGascony.ThenHenry,endingatlastthelongcivilwar,forcedKingStephentoaccepthisclaimtothethroneofEngland,becomingkingonthelatter’sdeathin1154.Morewastocome,forHenry’sinterventioninIrelandin1171–2createdthedynasty’slordshipthere.He

conferreditonJohn,who,atthestartofhisreign,added‘lordofIreland’totheroyaltitles.Thecontinentaldominions,

Normandy,AnjouandAquitaine,wereheldasfiefsfromtheCapetiankingofFrance.Theymightbeliabletoforfeitureforanybreachofthehomageandservicethatwasowedhim.Intheearly

yearsofHenryII’sreign,thelikelihoodofanysuchsentencebeingenforcedwasnegligible,giventheweaknessoftheCapetianking,LouisVII(r.1137–80).EverythingbegantochangewiththeaccessionofPhilipII,latercalledAugustus,in1180.Hisburningaimwastoweaken,and,ifpossible,destroytheAngevinempire.

Graduallyhebuiltuptheresourcestodoso.HealsoprovedamasteratexploitingdivisionswithintheAngevinfamily.WhenHenrydiedin1189,onlytwoofhissonsbyEleanorofAquitaineremainedalive,RichardandJohn.RichardsucceededtoEnglandandtoallthecontinentalpossessions,andthenleftimmediatelyon

crusade.DuringRichard’sabsenceintheHolyLand,andthenincaptivityinGermany,JohnfirstchallengedthegovernmentinEnglandandthenlaidclaimtothethrone.PhilipAugustus,meanwhile,overranmuchofNormandy.Richard,onhisreturnin1194,havingputdownwhatwasleftofJohn’srevolt,

spentthefollowingyearsonthecontinentinafiercestruggletorecoverwhathehadlost.Hehadgreatsuccess,yetfailedtoputthefrontiersofNormandybacktotheirstatein1189.2Then,in1199,Richard’sdramaticcareerwasabruptlyended.LayingsiegetothecastleofChalus-ChabrolintheLimousin,helefthistentone

eveningonatourofinspection.Withcharacteristicbutfatalself-confidence,hehadnotdonnedhisarmour.Hewascarryingashield,butthenfailedtoduckbehinditintimewhenanarrowwingeditswaytowardshimfromthebattlements.Thearrowbitdeepintohisshoulder,itsextractionwasbotched,the

woundfestered,andRicharddiedon6April.3Hewaschildless.Thereweretwocandidatesforthesuccession,JohnhimselfandhisnephewArthur,thesonofJohn’sdeceasedolderbrotherGeoffreyofBrittany.Arthur,however,wasonlytwelve,andhadfewsupportersamongtheAnglo-Normanbarons.Johnwasableto

secureNormandyandEnglandwithoutdifficulty.In1200,bytheTreatyofLeGoulet,KingPhilipacceptedhissuccessiontoallthecontinentaldominions.Ofthedisastersthatsoonfollowed,wewillsaysomethinginChapter7.Theyculminatedin1203–4withJohn’slossofNormandyandAnjou.Hespentmuchofthenextten

yearsexploitingEnglandinordertogaintheresourcestowintheempireback.ThefinancialexactionsofAngevingovernmentwerealreadyunpopularin1199.Nowthesituationseemedmanytimesworse.TheresultwasMagnaCarta.TheneedsoftheAngevin

empirecannotbeseeninisolationfromthesystemof

governmentthatfedthemandthestructureofthesocietyonwhichthatfeedingimpacted.BotharereflectedpowerfullyintheCharter,aswewillseeinChapters4to6.Equallyimportantwerethepoliticalideas,discussedinChapter8,thatsetthestandardsbywhichtheking’srulewasjudged.Importanttoowasthecharacteroftheking.John’s

governmentwouldhavebeenunpopularwhateverhischaracter,giventhelevelofhisexactions.Yethadhebeenabetterman,hemightwellhavegotawaywiththem.Withouttheintensehostilitytohimasaperson,therewouldhavebeennorevoltandnoMagnaCarta.TheCharteritselfcanseem

verypersonaltoKingJohn.

Hisnameisitsfirstword,the‘J’insomeoftheengrossmentsandlatercopiesbeingelongatedanddecorated.Thewords‘we’and‘our’–‘nos’and‘noster’–appearnofewerthan139timesinthetext.Atitsend,John‘gives’theCharterwithhisownhand.Andthen,hangingbeneathalltheoriginalswouldhavebeen

John’sseal.Thereheappeared,ononeside,sittingelegantlycrownedandholdingorbandsword,whileontheothersidehewasastridehishorse,inarmour,brandishinghissword,andwithashieldbearingthelionsofEngland.Thesealgaveawonderfulpictureofkingship’smajestyandmight.Howironicthatitshould

authenticateacharterthatwasdesignedtodiminishboth!TheCharteralsosuggested

somethingofthemenacingcontradictionsinJohn’scharacter.Atitsstart,JohnsaidthathewasactingforthehonourofGod,thehealthofhissoul,theexaltationofholychurchandthereformofhiskingdom.Noblesentiments,whichdidnot

comealtogetherfalselyfromhislips.TheywerecertainlynotinventedjustfortheCharter,forJohnoftenexplainedhisactionsinsuchterms.YettheCharteralsosuggestedJohn’sotherside.Underchapter62,heremitted‘allillwill,indignationandrancour’betweenhimselfandhismen,angryfeelingsfromwhichmightflowthearrest,

imprisonment,outlawry,dispossession,exileanddestructionmentionedinchapter39.TheCharteralsotestifiedpowerfullytothebeliefthatJohnwasutterlyuntrustworthy.Hencethewaythesecurityclausegavesuchextraordinarycoercivepowerstothetwenty-fivebaronsandthecommuneofthelandifJohnbrokethe

agreement.SuspicionalsohoveredoverJohn’ssincerityasacrusader,hencethewaytheCharterenvisagedthathemightneverinfactsetout.AndJohn’spromiseattheendoftheChartertoseeknothingbywhichitmightbeinvalidatedrevealedalltooclearlythesuspicionthatheintendedtodojustthat.John’scharacterwasfarfrom

straightforward,whichwasonereasonwhyhewassodangerous.Hewasperfectlycapableofactinginwhatappearedtobeagraciousandconsensualmanner.Hefrequentlysaidhewishedtoupholdlawandcustom.Ontheotherhand,hecouldequallybehaveinwaysthatseemedutterlyunacceptable.Thebetteroneknewhim,the

moreonedetectedthemalevolencebehindthesmileandtheknifebeneaththecloak.Johnwasinhisearly

thirtieswhenhecametothethronein1199andlatefortiesatthetimeofMagnaCarta,havingbeenborninEnglandin1166or1167.Weknowlittleofhisphysicalappearance.Overhistombin

Worcestercathedralliesaneffigyofthekingmadefromdark,ratherforbiddingPurbeckmarble.ItgivesJohnashortbeard,aclippedmoustacheandasmallish,almostdelicatefacewithprominentcheekbones.AlthoughpresumablyfinishedintimefortheremovalofJohn’sbodytoitsnewtombin1232,thereisno

reasontothinkthatitbearsalikenesstohim.4Thetombitselfwasopenedin1797,whensomegreyhairswerediscernibleunderthecoveringofthehead,acoveringthatdisappointinglywasnotremoved.Theteethinthedisplacedupperjawweregood,andthebonesoftherightfootwerewellpreserved‘ontwoorthreeof

whichthenailswerestillvisible’.Someteeth,athumbboneandashoefromthetombaredisplayedintheBritishLibrary’sMagnaCartaexhibition.Thebodymeasuredfivefootsixandahalfinches,soJohn,forthetime,wasofreasonableheight.5When,therefore,Gervase,amonkofCanterbury,writingofearly

inthereign,spokeofJohn’s‘smallnessofbody’–‘corporisparvitatem’–hewasprobablyreferringtotheslightnessofhisframe.Later,givenhisgoodappetite,forwhichthereisampleevidence,heprobablyputonweight.TheStAlbanschronicler,MatthewParis,hasaformerservantofJohn,inthecourseofnarratinga

veryfancifulstory,describehimas‘stronginbody,nottall,butrathercompact’.6

HowthencanwegetafeelforwhatJohnwaslike?Theansweristhroughtheworksofcontemporarywritersandthroughtherecordsofroyalgovernment.ThischapterexploresJohn’spersonalityasseenthroughthelensofboth,therebyalsoprovidingan

introductiontowhatarethemostimportantsourcesfortheMagnaCartaperiod.ThecontemporarieswhowroteaboutKingJohnhavenotreceivedagoodpress,beingoftenjudgedbothprejudicedandinaccurate.YetitisremarkablehowmanyaccountswerewrittenbymenwhoeithersawJohnatclosequartersorhadinformation

fromthosewhodid.SuchsourcesoftenpreservewhatseemauthenticandintimatepicturesofJohninactionandconversation.Theycantakeusclosetotheking.

JOHNBEFOREHISACCESSION:GERALDOFWALESANDROGEROF

HOWDEN

WegetafirstglimpseofJohninthewritingsofGeraldofWales,aprolificandprejudicedauthor,sometimeroyalclerk,andaspiranttothebishopricofStDavid’s.7

GeraldaccompaniedJohntoIrelandin1185,andgaveanaccountoftheexpeditioninhisConquestofIreland,whichwasfinishedfouryearslater.Atthistime,Geraldwas

stillbroadlyasupporteroftheroyalhouse.HispictureofJohnbetraysthecontradictionsthatweretobecomefamiliar.GeraldhasJohnfallingathisfather’sfeetandbegging‘inamostlaudablefashionitissaid’tobesentnottoIrelandbutoncrusadetoJerusalem.Thiswascertainlynoeasyoption,butitwastoIreland,by

decisionofhisfatherHenryII,thatJohnwent.Therehisyoungandirresponsibleentourageshoweditscontemptforthenativerulersbypullingtheirbeards,‘whichwerelargeandflowingaccordingtothenativecustom’.Suchoffensiveconductwasonereason,Geraldbelieved,forthefailureoftheexpedition.8

John’sreputationintheensuingyearswasfurtherblastedbyhisrebellionagainsthisfather.ItwasGerald,inalaterdyspepticphase,whogavethevividpictureofHenry,onhisdeathbed,turninghisfacetothewallwhenlearningofthetreacheryofhisyoungestandfavouriteson.ThiswasfollowedbyJohn’srebellion

againsthisbrotherRichardwhilethelatterwasabsentoncrusadeandthenincaptivity.ThemostdetailedaccountoftheseyearsisgivenbyRogerofHowden,anotherroyalclerk,butonewhosewritings,comparedtoGerald’s,aremeasuredandself-effacing.HowdenpreservesRichard’scontemptuousreflectiononJohn’streachery:‘mybrother

Johnisnotamantoconqueralandifthereissomeonetoresisthimwithevenameagredegreeofforce’.9YetHowdenalsohasJohn,afterhisrehabilitationonRichard’sreturnin1194,fightingloyallyandsuccessfullyagainstthekingofFrance,aswellasclearinghimselfoffurtherchargesoftreachery.Indeed,in1196,

JohnandthemercenarycaptainMercadier,havingcapturedthebishopofBeauvais,returnedtoRichard‘gloriouslytriumphant’.10

RALPHOFCOGGESHALL

ThismixedbutfarfromwhollynegativepictureiscontinuedinthechronicleofRalphofCoggeshall,amonkand,from1207,theabbotof

theCistercianmonasteryofCoggeshallinEssex.Ralph’snarrativeoftheyears1199–1201waswrittenverysoonafterwards,andcertainlybeforethedisastersofthelossofNormandyin1204andtheInterdictpronouncedonEnglandin1208byPopeInnocentIII.11CoggeshallwasnotacourtinsiderlikeGeraldofWalesandRogerof

Howden,butwhenitcametonarratingJohn’squarrelwiththeCistercians,hewasalmostcertainlyaneyewitness.WhentheCistercians,

standingontheirrightsofexemption,refusedtopayataxleviedonEnglandin1200,John‘inangerandfury’orderedthesheriffsbothbywordofmouthandbyletterstodoasmuchdamage

tothemastheycould.TheyweretodenytheCisterciansany‘justice’orassistanceandrefereverythingtohim.Aftertheinterventionofhischancellor,thearchbishopofCanterbury,HubertWalter,Johnwithdrewthese‘cruel’orders,buthethenbrushedaside,asfartoosmall,thepaymentof1,000marksthatHubertsuggestedfora

settlement,andgaveorderstohisforesterstoexpelallCistercian-ownedanimalsfromhiswoods.WhenagreatcouncilmetatLincolninNovember1200,theCistercianabbotsdidnotgoinprocessiontogreettheking,forfearofbeingturnedawaybyhisattendantsandexcludedwithridiculefromtheroyalhall.John,

meanwhile,refusedtolistentoanotherattemptedinterventionbyHubertWalter:‘Mylordarchbishop,Ibegyounottoenragemetoday,becauseIproposetobebled.’Intheend,however,after

thearchbishophadtalkedtoJohnashecameoutfromMass,theabbotswereallowedtoprostrate

themselvesbeforetheking,andwerethengivenaccesstohischamber.ThereJohnleftthemstandingashetwicewithdrewforprivatediscussionwithministersandbishops,beforeHubertWalterhimself,onJohn’scommand,pronouncedasettlement.TheCistercianswererestoredtotheking’sfavour,nomentionwasmade

ofthetaxandJohnpromisedtofoundamonasteryoftheorder(whichhedidlateratBeaulieu).When,inreturn,theabbotsforgaveallthedamagesthattheyhadsuffered,Johnprostratedhimselfhumblyattheirfeet,hisfacecoveredwithtears,whilethemonksintheirturnfelltotheground,‘seeingsuchgreathumilityand

reverencefromtheking’.Theabbots,Coggeshall,concluded,‘werefilledwithimmensejoyandgavemanifoldthankstoGod,whohadsoinclinedthemindofthekingtomercyandreverencefortheirorder’.12

Johnhereseemsverydifferentfromtheignorant,ineffectualyouthportrayedbyGeraldofWalesand

dismissedbyRichard.Heishandsonandintimidating,askingsneededtobe,yethealsotakescounselandchangescourse,comingoutofaquarrelwithhisreputationenhanced,indeedasoneguidedbythehandofGod.AllthisisnotdisimilartoJohn’sconductinhisquarrel,in1201–2,withtheabbeyofStAugustine,

Canterbury,overthepatronageofthechurchofFaversham.Here,accordingtotheabbey’saccount,JohninafurythreatenedtoburnFavershamchurchdownandallinsideit.Hecertainlyissuedordersthatledtothechurch’sblockade,theviolentextractionfromitoftheabbotandsomemonks,andtheseizureofStAugustine’s

estates.Then,however,withthepopebecominginvolved,sentencesofexcommunicationflyingroundandthemonksofferingmoneyforasettlement,JohncalmeddownandaskedadvicefromHubertWalter.Thearchbishop,inalongandnuancedletter,counselledaclimb-down.HisconclusionwasthatitwasJohn’sagents,

ratherthanJohnhimself,whohadprofitedfromtheseizureoftheestates:‘forastoyouitmaybesaidonthismatterthatyouhaveshakenthebushesandothershavecaughtthebirds’.ClearlyJohnwassomeonetowhomaleadingcounsellorcouldwritefranklyandfully.Apartfromdecidingtotaketheofferedmoney,Johnactedon

theadvice.‘Andthushewhohadformerlybeenthemostcruelpersecutorofthismonasterybecameitspatronandprotector’,theabbey’saccountconcluded.13

John’srecordearlyinthereignwonfavourablecommentinmattersofgreatermoment.ThusCoggeshallwelcomedthepeaceJohnmadewithPhilipAugustusin

1200,hopingthiswouldendtheterriblefinancialexactionsthathadbeenneededtofinanceRichard’swars.14GervaseofCanterbury(whofinishedwritingin1210)wasalsoimpressedbythepeace.Ifitledthe‘malevolentandenvious’tocallJohn‘softsword’,thatwasonlybecause‘byprudencemore

thanwar,hehadobtainedpeaceeverywhere’.15

THELIFEOFSTHUGHOFLINCOLN

Therewas,ofcourse,nopeace,ornotforlong.In1204PhilipAugustuscompletedhisconquestofNormandyandAnjou.AfterthatJohnwassoonembroiledinhisquarrelwiththe

papacy,whichsawhisexcommunicationandEnglandbeinglaidunderanInterdict.16ThereisoneintimateaccountofJohnwrittenduringthistime,writteninfactin1213,sobeforeMagnaCarta.ThiscomesintheLifeofHughofAvalon,thebishopofLincolnbetween1186and1200,whowascanonizedin1220.The

LifeofSaintHughwastheworkofhischaplain,AdamofEynsham,andisoneofthegreatestbiographiesbyanacolyteeverwritten,quiteworthytostandbesideBoswell’sLifeofJohnson.Inevitably,Adam’saccountofthestartofJohn’sreignisprejudicedbylaterevents.BishopHughismadetorumbletheking’scharacter

andforeseethedisastersthatweretocome.YetAdam,inhispositionbyHugh’sside,wasextremelywellinformed.Oncethelaterveneerisremoved,hecanactuallyshowJohnasmuchlikethe‘good’kingrevealedbyRalphofCoggeshall.17ThusatChinon,justafter

Richard’sdeath,seeingBishopHughapproaching,

Johnspurredhishorseforwardinhiseagernesstomeethim,leavingallhiscompanionsbehind.Thepairmetagainafewdayslater,attheabbeyofFontevrault,wherebothHenryIIandnowRichardwereburied.StandingunderthegreatLastJudgementportal,Hugh,asadreadfulwarning,pointeduptokingsbeingdraggeddown

toHell,onlyforJohntopointuptothekingsontheotherside,joyfullyascendingtoHeaven,withtheassurancethathewouldbeamongtheirnumber.Nextyear,whenHughwasdying,Johndismissedhisattendantsandsataloneforalongtimebesidehisbed,‘sayingmanykindwords’.

Mixedinwithsuchconduct,however,wasotherbehaviourthatseemedutterlyinappropriateanddisrespectful.ThusJohnboastedtoHughthatastonesetingold,whichheworearoundhisneck,wouldpreserveallhisdominionsfromharm.ThispromptedthenaturalresponsethatJohnshouldputhistrustnotin

magicalgemsbutintheLordJesusChrist.Alittlelater,JohnscandalizedthebishopbyseemingforamomentabouttopocketthetwelvegoldcoinsofhisofferingatMass.Andthen,tocapitall,beinghungryandwantingtoeat,hesentthreemessagesaskingthebishoptoconcludethesermonandhurryonwiththeservice.TheLifeofSaint

HughalsoreportedthelaughterandlevityofJohn’sentourageduringhisinvestitureasdukeofNormandy.Turningroundtojoinin,Johndroppedthelancethathadbeenplacedinhishands–notagoodomen.John’scontradictory

treatmentofBishopHughhasparallelswithhisconductinJocelinofBrakelond’sLifeof

Samson,abbotofBuryStEdmunds,whichwasfinishedsoonafter1202.HereJohnwongoldenopinionsbygoingatonce,afterhiscoronation,onapilgrimagetoBury.Hethenspoiledtheeffectbygivingthemonksnotthegreatofferingthattheyexpectedbutasinglesilkenclothwhichhehad

borrowedfromtheabbey’ssacrist,andneverpaidfor.18

AdamofEynsham’sLifeofSaintHughisthelastsignificanttestimonytoJohn’spersonalityactuallywritteninhisreign.Theotherrelevantworkscomefromthedecadeafterhisdeath.Oneofthese,anaccountofHughofNorthwold’selectionasSamson’ssuccessoratBury,

writtenbyaBurymonkandeyewitness,givesafascinatingimpressionofJohnin1214and1215,andwehavesaveditforournarrativeoftheseyears.HereletuslookfirstatanaccountofthereignbyawriterknownastheAnonymousofBéthune.

THEANONYMOUSOFBÉTHUNE

Itishardtothinkofamoreunappetizingnamethan‘theAnonymousofBéthune’fortheauthorofwhatisasuperbanduniqueaccountoftheMagnaCartaperiod.Thisisfoundaspartofalargerwork,conventionallyentitled‘TheHistoryoftheDukesofNormandy’.19Attheheartof

theportionthatconcernsusisacircumstantialnarrativeofeventsbetween1213and1217.ThisiscombinedwithacharactersketchofKingJohn,andamuchvagueraccountofepisodesinhisreignpriorto1213,notablyJohn’sexpeditiontoIrelandin1210andthefalloftheBriouzefamily.Theworkisenlivenedbynumerous

anecdotes,vividscenes,andquotationsfromJohn’sactualconversations.Sincetheauthorisunnamedheiscalled‘theAnonymous’.SincehewasintheentourageofRobertdeBéthune(judgingfromthenumberoftimesRobertappears),hebecomes‘theAnonymousofBéthune’.

Theauthorhadeveryreasontobewellinformed.Hewaswritingatthelatestsoonafter1220.Between1213and1216hismaster,RobertdeBéthune,wasintermittentlyinEnglandinJohn’sservice.Indeed,hewastherefortheweekseithersideofMagnaCarta.Ourauthorwasalmostcertainlywithhismasterandthusan

eyewitnesstowhathenarrates.Giventhelevelofdetail,insuchmattersasdates,hemustalsohavetakennotesatthetime.RobertwastheyoungersonofthelordBéthuneinArtoisandDendermondeinFlanders.HeandhisassociateswereregardedandregardedthemselvesasFlemings.Roberthad,

however,inheritedlandin1214(onhisfather’sdeath)innofewerthanfiveEnglishcounties.20WithnumerousconnectionswiththegreatEnglishandAnglo-Normanbarons,hewasfarfrombeinganoutsider.TheAnonymouswroteforRobertdeBéthune’sentertainment(henceinFrench),andtheamountofdetailabout

warfaredoubtlessreflectsRobert’ssoldierlyinterests.Therewasalsoapoliticalagenda.Althoughneveropenlyavowed,thewaythenarrativeswitchesfocusinthemiddleof1216stronglysuggeststhatRobert,atthispoint,hadswitchedsidesandenteredtheserviceofPrinceLouisonhisarrivalinEngland,havingbeenoffered

thethronebytherebels.TheportraitofJohnas‘bad’thusjustifiedthisconduct.Thatdoesnotmakeitanythelessbelievable.TheAnonymous

acknowledgedJohn’slavishhospitalityandhisgenerosityingivingrobestohisknights.Buttheoverallpicturewasnegativeindeed:

Hewasaverybadman,morecruelthanallothers;helustedafterbeautifulwomenandbecauseofthisheshamedthehighmenoftheland,forwhichreasonhewasgreatlyhated.Wheneverhecould,hetoldliesratherthanthetruth.Hersethisbaronsagainstoneanotherwheneverhecould;hewasveryhappywhenhesawhate

betweenthem.Hehatedandwasjealousofallhonourablemen;itgreatlydispleasedhimwhenhesawanyoneactingwell.Hewasbrim-fullofevilqualities.21

HerethenwemeettwoofthekeychargesagainstJohn:hiscruelty,andhistamperingwiththewivesanddaughtersofhisbarons.The

AnonymousgivesanexampleofthesecondinrelayingRobertfitzWalter’sclaimthatJohnhadtriedtoseducehisdaughter,thewifeofGeoffreydeMandeville.22HegivesanexampleofthefirstinagraphicaccountofthemurderofMatildadeBriouzeandhereldestson.AlthoughtheAnonymousdoesnotmaketheconnection,here

Johnhadform,forhehadalsobeenresponsibleforthemurderofhisownnephewArthur.23ArthurhadcomeintoJohn’shandsin1202andbeenimprisonedfirstatFalaiseandthenatRouen.TheannalsofMargamabbeyinsouthWalesgivetheonlycircumstantialaccountofwhathappenednext:

InthetowerofRouen,afterdinnerontheThursdaybeforeEaster[3April1203],whenhewasdrunkandpossessedbythedevil,[John]killedhimwithhisownhand,andattachingagreatstonetothebody,threwitintotheSeine.24

TheMargamstoryprobablycamefromWilliamdeBriouze,Matilda’shusband.

HewasinRouenatthetime,butisobviouslyahostilesource.That,however,John,inonewayoranother,murderedArthur,therecanbelittledoubt.Themurderwasnotnecessarilyunpremeditated.RalphofCoggeshallhadheardofanearlierplantoblindandemasculateArthurwhenhewasatFalaise.25Arthur,as

wehavesaid,hadlittlesupportinEngland,butLouis,sonofPhilipAugustus,thoughtthemurderworthharpingoninhismanifestowhenheinvadedEnglandin1216.26AccordingtotheStAlbansabbeychronicler,RogerofWendover,MatildadeBriouzeherselfrefusedtosurrenderhersonsas

hostagesonthegroundsthatJohnhadwickedlymurderedArthur.27

IfthemurderofArthurwasbadenough,thatofMatildadeBriouzeandhereldestsonseemedfarmoreshocking,foritstruckattheheartofagreatbaronialfamily,withwidelordshipsinIreland,WalesandEngland.Thecourseofthefamily’squarrel

withKingJohnwewilltraceinChapter7.Itendedin1210withMatildaandWilliamdeBriouzejuniorbeingstarvedtodeath.Therewasnothingunpremeditatedaboutthat.TheAnonymous’saccountregistersthefullhorrorofthisatrocity:

HeimprisonedMatildaandhersonatCorfeandorderedthatasheafof

oatsandonepieceofrawbaconbegiventothem.Hedidnotallowthemtohaveanymoremeat.Afterelevendays,themotherwasfounddeadbetweenherson’slegs,stilluprightalbeitleaningforwardagainstherson’sfoot.Herson,whowasalsodead,wasfoundsittingstraight,bentagainstthewall.Sodesperatewasthe

motherthatshehadeatenherson’scheeks.28

Sofarsoterrible,yetwhentheAnonymousgetstohisnarrativeof1213andportraysJohncloseup,thepictureisratherdifferent.Weseeakingacerbiccertainlybutalsoquiteabletotakecounselandactinarationalandappropriatemanner.29

Thuswhen,in1213,Robert

deBéthunecomestocourttoseekhelpfortheembattledFerrand,countofFlanders,Johniswelcomingandwellinformed:‘Iknowexactlywhatyouwant.’Hecallsinhiscounsellors,andagreestosendouttheearlofSalisbury,theresultbeingthedestructionoftheFrenchfleetatDamme.Nextyear,whenRobertannouncesthearrival

ofthecountinEngland,andaskswhyJohn(attheTowerofLondon)isnotatonceridingtomeethim,Johnappearstomock:

HeartheFleming,hedoesthinkhislordthecountofFlandersisagreatman.30

ButwhenRobertrepliedthat‘bySaintJames’,hecertainlywas,Johnlaughed,

summonedhishorsesandoutrodehisentourageinhishastetogettoCanterbury.Onarrivalhewentstraighttothecount’shosteland,withthecountwaitingoutsideintheroad,dismountedtosaluteandkisshim.Inside,Johnwasaffabilityitselfandinvitedthecounttodinewithhimonthenextday,whentheiralliancewouldbe

sealed.ItisdifficulttothinkJohncouldhavehandledthisbetter.31Hereisverymuchthekingwho,astheAnonymousobserved,treatedRobertdeDreux,whencapturedlaterin1214,‘mosthonourably’,allowinghimtohuntandhawk.32Onbalance,therefore,theAnonymous’spictureofJohnbetween1213

and1215wasapositiveone.33

THELIFEOFWILLIAMMARSHAL

ThesamecouldnotbesaidforthesecondgreatworkwrittenforaristocratswhohadactuallyparticipatedintheeventsofJohn’sreign,namelythelifeofWilliamMarshal.Williamwasa

youngersonofamiddle-rankingmagnatewhohadlandsinWiltshireandBerkshireandwasmarshaloftheroyalhousehold.Bornaround1147,andwithnoprospectofaninheritance,WilliamhadmadeanawesomereputationasaknightontheFrenchtournamentcircuit,FrenchbecauseFrance,notEngland,

wasthecentreforsuchchivalricenterprises.34HeeventuallyenteredtheserviceofHenryII,wherehecombinedhisreputationasafightingknightwiththatofacounsellorandmilitarystrategist.OnHenry’sdeath,KingRichardmarriedWilliamtoastupendouslywealthyheiress,thustransforminghimintooneof

thegreatestbaronsintheAnglo-Normanworld,lordofLeinsterinIreland,ChepstowinWalesandLonguevilleinNormandy.Atthestartofhisreign,JohnwentfurtherandacceptedWilliam’sclaim(throughhiswife)totheearldomofPembroke.Despitemuchprovocation,WilliamneverrebelledagainstKingJohnandis

namedinMagnaCartaasthefirstofthe‘noblemen’onwhoseadviceJohnsaidthathehadacted.Ontheking’sdeathinOctober1216,Williambecameregentforhisson,thenine-year-oldHenryIII,despitebeingaroundseventy.HeheldthepostuntilshortlybeforehisdeathinMay1219,winningthewarfortheyoungking,

andsealingwiththepapallegatethenewversionsofMagnaCartaissuedin1216and1217.Inthemid-1220sWilliam’s

sonsdecidedthatthisextraordinarylifeshouldbemadeknownandpreserved.Sotheycommissionedapoettowriteitinwhatturnedouttobenofewerthan19,214linesofrhymingFrench

verse.TheHistoryofWilliamMarshal,asitiscalled,isacardinaltextfortheidealsandactionsofchivalricknights.Itisequallysoforthefactualcourseofevents.William’sfamilyandentouragetookgreatpainstoseethatthepoetwaswellinformed.KeytestimonycamefromtheMarshal’sformersteward,Johnof

Earley,whowitnessedmanyofthecrucialpassagesbetweenJohnandtheMarshal.Thevividpictureofthekingisthuswellsourced.TheportraitofJohnhasa

fewredeemingfeatures.TheimmensityofhisvictoryatMirebeauinAugust1202(describedlater)isbroughtout,evenifthefruitsarethenthrownaway.Inonepassage

JohnseemsconcernedoverthehealthofoneoftheMarshal’syoungersons(Richard),keptasahostage;andthereispathosintheaccountofthekingonhisdeathbed,whenheaskstheMarshal’spardonandbegshimtoassumetheregencyofthekingdom.Occasionallythepleasantfacethekingcouldadoptisacknowledged:

herevertedtohisformerhabitofdisplayingfriendliness[belechiere]in[theMarshal’s]companyasifheborenogrudgeagainsthimorwasangrywithhim.35

Itis,however,madeveryclearthatsuchfriendlinesswasduplicitous,assumed

merelywhenthekingneededtheMarshal’ssupport.36ThegeneralthrustoftheHistoryistosubstantiatetheAnonymous’sviewthatJohnwas‘brim-fullofevilqualities’.Thereisasubtexthere,notverydifferentfromthatintheworkoftheAnonymous.TheMarshalwasloyal,buthiseldestson,WilliamMarshaljunior,

perhapswithhisfather’sconnivance,joinedtherebelsandwasoneofthetwenty-fivebaronscommissionedtoenforcetheCharter.NothingissaidabouthisrebellionintheHistory,butclearly,asthechiefpatronofthework,WilliamMarshaljuniorwouldhavewelcomedevidencetojustifyhisconduct.Johnhimselfwould

certainlyhavedefendedhisowntreatmentoftheMarshal.ShouldWilliamnothavebeenmoregratefulforbecomingearlofPembrokeatthestartofthereign?WashenotguiltyoftrickeryanddisloyaltyinstrikingadealwithPhilipAugustus,andthuskeepinghisNormanlandsafterJohn’slossoftheduchy?37Andyet,whenall

allowanceshavebeenmade,thepictureintheHistory,supportedbymuchcircumstantialdetail,remainsapowerfulandforthemostpartconvincingindictmentoftheking.TheHistorydoesnot

mentiondirectlythemurdersofArthurorMatildadeBriouze,butitcertainlyagreeswiththeAnonymous’s

chargeofcruelty,notablyinJohn’streatmentoftheprisonerstakenatMirebeau:

WhenthekingarrivedinChinon,hekepthisprisonersinsuchahorriblemannerandinsuchabjectconfinementthatitseemedanindignityandadisgracetoallthosewithhimwhowitnessedhiscruelty.38

ItwasnotjustatChinonthattheprisonerssuffered.TheMargamannalsmentiontwenty-twonobleandgallantknightstakenatMirebeaubeingstarvedtodeathatCorfecastle.39

AnaspectofhiscrueltywasJohn’sreadinesstolieinthecauseofgivingpain.Oneday,ridingoutfromGuildford,Johnsummoned

theMarshaluptohimandannouncednewsfromIreland.Inagreatconflictthere,theMarshal’sknightshadapparentlybeenvictorious,butsomehadbeenkilled,includingJohnofEarley.Itwasallmadeup,butuntilhelearntthetruth,theMarshalwasleft‘greatlyaggrievedatheart’.40

TheconflictinIrelandillustratesanothercharacteristicmentionedbytheAnonymous,namelythewayinwhichJohn‘sethisbaronsagainstoneotherwheneverhecould’.Thus,inIreland,thekingdidallhecouldtoexploitandexacerbatethetensionsbetweenhisgovernorthere,MeilerfitzHenry,andthe

Marshal.HealsomadestrenuouseffortstounderminetheloyaltyoftheMarshal’smen.Duringthesequarrels,theHistoryshowsthedifficultiesofbeingagreatmanatcourt.Betweenhisburstsof‘goodcheer’,thekingcouldtreattheMarshalsocoollythatnoonewouldspeaktohim.41Andinsuchsituations,weseeagainthe

Johnwholovedtomock.Inoneconfrontation,whenthecourtwasinafieldoverlookingtheseaatPortsmouth,waitingtoembarkforPoitou,Johnstompedofftoonesidewithhisentourage,leavingtheMarshalvirtuallyalone:

Theking,fromwherehewasstanding,

lookedatthesceneandwasgreatlypleasedbyit,andhesaid:‘ThatishowIwantit.Hereallyisrichlycounselled.TheMarshalhasnobodytherewithhiminhisdeliberations,fromamongstallthosehewantedtobepresent,exceptHenryfitzGerold

andthatmangyJohnofEarley…’42

Thekinghadreasonforhisanger.TheMarshalwasrefusingtojointheexpedition,beingunwillingtofightagainstthekingofFrance,towhomhehaddonehomageforhisNormanlands.YettoseektohumiliatetheMarshalinthisway,inanepisodethat

clearlyburntdeepandwaslongremembered,wasneitherwisenorkingly.43

ThemenJohnwentoffwith,whiletauntingtheMarshal,werenothisbaronsbuthis‘bachelors’.Thesewerehishouseholdknights,someofgoodbirth,somenot,whohadtakenaspecialoathofloyaltytothekingand,usuallywithoutgreatlanded

estates,weretotallydependentonhisfavour.Itwasoneofthese,JohnofBassingbourn,whoactedasJohn’sspokesmanagainsttheMarshal.44Later,inanotherepisode,itisamanofsimilarstatus,Gerardd’Athée,aknightfromtheTouraine,andverymuchoneofJohn’screatures,whoisseenintheHistorygoingintotheking’s

chamberafterdinner,withMeilerfitzHenry,todiscusstheMarshal’saffairs,whiletheMarshalhimselfisleftoutside,coldshouldered.ItwaswithpeoplesuchasBassingbournandAthéethatJohnfeltmostcomfortable,peoplewhowouldlaughsycophanticallyathisjokesand,withoutquestion,dohisbidding.Athéehimselfwas

deadby1215,buthisnameappearsinMagnaCartachapter50,whereJohnwasmadetodismisshisrelationsfromoffice.TheHistoryshows

somethingelseaboutJohn,namelythewayhecouldswingfromover-confidencetounder-confidence,fromill-judgedarrogancetoexaggeratedfearsand

suspicion.ThekingowedmuchofhisvictoryatMirebeautoWilliamdesRoches,butintheflushofthatsuccesshefobbedWilliamoff,tellinghimfirsttomeetupwithhimatChinon,thenatLeMans:

…daybydaytheking’sarrogance[orguels]grewandgrew,afaultwhichdoesnotallowthosein

itsgriptoseereasonbutbringsthemdown.

JohnthussawnoneedtohonourhispromisestodesRoches,andtheresultwasthelatter’sdefectiontothekingofFrance,andtheunderminingofJohn’spositioninAnjou.45Nextyear,Johnseemsverydifferent.Sensingtreason

everywhere,theHistorygivesagraphicpictureofhisflightfromNormandy,steelingawayinthemorningbeforepeoplewereup,avoidingthemainroadsandpromisinghewouldreturn,whileleavingeveryonesuspectingthathewouldnot.Thereasonforsuchconductwasclear:

Amanwhodoesnotknowwhomhehasto

fear,andwhoalwaysthinksheisinaninferiorposition,isboundtofeareverybody.46

RalphofCoggeshall’sverdictwasthesameontheseevents.John‘alwaysfearedbetrayalbyhismen’.47Nowonderthekingsooftentriedtosecureloyaltybythetakingofhostages.

COGGESHALL’SCONTINUATIONANDTHECROWLANDCHRONICLE

RalphofCoggeshall’saccountofthelaterstagesofJohn’sreign,thatisfrom1212,waswrittenafterJohn’sdeathin1216,inmuchthesameperiodastheworkoftheAnonymousandtheHistoryoftheMarshal.Itisofthefirstimportanceas

evidencefortheMagnaCartaperiod,butlackstheintimatepictureofthekingatworkfoundintheportionfinishedsoonafter1201.WhatisclearisthatCoggeshall’sviewofJohnhascompletelychanged.ThecatalystwasprobablytheInterdict,duringwhichtheCisterciansweremajorsufferers.ThusCoggeshall’shostilitytothekingwasnow

set,albeitexpressedinclippedremarksratherthanset-piecedenunciations.ThushestigmatizedJohn’s‘violent’exactionsfromtheEnglishchurch,hisresorttofraud,‘aswashiscustom’,hiscruelthreatsatthesiegeofRochesterin1215,andhistearful,terrifiedandshamefulretreatsafterPrinceLouis’invasion.Toseekmercyfrom

Johnwastoseek‘mercyfromtheunmerciful’.48CoggeshallgivesaneerieandluridaccountofJohn’sdeathinNewarkcastleduringthenightof17–18October1216,andaddsthat‘manyhorribleandfantasticvisionsweretoldbymanypeopleafterwards,thetenorofwhichwewillforgodescribinghere’.Hisreaderswouldhave

knownwhatthismeant.ThevisionswereofJohnsufferingthetormentsofHell.49

AsecondmajoraccountofJohn’slastyearsisfoundinwhatisoftencalled‘theBarnwellchronicle’,thisfornobetterreasonthanthatacopyofitoncebelongedtoBarnwellabbeyinCambridge.Infact,thanksto

theworkofCristianIspir,therecanbenodoubtthattheoriginaltextwaswrittenbyamonkatCrowlandabbeyinsouthernLincolnshire,anditwillbecalledtheCrowlandchronicleinthisbook.50

Gettingintoitsstridearound1212,thechronicleofferswhatisgenerallyagreedtobethemostperceptiveanalysisofJohn’slastyears.The

chroniclehasnoneoftheunremittinghostilitytothekingfoundinCoggeshall.ItrecognizesthedominationheachievedforawhileoverBritain,thepopularityofhisconcessionsin1212and1213,andtheadvantagesgainedfromhissubmissiontothepope.Ontheotherhand,initsfinalcomments,thechronicleobservesthatJohn

favouredforeignersandoppressedhisnativesubjects,beingdesertedbythematthelast.Johnwas‘agreatbutunluckyprince’–‘princepsmagnussedminusfelix’.LikeMarius,heexperiencedbothtypesoffortune–thereferencebeingtoGaiusMarius,theseven-timesconsulandtriumphantgeneralwho,attheendofhis

life,sufferedexileandthenengulfedRomeinabloodycivilwar.51Thismeasuredviewisstrikingandmaybeexplicable.TheabbotofCrowlandbetween1190and1236wasHenrydeLongchamp.ThefamilywasNormanbutHenryspentmostofhislifeinEngland,havingbeenamonkofEveshambeforebecoming

abbot.Heowedhispromotiontohisbrother,noneotherthanJohn’sgreatenemyinthe1190s,WilliamdeLongchamp,bishopofEly,Richard’schancellor.Henryhad,therefore,reasonstodislikeJohn.Yetwhen,earlyinthereign,hesawJohnatclosequarters,thisinthecourseofCrowland’sgreatdisputewithSpalding

abbey,hefoundhimperfectlyreasonable.Theking‘graciously’promisedtoshowtheabbot‘thefullnessofjustice’,andthoughhepostponedthecaseagainandagain,andtookmoneyfrombothsides,heultimatelycamedowninCrowland’sfavour,havingtakenadvicefrom‘thewisemenofhiscourt’.52Themonksof

CrowlandknewthatJohnwasnotallbad.

STALBANSABBEY:ROGEROFWENDOVERANDMATTHEWPARIS

AtStAlbans,RogerofWendoverdidnotcompletehisaccountofJohn’sreignuntil1225attheearliest.Thataccountwasthencopiedandembellishedafter1235byhis

successorastheStAlbanshousechronicler,MatthewParis.GiventhecircumstantialdetailthatWendoveroffers,hemusthavebeenworkingfromadraftorfromnotesmadeclosetotheeventshedescribes,althoughthisdidnotfreehimfrominventionanderror.NeitherWendovernorParisisofmuchvalue

whenitcomestoanassessmentofJohn’scharacter,buttheirworkswereimportantinfosteringthepictureofJohnasacruel,godlesstyrant.ThusitisWendoverwhohasthestoryofhowJohntorturedtodeathGeoffrey,archdeaconofNorwich,byhavinghimpressedtodeathinaleadencope,hiscrimebeing

disloyaltyduringtheInterdict.Here,however,therewasatleastsometruthbehindthestory,forthesoberannalsofDunstablerecordhowGeoffreyofNorwich(notthearchdeacon)diedinprisonatBristol,havingsufferedalongandgrievous‘martyrdom’.AReadingabbeysourcehashimbeingstarvedtodeaththere.53

MatthewParis,however,wascertainlyascendingintotheworldofpurefantasywhen,havingheardthetalefromoneofthesupposedenvoys,hedescribedanembassyJohnsenttotheemirofMoroccoofferingtoconvertthekingdomtoIslam.PariscopiedWendover’sfamousaccountofJohn’sdeathinwhichtheking’sfeveris

exacerbatedbypigginghimselfonenightonpeaches(wouldtherebepeachesinOctober?)andnewcider.Hethenconcludeswithamuch-quotedverse:

EnglandisstillfouledbythestinkofJohn,ThefoulnessofHellisdefiledbyJohn’sfoulness.54

THERECORDSOURCES

Inmakinguseofthewritingsofcontemporarywriters,scholarsare,ofcourse,utilizingasourcewithalongpedigreebehindit.Whentheyalsousetherecordsofroyalgovernment,theyareusingasourcethat,ingoodpart,issensationallynew.ItisatthestartofJohn’sreignthatthefullorchestraofgovernmentrecordsbeginstoplaywitha

poundingforce.TheserecordsallowthehistoryofJohn’sreigntobewritteninalevelofdetailimpossibleforanypreviousperiodofEnglishhistory.Inunderstandingthoserecords,andthegovernmentthatproducedthem,therearealsotworemarkablebooksbothwritteninthereignofHenryII.Oneofthese,calledthe

DialogusdeScaccario,wasbyHenry’streasurer,RichardfitzNigel,andexplainstheworkingsoftheexchequer.Theother,namedGlanvillafterHenry’schiefjusticiar,RanulfdeGlanvill,doesthesameforthenewlegalproceduresintroducedinHenry’sreign,whichwereattheheartofthecommonlaw.BoththeDialogusand

Glanvillareextraordinaryachievements,fullofprofessionalprideforthesystemstheydescribewithsuchpassionateprecision.55

TheDialogusandGlanvillareabouthowthingsoughttowork,atleastintheeyesoftheirauthors.Howgovernmentactuallydidwork(andhowsocietyrespondedtoit)isshownbythegigantic

corpusofroyalrecords.From1155thereisacontinuousannualsequenceofpiperollsthatrecordtheexchequer’sannualauditofthemoneyowedthecrown.Then,from1199,manyrollssurviveonwhichthechanceryrecordedthechartersandlettersissuedbytheking,asalsotheoffersofmoneytohimforconcessionsandfavours.

Fromthe1190stherearealsotherollsrecordingpleasintheking’scourts.Thankstothelaboursofnineteenth-andtwentieth-centuryeditors,nearlyallthismaterialhasbeenpublished.Onaroughcount,forJohn’sreignitrunstosome8,650printedpagesofvariousshapesandsizes,allofitindexed,albeittovariablestandards.Eventhis

doesnotexhaustthecorpusofgovernmentmaterial,foronlynow,undertheMagnaCartaProject,areJohn’soriginalchartersandletters(asopposedtothecopiesonthechanceryrolls)beingcollected,analysedandpublished.Therecordsproducedby

thechancery,exchequerandlawcourtsshowthegreat

powerofthegovernmentalmachineinJohn’shands.Theyalsoshedlight,sometimesoblique,sometimesdirect,onhischaracter.Tobesure,manyoftheking’sletters,copiedandthuspreservedonthechanceryrolls,wereaboutroutinemattersandweretheworkofministers,sometimesexplicitlyso.Wheretheking

wasdirectlyinvolved,heprobablygavegeneralinstructionsabouttheformoftheletters,ratherthandictatingthemwordforword,buthecouldstillgivevigourtotheirphraseology.OnepictureintheMarshalHistorytakesusclosetohowthingsworked:

Thekingsaidtohischancellor:

‘Makeallhastetocarryoutthetask.Preparetheselettersforthwith,withexplicitwordingaimedatallthoseholdinglandfromme,totheeffectthat,iftheyfailtocometoEngland,theywillnotholdsomuchasafootoflandfrommeinthewholeofEngland.’

Someletters,therefore,maywellcatchJohn’sownemphaticwords,aswheremiscreantsaretobe‘hangedfromthenearestoak’,orJewsaretobeprotectedsince‘evenifwegiveourpeacetoadog,itoughttobeinviolablyobserved’.56

Aboveall,therecordsshowJohn’stremendousgraspofdetail.Hewas

alwaysthinkingaroundtheanglesoftheproblemshefaced,intheprocesssometimesrevealingalltooclearlyhisanxietythatthingsmightgowrong.Thewordingofacharterisalteredbyhis‘specialorder’;aprisoneristobekeptinadeepdungeon;knightssenttogarrisonacastlearenottogointothesurroundingcountry;

prisonersaretobereleasedalthoughnotnamedinhisletter(hedoesn’tknowtheirnames);paymentofadebtistobedelayeduntilhecancometotheexchequerandseefromitsrollsexactlyhowmuchisowed;ifheisrightinthinkinganinstalmentofapensionhasbeenpaidtwiceover,thenitistobeadjustedaccordingly;housesandlands

aretobetakenawaybecausehehasbeendeceivedbyliesaboutthesizeofadebt;EngelarddeCigognéistobringRobertdeDreuxtoWinchesterprovidedhecansafelyleavethecastlesinhiscustody;ifhecannot,heshouldgivethejobtoreliablemen.57Theseexamplesinvolverelativelysmallmatters,butthesame

attentiontodetailwasdisplayedinmattersofmoresignificance,notablyindevisingpunishmentsandinsettingoftenexcruciatingtermsfortherepaymentofdebts.TheOxfordshirebaronHenryd’Oillywastopayoffadebtof£1,015at100marksayear.Ifhedidnotkeeptheterms,inanoft-usedthreat,

hewastoloseallhehadpaid.58

ThelettersalsotestifytopositivesidesofJohn’skingship,amplyjustifyingtheAnonymous’sclaimthathewasanexpansivehost.Withsuchalimentaryextravagance,Johnhopedtoenhancethemoraleofhisentourage,conciliatethosewhocametocourtandby

holdinggreatfeastswitherstwhileenemiesdemonstratethatquarrelswereatanend.ForJohnitseemedespeciallygrievousthatsomeone‘whoatemybread’shouldbetrayhim.59

Therecordsalsohintatahumansideoftheking.HeallowsthehostagesonofRobertdeRostospendthewinterwithhisparents,

althoughhewantshimbackatEaster.Sometimesthethreatsthemselveswerejokes,aswhenJohnsenthisministerWilliamBrewerafatdeer,andtoldhimhewouldnotgetanotherunlesshecarriedouttheaccompanyingorder.60Theletterscanexpresswhatseemslikegenuinefriendship:

Knowthatwearesafeandwell…wearecomingintoyourareasoonandarethinkingaboutyouconcerningthehawk,andalthoughwehavebeenapartfromyoufortenyears,onourarrivalitwillnotseemtousmorethanthreedays.

ThiswasaddressedtotheGermanknightTheodoricTeutonicus,whomJohnhad

madeconstableofBerkhamsted.ThehawkwasprobablyagiftofTheodorictotheking.61Johncouldalsowritelettersfulloffulsomepraise,nonemoresothanwhenthankingWilliamMarshalforhissupportinIrelandin1212.HereJohnconcludedbyrespondingtotheMarshal’sanxietiesabouthishostageson.Theking

offeredtoentrusttheboytoJohnofEarley,volunteeredtobuyhimamuchneededhorseandrobe(althoughwantingtoberepaid),anddeniedthathehadtheleastintentionofsendinghimtoPoitou.Indeed,hehadheardnothingabouttheideauntilitwasmentionedbyoneofhisministers.62

TherollsrecordingthelawsuitsthatwereheardatJohn’scourtlikewiseshowhisactivityinafavourablelight.63Johnthusdeclaresthatcasesshouldbedecidedaccordingtocustom,reasonand‘thecounselofhisbarons’.Heisfrequentlyconsultedbyhisjudges(‘speakwiththelordking’)evenoverminorcases.In

one,hemakesarulinginfavourofoneEmma,daughterofHolfrid,whowasseekingamereeightacresoflandasherinheritance.DorisStenton,reviewingthismaterial,feltsuchinvolvement,evenindifficulttimes,‘demonstratesasingularstrengthofcharacter,agenuine“stabilitas”,whichiswhollyadmirablewhatever

viewistakenofKingJohnasaman’.64

Therecords,ontheotherhand,alsogosomewaytosupportallegationsofimpiety.TworollsrecordingJohn’sday-to-dayexpenditureduringtheregnalyears1209–10and1212–13(apartfromrevealingtheking’sregularbaths)arefullofofferingstothepooras

actsofpenance.ThusJohnfrequentlyfedahundredpaupersbecausehedinedtwiceonaFriday,supposedlyadayofabstinence.Fivehundredpaupersbenefitedwhen,insteadoffasting,heatefishanddrankwineonthefeastoftheAdorationoftheHolyCross.65OtheroccasionsforalmsgivingwerewhenJohnwenthuntingor

hawkingonachurchfestival.OneHolyInnocents’Day,hegaveapennyapieceto350paupers,thisbeingfiftyforeachofthesevencranestakenbyhishawks.66ThelessthanpietisticatmosphereatcourtisalsoreflectedinthewayJohnfedpaupersbecauseofthefoodanddrinktransgressionsofhisministers,onebeneficiary

beingThomasBasset,whowasnamedasacounsellorinMagnaCarta.67Ontheotherhand,thefactthatJohnfelttheneedforactsofpenanceatallshowshewasnotwhollyirreligious.Healsofedpaupersforreasonsotherthanhisowntransgressions,forexampleforthesoulsofhisfatherHenryandbrotherRichard.Whenhismother

diedin1204,hearrangedforthefeedingofovertwothousandpauperseachdaythroughoutthesummer.68IfheaskedBishopHughtohurryuphissermonsohecouldgoandeat,itwassurelybecausehehadfastedbeforetheservice.69

TherecordshavesomethingtosayaboutJohn’srecreations.Wehave

justseenhimasahawker.IndeedhishawkinghelpedprovokeacoupleofthechaptersinMagnaCarta.70

Hewasalsoagreathunterwithhounds.John’shunt‘shadowed’hisitineraryandcouldrisetoasmanyas300greyhounds,nineotherhuntingdogsandsixteenboarhounds,withsixty-fourhandlers,animpressivesight

astheywentpast.71TherollsalsorecordpaymentsofJohn’sgamblingdebtsandoccasionallymentionhismistresses.In1212achapletofroseswassenttoJohn’s‘friend’fromamanorofthechiefjusticiar,GeoffreyfitzPeter.72MoresinisterisanentryconcerningthewifeofJohn’schiefforester,HughdeNeville.The‘finerolls’for

1204–5recordherasofferingtheking‘200chickenssothatshemightbeabletolieonenightwithherlord,HughdeNeville’.Interpretationsofwhatwasgoingonhavevaried,butthemostlikelyexplanationisthatthewifewasJohn’smistressandthetwoofthemwerejokingaboutwhatanightbackwithHughwasworth;theanswer

wasaridiculous200chickens.ThejokewasmadeallthemorehumiliatingforHughbyputtinghimdownassuretyforthedeliveryofahundredofthechickens.73

HughwastodesertJohnin1216,althoughhehadlittletohopeforintherebelcamp.Another,evenmorehigh-profiledesertionwasthatofJohn’shalf-brother,William

Longespee,earlofSalisbury(anillegitimatesonofHenryII).TheFrenchcourthadasimpleexplanationforthat.WhileLongespeewasinFrenchcaptivityin1214,Johnhadseducedhiswife.74

Howintheendtobalanceallthisup?ItistemptingtoagreewithJohnGillingham’spithyconclusionthatJohnwasa‘shit’.Thiswassaidin

aradiodebateinwhichmyunpalatabletaskwastodefendtheking!Yetadefencecanbemade.Johnwasenergetic,intelligent,astute,imaginative,informedandamasterofdetail.Hewassensitivetobehaviouralexpectations,and,whenhefeltlikeit,couldappearpiousandpenitent,courteousandconsiderate,akingeagerto

actjustly(ifformoney)andreadytotakeadvice.Johnalsofacedimmenseproblems.Heinheritedamonarchyalreadyunpopularandanempirealreadyseriouslyunderthreat.TheCrowlandchronicler,evenattheendofthereign,thoughtofJohnasagreatprince,ifanunluckyone.Onecan,however,seetheforceina

Gillingham-typeverdict.IfthetestimonyofWendoverandMatthewPariscanbediscounted,itismuchhardertosetaside,whatevertheiragendas,thecharactersketchbytheAnonymousofBéthuneandthepicturethatemergesfromtheMarshalHistory.ThattheywerewrittenafterJohn’sdeathmerelyincreasestheirforce.

Therecordwasnowcomplete.ThosewhoreallygottoknowJohnrealizedthatbehindthesometimesacceptableexteriortherelayafracturedpersonality,suspicious,untrustworthy,aggressiveandcruel.John,aswehaveseen,seemstohavegotonbestwithsubordinates,whodidwhattheyweretold.Itisnoaccidentthatthe

greatestshowofaffectioninhislettersispreciselytoonesuchman,TheodoricTeutonicus.Thekingfeltmuchlesseasywiththosemorehisequals,andprobablydidnotliketheircompany.Inonetellingepisode(forwhichoneofhislettersisevidence),hetriedtopersuadeWilliamMarshaltoleavecourtandgoandvisithisestatesuntilthe

nextmeetingoftheking’scouncil.(TheMarshal,knowingthedangersofabsence,refusedtogo.)75

WhereasJohn’sgoodcharacteristicswereassumed,hisbadoneswerepartofhisverybeing.WhenhewaspleasanttotheMarshalandtheFlemings,hewassooutofcalculation.WhenhecastasideWilliamdesRoches,

andmurderedMatildadeBriouze,hegaveventtorealfeelings.Itisalsofarfromclearthat

John’scharacterbeganwellandthendeterioratedunderthepressurescreatedbythelossofNormandy.IfheactedsensiblyinhisquarrelswiththeCisterciansandStAugustine’s,Canterbury,earlyinthereign,thatisnot

sodifferentfromhowheappearsatworkintheAnonymousofBéthune’saccountbetween1213and1215.Equally,thenegativesidesofJohn’scharactercanallbeseenbefore1204:hisdelightinmockery;hiscruelty;hisarrogance;hisfearfulsuspicions;hisunseemlyconduct(AdamofEynsham’sstorieshere

cannotbeentirelymadeup).Whathappenedisthatafter1204thesecharacteristicsoperatedinafarmorehostileenvironmentcreatedbyabsolutelynovelfinancialexactions.John’scharacteritselfwouldnothaveprovokedtherebellionthatledtoMagnaCarta.Norwouldhisfinancialexactions.

Itwasthetwotogetherthatwereunsupportable.HowJohnbecamelikethis

onecanonlyspeculate.Didhisconspiraciesagainsthisfatherandbrothermakehimalwaysexpecttreatmentinlikecoin?Hadhebeendamagedasayoungestson,treatedbyRichardwithcontempt,andforlongholdingonlytheremote

lordshipofIreland?Thenickname‘Lackland’(‘sineterra’)wascontemporary,as(unfairly)was‘softsword’.76

Didhisslightframe,inearlylife,makehimfeelinferiortomachoknightssuchasWilliamMarshal?Whateverthecauses,fortheAnonymousofBéthune,evenJohn’sperfectlyreasonabletreatmentoftheFlemings

couldnoterasehisreputationasanevilman.Onhisdeath-bed,WilliamMarshalwasequallyexplicit.TurningtotheyoungHenryIII,andclaspinghishand,heexpressedthehopethathewouldgrowuptobeaworthyman.If,ontheotherhand,hefollowedthepathof‘anycriminalancestor’(‘alcunfelonancestre’),then‘Ipray

Godthathedoesnotgiveyoulongtolive’.The‘criminalancestor’was,ofcourse,KingJohn.77

QUEENISABELLA

MagnaCartabeginswithKingJohn.Itends,inthesecurityclause,withhisqueenandchildren.Nomentionismadeoftheirnames,buttheirpersons,like

thatoftheking,aretobesparedinanyactionstakenbythetwenty-fivebarons.JohnmarriedIsabellaofAngoulême,thenatmostinherearlyteens,in1200,hisfirstmarriagetothecountessofGloucesterhavingbeenannulled.JohntherebygainedIsabella’srichandstrategicinheritanceofAngoulême.Beyondthat,Isabella

certainlyfulfilledherprimaryroleofprovidingJohnwithanheir.78Herfirstchild,borninOctober1207,wasason,thefutureHenryIII.Shewentontoproduceanothersonandthreedaughters.DespiteJohn’smistresses,maritalrelationscontinuedthroughoutthereign,andIsabellawaspregnantwithherlastchild,Eleanor(the

futurewifeofSimondeMontfort),atthetimeofJohn’sdeathin1216.79TheStAlbanschroniclers

providetwostoriesaboutIsabella.One,fromWendover,wasthatJohndalliedinhercompanywhileNormandyfellin1204.That,ofcourse,isridiculous.80Theother,fromMatthewParis,isthattheenvoysentto

MoroccotoldtheemirthatJohnhadhermanyloversstrangledonherbed.81Ifso,shecertainlypaidJohnbackforhisinfidelities,althoughwithunfortunateresultsforthelovers.ButofcoursethestoryisevenmoreunbelievablethanWendover’s.BothchronicleandrecordevidencesuggeststhatIsabellaresidedina

seriesofroyalcastles,whereshewasdoubtlesscarefullyguarded.AtacriticalmomentinNovember1214,byanordertypicalofJohn’smicro-management,TheodoricTeutonicuswastold,oncehehadsufficientknights(doubtlessforaguard),totakeIsabellatoBerkhamstedbyaspecifiedroute.Amonthlater,Theodoricwasordered

togowithhertoGloucester,and‘keepherthereinthechamberinwhichourdaughterJoanwasborn’.82

ItdoesnotsoundasthoughIsabellahadmuchsayaboutthesearrangements,andthatwouldhavebeenparforthecourse.Shehadbeencrownedandanointedwithmuchdisplay.Isabellawasqueen‘bythegraceofGod’,

justasJohnwasking.Asqueen,theexpectationwasthatshewouldplayaroleasanintercessorandpeacemaker.Yet,thereisnoevidencethatJohninvolvedherinpoliticaloranyotherdecisions.Evenwhenshemusthavebeeninhertwenties,hedeniedherthetraditionalrevenuesofqueenship,andtreated

Angoulêmeashisown.Isabella’slatercareershowsshewasawomanofhardandhighspirit.AfterJohn’sdeath,deniedanyroleintheminoritygovernment,sheleftherfivechildren,returnedtoAngoulême,andproducedanotherfamilywithhersecondhusband,HughdeLusignan.Sheneverforgotherqueenlystatusandwas

‘killed’(assheputit)whenmadetostandinthechamberofthekingofFrancelikesome‘fatuousservant’,whiletheroyalfamilylolledonthebed.WhenherhusbandwentontoentertaintheFrenchatLusignan,sheransackedthecastle,tookallhergoodsbacktoAngoulêmeandkeptHughwaitingoutsideforthreedaysbeforeshewould

seehim.83HowIsabellamusthavewishedtotreatJohninthesameway!ThatshedidtrytostanduptohimissuggestedinonestorypreservedbytheAnonymous.WiththeFrenchoverrunningthecontinentalpossessions,Johntriedtoreassureher:

Mylady,don’tworry…Iknowacornerwhereyouwon’thavetowatch

outforthekingofFrancefortenyears,notforallhispower.

ThiswasIsabella’sreply:Indeed,mylord,Ireallythinkyouarekeentobeakingwhoismatedinacorner.84

Ifthisreflectsthenatureoftheirconversations,onecanunderstandwhyIsabellahadsolittleinfluenceoverher

husband.AftersheleftEngland,shementionedhiminnotasingleoneofhercharters.85

KINGJOHNANDCORFECASTLE

ThischapterhasconcentratedonthewrittensourcesforJohn’sreign.Itisapitythatsolittlesurvivesofthephysicalenvironmentin

whichhelived,allthemoresosinceJohnwasamasterofmanipulatingspace,asthecontemporaryaccountsofhimatworkshow.Hemoveddiscussionsbetweenhalls,chambers,chapelsandchapterhouses,inakindofritualoftherooms.Withdifferentspacescamedifferentaudiences,asJohnfirsttookcounselfromone

group,thenanother–‘you,you,you,therestwaitoutside’–beforeannouncinghisdecisionsorhavingthemannounced.Wehavenoevidencefordiningarrangements,butthesetoowerepartoftheritual.Hoipolloiate(andslept)inthehall,whilethekinghimself,saveatgreatfeasts,atewiththefavouredfewinhis

chamber.Aninvitationtothechambermealshowedyouwere‘in’.Ifyouwereexcluded,youknewyouwere‘out’.Fortunately,onebuilding

doessurvivetogiveanimpressionoftheenvironmentJohncreatedforthistheatre.ItisCorfecastle,onwhichhespentover£1,400.86JohnwasatCorfe

innineyearsofhisreign.Hemadethreevisitsin1215.In1216hewasthereforamonthashepreparedforwhatturnedouttobehisfinalcampaign.JohnwasacutelyawareofthedifferentgradationsofCorfe’sarchitecturallayout.In1215theprivilegedprisonerRobertdeDreuxwastobeentertainedinthecastle’shall

andallowed,ifhewished,toenterthekeep,butnothingwassaidaboutthemoreprivateapartments.87

ThecastleonwhichJohnlavishedsuchattentionwasbuiltonanextraordinarynaturalmound,stickingupinacleftbetweentworangesofthePurbeckhills.Johnstrengthenedthecastlebecauseithadgreatstrategic

significance,controllingtheharboursofPooleandWareham.Healsowantedittobeutterlysecure,aplacewherehecouldkeephisprisoners,andhousehiswifeandsons.AndJohnalsowantedthecastletoimpress.AvisitorarrivingatCorfecameupfromthelittlevillageandenteredthroughthegatewayofthecastle’souter

bailey.Havingdismounted,hethenwalkedupthesteepinclineandpassedthroughasecondgateway,fromwherehesawthegreatpalisadedditchdug,onJohn’sorders,toprotectthemiddleandinnerbailey.ThemiddlebaileyJohnhadstrengthenedwithnewwalltowers,makingthewholeensembleresemblethemostfamousofall

contemporarycastles,RichardI’sChâteauGaillard.Inthemiddlebaileywastheking’shallwhereRobertdeDreuxwastobeentertained.Toprogressfurther,thevisitorhadtogoonandupintotheinnerbailey,wherehecouldenter,asRobertwaspermittedtodo,thetoweringtwelfth-centurykeep,andreflectonthosewhohad

starvedtodeathinitsdungeons.Hehadstillnotreachedtheking’sownprivateapartments.Johnhadbuilttheseattheveryhighestpointofthecastle.Toreachthem,youhadtoclimbacoveredstonestairwayleadingtothemiddlestageofathree-storeytower,fromwhichdoorwaysopenedlefttotheking’schapelandright

intohis‘greatchamber’.Andwhatachamber!ForJohn,afterthemightoftherestofthecastle,hadgonenotforsizebutfordelicacyandsophistication.Builtliketherestoftheapartmentsinbeautifullycutstone,thechamberwaslitbylonglancetwindows,fouroneitherside,eachrisingfromwindowseats.Fromthe

windowsontheeasternside,standingabovethecastle’souterwall,thereweremagnificentviewstowardstheDorsetcoast.Inthegreatchamber,theking’sclerks,counsellorsandcroniesmingled,waitingtobecalledintoanotherroom,orforthekingtocomeoutfromit.Forthegreatchamberwasnottheendofthissetofapartments.

Beyondit(alasnowlost)wasanevenmoreextraordinaryroom,calledquiteprobablybyJohnhimself‘LaGloriette’.Thenameseemstohavederivedfromatwelfth-centurychansondegeste,inwhichaSaracenpalacecalledLaGloriettehas,amongotherwonders,‘afantasticalmarbletowerwithfixturesingoldandsilverincludingsilver

windows’.HowJohn’sinnerchamberresembledthatwedonotknow,butevidentlyitdid.88Itwashere,ifhecouldgetpasttheushers,thatabaroncouldatlastbowdownbeforeJohnhimself,akingdoubtlessbejewelledanddressedinmagnificentrobes,playingperhapswithanewswordorcrown,andporingoversomeofthemany

treasuresofgoldandsilverhekeptatthecastle.WasthebaronawedandinspiredtodoJohn’sbidding?Ordidheseethroughtheoutwardshow,toJohn’srealpersonality?Probablyhedid.

4

MagnaCartaandSociety:Women,Peasants,Jews,

theTownsandtheChurch

AtthestartofMagnaCarta,Johngreetedhisclericalandlaymagnates,hisministersand‘hisfaithfulmen’–‘FidelibusSuis’–and

informedthemofwhathewasdoing.HewastherebyannouncingtheChartertoallthemenofthekingdom,sinceeachadultmalewasexpectedtotakeanoathoffealtytotheking,thusbecominghis‘faithfulman’–‘fidelis’.LikewiseattheendoftheCharter,inthesecurityclause,itwas‘everyone’–‘omnes’–orallmenwho

weretosweartheoathtosupportthetwenty-fivebaronsintheirworkofmaintainingtheCharter.Alladultmaleswerethuspotentiallypartofthe‘communeofalltheland’(‘commune’meaningswornassociation),whichtheoathcreated.1

ContemporariescouldregardtheCharterinthesame

way.TheannalsofDunstabledescribeditasbeingabout‘thelibertiesofthekingdomofEngland’.Lateritwasoftencalledacharterof‘commonliberties’.2Thismeantitwas‘common’inthegeographicalsenseinthatitappliedtoallthecountry(whereasthelaterForestCharterwasonlyrelevanttoforestareas),buttheCharter

alsocarriedatleastatingeofbeingcommoninthesenseofeveryonesharinginitsbenefits.Noronthefaceofitwasthatuntrue.Someofthechaptersseemedtohaveauniversalreach.‘Tonoonewillwesell,tonoonewillwedenyordelay,rightorjustice’,ranchapter40.

THEECONOMICFRAMEWORK

ThepeopleofMagnaCarta’sEnglandlivedinanageofeconomicexpansion.3AllhistorianswouldagreethatthepopulationofEnglandroseveryconsiderablyinthehundredorsoyearseithersideoftheCharter,beforeitwasslashedbytheBlackDeath.Therewouldbemuch

lessagreementoverprecisefigures,especiallyforthe1200s,whicharesituatedinastatisticalvacuumbetweenthedatathatcomefromDomesdayBookin1086andthe‘HundredRoll’surveyof1279.Ahighestimatefortheearlythirteenthcenturywouldbe4.5millionpeople,alowone3million.Perhapsaround3.5millionmightbethe

safestbet.Therisingpopulationwasaccompaniedbyurbanandcommercialexpansion.Manynewtownswerefounded,andoldonesgrewinsize.Thetownpopulationmaywellhaveincreasedfasterthanthatinthecountryside,reachingby1300atleast10percentofthewhole.4Therewasagiganticincreaseinthe

moneysupply,andanewnetworkofmarketsandfairswasintroduced.5

JustwherethereignofJohnfitsintothispictureofgeneralexpansionis,however,farfromclear.Indeed,itcouldbearguedthattheeconomyinhistimesufferedaseriesofshocks,somebeingtheresultsofhispolicies,somenot.There

werecertainlyatthestartofJohn’sreignsomeyearsofveryrapidinflation,inwhichpricestripledormorethantripled.Althoughtheythenfellback,pricesneverreturnedtotheiroldlevels.Themostimportantpriceofall,thatofwheat,fluctuated,after1207,atsomethingmorethantwiceitslevelbefore1200.6Thecausesofthe

inflationhavebeenmuchdebated,butthemostimmediatefactorwasprobablyaseriesofbadharveststhatpushedupthepriceofcorn.RalphofCoggeshallspecificallyblamedthehighpricesof1205,whichhecontrastedwiththoseinthereignofHenryII,onthefreezingweatherthathaddestroyed

thecrops.7Chroniclersalsocommentedonthebadweatherof1201andthefamineof1203.8Anotherfactor,purelymonetary,wasarguablythereleaseoflargenumbersofcoinsbecausehoardershaddecidedtospendtheirmoney,havinglostconfidenceinamuchclippedcurrencyandbeingfearfuloflosingoutina

recoinage,whichindeedwasintroducedin1205.9Overthelongerterm,thefailureofpricestoreturntotheiroldlevelswasprobablyduetotheflowofsilverintothecountryfromFlandersinordertopayforEnglishwool.Thisinflationtookplace,moreover,despitethedeflationarypressuresresultingfromthemoneysent

overseasforthedefenceandthenrecoveryoftheAngevinempire.AlargeamountofmoneywasalsotakenoutofcirculationasJohn,after1204,builtupthetreasureneededtofinancehiscontinentalschemes.10

Tradingpatterns,meanwhile,musthavebeendisruptedbothbythelossofNormandyandAnjouin1203–4,andthe

conflictwithFrancethatcontinuedthereafter.ThisindeedisreflectedinMagnaCarta’schapter41withitsconcern,ifwarbrokeout,forthetreatmentofforeignmerchantsinEnglandandEnglishmerchantsabroad,theimplicationbeingthathithertotheyhadbeenarrestedandtheirgoodsseized.

John’sreigninthisperspectivemightseemthentocombinebadharvests,inflation,shortageofcoin,disruptionoftradeandageneraldeclineinproductivity,allmakinghisexactionsthemoregrievous.MagnaCartabecomestheresultofaneconomiccrisis.P.D.A.Harveyindeedremarkedthat‘nolandmark

inEnglishconstitutionalhistorywasmoreclearlybroughtaboutbyeconomicchangethanMagnaCarta’.11

Yetitisimpossibletobesureofthisinterpretation.Theharvestsin1213and1214wereactuallygood,andpricestumbledfromthehighlevelsofsomeearlieryears.12

Theyear1215wasthusverydifferentfrom1258,whena

greatpoliticalrevolution,strippingJohn’sson,HenryIII,ofpower,tookplaceatatimeofdearthandstarvation,followingaharvestfailure.ThesumsJohnwasabletoraisefrombaronsevenlateinhisreignhardlysuggestthattheywerestrappedforcash.Withsurpluscorntosellontherisingmarketforagriculturalproduce,lords

mightanywaybeshieldedfromtheinflation.ManytownsinJohn’sreignwereprosperousenoughtoofferhimmoneyforexemptionfromtollsandtherighttoanswerdirectlyfortheirrevenuesattheexchequer.Itisanywayimpossibleto

generalizeacrosssociety,sinceeconomicdevelopmentsaffecteddifferentgroupsin

differentways.Theeconomymightexpand,forexample,withoutbringinganybenefittothepeasantswhoformedthebulkofthepopulation.TheCharteritselfreflecteddeepdivisionsinEnglandsociety,divisionsbetweenmenandwomen,freeandunfree,lordsandtowns,lordsandtenants,ChristiansandJews,andchurchandstate.It

was,moreover,farfrombeingamerepassivereflectionofthestatusquo.Onthecontrary,theCharterwas,inplaces,anaggressivedocument,whichsectionsofsocietysoughttouseagainsteachother.Itisusual,whenlookingatthatsociety,tofocusontheearls,baronsandknights.Thisisunderstandable,giventhatit

wasthiselitewhichforcedtheCharterontheking.Johnhimselfandthecontemporarywritersoftendescribedtherebelssimplyas‘thebarons’.ButsuchconcentrationalsoconcealswhattheChartertellsus,sometimesbyitssilence,abouteveryoneelse.Earlsandbaronsformedatinyeliteonehundredorsostrong.Ofknightstherewere

severalthousand.Thepopulationwasseveralmillion.Thischapter,therefore,concentratesonthosewhomtheChartermoreorlessleftout,namelywomen,peasants,Jewsandtowns,beforeconcludingwiththechurch.Earls,baronsandknightsappearinthechapterthatfollows.

WOMEN

IfthepopulationinJohn’sreignwas3.5million,thentherewerearound1.75millionfemales,ofwhomperhapshalfwouldhavebeenunderfifteen,so875,000adultwomen,andaroundthesamenumberofadultmales.13NowomenarementionedbynameinMagnaCarta.Thequeenappearsin

thesecurityclausebutisleftanonymous.AlsoanonymousarethesistersofthekingofScots,AlexanderII,whofeatureinchapter59,althoughtheyarenamedinJohn’sletterannouncingthe1209TreatyofNorham;itwasunderthistreatythattheycameintohishands.14Bycontrast,theCharternamesJohnandthirty-eightother

men.Thewords‘man’and‘men’–‘homo’and‘homines’–appearnineteentimesintheCharter.‘Woman’–‘femina’–appearsonce,andinachapter(54)thatreducesthepowerofwomenovermen.Therearetworeferencestothe‘widow’–‘vidua’–andtwotothewidowed‘wife’–‘uxor’(chapters7,8,11and26).To

besure,theword‘homo’couldcertainlybeusedatthistimetomeansimplyahumanbeing.Women,therefore,wereprotectedbymanyofMagnaCarta’schapters.Indeed,itmaybethatthemurderofMatildadeBriouze,alongsidehereldestson,wasonestrandbehindchapter39’sinsistencethatnofreemanbe‘destroyed’

savebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland.Yetchapter39,ifitembracedwomen,alsoignoredthem.Whenitsaidthatthereshouldbenooutlawrysavebyjudgementorbylaw,itwasdealingexclusivelywithmen.Awomanwasnotoutlawed,shewas‘waived’,whichmeantshewasabandonedasa

‘waif’.Thishadthesameconsequences(awaivedwomanlikeanoutlawedmancouldbekilledonsight)butalsoreflectedafundamentaldifferencebetweenmenandwomen.Whereaswomendidhaverightsoverproperty(althoughlessthanthoseofmen),theyhadhardlyanypublicfunctions.Thuswhereasalladultmales,as

wehaveseen,sworefealtytotheking,womeningeneraldidnot.Therewasnoneedforthemtodososince,intheory,everywomanwasundertheprotectionof,andcouldbeansweredforby,aman,beitfather,husbandorlord.Since,therefore,therewasnooathoffealtymakingwomengenerally‘inlaw’,theycouldnotbe‘outlawed’,

andhencetheywere‘waived’.Theonlywomenwhotookanoathoffealtytothekingwerethosewhodidsoaspartofanactofhomageperformedtotheking(anactdiscussedmorefullyinthenextchapter).Thenumberofwomeninthiscategorywassmall,sinceitwasconfinedtoheiresseswhoheldtheirlanddirectlyfromtheking

anddidhomagewhentheyenteredtheirinheritances–didhomage,thatis,iftheywereunmarried(usuallybeingwidows).Iftheyweremarried,theirhusbandsperfomedhomagefortheirlands.Onlywhenthehusbanddiedwastheheiresscalledontodoso.Since,therefore,thegreatmajorityofwomendidnotswearfealtytotheking,

theyweretechnicallynotevenamongtheking’s‘fideles’towhomtheCharterwasaddressed.Thisimbalance

correspondedtothepositionofwomeninmale-craftedlaw,customandwiderthought.15‘Womendifferfrommeninmanyrespects,fortheirpositionisinferiortothatofmen’,opinedthegreat

bookonthelawsofEnglandknownasBracton,muchofwhichwaswritteninthecoupleofdecadesafterJohn’sdeath.16Thesubordinationofwomenwaspartlyjustifiedbiblically,goingbacktoEve’sroleasAdam’sserpentinetemptress.Otherfemalefailings(intheviewofthemid-thirteenth-centuryOxfordfriarJohnof

Wales)weregarrulity,slothandostentationindressandmakeup.17WalterMap,writinginthe1180s,equatedwomenwithonething,namely‘malicia’–‘malice’.18

HownecessarythentheinjunctioninEphesians5:22–3:‘WivesshouldbesubjecttotheirhusbandsastotheLord,sincethehusbandistheheadofthewifeasChristis

theheadoftheChurch…’!Womenwerealsofrail.When,in1249,UghtredSmith,ofButelandinNorthumberland,pulledanarrowoutofhisheadbeforegoinghome,itwas‘sothatmywifemaynotseeit,forshewouldperhapsgrieveovermuch’.19Strongman,weakwoman.

Womenthenhadaverylimitedpublicrole.Theydidnotsitonjuries,andonlyveryexceptionallyheldanykindofoffice.If,underchapter39oftheCharter,freewomenwereentitledtojudgementbytheirpeers,thatjudgementwouldhavebeengivenexclusivelybymen.WhenMagnaCartawasredraftedin1216,itwas

madeclearthatawomancouldnotremaininthehouseofherlatehusbandifitwasacastle.The1216Charterwasissuedinthemiddleofacivilwar,buttheclauseremainedinplaceinthelaterversionsissuedintimeofpeace.Evidentlycastleswerenotforsinglewomen.TheCharter,however,showsthatwomendidhaverightsoverproperty.

Chapter7laiddownthat,onthedeathoftheirhusbands,widowsshouldhavefreeentryintotheirinheritances,marriageportionsanddowers.TheCharterwasthinkingpre-eminentlyhereofthoseatthetopofthesocialscale,namelythedaughtersandwidowsoftheking’sbaronialandknightlytenants-in-chief;butits

stipulationsalsoapplieddownwards,thatis,tothedaughtersandwidowsoftheknightswhoheldfromthetenants-in-chiefthemselves.20

Thiswaswhy,ifawidowwantedtoremarry,sheneeded,underchapter8,togettheconsentofwhomeversheheldherlandfrom,whetheritwasthekingoralord.UnderKingJohn,

widowshadcertainlynotenteredtheirdowers,marriageportionsandinheritancesfreeofcharge;butthattheywereentitledtothem,underexistinglawandcustom,wasnotdisputed.TheCharterwasconcernedtosecurefreeentryintothoseproperties,notestablishtheprincipleofentryitself.Whenitcametoinheritances,a

woman’srightswereinferiortoaman’s.Sheonlyinheritedherparents’propertyindefaultofabrother.Andwhereas,bytheoperationofprimogeniture,aneldestbrotherwouldinheriteverything,withwomentherewasnoprimogenitureandsistersdividedtheinheritance.Thisiswhychapter2oftheCharterspoke

ofthe‘heirorheirs’ofearls,baronsandknights,theheirsherebeingwomen.Itwasalsowhythechapterimpliedthatbaroniesandknights’feesmightnotbe‘whole’,whichwouldbetheresultoftheirdivisionbetweenheiresses.Whentheywerenotheiresses,womenmightstillhavelandintheformofamarriageportiongivenby

theirnatalfamilies.And,onthedeathoftheirhusbands,theywereentitledtoadower,carvedoutofhisestates.The1217versionoftheCharterdefinedthisasathirdoftheestatesheldbythehusbandinhislifetime,unlessasmalleramounthadbeenagreed.21

Awoman,therefore,mighthaveproperty,butherchancesofactually

controllingitwerelimited.Formuchofthetimeitwascontrolledbymen.InthelawasstatedbyGlanvill,afemaleheiresscouldnotenterherinheritanceunlessshewasmarried.Ifunmarriedatthetimeofherfather’sdeath,then,evenwhenoffullage,sheremainedinthewardshipofherlord,untilhemarriedheroff.22Amaleheir,by

contrast,escapedfromwardshipandgainedhisinheritanceassoonasheattainedhismajority.The1216Chartergavetheageforthatastwenty-one.Inpractice,mostheiressesweremarriedoffeitherbytheirfathersor,iftheycameintowardship,bytheirlords,longbeforetheyreachedthatage.Inthecaseofdaughtersof

tenants-in-chief,thelordwastheking.WhenMagnaCartalaiddownthat‘heirs’(ofbothsexes)weretobemarried‘withoutdisparagement’,itwasdesignedtostoplords,andabovealltheking,frommarryingoffheiressesintheirwardshiptothoseoflowersocialrank.Inmarriageahusbandhadcontrolofhiswife’sinheritanceandcould

alienateitashewished.TheCharteracknowledgedasmuch.Theinheritanceitallowedawidowtorecoverwastheinheritanceasheldatthetimeofherhusband’sdeath.Itwasonlyaftera

husband’sdeaththatthispicturechanged.Aswidows,womencouldthemselvescontroltheirinheritances,

marriageportionsanddowers.TheCharter,insayingthatthesepropertiesshouldbeenteredwithoutdifficultyandwithoutcharge,wasdesignedtomakeitalltheeasierforwidowstoobtainthem.Whenitcametowidowsobtainingtheirdowers,theCharterwasalsoputtingtheminastrongerpositionthansome

translationshaveindicated.InHolt’s,forexample,itissaidthatthewidow‘maystayinherhusband’shouseforfortydaysafterhisdeath,withinwhichperiodherdowershallbeassignedtoher’.The‘maystay’herecouldbetakentoimplythatstayingisjustapossibilityopentothewidow.ButthereisverylittleintheLatintojustifythe‘may’.

Rather,thepresentsubjunctiveisjussive,asitisintheotherverbsinthechapter,andismuchbettertranslatedas‘istostay’.Inotherwords,thewidowisabsolutelynotgoingtobedisturbed,untilthefortydaysareup,byking,lord,familyorwhomever.23TheCharteralsoofferedtwofurtherprotectionsforwidows.In

chapter11,ifahusbanddiedowingmoneytotheJews,oranyoneelse,thewidowwasbothtogetherdowerandpaynothingofthedebt.Underchapter26,althoughthisonlyappliedtowidowsoftenants-in-chief,widowswereguaranteedareasonableshareoftheirlatehusband’schattelsasagainstthe

demandsoftheexecutorsofhiswill.Ifwidowsremarried,

however,theirpropertybecameagainsubjecttotheirhusband’scontrol,butatleasttheCharter,inchapter8,preventedthemfrombeingforcedintoasecondunion.Asunmarriedwidows,womencouldalsolitigate,andindeedmanydidsoboth

overtheirdowersandoverpropertyalienatedbytheirhusbandsfromtheirinheritances.Unmarriedwidowswerethusverymuchpublicfiguresintheking’scourts.Indeed,theyhadallthemoreopportunityinthisareaunderthedemandsof1215.Theprotectionofferedwidows,whenitcametothefreeentryintotheirdowers,

marriageportionsandinheritances,wasnotmerelyforthefuture.Therewasalsotheintentionofredressingthegrievancesofthepast.Underchapter37oftheArticlesoftheBarons,allfinesmadefordowers,marriageportionsandinheritances,unjustlyandagainstthelawoftheland,weretoberemitted.24Iftherewasanydispute(aswasquite

likely),itwastobejudgedbythetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclauseandArchbishopLangton.Therewerenumerouswidowswithgrievancesoverjustsuchfines.Iftheysecuredredressbyauthorityofthetwenty-fivebarons,theywereexploitingthemostrevolutionaryfeatureoftheCharter.

ItisnaturaltothinkthatthechaptersinfavourofwidowsintheCharterowedagooddealtothedemandsoftheirmalerelatives,andtheremustbetruthinthat.Nosonwantedtoseehismother,withallherlands,takenoffbysomesecondhusband.Itwasfarbetterthatsheremainedsingle,inwhichcasethesonhimselfmight

hopetoprofitfromherlands.Women,however,werefarfrombeingmerepawnsinthehandsofmen.Before1215theyhadbeenactiveinsecuring,inreturnformoney,preciselythekindsofconcessionsthattheyweretogaininMagnaCarta.Governmentrecordsshownofewerthan149widowsinJohn’sreignofferingmoney

tothekingfortherighttostaysingleormarrywhomtheywished,offersthatweresometimesalsoforentryintotheirlandsandthewardshipoftheirchildren.25Holthascalledsuchproffers‘oneofthefirstgreatstagesintheemancipationofwomen’.26Itseemsinconceivablethatallthewomeninquestionwerebeingmanipulatedbymen.

John,ofcourse,couldnotcarelessonewayortheother.Allhewantedwashismoney,andtheoffersshowthatwomenhadplentyofit.In1214Margaret,widowofRobertfitzRoger,promisedthequeenlysumof£1,000fortherighttostaysingleandotherconcessions.Herofferwasclearlyatherintitiative,foritwasactuallyaimedin

partatherson:shewastohaveherdower,evenifhedidnotwishtogiveittoher.Thispointedtoacommoncauseoffriction.Sinceawidow’sdowerhadtobecarvedoutofherlatehusband’slands,itdiminished,untilherdeath,theamounttobeinheritedbytheheir,whetherhersonoranyoneelse.Theofferalso

showshowdeterminedMargaretwastolitigateinordertorightperceivedinjustices.ThusJohnagreedtogiveherjusticeinhiscourtoverherclaimstoherinheritance,partofitalienated,shebelieved,byhertwoformerhusbands.27

Womenmightalsohopetobenefitfromthefamouschaptersaboutjusticeinthe

Charter.Chapter39mightnotreferto‘waiving’,butfreewomencouldstillbeprotectedfromunjustdisseiseunderitsterms.Indeed,Isabella,countessofArundel,laterupbraidedHenryIIIfortheway,inhisdealingswithher,hehadbreachedthisveryclause.28Thiswasalsoasocietywhichacceptedthatnoblewomencouldhold

publicofficeatleastinthefewcaseswheretheyhadinheritedatitletoit.JohnhimselfacceptedtheclaimofNicoladeHay,asherfather’sheir,tobecastellanofLincoln,andshewasdeterminedtodothejobinperson.TheHistoryoftheMarshalshowsherincommandthereduringthegreatsiegein1217that

helpeddeterminetheoutcomeofthecivilwar.Bythistimeshehadwiderauthority,forJohn,onthedayofhisdeath,madeherjointsheriffofLincolnshire.29

Atthelowestlevelofsociety,theCharterhadnothingtosayaboutthepropertyoftheunfree,maleorfemale,since,aswewillsee,thatwasentirelyamatter

forthelord.Womenasawhole,however,didfeatureintheCharter,whichbringsustotheonechapter,chapter54,wheretheword‘woman’–‘femina’–appears.Thiswasachapterintroduced,forreasonswewillsee,atRunnymedeitself.30Thebackgroundtothechapterwasthewayinwhichwomen,whatevertheirstatus,

werepermittedincourtsoflawtoappeal,thatisaccuse,individualsofcrime.Whereasamancouldbringappealsforawholerangeofcrimes,awoman,inthelegaltheoryassetoutinGlanvill,waslimitedtoaccusationsoftwokinds.31Thefirstwasforthekillingofherhusband,whereshehadpersonallywitnessedthedeed–withthehusband,

intheconventionalphraseology,dyinginherarms.Thesecondwasforrapeandinjurytoherbody.Onefactorunderlyingtheserestrictions,quiteapartfromtheusualprejudices,wastheviewthatwomenhadanunfair‘proceduraladvantage’.Theycouldnotbechallengedtobackuptheiraccusationsinatrialby

battle,andso,withlesstolose,mightbringtheirchargesirresponsibly,eitherontheirownaccountorbecausetheywerebeingmanipulatedbymen.32

Chapter54didnotdealwiththeserestrictionsdirectly,butlimitedthepowerofwomeninarelatedarea.Thusitdirectedthatnoonewastobearrestedorimprisonedonthe

appealofawomanforthedeathofanyoneotherthanherhusband.Inotherwords,ifawomandidmakeanappealforthekillingofsomeoneotherthanherhusband,theaccusedwasnottobeimprisonedpriortotrial,aswouldhavebeenthecaseiftheaccuserwasaman.Instead,aswasprobablythepracticeforcrimesotherthan

homicide,whateverthegenderoftheaccuser,hecouldgivesuretiesforcomingtocourtandansweringthecharge.Women,asaccusers,therefore,werebeingputonalowerplanethanmen.Chapter54could,however,

havebeenworse.Itclearlyimpliedthatwomenweremakingappealsforhomicides

otherthanthoseoftheirhusbands.Itlimitedthepre-trialconsequencesofsuchaccusationsbutdidnothingtostopthem,orotherappeals,byenforcingGlanvill’srule.Indeed,plearollevidence,bothbeforeandafter1215,showsthattherestrictionsonwomen’sappealswerefarfromroutinelyenforcedbytheking’sjudges.Whatis

equallyclearisthatappealsbroughtbywomenformedalargepartofthebusinessofjudgeswhentheytouredthecounties.TherewereoverseventysuchappealsbroughtbeforethejudgesinLincolnshirein1202.Thegreatmajorityoftheappeals,moreover,seemtohavecomefromwomenofpeasantbackground.Heretherewas

nodistinctionbetweenthefreeandtheunfree.ThatwascertainlynotthecaseelsewhereintheCharter.33

THEPEASANTRY:UNFREEANDFREE

Inthe1200s,onaveryroughestimate,about90percentofEngland’spopulationwerepeasants,soapproachingsome3.15millionsouls–

men,womenandchildren–ifthetotalpopulationwasaround3.5million.Withinthisgroupthebalancebetweenpeasantswhowerefreeandunfreevariedbothasbetweenneighbouringmanorsandasbetweendifferentpartsofthecountry,andthereissimplynottheevidencetobepreciseaboutit.Aclassicstudybythe

RussianhistorianE.A.Kosminsky(whosurvivedthepurgesbyputtingindutifulreferencestotheworksofJ.Stalin)showedthatinsixMidlandscountiesforwhichtherewasevidenceinthe1279HundredRollsurvey,theratiobetweentheunfreeandfreepeasantrywas62percentto38percentintermsoflandheld,and58percentto

42percentintermsofnumberofhouseholds.Inotherpartsofthecountry,however,notablyinEastAngliaandthenorth,therewascertainlyamuchhigherproportion,indeedapreponderanceoffreepeasants.34TheLatintextsthatmostly

describetheirconditionhadawholevarietyofwordsfor

peasant,including‘villanus’,‘servus’,‘rusticus’,‘nativus’,‘custumarius’and‘bondus’.Althoughsomeofthesewordscouldbeusedinaloosersense,theyusuallycarriedtheimplicationthattheindividualwasunfree.Asokeman,ontheotherhand,wasafreeorfreerpeasant.Fortunately,thereisnoneedtospendtimeagonizingover

definitions.Weknowfromnumeroussurveysofmanors,notleastthe1279HundredRollsurvey,thetypeofpersonwhomcontemporariesdescribedaspeasants,usingoneoftheaboveterms.Insuchsurveyslistsof

unfreepeasants(mostoftendescribedasvilleins)frequentlyshowthemholdingeitherawholeorahalf

virgateoflandfromtheirlord.Avirgatevariedinsize;itcouldbethirtyacres,twenty-fouracres,orless.Land,ofcourse,variedinproductivity.Halfavirgateinoneplacemightbeworthasmuchormorethanavirgatesomewhereelse,butprobablymostpeasantswithhalfavirgateandupwardscouldsupporttheirfamilieslargely

fromtheirland.Beneaththevilleins,anothergroupoftenlisted(stillclearlyunfree)werethe‘cottarii’–‘cottagers’.Theseweresmallholderswithatbestafewacresofland(theamountisrarelystated).Inreturnfortheirland,boththesegroupsofpeasantsowedthelordacombinationofmoneyrentsandagriculturallabour

services;forvilleinvirgaters,thelattermightinvolvesupplyingtwomen,whowouldworkforthelordacoupleofdaysaweekformostoftheyear,andeverydayinharvesttime.Thepeasantsdescribedas

sokemencanbefoundinsurveysholdingasfewasfiveacresoflandand,moretypically,asmuchashalfa

virgateoravirgate.Theyansweredformoneyrents,andiftheyowedlabourservices,thesewereusuallylightcomparedtothoseofvilleins.Manorialsurveysalsooftenhavelistsof‘freetenants’.Theseweremenwhoansweredexclusivelyformoneyrents.Somehadsubstantialholdingsthatplacedthemabovethe

generalrunofthepeasantry,butmanyothershadlandofequivalentsizetothatheldbyvilleinsandcottars.Apartfrombeinglegallyfree,andansweringexclusivelyforrents,theymustoftenhavebeeninaverysimilareconomiccondition.Theframeworkgoverning

thelifeofthepeasant,especiallytheunfreepeasant,

wasveryoftenthatofthemanor,althoughthesecameinmanyforms,shapesandsizes.Sometimestheywerecoterminouswithanotherunitoflocalsociety,the‘villa’,mentionedinchapter23oftheCharter,whichisconventionallytranslated‘vill’butinmanycasesequatedtoavillage.Manyvillages,ontheotherhand,

hadmorethanonemanor.Inthethirteenthcentury,lordsretainedmostoftheirmanorsinhand–‘indemesne’–ratherthanrentingthemout.Chapter25oftheChartermentionedtheking’sown‘demesnemanors’,whileanewchapter(26)intheCharterof1217safeguardedthedemesnecartsoflordsfromseizure,whichmeant

thecartsthattheyhadontheirdemesnemanors.Withanin-handmanor,lordscultivatedfortheirownprofitalargepartofthelandwithinwhatwereusuallytwoorthreebigfieldsaroundthevillagecentre.Thisareawasalsocalledthe‘demesne’,beingthein-handpartofademesnemanor.Thelabourservicesowedbytheunfree

couldbeusedtoworkthedemesne,althoughpaidlabourwasoftenemployedaswell.InKosminsky’sanalysisofthe1279survey,32percentofthelandwasdemesne,asagainst40percentvilleinlandand24percentpeasantfreeholdings.35Thisjustshowstheinequalitiesthatexisted,forofcoursethenumberoflordsraninto

thousands,andthenumberofpeasants(whoanywayhadtoworkforthelords)intomillions.Evenalargepeasantholdingofthirtyacreswassmallcomparedtothe250acresthatmighttypicallybeheldindemesneinamedium-sizedmanor,andgreatlordshadmanymanors.By1215theking’sjudges

haddevelopedaveryclear

testtodecidewhowasunfree,andusedthewords‘villein’and‘servus’–‘serf’–inatechnicallegalsensetodescribesomeoneinthatcondition.Thetesthadseveralcomponents,butthemostvitalwaswhetherthepeasant(orhisancestor)hadperformedagriculturallabourservicesofanysignificancetothelordinreturnforhis

land.Theking’sjudgeswereveryclearabouttheconsequencesofunfreedom.Villeinscouldnotleavethemanorwithoutthelord’sconsent.Theyhadtopaythetaxcalled‘merchet’tomarryofftheirdaughters.Villeinscouldbesoldwiththeland‘likeoxenandcows’.Theyhadnorecourseatalltotheking’scourtsinanymatter

concerningtheirlandandservices.Thesewereentirelymattersforthelordtodetermine.AsthelawbookBractonputit,avillein‘cannotknowintheeveningtheservicetoberenderedinthemorning.[He]isboundtodowhateverheisbid.’36

Theeconomicpositionofthepeasantryinthethirteenthcenturyhasbeenmuch

debatedintheso-called‘standardoflivingcontroversy’.37Accordingtooneview,therisingpopulationwasoutrunningtheabilityofthelandtosupportit,andcreatingaproliferationofpeasantsmallholderslivingontheedgeofsubsistence.Akeycalculationhereisthat,inaverageconditions,apeasant

familyneededatleasttenarableacrestosubsistsimplyfromitsland.Kosminsky’sfigureschillinglysuggestthatover40percentofthepeasantryweresmallholderswhofellbelowthatlevel.Indeed,ithasbeenestimatedthataround1300thiswastrueof60percentofpeasanthouseholds.38Tosurviveatall,smallholdershadtofind

othersourcesofincome,mostnotablyfromwagelabour.Thatmightprovideenoughtogetbyinnormaltimes,butnotwhenpriceswentupwithbadharvests.Thentheremightbewidespreadstarvation.Somehistorians,however,havesoughttoqualifythisbleakpicture,whichinanycaserelatesmoretothelaterthirteenth

centurythanitdoestothereignofJohn.Insomepartsofthecountry,peasantscouldexploitresourcesofforestandmeadow,outsidethearablefields.Theten-acrecalculationisitselfbasedonfiguresfromtheproductivityoflordlydemesnes,whereasproductivityonpeasantland,whichwasliterallyamatteroflifeanddeath,mighthave

beenmuchhigher.Wherepeasantslackedaccesstoploughs,theycould,withplentyoffamilylabour,preparetheirlandsforsowingallthemorefruitfullybyspade.39Yet,whateverthetruthinthisdebate,noonewoulddisputethattheEnglishpeasantrywerepooranddisadvantaged.They

neededalltheprotectioninMagnaCartatheycouldget.Therewasnoreason,in

theory,whythefreepeasantryshouldnotbenefitdirectlyfromtheCharter.Asfreemen,underchapter20,theywereprotectedfromexcessiveamercements(finesinmodernparlance),whetherimposedbythekingortheirlords;inchapter39,they

wereprotectedfromunjustdispossession.Theymightalsogainfromchapters17to19,whichaimedtoexpeditecivillitigationintheking’scourts.Thiswasmorethanmereform,fortheplearollsrecordingsuchbusinessshowmanyofapparentlypeasantstatuslitigatingoversmallamountsofland.TheCharterturnedamuchmorenegative

facetotheunfree,indeeditwasdeliberatelydesignedtodoso.Theunfreewereamongtheking’sfidelestowhomtheCharterwasannounced,buttheconcessionswerenotactuallygiventothem.John,atthestart,madehisgrantto‘allthefreemenofourkingdom’,sonottotheunfreeatall.Thebishops,intheirletters

testifyingtotheCharter’sauthorizedtext,describeditasbeinggrantedto‘theearls,baronsandfreemenofEngland’.True,inchapter63,itwas‘themeninourkingdom’whoweretoenjoytheconcessions,butitwentwithoutsayingthatthesemenwerefree.Thepointwasclearinchapter60’sstipulationthat‘allthemenofour

kingdom’shouldobservetheconcessionstotheirownmen.Theunfreehadnomen.TheCharterdidnothingat

alltochallengethebasicrestrictionsofunfreedom.Onthecontrary,itreinforcedthem,makingitveryclearthattheunfreewereindeedsubjecttothewilloftheirlords.Theonlychapterinwhichvilleinsappearedby

name,andwheretheygainedprotection,wasnotwhatitseemed.Thiswaschapter20onamercements.Itlaiddownthatamercementsimposedonfreemenandmerchantsshouldfitthecrime.Theyshouldnotbesolargeastoaffectafreeman’s‘contenementum’,whichmeanthismeansoflivelihood,andamerchant’s

merchandise,whichcametothesamething.Thechapterthencontinued:

andavilleinistobeamercedinthesamewaysavinghiswainage,iftheyfallintoourmercy.Andnoneoftheaforesaidamercementsaretobeimposed,savebytheoathofuprightmenoftheneighbourhood.

‘Wainage’heremeansthethingsnecessaryforthevilleintobeabletomakealiving,inotherwordshiscropsundercultivation,seedcorn,ploughsandploughteams.40Itwasthustheequivalentof‘contenementum’andmerchandise.Onthefaceit,therefore,villeinsherearebeingtreatedlikeeveryone

else.Indeed,thepluralinthepassagequotedabove,‘iftheyfallintoourmercy’,mightseemtoimplythatthe‘if’qualificationappliestothefreemenandmerchantsintheearlypartofthechapterjustasmuchastovilleinsattheend.Inotherwords,allthreegroupsareonlyprotectedfromamercementsimposedbytheking.41

Indeed,thechapterhassometimesbeentranslatedtomakethisalltheclearerwith‘Iftheyfallintoourmercy’beingplacedatitsstarttogovernallthatfollows.Butitisplainthatthequalification‘iftheyfallintoourmercy’wasmeanttoapplyonlytothevillein.HadtheChartermeanttolumpfreemen,merchantsandvilleins

togetherhere,itwouldhavemadethatclear,asitdidintheimmediatelyfollowingpassage,whichsaidthat‘noneoftheaforesaidamercements’weretobeimposedsavebytheoathofuprightmenoftheneighbourhood.Theconfusionthatcouldarisefromthe‘iftheyfallintoourmercy’beingpluralrather

thansingularwaseliminatedintheCharterof1216,anditssuccessors.Therethe‘they’waschangedto‘he’,sothepassagenowread‘ifhefallsintoourmercy’,thusclearlyreferringonlytothevillein.IntheengrossmentsofthelaterCharters,moreover,thesection‘andavillein…ifhefallsintoourmercy’isoftenpunctuatedasaseparateand

discreteclause.ThischangewasanticipatedintheveryearlyFrenchtranslationofthe1215Charter,whereagain‘iftheyfall’appearsas‘ifhefalls’.42Eitherthetranslatorhadsensedthecorrectmeaningorhewasworkingfromanengrossmentwherethesingularinfactoccurred.Thepointofallthisisthatthelordswishedtoprotecttheir

villeinsfromamercementsimposedbytheking,whileremainingfreetoimposewhateveramercementstheylikedthemselves.Thereisoneotherstriking

featureaboutthisclauseonvilleins.Thequalification‘ifhefallsintoourmercy’(asitshouldhaveread)doesnotappearintheequivalentchapterintheArticlesofthe

Barons(9).ItwasthusinsertedintotheCharteratRunnymedeitself.Evidentlylordshadrealizedthat,leftasitwas,thechaptergaveblanketprotectiontovilleins.Thatwouldnotdo,hencethechange.Thedoingdownofvilleinsinthechapterandtheseparationofthemfromeveryoneelsewasthushighlydeliberate.Evenat

Runnymede,inthemidstoftensenegotiationswiththeking,lordswerethinkingofhowtoentrenchtheirauthorityovertheunfreepeasantry.Thatisameasureofhowimportanttheissueseemedtobe.Justhowawarethedrafters

oftheCharterwereofchapter20’simplicationsforthepeasantryisshownina

changemadetoitinthenewversionoftheCharterwhichwasissuedin1217.The1215Charter,probablyinadvertently,hadleftthekinginaworsepositionthanhislords.Theycouldimposewhateveramercementstheylikedontheirownvilleins.Theking,ontheotherhand,couldnot,fortherewasnothingtoindicatethathis

ownvilleinswerenotprotectedbythechapteriftheyfellintohismercy.In1217thiswasputrightthroughtheintroductionofanotherqualificationtothechapter.43Thevilleinswhoweretobeprotectedfromexcessiveamercementsimposedbythekingweretobe‘otherthanourown’.Inotherwords,thekingnow

gainedthesamelet-outaslordsandcoulddowhatheliked,asfarastheCharterwasconcerned,whenamercinghisownvilleins.Inthe1215Charteritself,thekinghadalreadygonesomewaytoassertinghisauthorityoverhisownpeasants.Chapter25hadexemptedtheking’sdemesnemanorsfromthelimitationsonthemoney

thatcouldbetakenfromthecounties.Thekingwasthusfreetoimposeheavierburdensonhismanors,whichmeantofcourseheavierburdensonhispeasanttenants.Afterthesectionon

amercements,chapter23wentontoprotectmenandvillsfrombeingdistrainedtoworkonbridges,otherthan

whensuchworkwascustomary,theprotectionof‘men’ratherthanjustofvillsbeingaddedatRunnymedeitself.Thiscertainlyofferedsomethingtounfreepeasants.Thatthechapterspokeof‘men’ratherthan‘freemen’showsthatthelowestsectionsofsocietywereinvolved.Thechapterwasthere,however,becauselordswereactingin

theirowninterests.Theiraimwastopreventtheirpeasantsbeingdraggedawayfromtheirproperdutiesbyworkontheking’sbridges.Failuretocarryoutsuchworkalsorenderedmenandvillsliabletoamercement,anditwasontheissueofamercementsthatthechapterintheArticlesoftheBaronshadfocused,whichiswhyitappearsafter

thesectiononamercements,aplaceitkeptintheCharteritself.Toenforcebridgeworkwasanancientroyalright.44Itwas,however,onewhichJohnhadexploitedinanewwayforthebridgesneededforhishawking.45

Whatthenoftheclutchofchaptersaboutjusticebetween38and40?Chapter38,ininsistingthatnobailiff

(andnotjustabailiffoftheking)shouldput‘anyone’‘tolaw’,andthusontrial,onhisownunsupportedaccusation,seemedintheorytobenefiteveryone.Thismadethecontrastwith39,theCharter’smostfamouschapter,allthestarker.Hereitwas‘nofreeman’not‘noman’whowastobeprotectedfromunjustimprisonment,

disseisinandoutlawry.Theimplicationherewasnotthatlordscouldoutlawtheirvilleinsastheyliked.Outlawrywasapublicprocessforthecountycourts.Norreallycouldlordsimprisontheirvilleins.Butwhattheycoulddowastodisseisethemoftheirland.Thatwasavitalpower,andtoreserveitwasthereasonwhy

thechapterprotectedthefreemanbutnotthemanwhowasunfree.Lords,asfarastheCharterwasconcerned,coulddisseizethelatterastheyliked.ThiswasmadeevenclearerinaslightrevisiontothechapterintheCharterof1217,whereitnowstatedthatnofreemanwastobedisseisedofhis‘freetenement’.Thisgavelords

evenmorescopebecauseitmeantafreemancouldbedisseisedoflandheheldinvilleinage,whichmeantlandtowhichvilleincustoms,suchaslabourservices,wereattached.Forfreementotakeonsuchlandwasriskybecauseitcouldinvolvebeingdraggeddownintopersonalunfreedom,butwith

landinshortsupply,manytooktherisk.Andsotochapter40.‘To

noone[nulli]willwesell,tonoonewillwedenyordelay,rightorjustice.’Surely,hereatlast,theCharterwasofferingjusticeequallytofreeandunfreealike.Unfortunatelynot.Ifavilleinaccusedhislordoffelonyandsedition(notaverylikely

occurrence),itistruethekingwasboundtohearhim.Butitwasthelawitselfthatdeniedvilleinsanyrightsagainsttheirlords,andthusanyjusticefromtheking,inmattersconcerninglandandservices.Lords,judgingfromthe

Charter,werethusveryconcernedtosingleouttheirunfreepeasantsandkeep

themintheirplace.Butwhyso?Afterall,inpracticelordsdidnotmakeregularuseofthefullrangeoftheirpowers;theydidnotusuallydispossesstheirpeasants,ormakethemwork‘attheirbidding’.Sometimeslordswerereadytoconvertlabourservicesintomoneyrents,eventograntvilleinsoutrightfreedom.Theyalsoallowed

(aslaterrecordsshow)peasantsthemselvestoassesstheamercementsimposedinmanorialcourts,muchinlinewiththestipulationintheCharterthattheyshouldbeassessedbylocalmen.46

Itis,however,veryclearwhythepowersaffirmedintheCharterweresoimportant.Theearlythirteenthcenturywasa

periodwhentheruraleconomywasbeingtransformed.Lords,awarethattherewasmoreprofittobemadefromlandintheexpandingeconomy,werereducingtheareasthattheyhadoutatrent,andincreasingthesizeoftheirdemesnes,withtheaimofcultivatingthemdirectlyandhavinglargegrainsurplusestosell.

Butattheverytimewhenlordswishedtoassertmorecontrolovertheirmanors,therewereforcesmakingitmoredifficulttodoso.Therisingpopulationwascreatingpressuretosubdividepeasantholdings.Alongwithanincreasingmoneysupply,itwasalsogeneratingapeasantlandmarket.47Lords,inthefaceofentrenchedmanorial

customs,mightfinditmoredifficulttoincreasetheburdensontheirpeasantsthanlegaltheoryimplied.Failingthetestingoftheissueincourt,therecouldbeconsiderableuncertaintyastowherethelinebetweenfreeandunfreeshouldbedrawn.Apeasantmightappearasasokemaninonesurveyandavilleininanother.Therewere

sokemenfreesokemen‘gersumarii’sokemen,bondsokemen,villeinsokemenandserfsokemen,avarietyofnamesthatsuggeststhestruggleofsokementoasserttheirfreedomontheonehand,andoflordstodenyitontheother.48Inaddition,freemen,aswehavesaid,mighttakelandtowhichvilleinserviceswereattached.

Inthesechallengingcircumstances,lordsfeltitwasabsolutelynecessarytoholdthelineandretaintheirpackageofpowersovertheunfree.Thosepowersseemedvitalfordiscipliningtheirpeasantworkforceandkeepingcontrolofwhatwasgoingoninthemanor.TheCharterthusbecameaninstrumentoflordshipthat

assertedthefundamentaldivisionbetweenthefreeandunfree.Itprotectedtheunfreefromtheking,onlytoplacethemallthemorefirmlyundertheirlords.Whatmadethislordly

victoryallthemoresignificantwasthatitcutacrossacurrentwhichsuggesteditmighthavebeenotherwise.Unfreepeasants

couldcertainlyberegardedasverymuchpartoftherealm.Johnenlistedeveryone,freeandunfreealike,inhisschemeofnationaldefencein1205,justaseveryonewasenlistedtoenforcetheCharter.49Peasants,freeandunfree,wereinvolvedintherunningoflocalgovernment,havingtogiveevidenceatcoroners’inquestsandat

localcourts.Therewasalsotheideathatthekingshouldindeedprotectunfreepeasantsfromtheirlords.Thisemergesinthediscussion,foundintheDialogusdeScaccario,astowhythekingcouldtakepossessionofthechattelsofvilleinswhentheywereconvictedofanoffence.Wasthisnotsurprising,the

Dialogusasked,giventhatsuchchattelswerethepropertyofthelord?Theanswerwasthatiflordsgotthechattelsinsuchcircumstances,theymightbeencouragedtotrumpupchargesagainsttheirvilleins.Sotheking,‘entrustedbyGodwiththecareofallhissubjects’,hadprotectedvilleinsfromthe‘greed’of

theirlords,bylayingdownthatthechattelsshouldbelongtohim.50TheunfreegainednoprotectionfromthegreedoftheirlordsinMagnaCarta.

THEJEWS51

Chapter10laiddownthatifanyonediedowingmoneytotheJews,thedebtshouldnot

gatherinterestduringtheminorityoftheheir.Inaddition,ifadebtowedtheJewscameintothehandsoftheking,thenhewouldonlytaketheprincipalofthedebt(the‘catallum’),inotherwordshewouldnotexacttheaccumulatedinterest.Chapter11wentfurther,protectingbothadebtor’swidow,aswehaveseen,andunderage

children.Thelatterweretohavethenecessaryrequirementsfortheirsupport,andonlythenwasthedebttobepaidfromwhatremained.InJohn’sreigntherewere

probablynotmanymorethanfivethousandJewsinEngland,andtheywereconfinedtothemajortowns.Thattherewerechapters

abouttheminMagnaCarta,nonetheless,showsthecentralparttheyplayedintheeconomiclifeofthecountry.Thereason,astheChartershowed,wasthatJewsweremoneylenders;indeed,giventhechurch’sbanonChristianusury,theywerethemainsourceofcredit.Theborrowersrangedacrosssociety:freetenants,evenof

peasantstatus,knights,barons,earls,bishopsandmonastichouses.Thedebtsofgreatmencouldrunintohundreds,eventhousandsofpounds,withthisbusinessbeinginthehandsofasmallnumberofJewishplutocrats,whosetownhousesexcitedaweandenvy.Theinterestratecouldrunatoneortwopenceinthepoundperweek,

so22percentor44percentayear.TheJewswerenotonlyresentedbecauseoftheirmoneylending.Theywerealsopersecutedfortheirreligion.AcombinationofbothfactorsledtoanappallingmassacreoftheJewsinYorkin1189.Givensuchpowerful

enemies,whywastheCharternotmoreradical?Whydidit

notseektobaninterestondebtsaltogether,orevenexpeltheJewsfromthecountryasfinallyhappenedin1290?TheanswerlaypartlyinanacknowledgementthattheJewswereindeedusefulassourcesofcredit,andpartlyinthewaytheywereprotectedbytheking.ThiswasnotanissueonwhichJohnwouldgiveway.

ThefactwasthattheJewswereavitalsourceofprofitforthecrown.TherewereawholevarietyofwaysinwhichdebtsowedtheJewscouldcomeintoroyalhands,whereuponthekingcouldthenexactthemforhimself.Inaddition,thekingcouldtaxtheJewsatwill.Thereasonwasthatthekingregardedthemashisownproperty.As

alegalworkofthemid-twelfthcentury,knownastheLegesEdwardiConfessoris(TheLawsofEdwardtheConfessor),putit,‘theJewsthemselvesandalltheirpossessionsaretheking’s’.52

John,likehispredecessors,thusputtheJewsunderhis‘specialprotection’,andgavethemaseriesofprivileges.Hewasfuriouswhenthey

weremaltreatedinLondon.Hisresultinglettertothemayorandsheriffs,sayingthathispeaceshouldbeobservedevenifgiventoadog,showedhiscontemptfortheJews,butalsohisdeterminationtoprotectthem.53

LONDON,TOWNSANDMERCHANTS54

LondonistheonlytownmentionedbynameinMagnaCarta.TheCharterstipulatedthattheaids(thatis,taxes)leviedonLondonbythekingweretobetakeninthesamewayasthoseimposedontherestofthekingdom,whichmeantthattheyweretobe‘reasonable’insizeandagreedbythe‘commoncounselofthekingdom’.

Londonwasalsotohaveallitsancientlibertiesandfreecustomsbybothlandandwater.InmodernprintingsoftheCharter,thefirstoftheseprovisionsistackedontotheendofchapter12,thesecondmadetostartchapter13.Lookingattheoriginalengrossments,therewouldbeacaseforjoiningthemtogetherinanexclusive

chapteronLondonitself,andthatishowtheyappearinoneearlycopyoftheCharter.55Chapter33oftheCharter,followingagaintheArticles,alsometoneofLondon’smajordemands(onealreadyconcededinroyalcharters),namelythatfishweirsshouldbecompletelyremovedfromtheThamesandMedway.Inchapter35‘thequarter’of

Londonwastobeadoptedasthestandardformeasures.London’sexclusiveplace

intheCharterisabsolutelyunderstandable.IthadplayedacentralpartintherebellionagainstKingJohn.Indeeditsmayorwasoneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.Alreadyinthe1150s,Londoncouldbedescribedas‘thequeenofthewhole

kingdom’.56Onereasonableestimateofitspopulationintheearlythirteenthcenturyisaround40,000,havingdoubledintheprevioushundredyears.ItwasmanytimeslargerthanitsnearestrivalsBristol,Winchester,NorwichandYork.57

Situatedinalowriverbasin,shelteredbythefriendlyprotectinghills

aroundBlackheath,BrockleyandHampstead,Londonoweditspre-eminencetoitslocation.Itsplaceontheeasternsideofthecountryopenedittomerchantsfromthecontinentwho,sailinguptheThames,couldunloadtheirwares,notinsomechannelportbutwellinland.Thebridge,themostseawardovertheriver,meantthat

fromLondononecouldtravelbothnorthandsouth.VesselscouldalsonavigateupstreamasfarasLechladeinGloucestershire.Inthesecondhalfofthetwelfthcentury,theexchequermovedfromWinchestertoWestminster,confirmingLondonasthecountry’sgovernmentalcapital.WiththemightoftheTower

controllingthecity,andwithWilliamRufus’sgigantichallatWestminsterprovidingamagnificentsettingforfeastsandassemblies,LondonwasthechiefseatofEngland’smonarchy.Thepowerandaspirations

oftheLondonershadlongbeenrecognizedinconcessionsmadetothembytheking.Thesewerethe

‘ancient’libertiesthatMagnaCartaconfirmed.Theyfacilitatedtradebyfreeingthecitizensfromtolls,andalsoallowedthemtoelecttheirownsheriffs.Inthecrisisof1191,duringKingRichard’sabsenceoncrusade,theLondonershadgainedfromJohnandthemagnatesofthekingdomtherighttoforma‘commune’,whichmeanta

sworn,self-governingassociation,headedbyitsownelectedmayor.58NeitherRichardonhisreturn,norJohnonhisaccession,actuallyconfirmedthecommune,buttheyprobablyacquiescedinitsexistence.In1206,duringanepisodethatrevealsthesocialtensionsinthecity,Johncomplainedthat‘thesuperiors’ofLondon

wereexploiting‘thecommonpeople’athisexpense.Nonetheless,hestillacceptedthecity’sself-government,forheorderedtheleadingcitizens,‘thebarons’,toelecttwenty-fouroftheirfellowstoputmattersright.In1215itself,littlemorethanamonthbeforeheconcededMagnaCarta,Johngrantedthe‘barons’ofthecitythe

righttochoosetheirownmayor.59

TheCharteralsorecognizedtheimportance,albeitnameless,of‘allothercitiesandboroughs,andvillsandports’,whenitconfirmed‘theirlibertiesandfreecustoms’.Indeed,theoriginalengrossmentsallhaveanewchapterbeginningwiththisclause,ratherthanjoiningit

ontochapter13onLondon.Themostimportantofthesetownsdidindeedhavelibertiestodefend,sincebetween1100and1215overseventyhadacquiredroyalchartersgrantingvariousprivileges,sometimessimilartothoseenjoyedbyLondon.Inthecharters,thetownsweredescribedascities,boroughsorvills,so

correspondingtotheterminologyinMagnaCarta.Sandwich,Dover,Hythe,RomneyandHastingsformedtheCinquePorts,withRyeandWinchelseaassociatedtowns.Therecipientsofthegrantswerecalledcitizens,burgessesorsimplymen.Theyheldtheirpropertybyburgagetenure,referredtoinchapter37oftheCharter,

whichmeantinreturnforrentandwithfreedomofalienation.60Thewealthofthetownscamefrombothtradeandmanufacture.TheCharter,inoneofitsfewnon-partisanchapters(35),triedtofacilitatebothbystandardizingmeasuresofwine,ale,cornandcloth.Italso,inchapter41,gavemerchantssafetransitto,

fromandwithinEngland,freefromall‘evilexactions’.Theimportanceofthemerchantswasseenequallyinchapter20,whichtreatedthemasaseparateclassalongsidefreemenandvilleins,whenlayingdownthattheyshouldonlybeamercedsavingtheir‘merchandise’.ThatthemerchantsinEnglandmightbeforeign,as,equally,

Englishmerchantsmightbeinforeignparts,wasclearinchapter41,inwhichJohnestablishedregulationsaboutwhatshouldhappentobothgroupsintheeventofa‘landatwarwithus’.Theuseof‘land’here,ratherthankingdom,reflectedthatmerchants,suchasthosefromFlanders,mightnotcomefromakingdomatall.

Muchtradewas,ofcourse,internaltoEngland,includingthatincorn,whichwasonlyimportedintimesofdearth.Alewasevenmorelocal,forithadtobeconsumedsoonafteritwasbrewed.ThedifferentclothsmentionedintheCharter–thedyedcloths,russetsandhalbergetsinchapter35–weremanufacturedatmanycentres

inEngland.Athirteenth-centurydoggerelmentionedthescarletsofLincoln,thehalbergetsofStamford,therussetsofColchesterandsoon.61High-qualityclothwasalsoimported,aboveallfromFlanders,thecentreoftheEuropeanclothindustry.England’schiefimport,however,waswine.WiththelossofAnjou,in1204,this

camemoreandmorefromGascony,routedthroughitsgreatportofBordeaux.England’schiefexportwaswool,abovealltoFlanderstosupplyitsclothindustry.ThedutyonexportedsacksofwoolwastobethefoundationoftheEnglishcustoms,andjustwhyitwasnotintroducedbefore1275isoneofthemysteriesofEnglishroyal

finance.62SincetheclothFlanderssenttoEnglanddidnotbalancethevalueofthewoolitimported,itpaidformuchofthewoolincash,insilver,whichwasamajorfactorinthestunningincreaseinEngland’smoneysupplyinthethirteenthcentury.Atfirstsight,Londonand

otherprivilegedtownsseemtobeverymuchgettingtheir

dueintheCharter,evenagainstothersectionsofsociety.Thustheremovaloffishweirs(asanobstacletotradepassingupanddownrivers)impactedonthelordswhohadweirsontheirownsectionsofriver.Later,incompliancewiththischapterofMagnaCarta,amongtheweirsdestroyedwerethoseofRichard,earlofCornwall.63

Inotherways,however,townsgotmuchlessthantheyhadhopedfor,indeedlessthantheyhadsolicitedintheArticlesoftheBarons.TheretallagesandaidsimposedbothonLondonandonothercitieswithlibertiesweretorequirethecommonconsentofthekingdom.Here,intermsofprinciple,therealprizewascontrolovertallage.

Thekingmightacknowledgethattaxesintheformofaidsrequiredsomeformofconsent,howevernebulousthatconsentmightbeinpractice,hencethewaytheCharter,aswewillsee,triedtodefinetheassemblywhichshouldgiveit.Tallages,ontheotherhand,thekingclaimedtolevyonhistownsatwill.Thattheyshould

henceforthrequireconsentwouldthushavebeenamajorgain.ButinMagnaCartathereferencetotallagewasdropped.InsteadjustaidsrequiredcommonconsentandonlythoseimposedonLondon,nottheothertowns.Therewasanotherchapterwheremoremighthavebeendonefortowns.Chapter25preventedthekingincreasing

thefixedpayments(called‘farms’)duefromhiscountiesandhundreds,butnosimilarrestrictionswereimposedontownfarms.ThetownswouldcertainlyhavewelcomethatforJohnwasverymuchinthebusinessofincreasingtheirfarms.64

Johnhimselfmustsurelyhavefoughthardtokeeptallageandtownfarmsoutof

hisconcessions,arguingthathisopponentshadnobusinesstointerferewithhisrightsoverhisownproperty.Thatthebaronsdidnotmakeastandontheissueswas,however,alsobecauseofself-interestandself-regard.IfMagnaCartapreventedthekingtallaginghistownsandincreasingtheirfarms,thenthebaronsalsomightbe

subjecttothesamerestrictionsintownssubjecttotheirlordship.TheearlofChester,forexample,wasaccustomedtotakeregulartaxesfromhisburgessesofCoventry.65Therewasarelateddanger.Whenthekingtallagedhistownsandmanors,lordstoocouldprofitbecausetheywereusuallyallowedtotallageanyoftheir

propertiesthathadoncebeentheking’s.When,therefore,AlanBasset,oneofJohn’scounsellorsnamedatthestartoftheCharter,reachedanagreementwithhisburgessesofHighWycombe,hereservedthesumshemightlevy‘whenthekingandhisheirstallagetheirdemesnesthroughEngland’.66Inkeepingtallageoutofthe

Charter,therefore,themagnatesandkingweremakingcommoncauseagainstthetowns.Therewasalsoadegreeofsocialprejudiceagainsttowns,townspeopleandtrading.ThebaronialleaderswouldhaveagreedwiththeDialogusdeScaccariowhenitcriticizedknightswhohadsofar‘degeneratedfromthedignity

oftheirstatus’astomakemoneyfromtrade.67In1236theStatuteofMertonthoughtheirsmightbedisparagediftheyweremarriedeithertoburgessesortovilleins.68

Significantly,althoughthemayorofLondonwasoneofthetwenty-five‘barons’inthesecurityclause,innoneofthelistsofthemembershipishegivenaname.

AllthishelpstoexplaintheverystrikingwayinwhichLondonwasexcludedfromanyroleintheassemblythatwastogivethecommonconsentofthekingdomtotaxation.ThiswastruewhethertheassemblywastoconsenttoaidsleviedonthekingdomasawholeoraidsleviedonLondon.Thesameassemblywastodealwith

bothand,asdefinedinchapter14,itwastobecomposedentirelyoftenants-in-chief.Thearchbishops,bishops,abbots,earlsandgreaterbaronsweretobesummonedindividuallyandtheothertenants-in-chiefgenerally,throughthesheriffs.Asnoted,themayorofLondonwasoneofthetwenty-five‘barons’ofthe

securityclause.Thekingcalledtheleadingcitizenshis‘barons’,butthereisnosuggestionthattheywouldhavebeensummonedeitherpersonallyorgenerallyunderMagnaCarta’sarrangements.WhatmakesthisallthemorepointedisthatLondonhadbeeninvolvedingreatpoliticaldecisionsinthepast.Londonershadplayedakey

roleintheaccessionofStephenin1135,claimingthatitwastheirrightandprivilegetochoosetheking.69

In1191,duringKingRichard’sabsenceoncrusade,theyhadjoinedwithJohnandthebishopsandbaronsindeposingWilliamLongchamp,asgovernorofthekingdom,puttingthearchbishopofRoueninhis

place.ThiswasthemomentwhentheLondonersweregrantedtheircommune.70

TherewasalsoafeelingamongLondonersthattheirconsentshouldbesought,alongwiththatofthekingdom,whenitcametotaxation.ThusascheduleofcitydemandsfromJohn’sreignincludesonestatingthattallagesaretobeabolished

savewhenauthorized‘bycommonconsentofthekingdomandthecity’.71Theimplicationwasclearlythatifatallagewastobeleviedonthecity,thentheLondonerswouldneedtobepartofthenationalassemblywhichconsentedtoit.TheLondonersprobablyalsothoughtthattheyshouldbepresentwhensuchan

assemblyconsentedtoanaid,whetheronepaidjustbyLondonorbyLondonaspartofageneralaidleviedonthekingdom.Suchrepresentation,however,wasnotsomethingthatthebaronsof1215werepreparedtocontemplate.Itwasonlyin1265,whenthegovernmentwascontrolledbySimondeMontfort,thatrepresentatives

ofthetownsweresummonedtoparliament.

THECHURCHANDCHURCHMEN

Churchmenseem,intheCharter,toplayafarlargerpartinthelifeoftherealmthandotownsmen.Thearchbishops,bishopsandabbotsweretoreceivepersonalsummonsesto

chapter14’snationalassembly.StephenLangton,archbishopofCanterbury,togetherwithsevenotherEnglishbishops,wereallmentionedbynameatthestartoftheCharterasthoseonwhoseadviceJohnhadacted.Itwasthesamemen,inchapter62,whoweretoissueletterstestifyingtotheCharter’sauthentictext.

MagnaCarta,initsveryfirstchapter,guaranteedthefreedomofthechurch,andconfirmedJohn’spreviousconcessionoverfreeelections.Chapter22preservedclerksfromunjustamercements.MagnaCartaalsorevealedthepositionofthepopebothasheadofthechurchandasoverlord(thankstoJohn’sconcession

in1213)ofthekingdom.ThusthepreamblelistedMasterPandulf,a‘familiarisofthelordpope’–meaningamemberofPopeInnocentIII’shousehold–asoneofJohn’scounsellors,whilechapter1mentionedInnocent’sconfirmationofJohn’schartergrantingfreeelections.TheArticlesoftheBarons,intheirturn,hadtried

topreventJohnseekinganythingfromthepopethatmightunderminetheCharter.Thisplaceaccordedto

churchmenwasabsolutelynatural.Itstemmedinpartfromthedeep-rootedideathatthebishopsingeneral,andthearchbishopofCanterburyinparticular,shouldbetheking’scounsellorsinbothspiritual

andtemporalaffairs.InnocentIIIhimselfopinedthatbishopsshouldbe‘loyaltotheking,profitabletothekingdom,andcapableofgivingcounselandhelp’.72

TheplaceofthechurchintheCharteralsostemmedfromitsgreatwealth.SomeofthebishopsoftheseventeenEnglishdioceseshadincomesthatequalledorexceeded

thoseofthegreatestearls.Thesamewastrueofthegreaterabbots(ofStAlbansorWestminster,forexample).AtthetimeofDomesdayBookin1086overaquarterofthelandinEnglandwasinthehandsofthechurch,andthesharehadincreasedconsiderablysincethenwiththefoundationofnewmonasteries,especiallythose

oftheCistercianorder.Muchofthisland,moreover,washelddirectlyfromthekinginreturnforthesamemilitaryandotherservices(describedmorefullyinthenextchapter)aswereowedbyearlsandbarons.Thechurch,asalandholder,therefore,benefitedlikeeveryoneelsefromthechaptersintheCharterwhichsoughtto

restraintheabusesoftheking’slocalofficials,andreducetheareaoftheroyalforest.Therewasalso,however,a

vastrangeofecclesiasticalactivitygovernedbythechurch’sownproceduresandcanonlaw,thelatterthesumofpronouncementsbythepopeandchurchcouncilsdowntheages.Oneofthe

mostremarkablenarrativesfromJohn’sreignisanaccountofEveshamabbey’sstruggleagainstitslecherousabbotandthejurisdictionalclaimsofthebishopofWorcester.WrittenbythemonkThomasofMarlborough,whoplayedaleadingpartintheaffair,itrunstoover130printedpagesinamoderneditionand

givesgraphicaccountsofjourneystoRomeanddecisionsbythepopeandhisdelegatedjudges.73KingJohnhardlyappearsonce.ThisseparationbetweenchurchandstateisseenintheveryfirstchapteroftheCharterwheretheconcessiontoGodofthefreedomofthechurchismadequitedistinctfromtheconcessionstotherealm.

Thepreciseboundarybetweenecclesiasticalandsecularjurisdictionhadlongbeencontentious,andMagnaCartaillustratessomethingoftheuneasydivide.Thesecularcourthadjurisdictionwhentherighttoappointaparishpriesttoaliving(oneclaimedbymanylords)wasdisputed.Indeed,therelevantlegalaction,thatof‘darrein

presentment’,wasoneofthosemademoreavailableunderchapter18oftheCharter.Ecclesiasticalcourts,ontheotherhand,hadjurisdictionoverChurchrevenuestowhichnosecularserviceswereattached,sotithesandlandheld‘infreealms’.Thus,inchapter22,theamountofanamercementimposedonaclerkwastobe

determinedaccordingtothevalueofhis‘laytenement’,nothisecclesiasticalbenefice.Overthelatterthekinghadnoauthority.TheCharteralsomadeanodtowardstheChurch’sclaimtooverseetheadministrationofadeadperson’sproperty,thepointbeingsothatitcouldthenensurethefulfilmentofcharitablebequests.Chapter

27thussaidthatthegoodsofsomeonewhodiedintestateshouldbedistributedbyhisnearestrelationsandfriends‘underthesupervisionofthechurch’.74Thechurchdidnot,however,usetheChartertostrengthenthedivisionbetweensecularandecclesiasticaljurisdiction,althoughitoftencomplainedofitsbreach.TheCharter

thusdidnottrytoreaffirmtheconcessionmadebyHenryIIafterthedisputewithThomasBecket,whichfreedclerksaccusedofcrimefromtrialandpunishmentinsecularcourts.JustwhytheCharterwasnotmoreofanecclesiasticaldocumentwillemergewhenwelookattheroleofArchbishopLangtonintheeventsof1215.75

5

MagnaCartaandSociety:Earls,Barons,KnightsandFreeTenants

TheChartergivesnoinformationabouttherelationsbetweenlordsandtheirvilleins.Bycontrast,itprovidesagreatdealofinformationabouttherelationsbetweenthekingandhisleadingmen,namelytheearls,baronsandothersholdingtheirlanddirectlyfromhim,holding,thatis,fromhim‘inchief’–‘in

capite’–asitwasputinchapters2and14oftheCharter.These‘tenants-in-chief’,ashistorianscallthem,formedanelitegroup,abovethemanyotherswhoheldtheirlandnotfromtheking,butfromthetenants-in-chiefthemselves.Toregulaterelationsbetweenthekingandhistenants-in-chiefwasacentralthrustofMagnaCarta.

Thetenants-in-chiefwerethusattheheartoftheCharter.Theywerealso,astheChartersawit,attheheartofthekingdom.Theyalone,underchapter14oftheCharter,weretogivethecommonconsentofthekingdomtotaxation.Themostimportantofthetenants-in-chief,theearlsandgreaterbarons,weretoreceive

individuallettersofsummons;therestweretobesummonedgenerallybythesheriffs.AttheendoftheCharter,itwastwenty-fivebarons,chosenbythebaronsthemselves,whoweretoenforceitsterms.Thelandheldbyatenant-

in-chieffromthekingwasoftencalleda‘feodum’,aword,translatedas‘fief’or

‘fee’,whichappearsthirteentimesintheCharter.Anditisfrom‘feodum’thathistorianshaveoftenlabelledthetenurialstructurebasedonthefeeas‘feudalism’.Chapter2oftheCharterhighlightsamajordivisionwithinthetenants-in-chief,between,thatis,theearlsandbaronsontheonehandandknightsontheother.Chapter14

makesadifferentdivisionbetweenearlsandgreaterbarons,andtherestofthetenants-in-chief.Includedamongthegreaterbaronsweretheecclesiasticalmagnates,thearchbishops,bishopsandabbots,fortheytooheldlanddirectfromthekingoncomparabletermstotheirlaycolleagues.

ItwasassumedintheCharterthatfeeswerehereditary,asindeedtheygenerallywere.WhentheArticlesoftheBarons,initschapter1,statedthat‘heirsshallhavetheirinheritanceafterthedeathoftheirancestors…’,theissuewasnotthesuccessionitselfbuttheamounttobepaidforit.Atthestartoftherelationship

betweenthekingandatenant-in-chiefwastheactofhomage.ThisisnotmentionedintheCharter,althoughitdoesfeatureinchapter3oftheCharterof1216anditssuccessors.Homagetookplacewhenanewtenantsucceeded.Thetenantwouldkneeldown,placehistwohandsbetweenthehandsofthekingand

declare‘IbecomeyourmanforthetenementwhichIholdofyou,andIwillbearyoufealtyinlife,limbandearthlyhonour.’1Thisactestablishedamuchstrongerandmoreintimatebondthanthatinvolvedinasimpleoathoffealty,foritwasdirectlyrelatedtoloyaltyinreturnforland,asfealtywasnot.Italsocreatedamutualbond,sothat

theceremonyofthehandssymbolizedtheking’sprotectionofhismanandtheman’ssubjectiontohisking.Theceremonywassupposedtotakeplaceinapublicspace,soinachurch,chapelorhall,andhaveanuminousquality.Itmeanteverytenant-in-chiefbeganhiscareerwithaverypersonalencounterwithhisking,andwas

thereafterboundintoamutualrelationshipwithhim.Whilethe1215Magna

Cartasaidnothingabouthomage,itwasveryclearabouttheotheringredientsintherelationship.Onewasthecounselthekingcouldandshouldreceivefromhistenants,astheChartertestifiedwhenitcametotaxationinchapters12and

14.Anotherwasmilitary.Chapter2mentionedthatthetenants-in-chiefheld‘byknightservice’.Thesamechapteralsoreferredto‘thewholefee[feodum]ofaknight’.Thismeantafeeforwhichtheserviceofoneknightwasowedwhenthekingsummonedouthisarmy.Aknightlytenant-in-chiefmightindeedowetheking

theserviceofoneknight.Thereturnstoaninquiryfrom1166,ontheotherhand,showmanyearlsandbaronsowingthekinganythingbetweentwentyknightsandahundred.2Analternativeformofmilitaryservicewasthatofgarrisoningaroyalcastle.Chapter29wasconcernedtopreventJohndemandingadoubleration–both

garrisoningacastleandappearinginhisarmy.Anadditioninthe1217versionoftheCharter(chapter29)madeitexplicitthatthearmyserviceinquestionwas‘forthefee’forwhichitwasowed.Chapter29also

demonstratedthewayinwhichmilitaryservicecouldbecommutedtomoney,when

directingthatifaknightwantedtoservepersonallyorthroughadeputy,ratherthangivemoneyinlieu,heshouldbeallowedtodoso.Givingmoneyinlieuhadlongbeencommon.Foreachofhismanycampaigns,Johnraisedataxcalled‘scutage’.Thisisreferredtoinchapters12and14,whichtriedtoensurethatitwasleviedonlybycommon

consent.‘Scutage’waspaidatafixedrateaccordingtothenumberoffeesheldbythetenant-in-chief,andthusthenumberofknightsheowed.(Scutageitself–‘scutagium’inLatin–meansshield.)Ifthescutagewas£2afee,abaronwitheightyfeeswouldowe£160.Whetheratenant-in-chiefledacontingentofknights,orgave

scutageinstead,dependedonapersonalagreementwiththeking,asdid,inpractice,theprecisenumbersactuallybroughttothehost.Thenominalservicebasedonfeesdeterminedscutagebutnotanylonger,ifiteverhad,theactualsizeofthecontingents.Thesecouldbemuchsmaller,whichwasareflectionofthecostsinvolved.3

Otherfeaturesoftherelationshipbetweenthekingandhistenants-in-chieflikewisestandoutintheearlychaptersoftheCharter.Therewasthepaymentmadewhenthenewtenantenteredhisestate.TheCharterstipulatedthisshouldbeafixedsum,calleda‘relief’,andnotsomearbitraryfine.Therewerethe‘aids’(essentiallytaxes)of

chapters12and14,whichthekingcouldraiseforransominghisbody(asKingRichardhaddone),knightinghiseldestsonandthemarryingononeoccasionofhiseldestdaughter.Andtheninchapters3,4and5thereweretheking’srightsofwardshipoveranheirwhowasunderage.(TheCharterof1216addedtochapter3

thattheageofmajoritywastobetwenty-one.)Theserightsmeantthekingheldthefeeoftheheir(maleorfemale)andreceivedallitsrevenuesduringtheminority.Alternatively(aschapter4said),hecouldgiveorsellthecustodytosomeoneelse.TheCharterwenton,inthenextchapter,namelychapter6,tostatethat‘heirs’weretobe

‘marriedwithoutdisparagement’,thatisnottothosebelowtheminsocialrank.Thekingalsohadpoweroverthewidowsoftenants-in-chief,hencethestatement,inchapters7and8,thatwidowsshouldnothavetopaytogettheirlandsafterthedeathoftheirhusbands,andshouldnotbeforcedintoremarriage.

Anotherchapter,26,showsthespecialvulnerabilityofthewidowandchildrenofatenant-in-chiefwhenhedied(the‘children’hereimpliestherewasnoheirofage),forittriedtostoptheking’sagentsarbitrarilyseizingchattelsontheexcusethatthedeceasedtenant-in-chiefhadowedmoneytothecrown.

Thestatusandmilitarymienofthegreattenants-in-chiefaredisplayedintheeffigiesontheirtombsandtheimagesontheirseals.ThePurbeckmarbleeffigiesofWilliamMarshal,earlofPembroke,andWilliamLongespee,earlofSalisbury(KingJohn’shalf-brother),bothsurvive,theoneinLondon’sTempleChurch,the

otherinSalisburycathedral.Longespee’seffigyshowshimwithhishandonhissword,hisbodyencasedinchainmailprotectedbyagreatshieldonwhichdancethesixlionsofhiscoatofarms.Themightofthesemenstandsoutinthecastlessitedatthecentreoftheirfees.AthisseatatFramlingham,RogerBigod,earlofNorfolk,

oneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause,rebuiltthecastlewithnofewerthanthirteentowersarounditscurtainwall.4

Whatkindofnumbersthenarewedealingwithwhenitcomestoearlsandbarons?Earlsareeasiesttocountbecausetheyarealwaysgiventheirtitle,andhadprobablyreceiveditata

formalceremony.IntheLatinoftheCharter,thismadethelorda‘comes’,while,intheFrenchtranslation,heisa‘conte’–a‘count’.ItwasonlyinEnglishthathewouldhavebeencalledan‘earl’,butthatishowconventionallyallhistoriansdescribethesemen.Thankstotheformalceremonyneededtoenterthehonour,oneeitherwasanearl

oronewasn’t.InJohn’sreigntheyusuallynumberedaroundadozen.Thereweresevenearlsamongthetwenty-fivebaronselectedundertheCharter’ssecurityclause,whileJohnwasabletonamefouratthestartoftheCharteramonghisadvisers.HemighthaveaddedRanulf,earlofChester,andhisally,WilliamdeFerrers,earlof

Derby,hadtheynotbeenabsentfromRunnymede.5

Baronsarehardertocount,because,althoughabarondidhomageforhisbarony,hedidnotactuallyuse‘baron’asatitle.Inaddition,theestatesconstitutingthe‘whole’baroniesofchapter2oftheCharterwereneverclearlydefinedbefore1215.Afterwards,theyhadtobe,in

ordertodecidewhoowedthe£100reliefstipulatedbytheCharter.Oftenusingthislaterevidence,I.J.SandersinhisstudyofEnglishbaroniesbetween1087and1327wasabletolist102ofthem,althoughhethenaddedanotherforty-eight‘probablebaronies’.Nearlyallofthesebaronieswereinexistencebefore1215,althoughfar

fromallwereinbeingatanyonetime.Asfortheknightlytenants-in-chiefwhoheldnotbaroniesbutknights’fees,therewereperhapsbetweenthreetofourhundredofthem.6

Theaveragebaronialincome,drawnfromasamplegrouptakenfrombetween1160and1220,wasabout£200ayearandthemedian

was£115,butsevenbaronshadincomesofover£400.Inoneyearbetween1211and1212theking’sofficialswereabletoraise,afternecessaryexpenses,around£1,000fromthelandsoftheunderageJohndeLacy.Probablythatwasthekindofincomeenjoyedbymanyoftheearls,althoughlaterinthecentury,whenwehavemorefigures,

someearlshadincomesofseveralthousandpoundsayear.Bywayofcomparison,KingJohn’sannualincomefromEnglandatthestartofhisreignwasabout£22,000.Thewageofalabourerworkingononeoftheking’sbuildingswasoneandahalfortwopenniesaday.Awomanlabourerreceivedonepenny,so240thofapound.7

Bothearlsandbaronspresidedoverthesamekindofestate.ThatpointemergesfromthephraseologyoftheCharterwhereearlssucceedednottoanearldombuttothe‘baronyofanearl’,whichintermsofitsstructurewasnodifferentfromthebaronyofabaron.Althoughnearlyalltheearlswereearlsofacounty,orthechiefcity

ofacounty,thisentitledthemtonomorethanafairlymodestannualpaymentfromthecounty’srevenues.TheonlyexceptionwasChester,wheretheearlhadalltheking’srightsinCheshireitself.Theearldomwasthusanhonoraryposition,althoughonecoveted,forthehonourwasgreat.Betweentheearlsandgreaterbarons,

andtheothertenants-in-chief,therewas,however,afundamentaldifferenceinthestructureoftheirfees.True,allofthemderivedthebulkoftheirincomefromland,fromthedemesnemanorsthattheykeptinhand.Buttheearlsandgreaterbaronsalsohadmanors,partsofmanorsandotherproperties,heldfromthembytheirown

knightlytenants,whereasminorbaronsandknightsholdinginchiefdidnot,ordidnotonanythinglikethesamescale.In1166WilliamdeFerrers,earlofDerby,listedforty-sevensuchtenants.8Itwasthetotalpackage,demesnemanorsandtenantedlands,thatmadeupthehereditaryfeeoftheearlorbaron.Sometimes,as

inchapter43,whichdealtwithsomefeesintheking’shands,thiswascallednotthebaron’sfeebuthis‘honour’(hisestate).Withinthebaronialfeesor

honours,thegreatmajorityofsignificanttenantsintheearlythirteenthcenturywereknights,andtheirrelationshipwiththeirbaroniallordreplicatedthatbetweenthe

baronandtheking.Thiswasmadeveryclearinrespectofhomageinchapter3oftheCharterof1216,whichdirectedthat,inthecaseofanunderageheir,thelord(sonotjusttheking)wastotakehishomagebeforereceivingthewardship.Therelationshipisalsoilluminatedinchapter43ofthe1215Charter,dealingwithbaroniesintheking’s

hands.Thisstipulatedthatthekingshouldreceivereliefandotherservicesfromthetenantsasifthebaronywasstillheldbythebaron.Theotherserviceswouldhaveincludedaidsandknightservice,aschapters15and16oftheChartershowed.Theywouldalsohaveincludedscutage,sothat,whenleviedbytheking,thebaron

recoupeditfromhisknightlytenants.Inaddition,lordscontrolledwardshipsandmarriagesofunderageheirs,andhadrightsovertheremarriageofwidows.Thus,underchapter8,awidowhadtogivesecuritythatshewouldnotremarrywithouttheking’sassent,ifsheheldherlandfromhim,or‘withouttheassentofherlord

fromwhomsheholds,ifsheholdsfromanother’,aperfectlayingoutofthetenurialhierarchy.Lordsalsoheldacourt(sometimescalledbyhistorians‘thehonorialcourt’)fortheirtenantsbymilitaryservice,anddefendeditsauthorityinchapter34oftheCharter.Suchcourtshadjurisdictionoverdisputesaroundboth

possessionofthefeesandtheservicesowedthelord.Thecourtsmightbecomeafocusofloyaltyandcommunity.Theywerealsoawayforthelordtomakemoneyfromamercements.

KNIGHTS

KnightswereabsolutelycentraltokeyfeaturesoftheCharter.True,theywereonly

nameddirectlyasthebeneficiariesoftwochapters,andthesewerelimitedtoknightlytenants-in-chief.Chapter2regulatedreliefduefromtheheirorheirsofaknight,andchapter29allowedknightstogarrisoncastlesinperson,andprotectedthemfromhavingtodobothgarrisonandarmyduty.Chapter43,too,

benefitedknights,althoughagainonlythoseholdingtheirlandfromtheking,whenitregulatedthereliefandotherserviceswithinhonoursthathadcomeintotheking’shands.Itwasinthechaptersonjusticeandlocalgovernmentthatthegeneralbodyofknights,notjustthoseholdingfromtheking,cameintotheirown.Under

chapter18,thekingwasto‘sendtwojusticesthrougheachcountyfourtimesayear’tohearthecommon-lawlegalactions,calledassizes,whichdetermineddisputesoverproperty.Thesejudgeswerenottoactalone.Theyweretohearthecaseswithfourknightsofthecounty,electedbythecountycourt.Thiswasastriking

recognitionofthelegalexpertiseandself-confidenceoftheknights.Evidently,theyfeltquiteabletositalongsidetheking’sjudges.Inaddition,inwhatBlackstonewronglymadeanewchapter(19),itwaslaiddownthatsufficientknightsandfreetenantsweretostaybehindforjudgementstobemade,ifthebusinesscould

notbefinishedonthedayofthemeetingofthecountycourt.Theroleofknightswasrevealedevenmoreremarkablyinchapter48oftheCharter.Underitsterms,twelveknightsineachcounty,electedby‘uprightmenofthesamecounty’,weretoinvestigatetheabusesoftheking’slocalofficialsandthen,withinfortydays,

abolishthem.Theknightsthushadvirtuallyafreehandinthereformoflocalgovernment.Justhowcentralthischapterwastothewholesettlementwasshownon19June1215,when,asaconditionofthepeace,Johnhadatoncetosettheworkoftheknightsinmotion.9AccordingtothecalculationsofKathrynFaulkner,there

werearound4,500menacceptedasknightsinearlythirteenth-centuryEngland,acceptedthatisforthepurposeofsittingonjuriesandperformingvariousadministrativeandjudicialtasks.AlargecountysuchasYorkshirehadanestimatedtotalof238knights;asmallonesuchasSurrey,90knights.10Afewhundredof

theseknightswouldhavebeentenants-in-chiefoftheking,anddirectbeneficiariesofchapters2and29.Therestwould,forthemostpart,havebeentenantsoftheearls,barons,bishopsandabbots.Aswehaveseen,thetermsonwhichtheyheldfromtheirlordsreplicatedthoseonwhichthoselordsheldfromtheking.Inrespectoflanded

wealth,asurveyoffifty-sevenOxfordshireknightsfromthe1220sshowsthatfivehadfourormoremanors,andthusincomesapproachingbaronialproportions.Someoftheseknightshadtheirowntenantsbyknightserviceforwhomtheyheldcourts.11ManyoftheknightswhostarinHolt’sstudyofnorthernerscome

fromthisupperbandoftheclass.12Theirinfluencehelpstoexplainwhychapter34,protectingprivatejurisdiction,wasdrawnwidelyandspokeofthecourtsoffreemen,notjustofthecourtsofbarons.Belowthisupperleveltherewere,intheOxfordshiresurvey,twentyknightswithtwoorthreemanors;twenty-five

withonemanorofreasonablesize;andsevenwithsmallerproperties.ABedfordshiresurveyfromafewyearsearliersuggestsamuchhigherproportionofknightsinthelastcategory,withover50percenthavinglessthanawholefee,althoughfeesareanuncertainguidetoactualproperty.13Laterinthethirteenthcentury,whenthe

levelwasputatthebareminimumrequired,anincomeof£15ayearwasdeemedsufficienttorenderoneliabletotakeupknighthood.14Probably,inJohn’sreign,mostknightswithtworeasonablysizedmanorsorequivalentpropertieswouldhavebeenabovethatlevel;thosewithonemanorofreasonablesize

mighthavebeenatthatlevel;thosewithless,belowit.TheknightsinJohn’sreign

thuscoveredaverybroadsocialspectrum.Fromacoreofknightswithoneortwomanors,thegroupreacheduptothoseofbaronialwealth,anddowntothosenotmuchdifferentfromthefreetenantssittingabovethepeasantry.Intheupperlevelsofsociety,

bothkingsandbaronshadlongbecomeknightsthroughaformalceremonyinwhichtheyweregirdedwiththeswordofknighthood.Increasingly,apingtheirsuperiors,thiswasalsotrueofthewealthiercountyknights.Whether,however,thegeneralrunofthosedescribedasknightsinJohn’sreignhadgonethrougha

ceremonymaybedoubted.Probablymenwereacceptedasknightsonjuriesandinotherlocalgovernmentrolesbecausetheyinsomewaylookedthepart.Thiscouldcauseargumentsastowhoexactlywasaknight.TheabbotofCrowlandinthe1190scomplainedthatfour‘knights’whohadtestifiedagainsthimwereactually

‘lowfellows’(‘viles’),‘notoftheknightlyordernorgirtwithsword’.Indeedtheydidnotholdtheirlandsbyknightservice.OneofthemcouldnotevenspeakFrench.15Thatthekingsometimesorderedinquiriestobemadebybeltedknightsshowsthatnotallknightswerebelted.InthedecadesafterMagna

Carta,therewasarapid

declineinthenumberofknights.InresponsetoattitudessuchastheabbotofCrowland’s,theviewbecameestablishedthatonlythosewhohadgonethroughtheceremonycouldberegardedasholdingthehonour.16Sincetheceremonywasexpensive(theaspiringknightneededtohavethenecessaryequipment),onlytheupper

levelsoftheoldknightlyclasstookupthehonour.TheexpenseisshowninMagnaCartaitselfwheretheknightingofaneldestsonwasoneoftheoccasionsonwhichbothkingandlordscouldlevyanaid.In1216Johngavesomeonetenmarksorahorseworththesameamount‘inaidofhisknighting’.17InJohn’sreign,

however,westillhavethe‘old’knightlyclass,andthatdidnothingtodiminishitspower.Inasense,ithadthebestofbothworlds,thenewandtheold.Ontheonehand,therewerebeltedknightsveryconsciousoftheirstatusandimportance.Yet,ontheotherhand,onjuriesandinotherlocalroles,thesemen,withoutanyformal

distinctionofstatus,workedalongsideknightsofmuchlesserestate.Indeed,justwhereknightsstoppedandfreetenantsbeganwasnotatallclear.Societywaslessstratifiedandarguablymorecohesivethanitbecamelater.TheCharteritselfdidnotstipulatethattheknightsinchapters18and48neededtobebelted,andthusdid

nothingtoacceleratethedevelopmentofaknightlyelite.Italsoenvisagedaneasycooperationandinterchangebetweenknightsandfreemen,thusreflectingthelackofanycleardivisionbetweenthosewhowereandwerenotknights.TheCharterhadtwomenrunningwardshipswheretheUnknownCharterhadfour

knights.Underchapter19,itisknightsandfreetenantstogetherwhoaretostaybehindtoassistjudgementsinthecountycourt.TheknightsofJohn’sreign

werecertainlymilitarilyactive,hencetheirimportanceintherebellionof1215.Theycouldallhaveperformedthearmyserviceandcastleguardexpectedoftheknightly

tenants-in-chiefinchapter29.Thesamemenwereequallybusyinlocalaffairs.ManyknightsinJohn’sIrisharmyof1210canbefoundsittingongrand-assizejuries.TheknightswerewellqualifiedfortherolesassignedtheminMagnaCarta.Undertheproceduresofthegrandassize,whichdeterminedtherighttoland,twelveknightly

jurors,chosenbyfourknights,gavetheverdicts.Panelsoffourknightswereregularlyappointedtoinvestigatetheexcusesofthosewhodidnotturnupinlawsuits,andalsoto‘beartherecord’ofproceedingsinthecountycourteitherbeforethekingorbeforehisjudgesatWestminster.Thekingwasemployingknightsinawhole

raftofrolesacrosslocalgovernment:assheriffs,coroners,keepersofmanorsandforestofficials.Lordswereemployingthemtoo,notablyastheirstewards.MatthewParisdescribedtheknightLaurencedeTybridge,stewardofStAlbansabbey,as‘amanmosthandsomeinbody,eloquent,wiseandknowledgeableaboutcivil

pleas’.ThevigourwithwhichhestoodupforStAlbansinonedisputeearnedhimthehatredofthegreatbaronRobertfitzWalter.18

Therolesassignedtotheknightsinchapters18and48oftheCharterwerepartofawidercampaign,wellunderwayby1215,forlocalmentocontrollocaloffices.19Thestrengthoffeelingis

brilliantlyhighlightedbyacaseintheSomersetcountycourtin1204recordedbytwelveknightsofthecounty.HereRichardRevelupbraidedthesheriffforbeinganoutsiderwhileheandhisfatherwere‘nativemenandgentlemenofthecountry’–‘naturaleshominesetgentilesdepatria’.20InLincolnshire,nofewerthan

twenty-ninelocalmenstoodsuretyforthe500marksofferedforthesheriffdombythemajorcountyknightThomasofMoulton.21ThemenofCornwall,andofSomerset-Dorset(ajointsheriffdom),bothofferedJohnover1,000markstohavesheriffschosenfromtheirnumber,whowouldberesidentintheircounties.22

Themenofthecountieswhomadesuchofferscouldincludebishopsandbaronsaswellasknights,butknightswereattheheartofsuchgroups.Indeed,bishopsandbarons,thinkingtheycouldlookafterthemselves,sometimesrefusedtobeinvolved.23ItwasknightswholedtheresistanceinDevonwhenthesheriff

seemedtobebreakingthecounty’scharter.InDecember1214twelveknightsapiecefromCornwall,DevonandSomersetcametothekingtonegotiateabouttheconcessionoffurther‘liberties’.24

Thestipulationthattheknightsinchapters18and48belocallyelectedthus

respondedtolocalsociety’sdesiretocontrolthepersonneloftheking’sgovernmentintheshires–‘self-governmentattheking’scommand’,asthehistorianA.B.Whiteputit.25Inchapter18itisclearfromthecontextthatthecountycourtistobethebodyelectingthefourknightssittingwiththejudges.(InLatin,theword

‘comitatus’canmeanboth‘county’and‘countycourt’.)Chapter48,wherethetwelveknightsreformingabusesaretobeelectedby‘proboshomineseiusdemcomitatus’,ismoreambiguous,andthewordsareusuallytranslatedassimply‘uprightmenofthesamecounty’.26However,John’sletterof19June1215,settingchapter48inmotion,

showsthatthecountycourtwasagaintobetheforum.27

Anewlydiscoveredletteralsoshowstheelectionsweretotakeplaceineachcountybeforefourknightsappointedbythetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.28

Thecountycourtsusuallymetonceamonth,butlittlesurvivesfromthisperiodtoshowexactlyhowthey

worked.29That,however,knightswerecentraltotheirprocedures,therecanbenodoubt.ItispanelsofknightswhoroutinelybeartherecordofcasesinthecountycourtbeforethekingorthejudgesatWestminster;in1212itisknightswhoarearrestedformakingfalsejudgementsintheGloucestershirecountycourt;intheHerefordshire

court,ayearbefore,acaseispostponedbecausetheknightsareindisagreementandtoofewarepresent;inSuffolk,in1213,moneyistobepaidoveratthecountycourt‘beforetheknights’;inOxfordshire,in1222,‘nearlyalltheknights’ofthecountycourt‘riseup’inprotestagainstaparticularjudgement.30Justhowmany

knightsroutinelyattendedthecourtwecannotknow.Therewasprobablyasmallishcoreattheforefrontofitsbusiness,astherewaswhenitcametosittingongrand-assizejuries.TheGloucestershirecasesuggeststhatitwasacliqueofknightswhoweremanagingthejudgements.Ontheotherhand,importantbusinessmay

wellhavebroughtinlargernumbers.Theframersofchapter48cannothaveknownpreciselywhowouldconstitutethe‘uprightmen’ofeachcounty,chargedwithelections.Therecannothavebeenanydoubt,however,thattheywouldbelargelysynonymouswiththecountyknights.

Noneofthismeansthatearlsandbaronslackedinfluenceinthecountycourt.Theknightsweretheirtenants,andmanywerealsotheirstewards.Indeed,thosewhoattendedthecourtaresometimesdescribedas‘stewardsandknights’or‘knightsandstewards’.InacaseintheLincolnshirecourt,in1226,knightsofthe

county,rallyingindefenceofachapterinHenryIII’sMagnaCarta,threatenedastewardwhohadsteppedoutoflinewithtellinghislordabouthisbehaviour.31Baronscouldalsoappearinthecountycourtinperson.Yetitwouldbeequallywrongtothinkthatthecountycourtwassimplydominatedbygreatlords.In1220thebaron

RogerdeMontbegon,whowasalsooneofMagnaCarta’stwenty-fivebarons,sweptfuriouslyoutoftheNottinghamshirecourtwhenhefoundthemajorityopinionagainsthim.32TheOxfordshireknightswhoroseupagainstacourtjudgementin1222werenotactingforagreatbaronorbarons;therewerenoneinthecounty.

Instead,theknightswerestandingtogetheragainsttheover-mightysheriff,FalkesdeBréauté,andhisagents.33

Clearly,thebalanceofpowervariedbetweencounties,dependingonthelocalpoliticalgeography.Thatthetwenty-fivebaronsin1215orderedtheelectionstotakeplacebeforefournominatedknightswaspartlytoprotect

theprocessfromthesheriffs,whopresidedoverthecountycourts.Italsomeantthatindirectlytheyhopedtohavesomeinfluenceovertheelectionsthemselves.Butthetwenty-fiveonlywentsofar.Theydidnotsaythefourknights,asinthegrandassize,shouldactuallymaketheelection.Thatwouldhavebeencontrarytothetermsof

theCharter.

FREEMENANDFREETENANTS

MagnaCartareachedouttoamuchbroadersectionofsocietythanthatcomposedofearls,baronsandknights.JohngrantedtheCharter,aswehaveseen,to‘allthefreemenofourkingdom’.Indeed,freemenwereapparentlya

farmoreprivilegedgroupthanearlsandbarons,havingsevenchaptersintheCharterdevotedspecificallytotheirinterests,whereasthelatter(likeknights)onlyhadtwo.34Insomecases,itistrue,‘freemen’meantessentiallyearls,baronsandknights.Therecanhavebeenfewoutsidethatnumberwhoheldthecourtsbelongingtofreemenwhose

jurisdictionwasprotectedinchapter34.Indeed,alaterglossontheclausedescribeditasdealingwiththecourtsof‘magnates’.35Ontheotherhand,freemenaresometimesmanifestlydistinctfromtheearlsandbarons,notablyinthechaptersonamercements(20and21)wherethetwogroupsaregivenseparatetreatment.Inothercases,

‘freeman’wouldseem,intheoryatleast,toembraceallsectionsofsocietyabovetheunfreepeasantry.Thiswastrueofchapter27,whichdirectedthat‘ifanyfreeman’diedintestate,hischattelsweretobedistributedbyhis‘closestkinandfriends’.Itwasalsotrueofchapter30,underwhichnoofficialwastotakethehorsesandcartsof

‘anyfreeman’,save‘withtheconsentofthefreemanhimself’;theconsentofthefreemanwasanempoweringconcept.And,ofcourse,underchapter39itwas‘nofreeman’,notjustnoearl,baronorknight,whowasnottobeproceededagainstsavebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland.

Freemenwereawidergroupthanthefreetenants,whoinchapter19weretostaybehindwiththeknightstoheartheassizes.Afreetenantbydefinitionheldland,afreemanmightnot,forhecouldbeamerchant,aprofessionalsoldieroracraftsman.Allfreetenantswerefreemen,butnotallfreemenwerefreetenants.Free

tenantsthemselvesweredividedaccordingtothetermsonwhichtheyheldland,astheChartermadeclearinchapter16.Theycouldoweserviceforthefeeofaknightor‘foranother[kindof]freetenement’.Chapter37revealedthatthelattermightincludetenementsheldinfeefarm,orinsocage,whichmeant

essentiallytenementsheldinreturnfordifferentkindsofrent.36

Freetenantsholdinglandforrentincludedaverylargesliceofthepeasantry.Theyalsoincludedafarmoresignificantgroup,governmentallyandpolitically,onewhoseimportancehelpstoexplainwhythechaptersinthe

Charteronfreemenandfreetenantsappearedatall.Thisisagrouphardtodefine,andverylittlestudiedbyhistorians,butonerecognizedbycontemporarieswhentheyspoke,asinchapter19,offreetenantsseparatefromknightsbutnonethelesscooperatingwiththem.Thesefreetenantsformedahingebetweenthegeneralrunof

thepeasantryfreeandunfree,ontheonehand,andtheknightsontheother.Theyarebestseeninthegroupsoftwelvemencalledontostaffthejuriesrepresentingthelocalgovernmentdivisionofthehundred.Suchjurieswerevitalinstitutions,fortheygaveevidenceabouteventsinthehundredtotheking’sjudgesontheirvisitationsto

thecounties.Intermsofpersonnel,thejuriesprobablyoverlappedwiththemenwhotookaleadingpartinthebusinessofthehundredcourt,attendedthecountycourtandstaffedthenumerouscommon-lawjuries.(Itwasonlythejuriesofthegrandassizethatwereconfinedtoknights.)Whenthepersonnelofthesehundredjuriescanbe

studiedforlateryearsofthethirteenthcentury,atthebottomofthescaletheycomprisemenwhointermsofthesizeoftheirlandedholdingsseemofpeasantstatus.Atthetopofthescaletherecanbesomeknights.Inbetweenthesetwogroups,andformingthesocialcoreofthejuries,weremenwhoheldbetweenthirtyandahundred

orsoacres.Theirlandmightbeinacontiguousblockorscatteredbetweenseveralholdings.Itmightbeallinhand,orpartyheldbytenants.IntheHundredRolls,jurorsfromBlackbournhundredinSuffolkincludethosewith32,56,64,86,110,129,145,180and320acres.Theaverageholdingwas79acres.37Insuch

groups,somememberswererisingsociallyfromtheranksofthepeasants,othersdescending(oftenasyoungersonswithsmallprovision)fromtheranksoftheknights.38Intheearlythirteenthcentury,thenumberofthoseonsuchjuriespassingforknightswouldhavebeenlarger,giventhelaterdeclineinknightly

numbers.Butmanyofthejurors,eveninthe1200s,wouldhavebeenbelowtheknightlylevel,andhavejustbeenregardedasfreetenants.Itwasthroughthesejuries,indeed,thatthejaggedanduncertainlinebetweenknightsandnon-knightsran,asdidtoothedividebetweenthosewhocouldspeakbothFrenchandEnglishandthose

whowereonlyEnglishspeakers.TheabbotofCrowlandcomplained,aswehaveseen,thatoneoftheknightswhosworeagainsthimhadnoFrench,andthatmustincreasinglyhavebeenthesituationasonewentdownthesocialscale.Theroleinlocalaffairsof

thekindof‘hinge’menonthejuries,abovethegeneral

runofpeasantsbutbeneaththeknights,canbesensedinvariousprovisionsintheCharter.Thusifawardshipispillaged,itistobeentrustedto‘twolaw-worthyandprudentmenofthatfee’(chapter4).Ifcommon-pleabusinesscannotbefinishedonthedayofthecountycourt,thensufficientfreetenantsaswellasknightsare

toremainsothatjudgementscanbemade(chapter19).Whenamercementsareimposedonfreemen,villeinsandmerchants,theiramountistobedeterminedby‘theoathofuprightmenoftheneighbourhood’(chapter20);andwhenthesheriffsorbailiffsmakelistsofthechattelsofdeceasedtenants-in-chief,theyaretodoso‘by

viewoflaw-worthymen’(chapter26).KingJohnhimselfwas

veryawareoftheimportanceofthekindofmenfoundonthehundredjuries,andtheywereprobablythemaintargetofresoundingceremoniesin1209.Ingreatmeetingsthroughoutthecountry,climaxingatonebeforeJohnhimselfatMarlborough,mass

actsofhomagetothekingwereperformedbyfreemen.Thesemenwerenotswearingloyaltytohiminreturnforlandthattheyheldfromhim,asinanormalactofhomage.Thegreatmajority,afterall,heldnolandfromthecrown.ButJohnknewwhathewasdoing,fortheonepersontowhomhomagecouldbedone,wherelandwasnotinvolved,

wastheking.Ofcourse,thesemencannotallhavekneltdownbeforethekingandplacedtheirhandsinhis.Probably,whiletakingtheiroaths,theyraisedtheirhandsratherlikethesalutesatsomefascistrally.TheceremonysymbolizedJohn’sprotectionofthemenandtheirsubjectionandobediencetohim.Itwasthereciprocityof

thebondthuscreated,absentinamereoathoffealty,thatexplainedhowtheceremonycouldberegardedasoneofhomage.Johnhadrecognizedthemilitarypowerofthisgroupinhisordinanceforthedefenceoftherealmin1205.Itenlistedknightsandalso‘serjeants’and‘othersholdingland’,‘serjeant’hereprobablydescribingfree

tenantsjustbeneaththerankofknight.39

FAMILY,FRIENDSHIPANDNEIGHBOURHOOD

ThevisionofEnglandinchapter14oftheCharterwasofakingdomdividedupinto,anddominatedby,thefeesoftheearls,greaterbaronsandecclesiasticaltenants-in-chief.Thesewerethemenwho

werepersonallysummonedtotheassemblygivingthekingdom’scommonconsenttotaxation.Theycananswerforthekingdom,theimplicationseemstobe,becausebycommandingtheloyaltyofthetenantsintheirfees,collectivelytheyanswerforeveryoneinthekingdom.Therewassometruthinthisvision,butnotthewhole

truth.MagnaCarta’sEnglandisEngland,butonlybecauseotherchaptershintatamorenuancedandcomplexpicturefromthatfoundinchapter14.Inthefirstplace,therewereothertiesbeyondthoseintheverticalrelationshiprunningdownbetweenking,baronsandtheirtenants.TheCharterisveryclear

abouttheimportanceofthe

family.Thechaptersprotectingwidows,wards,childrenandheirswereverymuchthereatthebehestofthefamilygroupstowhichtheybelonged.Thatwasmadeplaininchapter6,whichsaidthatbeforeheirscouldbemarried,theirclosestkinweretobeinformedoftheproposedunion.Chapter3oftheArticlesoftheBarons

hadgonefurtheranddemandedthatthemarriagesshouldtakeplacewiththeclosestkin’s‘counsel’.40

Likewise,underchapter27oftheCharter,ifafreemandiedintestate,hischattelsweretobedistributedbyhisnearestrelationsandfriends.Familiescouldbeunitedintheiractions,andthebrothersThomasandAlanBasset,and

PeterandMatthewfitzHerbert,stoodshouldertoshoulderatthestartoftheCharteramongJohn’scounsellors.Theycouldalsobedivided,althoughthedivisionswerenotalwayswhattheyseemed.ItwassurelytokeepafootinbothcampsthatWilliamMarshal,earlofPembroke,remainedloyaltoKingJohn,being

namedfirstamongJohn’slaycounsellorsintheCharter,whilehiseldestsonwasoneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.Thetwenty-fiveincludedtwoBigodsandtwoClares(inbothcasesfatherandson),amongmanyothertiesofkinship.Thechapteronwillsalso

mentioned‘friends’aswellas

family.Tiesoffriendshipcouldbegivenvisualexpression.Onhisdashingseal,RobertfitzWalterdisplayedthecoatofarmsofSaerdeQuincy,earlofWinchester,thusproclaimingtheirmilitary,politicalandpersonalalliance.Saeronhissealrepaidthecompliment.Nordidthisjustapplytothemen,forSaer’swife,

Margaret,likewisefeaturedfitzWalter’scoatonherseal.41Friendshipsmightdevelopfrommeetingsatcourtoroncampaign.Theycouldalsogrowfromtiesofneighbourhood.Therewasacrucialneighbourhooddimensiontothe1215rebellionintheroleplayedbymenfromthenorth,‘thenortherners’ofHolt’sclassic

book.Particularlyintheearlystagesoftherevolt,thatwasthenameoftengivenbycontemporarywriterstotherebelsasawhole.Later,theuprisingbecamemuchwider,andthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclausewerebalancedinfavourofthosefromtheeasternandhomecounties.Butstilleightofitsnumberhadlargeinterestsin

thenorth.42ItwasdoubtlessthenorthernerswhosecuredatRunnymedetheinclusionoftheridingsofYorkshireandLincolnshireamongthelocalgovernmentunitsfromwhichthekingwasnottotakemorethanthefixedannualpaymentsoftheir‘ancient’farms.Workingforroyal

governmentonlocaljuries

andinquiriesitselfsolidifiedgroupsofneighbours.TheCharterdirected,inchapter20,thatamercementsweretobeassessed‘bytheoathofuprightmenoftheneighbourhood’.Groupsofkinsmen,friendsandneighbourswereequallysolidifiedbythepressuresofroyalgovernment.Onewayinwhichthathappenedis

showninchapter9oftheCharter.Thissoughttopreventthesuretiesofacrowndebtorfrombeingdistrainedtopayhisdebt,whenthedebtorcouldstillpayhimself.Ifthesuretieswereforcedtopay,theycouldhavethedebtor’slandsandrentsincompensation.ItwasroutineforKingJohntodemandsuretiesfroma

debtor.WhenhefinallyturnedonthegreatnorthernbaronWilliamdeMowbray,anddemandedthathepayanastronomicaldebtof1,740marks,hissuretiesincludedsevengreatbarons,sixofthemfromthenorth,allofwhomhadtogosuretyforspecifiedamounts.43Aschapter9inMagnaCartashows,thissystemcould

createtensionbetweenthedebtorandhissureties,butitmightalsogenerateacommunityofinterestandincipientaction.FourofMowbray’spledgesandthesonofanotherappearwithhimamongthetwenty-fivebaronsofMagnaCarta’ssecurityclause.

SOCIALCHANGE

Tiesoffamily,friendshipandneighbourhoodexistedalongsidetiesoftenureandcouldindeedsupportthem.Butthetenurialhierarchyitselfwasfarlessclear-cutthanthesimpledivisionintoearls,barons,knightsandfreetenantsmightseemtoimply,asindeedtheCharteragainhinted.Attheverytop,therewasuncertaintyaboutthe

positionofearl,forJohnandhispredecessorswereveryfarfromadmittingthatthehonourwasalwayshereditary.Indeed,eveninMagnaCartatheearlwastoowereliefforthe‘baronyofanearl’,sonotactuallyforanearldomatall.Aswewillsee,thismaywellhavebeenacontentiousissueatRunnymedeitself.44

Therewasalsoambivalenceoverthepositionofbaron.Chapter2oftheCharter,infixingthereliefoftenants-in-chief,madeadivisionbetweenbaronssucceedingtobaroniesandknightssucceedingtoknights’fees.Therewasnothingnovelinthat.ThedistinctionisfoundinboththeDialogusdeScaccario

andinalistofthetenants-in-chiefinShropshiremadebyitssheriffin1212.45YetJohncouldalsodescribesomeonewhoonlyheldoneknight’sfeeashis‘baron’,whichsuggeststhatthetermcouldstillbeusedforanytenant-in-chiefofthecrown.46Itwasequallyemployedbygreatlordstodescribetheirownknightlytenants.‘Inowwish

toconsultmybarons,’saidWilliamMarshal.47

Evenifonedidtrytodrawalinebetweentenants-in-chiefholdingbaroniesandtenants-in-chiefholdingknights’fees,howlogicalintermsofwealthwoulditalwaysbe?Thatsomebaronsmightbemenofnoverygreatimportanceisclearfromchapter14oftheCharter,in

whichonlygreaterbaronsweretoreceivepersonalsummonsestoitsnationalassembly.48Therewasequallyaproblemtheotherwayround,createdbythewealthandimportanceofthosewhoheldonlyoneortwofeesfromthecrownandsocouldscarcelyqualifyasbaronsatall,letalonegreaterbarons.Acaseinpointis

WilliamofHuntingfield.Hewasoneofthetwenty-five‘barons’ofMagnaCarta’ssecurityclause,yetheonlyheldonefee(atMendhaminSuffolknearHuntingfield)fromthecrown.Muchofhiswealthcamefromotherproperties,includingsevenfeesheldfromthehonourofEye.49MensuchasHuntingfieldwererisingin

societyfromknightlybackgrounds,oftenthroughroyalservice,andaugmentingtheirinheritancesthroughpurchases,andgiftsfromgreatlordsandfromtheking.AlanBasset,oneofthecounsellorsJohnnamedintheprologuetoMagnaCarta,wasaself-mademan,ayoungerson,whoputtogetheranestateofbaronial

proportions,includingthemanorsofHighWycombeandWoking,whichhereceivedfromtheking.50

ThomasBasset,Alan’selderbrother(althoughbothwereyoungersons),illustratesanotherpoint,namelyhowquicklyfamiliescouldriseandfall.Bythetimeofhisdeathin1220,hetoohadbuiltupagreatestate,

including,asagiftfromKingJohn,themanorofHeadingtonoutsideOxford,butleavingnoson,theestatewassplitbetweenhisthreedaughters.Thomas’sbranchoftheBassetshadcomeandgoneinageneration.ItwouldhavebeenamootpointwhetherHuntingfieldandtheBassetswereentitledtothepersonalsummonsestothe

nationalassemblyenvisagedinMagnaCarta’schapter14.51ThesamewouldhavebeentrueinthecaseofSimonofKyme.HewasaleadingfigureinLincolnshirefromthe1190s.Hehadhisownfollowing,includingtheLincolnshireknightPeterofBeckering,yetofhisthirtyorsofees,onlytwowereheldinchief.52AtleastHuntingfield,

KymeandtheBassetsdidholdinchief,andwouldhavebeensummonedunderthetermsofchapter14.Yetthereweremanyofequivalentornearequivalentstatuswhowouldhavebeenignoredaltogethersincetheyheldnothingfromtheking.53

Inthisfluidsituation,theCharterattemptedapieceofsocialcementing.Chapter2

fixedforthefirsttimethesizeofabaronialandknightlyrelief.Forthefirsttime,therefore,itbecamenecessarytodecidewhoheldbybaronyandwhoheldbyknight’sfee,forthetwogroupsweretoowereliefsofdifferentsizes.Fromonepointofview,thosewhofellonthebaronialsidelostout,fortheyhadtopayalarger

relief.Butthegainwasthattheywouldnowbepartofagroupveryclearlyseparated,intermsofstatus,fromthosebelowthem.Theyweretoformanewelite,asDavidCrouchputsit,the‘king’sbarons,thenoblesclosesttothecrown’.54TheCharteralsoconfirmedandimprovedtheprivilegesthatwentwithbaronialstatus.Chapter21of

theCharterthuslaiddownthatearlsandbaronsweretobeamercedbytheirpeers,whichmeanttheirsocialequals.Thisseparatedearlsandbaronsfromeveryoneelse,freemen,merchants,villeinsandclerks,whoweretobeamercedbymenoftheneighbourhood.ThisprivilegeintheCharterbuiltonexistingpractice,forprior

to1215,ifanearlorabaronwasconvictedofanoffencebeforetheking’sjudgesinthelocalities,theamercementwasassessednotbeforethejudgesbutatWestminsterbytheexchequer.55TheaimoftheCharter,therefore,wastopreventthishappeningandensurethatearlsandbaronswereamercedbythemselves,intheprocessmakingthem

allthemoreofanexclusivegroup.56

AnotherprivilegeaffirmedbytheCharterwasthatrelatingtonationalassemblies.Underchapter14,aswehaveseen,itwasonlyearlsandgreaterbaronswhoweretoreceivepersonalsummonsestothecouncilsempoweredtogivethekingdom’sconsentto

taxation.Theothertenants-in-chiefweretobesummonedgenerally,throughthesheriffs.Herethenthegreatmenoftherealmwerenotevencontentwithadivisionbetweenthebaronageandtherest.Theysetthebarforpersonalsummonseshigher,sothatonlygreaterbaronswouldgetthem.Thosewhowerenot

tenants-in-chief,ofcourse,wouldnotbesummonedatall.Probablychapter14reflectedwhathadlongbeenexistingpractice.Itrespondedtotheideathatthedutytogivecounselwasanobligationinvolvedintenure,andthusespeciallysomethingwhichfellontheking’sowntenants.57Yet,giventhechangingnatureofsociety,

mightnottheCharterhaveincluded‘magnates’withintheassembly,thusensuringthepresenceofgreatmenwhowerenottenants-in-chief?Theanswerwasaresoundingno!Instead,theCharterpulledupthedrawbridgeandsoughttowallinthestatusquo.Byenshriningtheexistingsystem,itsaimwastoensure

thatnationalassembliesremainedexclusiveandexclusionarybodies.Inthisarea,however,

MagnaCartawasbecomingoutofdateattheverytimethatitwaspromulgated.Thereweresimplytoomanymenaroundwhowerenottechnicallybarons,butwhosewealthandstatusjustifiedapersonalsummons.While,in

thecourseofthethirteenthcentury,itwasindeedapersonalsummonstoparliamentthatcreatedaparliamentarypeerage,itwasnotapeeragedefinedbythosewhoheldbaronies.Itwasdefinedbythosewhosewealthandstatusseemedtonecessitateasummons.58Theproblemwithchapter14’svisionoftherealmwas

revealedneartheendoftheCharter,intheveryprovisionwhereitseemedagaintoberecognized.Underchapter60,allthelibertiesthatJohnhadconcededtobeheldinthekingdom:

asmuchasitpertainstoustowardsourmen[nostros],allthemen[omnes]ofourkingdom…aretoobserve,asmuchasitpertainsto

them,totheirmen[suos].

AsisusualintranslationsoftheCharter,Ihaveinsertedhere‘men’after‘our’,‘all’and‘their’,sincethisishowthechapterwascertainlyunderstood.Theking’smenwerehistenants-in-chiefandpre-eminentlyhisearlsandbarons.Atfirstsight,then,wehaveherethetraditional

‘feudal’hierarchy,withthekingmakingconcessionstohistenants-in-chief,whichtheythenpassdowntotheirownmen.Butthisisnotwhatthechaptersays.InsteadofJohnstatingthat‘ourmen[nostros]’aretoobservetheconcessionsintheCharter,hesaysthat‘allthemen[omnes]’ofthekingdomaretodoso.Thetenurial

hierarchyhas,therefore,beeninvadedbyabodycompletelyun-tenurialinitsstructure.WhenHenryIIIreferredtothischapterin1234,hesaiditwashisarchbishops,bishops,earls,baronsand‘othermagnates’whoweretoobeytheCharter.59Thekingthusrecognizedthattherewere‘magnates’quiteonaparwithhiscomitalandbaronial

tenants-in-chief.Nosuchrecognitionwasmadewhenitcametodecidingwhoshouldbesummonedtothenationalassemblyin1215.InthatsenseMagnaCartawasadeeplyconservativedocument.

THREATSTOTHEBARONIALFEES

Earlsandbaronsfacedanotherproblem,namelythatofmaintainingauthoritywithinthelandedestateswhichmadeuptheir‘fees’or‘honours’.Hereweshouldthinkofthefeesnotasaneatsetof‘feudalpyramids’,butasarangeofhillssuchasthataroundWastwaterinCumberland,allofdifferentshapesandsizes,withone

mergingintoanother,andwithrocksandbouldersfrequentlyslippingoffthesidesintogulliesandthelake.Thevastlydifferentsizeofbaroniesisrevealedinthereturnstotheinquiryof1166,wheresomeowedtheserviceofsixtyormoreknights,andsomefewerthanten.60Thefeesofbarons,moreover,didnotexistinsomesteadystate,

fortheywereliabletocomeintotheking’shandseitherthroughforfeitureorthroughfailureofheirs.ThathadhappenedtothehonoursofWallingford,Nottingham,BoulogneandLancaster,aschapter43oftheChartershows.Feeswerealsoliabletodivision.Thestatementinchapter2aboutreliefbeingduefora‘wholebarony’

reflectedthefactthatbaroniesweresometimesnolonger‘whole’.Divisioncouldespeciallycomeaboutthroughthemarriageofheiresses,whichtheChartersoughttoregulateinchapter6.Iftherewasasinglefemaleheir,thehonourremainedwhole.BothWilliamMarshalandWilliamLongespeehadbeensetupbymarriagesto

suchcovetedwomen.Butiftherewasmorethanonefemaleheir,thenthebaronywouldbesplitbetweenthem,ashappenedtothehonourofLeicesterinJohn’sreign.Thiswaswhychapter2oftheCharterspokeoftheheir‘orheirs’ofbaronies,thelatterbeingheiressesorthedescendantsofheiresses.Aschapter6alsoindicated,

anotherdynamicwasthekingmarryinganheiresstosomeoneoflowersocialstatus,the‘disparagement’thatthechaptertriedtoprevent.61

Inmaintainingtheloyaltyoratleasttheobedienceoftheirknightlytenants,agreatdealthendependedonthehistoryofthefeeandwhetherithadremainedwholeor

beensplitapart.Muchdependedtooonitsgeographicalcontours.Manifestly,alordwouldhavemorecontroloverhistenantsiftheylivedclosetooneofhismainresidences.ThesuccessoftheFerrersearlsofDerbyinretainingtheserviceandloyaltyoftheirtenantsowedagreatdealtothecompactnessoftheirhonour

andtheproximityofthefeetoitscentreatTutburyinStaffordshire.62Theloyaltybetweenlordandtenantcouldbeveryreal,asisclearfromchapter4oftheCharter.Thereawardship,pillagedbytheagentsoftheking,wastobehandedoverto‘twolaw-worthyandprudentmenofthatfee’.The‘menofthefee’hadtheirowninterestin

preventingthewardshipbeingexploited,buttheimplicationwasalsothattheycouldbetrustedtolookaftertheinterestsoftheirfuturelord.Themutualbondestablishedbyhomageandtenuresetstandardsofconduct.TheknightRicharddeVernonjustifiedhisrebellioninthe1260sbysayingthat‘inthewholetime

ofthewarhefollowedhislord,RobertdeFerrers,earlofDerby,fromwhomheheldhislandandtowhomhehaddonehomage’.Manyknightsinthe1215–17civilwarwouldhavejustifiedtheirconductinsimilarterms.63ItwaslikewisehowtheMarshalexpectedhistenantsinIrelandtobehave,whenhecalleduponthemtoshow

loyaltyinreturnforthefeesthattheyhadbeengiven.64

Therewere,however,forcesworkingtounravelthetenurialbond.One,ofcourse,wasthatknightsplayedamajorroleintherunningoflocalgovernmentfortheking.Alordmightwelcomeitwhenoneofhisknightswasthusemployed,buthehadalsotoreckonwiththe

independencetheyobtained.Thedevelopmentofthecommonlawalsomeantthatunder-tenantscouldeasilylitigateinthecourtsoftheking,ratherthaninthoseoftheirlords,athreatthatchapter34oftheChartertriedtodosomethingabout.65

Anotherdestabilizingfactorwasthewayknightsmightholdfrommorethanonelord.

Thatwaslesstrueofthemiddle-rankingknightswhoheldonlyonemanor,butitwasincreasinglycommonfurtheruptheknightlyscale.TheCharteritselfbearswitnesstothetensionsproducedwhenthisotherlordwastheking.Thuschapter37showsthatthekingwasusurpingwardshipswhichbelongedto‘thefeeof

another’byknightservice,onthegroundsthatthetenantsalsoheldfromhimbyrentorsomeotherformofservice.TheequivalentchapterintheArticlesoftheBarons(27)madeitevenclearerthatthiswasacaseofusurpingthewardshipsofknightlytenants,foritspokeofJohntaking‘thecustodyoftheknightsofthefeeofanother’.Chapter

53intheCharteralsoputontheagendathewholequestionofhowthekingtookthewardshipoflands‘whichareofthefeeofanother’,whenthetenantsalsoheldfromhimbyknightservice.Intheking’sviewthiswasaprerogativeright,butthatitwasraisedintheCharter,ifonlyasamattertobedealtwithattheendofJohn’s

prospectivecrusade,showshowirritatingitwasthoughttobe.66AtRunnymedeitselftwoofthegreatbaronialleaders,EustacedeVescyandGilbertdeGant,complainedaboutJohnusurpingwardshipsthat,theyclaimed,belongedtotheirfees.67

Equallydamagingweretheconflictswhenserviceandwardshipswereclaimedby

rivallords.In1211Vescyhimselfwasinvolvedinonesuchcase,anditwasthesubjectofmuchlaterlitigation.68

Inthesedifficultcircumstances,theattitudeofgreatlordswasitselfambivalent.Ontheonehand,theywantedtoemploywhomevertheylikedintheirservice.Thekinghadthe

righttodothat,astheDialogusdeScaccarioaffirmed.69Itwasvitalforlordstodothesame.Iftheybecamestuckinsomehonorialstraitjacket,theymightendupwithaveryinferiorentourage.ThusWilliamMarshal’sfollowingcontainedveryfewtenants,andwasrarelyrewardedwithgrantsofland.70Thesearch

forgoodservicewasadynamicanddisruptiveforceinsociety.Greatlordswerealsofarfromdependentontenantsandhonorialcourtsfortheirlocalpower.Aswewillseeinthenextchapter,manyhadcontrolofthelocalgovernmentdivisionofthehundredandclaimedtherighttohangthievesontheirowngallows.Yet,forallthis,

lordsremainedverymuchinthebusinessofpreservingtheintegrityoftheirfees,andtheserviceoftheirtenants.Quiteapartfromthemilitaryservicetheycouldexpect,theirrightswhenitcametoaids,scutages,reliefs,wardships,andthemarriagesofheirsandwidowswerevaluableassourcesofbothmoneyandpatronage.When

itcametocontrollingthefee,however,lordsfacedproblemsfromthetenantsthemselves.Noambitiousknightwishedtobestuckwithalordwhocoulddohimnogood,whateverthebondofhomage.KnightsinOxfordshirethereforedesertedtheirineffectualbaroniallord,Henryd’Oilly,andenteredtheserviceofthe

comingman,ThomasBassetofHeadington,sheriffofthecountyfrom1202to1214.Theyalsoenteredtheserviceofthekingandlitigatedinhiscourts,despited’Oilly’sattemptstopreservethejurisdictionofhisown.71Thecompetitionforgoodlordshipwasjustasdisruptiveaforceasthecompetitionforgoodservice.

Therewerealsotensionswithinthefeesarisingfromthedemandsthatlordsmadeoftheirtenants.Baronsandknightshadmuchincommon.Theycouldallagreeaboutkeepingtheunfreepeasantryinitsplace.TheycouldallagreeaboutthechaptersintheCharterlimitingtheking’sfinancialexactionsandinsistingthathe

actedjustly.When,in1219,thegreatbaronGilbertdeGantargued,intheLincolnshirecountycourt,thathehadsufferedunlawfuldisseisin,thewholecourtralliedbehindhimandMagnaCarta.They‘criedoutwithhimandforhim,andforthemselvesandforthecommonlibertyofallthekingdomconcededand

sworn’.72Thereremained,however,acleardifferenceofinterestbetweenthegreatmajorityofknights,holdinguptooneortwomanors,andwithfeworanytenantsholdingbyknightservice,andthegreaterbaronswhohadmanymanorsandmanyknightlytenants.TheChartershowshowruthlesslythekingexploitedhistenurial

rights,andthereweresurely‘badlords’whodidthesame.Thatsuchmendisparagedheirsinmarriageandlaidwastetowardshipsisclearfromlaterlegislation.73

Evidenceforthelord–tenantrelationshipinJohn’sreignislimited,buttherearetworemarkabledocumentsthatshedlightonthematter.Oneisacharter,issuedsometime

between1207and1209,bythegreatnorthernbaronPeterdeBrus,makingaseriesofconcessionstotheknightsandfreetenantsofhiswapentakeofLangbarghinthenorthYorkshiremoors.Knightsandfreetenantsare,ofcourse,preciselythegroupwefindinchapter19oftheCharter,stayingbehindtoattendjudgementsinthe

countycourt.UndertheBruscharter,noonewastobeputontrialatthewapentakecourtsavein‘reasonable’fashionand‘byconsiderationofthewapentake’,whichanticipatedchapter38oftheCharter.Brusalsoconcededthatanypenaltiesweretobeassessedaccordingtothemeansofthoseconvictedandthenatureoftheoffence;so

chapter20ofMagnaCarta.Indeed,bothchartersusedthesamewordfortheoffence:‘delictum’.Andfinally,Brusputhisconcessionsintoacharter,anddescribedthemas‘liberties’,whichweretobeheld‘inperpetuity’,alllikeMagnaCarta.BrushadjustboughtthewapentakeofLangbarghfromKingJohnfor400marks.Hestillowed

1,300marksofhisfinemadein1200toacquirethenearbylordshipofDanby.Theknightsandfreetenantshadeveryreasontoexpect,andprobablywerealreadyexperiencing,hisoppressiverule.74TheBruscharterdoesnotstandaloneastestimonytotensionsbetweenlordsandmen.AfterMagnaCarta,Ranulf,earlofChester,was

facedperhapsbyarevolt,certainlybyaseriesofdemandsfromhis‘baronsofCheshire’,baronheremeaninghismajortenantsinthecounty.Ranulfrefusedsomeofwhatwasasked,butconcededmuchinwhatbecameknownastheCheshireMagnaCarta.TheissuesbetweenRanulfandhisbaronsreplicatedinpartthose

betweenthebaronsofEnglandandtheking.SotheeighteenchaptersoftheCheshireCharterincludedprovisionsaboutamercements,widows,marriages(tobewithoutdisparagement),militaryserviceandtheinheritancetaxcalled‘relief’.75

SOCIALDIVISIONINTHECHARTER

DidanyofthesetensionsbetweenlordsandtenantssurfaceinMagnaCarta?TheywerecertainlynottheCharter’smajortheme.Itisusuallyviewed,prettywellexclusively,asadocumentaimedattheking.Indeed,whenitcametothetreatmentoftenants,thebaronseemed

tosetthestandardforthekingtofollow.Thuschapter43oftheCharterdirectedthatifanhonourcameintotheking’shands,thekingshouldholditasthebaronhadheldit.Heshoulddemandnootherservicesfromthetenantsthanthosegiventothebaronifthebarony‘wasinthehandofabaron’.Goodbaron,badking.

Thisisnot,however,thewholestory.InotherpartsoftheCharter,bothinwhatisputinandinwhatisleftout,thereareclearsignsofconflict.Earlsandbaronsweretakingshotsatknightsandunder-tenants,knightsandunder-tenantswereshootingbackatearlsandbarons.Earlsandbarons,therefore,madequitesure

thatchapters2–5onreliefandwardshipwereexclusivelyforthemselvesandothertenants-in-chief.Whilechapter8,forbiddingtheenforcedremarriageofwidows,didapplytounder-tenants,herelordsinsertedasafeguard,onthesamelinesasthesafeguardinsertedbytheking:widowsneededtheconsentoftheirlordifthey

wantedtoremarry,justaswidowsoftenants-in-chiefneededtheconsentoftheking.Thetensionsthus

suggestedreachedaheadinchapter15.Therethekingpromisedthathewouldnotgrant‘anyone’permissiontolevyanaidfromhisfreemensavefortheransomofhisbody,theknightingofhis

eldestsonandthemarryingononeoccasionofhiseldestdaughter.Theaidwasalsotobe‘reasonable’.Thechapterreferredto‘anyone’probablyoutofrecognitionthatsomemajorknightsmightseekaidsfromtheirtenants,butthemaintargetwasundoubtedlythebaron.Indeed,intheArticlesoftheBarons,theequivalentchapter(6)simply

statedthat‘thekingwillnotallowanybarontotakeanaidfromhisfreemen’saveonthethreespecifiedoccasions.ThechapterinMagnaCartapromisedmajorgainsforunder-tenants.76JohnhadfrequentlyorderedthemtogiveaidstotheirlordsonotherthantheCharter’sspecifiedoccasions,notablytohelppaytheirlord’sdebts

tothecrown.77Thereissomeevidenceoftheillfeelingthuscreated.WhenWilliamdeMowbraysoughttolevyanaidtopayhisdebts,thereligioushousesholdingfromhimprotested.78In1206or1207thetenantsofRobertdeMortimerrefusedtopayanaidtosustainhim‘intheking’sserviceinPoitou’.Aids,theysaid,hadonlybeen

customaryforthemselvesandtheirancestorsonthreeoccasions.79SincetheseweretheveryoccasionslaterpermittedintheCharter,under-tenantswereevidentlywellawareoftheirrights.Chapter15intheCharter

didnotmerelyrestricttheinstancesonwhichaidscouldbelevied.Italsoimpliedthat,withoutpermissionfromthe

king,lordscouldnotimposeaidsevenonthethreecustomaryoccasions.ThiswasverydifferentfromthesituationinGlanvill,wherelordswereallowedtolevyaidswithoutroyalsanction,evenformakingwar,providedtheyhadtheconsentoftheircourts.Lords,underJohn,oftensecuredwritsfromthekinginorderto

facilitatethelevyingofanaid.Now,withoutsuchwrits,theywerenottolevyaidsatall.80Atthebehestofunder-tenants,theCharterseemedtobeweakeningthelord’sauthorityoverhisfee.Chapter16wasalso

designedtobenefitunder-tenants.Itlaiddownthat‘noone’wastobedistrainedtodomorethantheservicedue

either‘forthefeeofaknight,orforanotherfreetenement’.Thepositionofthischapter,rightafterchapter15,anditsphraseology–‘feeofaknight’,‘freetenement’–suggestthatitsmainbeneficiarieswereintendedtobeknightsandfreetenantswhowerebeingforcedtoperformotherthancustomaryservicesbytheirlordsorthe

king.81Thescopeofthechapter,moreover,waswidenedduringthenegotiationsatRunnymede,since‘anotherfreetenement’doesnotappearintheArticlesoftheBarons.Itsinclusionmeantthatthelargenumbersoffreetenantswhoheldbyrentratherthanbyknightservicewerenowincludedamongthe

beneficiaries.TheCharterdoesnotspecifythekindsofextraservicesthatlordsmightdemand,buttheyprobablyincludedmilitaryserviceandscutage,aboutwhichthereisconsiderableevidenceofdisputeoverwhatwasdue.82

AnissuethatbecameimportantinthereignofHenryIIIwasthatofattendanceatprivatecourts.It

wasthesubjectofmajorlegislationin1259andmayalreadyhavebeenagrievancein1215.83Thatchapter38ofMagnaCartapreventedbailiffsingeneral(theywerenorspecifiedasthoseoftheking)fromputtingpeopleontrialontheirownunsupportedallegationssuggeststensionsovertherunningofprivatecourts.A

relatedgrievancewasthatoftheamercementsleviedinprivatecourts,oftenfornon-attendance.Herechapter20oftheCharterwasrelevant,foritdealtwithamercementsingeneralandthusprotectedfreemen(althoughnotvilleins)fromunjustamercementsleviedinthecourtsoflordsaswellasthoseoftheking.Whena

writwasintroducedinthe1260senablinglegalactionstobebroughtunderthetermsofthechapter,privatecourtswerethetarget.84

Betweenchapter16ontheserviceduefromfeesandotherfreetenements,andchapter20onamercements,camechapters17to19onthecommonpleas.Morethananyotherchaptersofthe

Charter,theyrevealasocietyfarfromdominatedbygreatlords.WeremodernhistorianstohaveagoatdraftingtheCharterwithoutknowledgeofitscontents,theymightwellconceiveaclausepreventingthecommon-lawactionsencroachingonthecourtsoflords.Thechapterwouldthushaveparalleledchapter34,

whichrestrictedtheissueofthewrit‘precipe’ifithadthateffect.ThatbaronswouldhavelikedsuchachapterissuggestedbyastrikingpassageintheAnonymousofBéthune.ThishasJohnagreeingin1215thatthebaronscouldhave‘allhighjurisdiction[hautesjustices]intheirlands’.Theking,infact,hadagreednosuch

thing.ThepointisthattheAnonymous,soclosetobaronialfeeling,thoughtthathehadorshould.Itisunlikelythatthebaronsin1215werehopingfor‘highjurisdiction’inthesenseofestablishingcontroloverallcriminaljustice.Thatwasneverontheagenda.Whattheyhopedtodowastoprotecttheircourtsand

jurisdictionsfromthechallengesofthecommonlaw.85

Thedetailofthecommon-lawprocedureswhichgeneratedthisambitionwillbeexplainedinthenextchapter.Hereitisenoughtosaythattheywerehugelypopularwithknightsandfreetenants,whoweretheirchiefusersandbeneficiaries,and

who,sittingonthejuries,actuallydecidedthecases.Muchofthelitigationwasbetweensocialequals,oftenoversmallproperties,buttheprocedureshadthepotentialtotakecasesfromthecourtofthelordintothecourtoftheking,aswellasweakeningthelord’spoweroverhistenantsmoregenerally.YettheCharter,

insteadoftryingtorestricttheiruse,madetheproceduresmoreavailable.Chapter17thusdidnotallowsuchpleasto‘follow’theking’scourt,andinsistedtheybeheardinafixedplace.Chapter18laiddownthattheking’sjudgesweretocometoeachcountyfourtimesayeartohearthemostpopularoftheassizes.Theprocedures

werealso,aswehaveseen,madesubjecttolocalcontrol,bystipulatingthatthejudgesweretositwithfourknightselectedinthecountycourt.AttheendoftheCharter,

itsbenefitsseemedfinallyspreadoverallsociety.Chapter60,aswehaveseen,statedthatallmenweretopassdowntotheirownmentheconcessionswhichthey

hadreceivedfromtheking.The‘allmen’,ofcourse,asthekingmadeclearin1234,wereessentiallythelayandecclesiasticalmagnatesofthekingdom.UnderthetermsoftheCharter,theyhadthustoobey,withintheirfees,thechaptersonrelief,wardships,themarriagesofheirsandtherightsofwidows.Itwaswithasurepoliticaleyethatthe

governmentofHenryIIIconstantlyremindedhismagnatesofthischapter.ItwastheonethatgavetheChartervaluetounder-tenants.86

Knightsandunder-tenants,therefore,wereabletomakegainsfromtheCharter,sometimestothedisadvantageoftheirlords.YettheCharterwasalsovery

muchshapedbylords,anxioustoaffirmtheirauthorityovertheirtenants.Chapter60itselfimpliedthatunder-tenantswerelesssubjecttoroyalauthoritythanthemenoftheking,andweredependentontheirlordsforthefullenjoymentoftheCharter.Chapter26alsotestifiedtothecontrolthatlordsexpectedtohaveover

theirfees.Here,ifatenant-in-chiefdied,leavingawidowandchildren,thesheriffwaspreventedfromseizinghischattelsonthepretextofdebtsowedthecrown.Nosimilarprotectionwasofferedonthedeathofanunder-tenant.Thiswasbecause,whenanunder-tenantdied,itwasthelord,notthesheriff,whohadentryintotheestate.

ChapterafterchapterintheCharterwasdesignedtoprotecttheinterestofwhatitcalled‘thelordofthefee’.Thuschapter8stipulatedthatawidowcouldnotmarrywithout‘theassentofherlordfromwhomsheholds’,ifsheheldfromotherthantheking.Chapter11laiddownthatduringminorities,debtsweretobepaidtoJews‘savingthe

serviceofthelords’.Chapter32ensuredthe‘lordsofthefees’shouldrecoverthelandsoftheirtenantsconvictedoffelonyafterthekinghadheldthem‘foroneyearandoneday’.Chapter34preventedtheking,attherequestoflitigants,fromremovingcasesfromthecourtsof‘magnates’(asalaterdescriptionoftheclauseput

it)throughtheissueofthewritof‘precipe’.Inchapter53Johnalsopromisedtogivejustice,whenhereturnedfromorabandonedhisprospectivecrusade,where‘thelordofthefee’wasclaimingrightsoveranabbeyfoundedonhisfee.Thiswaslinkedtochapter46,whichensuredthatallbaronsshouldhavecustodyoftheabbeysof

theirfoundationwhentheywerevacant.87Chapters37and53triedtodealwiththeissueofencroachmentsbythekingontherightsofwardship,whilechapter10helpedlordsexploitmorefreelyestatessoheld.Underthischapter,debtsowedtheJewswerenolongertogatherinterestduringminorities,whethertheheirheldfrom

thekingoranyoneelse.Lordswantedtheprovisionbecause,iftheyhadanheirinwardship,theywereboundpayhisdebts.Thus,in1213,RogerBigod,earlofNorfolk,oneofthetwenty-fivebarons,hadtopay£20towardstheJewishdebtsoftheheirsofWilliamdePirnhow.88Thechapteronlybenefitedtheheirhimselfifthelorddid

failtopay.Then,underitsterms,theheirwouldnolongerbehit,oncomingofage,byalltheinterest.Thechapterthusagainsuggeststensionbetweenlordandtenant.JustastheCharterwasaninstrumentoflordshiptodisciplinetheunfreepeasantry,soequallyitwasaninstrumentoflordshiptocontrolthefee.That

continuedtobethecaseinlaterversionsoftheCharter,aswewillsee.89

LordsthusprotectedthemselvesandtheirfeesbywhattheyputintotheCharter.Theyalsodidsobywhattheyleftout.Itisoftensaid,andrightly,thatMagnaCartaowedagreatdealtothe1100CoronationCharterofHenryI.Yetthecontrast

betweenthewaythetwochartersdealwiththeinterestsofunder-tenantsisstriking.Inhisregulationsonrelief,wardshipsandthemarriageofheirsandwidows,HenryIinsistedtwiceoverthathisbaronsshouldmakeequivalentconcessionstotheirmen.90

TherewasnothingofthatkindinMagnaCarta,the

tenantsofbaronshavingtorelyontheblanketprovisiononpassingdowntheconcessionsinchapter60.The£5reliefforaknight’sfeeinchapter2wassimplyfortenants-in-chief.Althoughthereissomeindicationthata£5reliefforaknight’sfeewastheacceptedfigureforunder-tenantsbefore1215,enshriningitinMagnaCarta

wouldhavemadethecustomallthestronger.Thefactthatthe£5reliefappearsintheCheshireMagnaCartashowsthatunder-tenantsfelttheneedforsuchprotection.91

TheywouldalsohavevaluedtheChartermakingclearthatitsprovisionsonwardshipsappliedtolordsaswellastheking.Itwaslefttothe1275

StatuteofWestminstertodothat.92

ThereisanequallyextraordinarycontrastbetweenMagnaCartaandHenryII’s1176AssizeofNorthampton.Thisgaveprotectiontothefreetenantbylayingdownthatonhisdeath,hisheirsshouldremaininpossessionofhisfee,andhavehischattelstocarryout

hiswill.Iftheheirwasunderage,hewastodohomagetothelord,thussafeguardinghiseventualentryintotheinheritance.93

NoneoftheseprovisionssurfacedinMagnaCarta.Indeed,chapter26,whichdidsomethingtopreservethechattelsofadeceasedlordfortheexecutionofhiswill,wasquitespecificallylimitedto

tenants-in-chief.WecanbeprettysurethatthereweredemandsfortheChartertogivemoretounder-tenantsintheseareas,fortheversionof1216didjustthat.94TherewereotheromissionsinMagnaCarta.Inchapter29,knightswereonlyprotectedwhentheking,notwhentheirlords,soughttoimposeadoubledoseofcastleguard

andarmyservice.Inchapter31,itwasonlythekingwhowaspreventedfromseizingwoodforacastleorforotherbusiness.Likewise,inchapter37itwasonlythosewhoheldbysocageandotherrentsfromthekingwhowereprotectedfromclaimstowardship,notthosewhoheldinthesamewayfromtenants-in-chief.In1221Henry,earl

ofWarwick,foundhimselfsuedfortryingtoassertrightsofwardshipoveranheirwhoheldfromhiminsocage.Helostthecase,butnothankstoMagnaCarta.95Therewasalsoatellingchangemadetotheendofchapter37asbetweentheArticlesoftheBaronsandMagnaCarta.Intheformertheequivalentchapter(27)hadprotected

freemenfromlosingtheprivilegesofknighthoodbecausetheyheldanylandfromthecrownbynon-knightlyservice.InMagnaCartathisclausewasscrappedinfavourofprotectingnotthetenantsbutthelords.Theywerenottolosetheirrightsofwardshipoversuchmen.

Theomissionsareequallystrikingwhenitcomestotheinquiryintolocalgovernmentbythetwelveknightsineachcounty,commissionedinchapter48.Therewereprecedentsforsuchinquiries.In1170HenryIIhadmountedone,calledbyhistoriansthe‘InquestofSheriffs’.Despiteitsname,itinquirednotmerelyintoillicit

exactionsofthesheriffsbutalsointothoseoftheearls,baronsandknights.DidMagnaCartafollowthisprecedent?No,itdidnot.Itsinquiryinchapter48wassimplyintothe‘evilcustoms’oftheministersoftheking.Thesecurityclausewassimilarlylimited.ItdealtwithbreachesoftheCharterbytheking.Noprocedurewaslaid

downfordealingwithbreachesbythebaronsthemselves,althoughtheytoo,ofcourse,underchapter60,weresupposedtoobeytheCharter.Inmuchthesameway,whenwegettotheCharterof1217,chapter42soughttopreventshrievalextortionatthehundredcourt.Nothingwassaidabouttheextortionsofthebailiffs

whensuchcourtswerecontrolledbylords,aswasoftenthecase.96

Againthisbackground,ithardlycomesasasurprisethat,underchapters12and14oftheCharter,theassemblycalledontogivethekingdom’sconsenttotaxation,intheformofscutagesandaids,wasonecomposedentirelyoftenants-

in-chief.Theearls,greaterbarons,bishopsandabbots,aswehaveseen,weretoreceiveindividualsummonses.Therestofthetenants-in-chiefweretobesummonedgenerallythroughthesheriffs.Itistruethatthecontroloverscutagemetaparticulargrievanceofunder-tenants,sinceitwasfromthemthatgreatlords

recouped,ortriedtorecoup,whattheyowedtheking.Knightsalsohadapotentialvoiceinthetaxgrantingassembliesthemselvessincetheywouldhavefeaturedamongthefewhundredlessertenants-in-chiefsummonedthroughthesheriffs.Althoughtherewasalongprecedentforthesummoningofsuchtenants,the

confirmationoftheirpresenceintheCharterconstitutedaknightlyvictory.97Itwasaprecursortotheformalsummonstoparliamentofknightsrepresentingthecounties.Yetprecursorwasallitwas.ThosesummonedunderMagnaCartaweresolelythelessertenants-in-chiefofthecrown.Theycameforthemselves.They

hadnorepresentativefunction.Thethousandsofotherknightsandfreetenantsinthecounties,justliketheburgessesinthetownsandthemagnateswhodidnotholdfromthecrown,werecompletelyunrepresentedintheassemblyenvisagedin1215.Itcouldhavebeendifferent.Indeed,knightsmaywellhavedemandedthatit

shouldbedifferent.Afterall,anearlythirteenth-centuryaccountofKingArthur,writtenbythepoetLawmaninEnglishforaknightlyaudience,hashimsummoningtohisassemblyatCaerleoninsouthWales‘theknightsandallthefreemenwhowereinthelandatall’aswell,ofcourse,asthebishops,earlsandbarons.98In

1213JohnhimselfsummonedfourknightsfromeverycountytocomebeforehimatOxford‘todiscusswithustheaffairsofourkingdom’.99HehadalreadysummonedtotheOxfordcouncilbothhisbaronsandgroupsofknightsfromeachcounty.Almostcertainlythelatterwerehisknightlytenants-in-chief.Hewasnowreachingouttoa

widerconstituencyandcreatingamorerepresentativeassembly.Itwasanexamplethebaronsin1215conspicuouslyfailedtofollow.IntheCharteritself,thecountiesweretoelectknightstositwiththeking’sjudgesandholdtheinquiryintolocalgovernment.Whynotalsohavethecountieselectknightsas

representativesatnationalassemblies?Butifthesewereblocksfromwhichknightlyattendanceatsuchmeetingsmighthavebeenconstructed,theywereleftinthebuilder’syard.ItwastobedifferentinthenextgreatcrisisthatshookEngland.In1258theknightsinquiredintothemalpracticesofbothkingandlords.In1259thelegislation

dealtfirstofallwiththewaylordshadforcedmentoattendtheircourts.In1265SimondeMontfortsummonedbothknightsfromthecountiesandburgessesfromthetownstohisparliament.

6

MagnaCartaandtheStructureof

RoyalGovernment

Onhisaccessionin1199,Johndeclaredthathehadcometo‘theruleofthekingdomofEngland’‘byhereditaryright,divinemercy,andtheunanimousconsentandfavouroftheclergyandpeople’.1AllthreesourcesofauthoritywerereflectedintheCharter.Chapters52,53and57mentionedbothofJohn’s

immediatepredecessors,hisfather,KingHenryII,andhisbrotherKingRichard,fromwhomhehadinheritedthethrone.TheCharteralsolookedtothefuture,foritwasgrantedbyJohnforhimselfandhisheirsinperpetuity.Heirs,moreover,directheirs,Johnhad–hencethewaythesecurityclauseexemptedhisqueenand

childrenfromanykindofpersonalattack.JohnhadnamedhissonsHenryandRichard,thuslinkingtogetherthedynasticpastwithitshoped-forfuture.Inhislastillness,in1216,Johnbeggedthepope’shelpinsecuringwhathecalled‘theperpetualhereditarysuccession’ofhisdynasty.2

Johnwasnotfantasizingwhenheclaimed‘theunanimousconsentandfavouroftheclergyandpeople’athisaccession.Hewasreferringtothemomentinthecoronationceremonywhen,askedwhethertheywantedhimtorule,theassembledthronghadshoutedtheirassent.ItwastheseacclamationsatWilliamthe

Conqueror’scoronationin1066thathadledhisNormansoldiers,outsideWestminsterabbey,tothinkacoupwastakingplace.3Johnwashappytoproclaimthispopularassentin1199.InMagnaCartaitwasturnedagainsthim,notontheissueofsuccessiontothethrone,althoughthatwastocome,butovertaxationthatwas

onlytobeleviedby‘thecommoncounselofthekingdom’.The‘divinemercy’that

madeJohnkingwasproclaimedintheCharter,bothinhistitlesatthestartandonhisseal:hewasking‘bythegraceofGod’.Itwasthatstatuswhichhadatleastsomethingtodowiththeimmunityfrompersonal

attackallowedhiminthesecurityclause.JohnhadbecomekingbyGod’sgraceatthecoronationwhen,shornofhisroyalrobesanddressedonlyinasilktunicandopenshirt,hewasconsecratedwithholyoilbythearchbishopofCanterbury,HubertWalter.4

This,morethantheactualcrowning,wasthespiritualclimaxoftheceremony,

hencetheservicewascalledtheking’sconsecrationasmuchashiscoronation.Theanointingwasbiblicalinorigin,astheserviceshowedinitsreferencestoSamuel’sanointingofKingDavid.Itdidnotgivethekinganypriestlyqualities.Thatwasmadeveryclearinalongdiscussiononthesubjectwrittenlaterinthecenturyby

RobertGrosseteste,acontemporaryofJohn,andthegreatestscholarofhisage.Butwhattheanointingdiddo,asGrossetestewentontosay,wastopourintothekingalltheblessingsoftheHolySpirit.5Truly,theanointingmadeJohnkingbythegraceofGod.Thetraditionalcoronation

oathindicatedwhatwas

expectedoftheking.Beforetheanointingandcrowning,inwhatwasverymuchapactwithhispeople,Johnhadsworn‘thatallthedaysofhislifehewouldgivepeaceandhonourandreverencetoGodandholychurchanditsordinances;thathewouldexerciseright,justiceandequitytothepeoplecommittedtohim;andthathe

wouldabolishevillawsandperversecustoms;andhewouldmakegoodlawsandkeepthemwithoutfraudandevilintent’.6Johnwouldnothavequibbledwiththisviewofhistask,althoughhemighthavequestionedwhatweregoodandbadlawsandcustoms.The‘exaltationofholychurch’(astheCharterputit),themaintenanceof

peace,thedispensationofjustice,theprotectionofeveryone’srights–thesehadalwaysbeenintegraltokingship.Johnwouldalsohaveaddedanothercentralthrusttohisduties,indeedhemayhavetakenanoathtothateffectathiscoronation.Thiswastopreserveandrecovertherightsofthecrown.7Thatimperative,

giventhathewouldlosesomuchofhisrightwiththefallofNormandyandAnjou,overshadowedthereign.John,then,wasking‘by

thegraceofGod’.Ingeneralterms,hisdutieswereclear.Yettherewasnowayhecouldcarrythemoutwithoutaneffectiveadministrativestructure.Suchastructurehecertainlypossessed.Indeed,it

wasarguablythemostimpressiveatthattimeinEurope.

THECOURT

Attheheartofgovernmentwasthekinghimselfandhissurroundingcourt.WhenJohn,inchapter17oftheCharter,concededthat‘commonpleas’werenotto‘follow’his‘court’butwere

tobeheardinafixedplace,hemeant‘court’asformedbythewholebodyofcounsellors,ministers,knights,clerksanddomesticservantswhowerewithhim.Thecourtwas,asthechapterimplied,itinerant.Indeed,John’sbreakneckitinerary(examinedinthenextchapter)wasavitalfeatureofhisrule.Thecourtwasalso

large,probablyneverlessthanseveralhundredstrong.WalterMap,oneofHenryII’sclerks,spokeindeedofmanythousandsbeingthere.Mapnotedthatthepersonnelofthecourtwasconstantlychanging,sothatifhereturnedafteraperiodofabsencehecouldfeelastranger.Yetinstructureitremainedthesame.‘Itisa

hundred-handedgiant,whoifhebeallmaimed,isyetallthesame,andstillhundred-handed;ahydraofmanyheads.’8Thecourtembracedanotherbody,knownastheking’s‘household’(inLatin‘domus’or‘familia’),towhichknights,clerksanddomesticservantsbelonged.Italsohadwithinitaseriesofdefinedoffices,eachintegral

toJohn’srule.Thesewerethechancery,thechamberwiththewardrobe,andthedepartmentsthatsuppliedthehousehold’sfoodanddrink.9

THECHANCERY

Englishroyalgovernmentwasdrivenbydocuments.ItwasthroughthemthatJohnconferredpatronage,madeproclamations,spentmoney,

dispensedjustice,andgenerallyissuedtheordersonwhichhisruledepended.Fromthecourt,therewerealwaysmessengerssettingoutfornearandfar,withdocumentsofdifferenttypesandpurposesdirectedtobishops,abbots,earls,barons,knights,sheriffs,justices,exchequerofficialsandsoon.Thecourtwaslikeabeacon

shootingoutitsraysinalldirections,sparkingthetargetsintolife.Themenatcourtwhowrotetheking’sdocumentswereclerks.Theirheadwasthechancellor,apositionthatdatedbacktobeforetheNormanConquest.Thegreatseal,authenticatingthedocumentsthechanceryissued,andworkedbyitsownkeeper,waslikewise

underthechancellor’sauthority.Notallchancellorsperformedtheirdutiesinperson.In1215,however,thechancellor,RichardMarsh,wasverymuchhandson.Hewassoontocombinethepost(ausualcareermove)withabishopric,inhiscaseDurham.Mostofthechartersduringhisperiodofofficeendedwiththestatementthat

theyhadbeen‘givenbythehandofRichardMarshourchancellor’.MagnaCarta,however,wasgiveninsteadbythehandofKingJohn,testimonytoitsimportanceandthebarons’desiretopinhimtoit.10Thebodytowhichthe

writingclerksbelongedwascalled‘thechancery’,althoughthetermonlycame

intousegraduallyinthetwelfthcentury.11Howmanyclerkstherewerebothoverthereignasawholeandatanyonetimeisimpossibletosay.TheMagnaCartaProject,inbringingtogetheranddistinguishingthehandsoftheoriginalchartersandlettersofKingJohn,willestablishsomeminimumfigures,butonlyminimums,

forveryfewofthenumerouslessformallettershavesurvived.Threedifferenthands,typicalofthechancery,wereresponsibleforthreeofthefouroriginalsoftheCharter,andthereseematleastanotherfourhandsatworkin1215,sothatprovidesaminimumestablishmentofaroundhalfadozen.Butalmostcertainly

thenumberofclerkswasmuchlargerthanthat.12TherewereoccasionswhenJohn’sspeedofmovementmeanthewasseparatedfromthechancerystaff,oratleastfromthestaffwiththeseal,andusedhis‘smallseal’or‘privyseal’–‘parvumsigillum’,‘privatumsigillum’–toauthenticatedocumentsinstead.Thiswasthecase

duringhisdramaticdashtoBuryStEdmundsin1214,andinthedaysbeforehisarrivalatRunnymedeinthefollowingyear.13Thechancery,however,seemsingeneraltohavefollowedtheking’sitinerary.IthadnotgoneoutofcourtandbecomeestablishedatWestminster,aswastohappeninthefollowingcentury.

ByJohn’sreignthetypesofdocumentsissuedbythechanceryhadachievedasetform.Allhadonecardinalfeatureincommon,namelyafinalclausethatindicatedwhenandwherethekingoraministerhadauthorizedtheirissue.Intermsofhierarchy,atthetopofthescalewerethechartersinwhichJohnmadesolemnandsignificant

grantsoflandorrights,usuallyinperpetuity.MagnaCartaisthegrandestofthese,althoughitdiffersfrommostchartersbothinbeinggivenbythehandofthekingratherthanthechancellororachanceryofficial,andbylistingthemenonwhosecounselthekinghadactedatthestart,ratherthanhavingthemaswitnessesattheend.

Nextdowninimportancewereletterspatent.These,likecharters,hadthesealhangingdownfromthebottomofthedocument,attachedbyatagor(morerarelythanincharters)asilkenthread,andwerethusopenor‘patent’ratherthanbeingclosedupbythesealing.Theymightbeaddressed,likecharters,to

everyoneintherealm,althoughasbefittedalesssolemndocument,thelitanyofarchbishops,bishops,earlsandbaronsmightbeomitted.Theycouldalsobeaddressedtoindividuals,ortogroupssuchasthemenofacounty.Letterspatentdifferedfromchartersinotherways.Theylackedboththe‘givenbythehand’clauseandalistof

witnesses,beingnormallywitnessedsimplybythekingoranindividualminister.Letterspatentwereusedtoissueproclamations,makeappointments,andalsogiveimportantordersofapublicnature.Itmayhavebeenbyletterspatentthatthegreaterbaronsweretobesummonedtotheassemblymentionedinchapter14oftheCharter,

althoughitcouldequallyhavebeenbylettersclose.Lettersclosewerethefinal

typeofdocumentissuedbythechancery.Likeletterspatenttheyendedbysimplybeingwitnessedbythekingoraminister,buttheydifferedinbeing‘closed’.Thismeantthattheywerefoldedandtiedupwithastripofparchmentcutfromthe

bottom,andtheseal,orwhatwasusuallyjustadabfromit,wasplacedacrossthetie.Theselettersweretheadministrativemaidsofallworkandwereaddressedingreatnumberstotheking’sagents,tellingthemtodothisandthat.Alsointheformoflettersclosewerethe‘writs’(inLatin‘breves’),whichinitiatedlegalactions.These

hadtobeobtainedbylitigantsfromthechancery.TwoofthemfeaturedintheCharter,thewritof‘precipe’inchapter34,andthewritforaninquiryintomatters‘concerninglifeorlimbs’inchapter36.Itwaslikewisewritsinthesameform,issuedingreatnumbers,thatinitiatedthecommon-law

assizesmentionedinchapter18oftheCharter.Theproductionofthese

documentsdidnotendthelaboursofthechanceryclerks.SurvivingfromJohn’sreignareaseriesofrollsonwhichtheyrecordedthecharters,letterspatentandlettersclosethattheywereissuing,withnewsetsofrollsbeingbegunatthestartof

eachnewregnalyear.14

John’sreignbeganwithhiscoronationonAscensionDay1199,andsinceAscensionDayvariesindateaccordingtothedateofEaster,hewasactuallytheonlykinginEnglishhistorywhohadregnalyearsofunequallengths.Someoftherollshavewonderfulheadingsinlargecapitalletters

proclaimingtheiridentity.Giventhesmallproportionoforiginalchartersandlettersthatsurvive,itisfromthecopiesontherollsthatwecanappreciatethescaleofchanceryoutput,andthroughthedatingclausestraceJohn’sitineraryoftenonadailybasis.InthecloserollsalonefortheperiodMay1204toMay1205(which

JohnspententirelyinEngland),around940writsandotheritemsofbusinessarerecorded.This,moreover,wasonlyafractionofthelettersclosethatwereissued,forthestandardizedwritsinitiatingthecommon-lawassizeswereneverenrolled.InJune1215itself,MagnaCartawasnotenrolled.Johnhadnodesiretorecorda

documentextractedfromhimbyforce.Butthechanceryrollsdorecordfiveothercharters,135letterscloseandover150letterspatent.Inthepreviousmonthaspecialkeeperoftherollshadbeenappointed,oneWilliamCucuel,anicknamethatmayrefertohiscuckoo-likespeechorbehaviour.WasitonJohn’sinstructionsthata

fewweekslatertheclerkwritingthepatentrollincludedthelittlegreeting‘IsaluteyouWilliamKukkeWel’?15

THECHAMBERANDWARDROBE

Alongsidethechancery,themostimportantofficewiththekingwashischamber.Thechancerysentoutthe

king’sletters,thechamberreceivedandsentouthismoney.Bothwerevitalfortheoperationofroyalgovernment.Thechanceryletterscommunicatedtheking’sorders.Thechambermoneysuppliedtheforcebehindthem.Inoriginthechamberwas

simplytheroomwherethekingslept.Oneofitsmen

was‘theporteroftheking’sbed’.16Itshead,thechamberlain,couldbealayman.HubertdeBurgh,namedatthestartofMagnaCartaas‘seneschalofPoitou’,hadheldthepostearlierinthereign.Later,themostseniorchamberclerk,beforehewentontobechancellor,wasRichardMarsh.Whatheandhis

fellowsdidwastoreceive,storeandspendthemoneythatthekingcarriedwithhim.Thismoneycouldcomefromtheexchequer(ofwhichmoresoon),fromlocalofficials,fromindividualdebtorsandfromthegreatstoresofcashthatJohnassembledincastletreasuries.AtEaster1213,8,000markswerereceivedfromthe

treasuryatSalisbury.17Itseemsprobablethatthechamberofficialsoftenstoredtheirmoneynotinthechamberitselfbutintheking’s‘wardrobe’,whichalsocontainedhisjewels,clothes,andgeneralbagandbaggage.Atmajorroyalcastlesandhouses,chamberandwardrobemayhavehadsetrooms;elsewheretheyused

whateverspacewasoffered.Withoverlappingpersonnel,therewasoftennotmuchdistinctionbetweenthem.18

Nowrittenauthorizationseemstohavebeenneededforexpenditureoutofthechamber-wardrobe.Itmusthavebeenagreedtoorallybytheking,whichshowshisclosenesstotheofficialsconcerned.However,the

clerksdidkeepadetailedrecordofthedailyexpenditure,andthisgivesaremarkableinsightintotherangeandextentoftheiractivities.19IntheregnalyearMay1209toMay1210,themoneygoingout(sometimesjusttransfersintocastletreasuries)wasallcarefullyaddedupandamountedtoaround£8,000,whichwould

havebeenathirdoftheking’stotalincomeatthestartofthereign.20This,moreover,doesnotincludetheamountsspentonfoodanddrink,whichwasprobablythesameagain.Laterin1210,thechamber-wardrobefinancedJohn’sarmyinIreland,andtotalleditsexpenditureatover£11,400.21IntheyearMay

1212toMay1213,itsupplied10,000markstoJohn’sally,Otto,theRomanemperor,andgavemoneytoFlemishknights,sailorsofthefleetatPortsmouth,andserjeantsandfootsoldiersgoingtothewarinWales.Moneyalsowentforworkoncastles,notablyatCorfe,DoverandNottingham,andonaplethoraofgiftsand

paymentstoenvoysandmessengers,oneofthelatterbringingsixamputatedheadsofWelshmentothekingatRochester.Therewasalsoagreatdealofexpenditureonthingspersonaltotheking:onhisgloves,furs,boots,robes(includingadressinggownandanightgown),jewels,swords,bleeding,

baths,urinalsandgamblingdebts.

THEFOODANDDRINKDEPARTMENTS

Johnwasfamousforhislavishhospitality,andtheofficesthatobtainedandpreparedthefoodanddrinkmustoftenhavebeenhardatwork.Ofthese,themostimportantwerethekitchen,

whichcookedthemeat;thedispensary,whichbakedthebread;andthebuttery,whichsuppliedthedrink,aleforthegeneralrunofservants,wineforthekingandhiscourtiersandguests.Later,whenrecordssurviveunderJohn’sson,HenryIII,theyshowthatthecosttothedepartmentsofacquiring,byeithercashorcredit,thefoodanddrink

servedcouldaverageoutatbetween£15and£20aday,theminimumannualincomerequiredtobeaknight.Onagreatfeastday,thecostcouldbeover£200,theannualincomeofawealthybaron.Attheveryleast,Johnmusthaveequalledthesesums.22Theyunderstate,moreover,thetotalvalueofthedailyservings,sincemuchofthe

winewasacquiredbyspecialbuyersatSouthamptonandBristol,whilesuppliesalsocamefromtheking’sownmanorsandhuntsmen,andfromthepurchasesmadebylocalofficials.ForJohn’sChristmasatWindsorin1213,thesheriffofKent,ReginaldofCornhill,wastoprovidetwentytunsofgoodandnewordinarywine,both

FrenchandGascon(atunheld252gallons),fourtunsofbestwine,redandwhite,fortheking’sowntable;200pigs’heads,withallthepickledpork,1,000hens,50poundsofpepper,2poundsofsaffron,100poundsofgoodfreshalmondsand15,000herrings;aswellasspicesformakingsauces,twodozentowelsand1,000ells

oflinenfortablecloths.Otherofficialsweretoprovide200morepigs’heads,15,000morehens,10,000saltedeels,andallthepitchers,cupsanddishesneededforthefeasts.23Allofthiswasoverandabovewhatwaspaidforbythefoodanddrinkdepartmentsthemselves.Themoneytopayforthe

departmentalpurchasescame

fromthechamber-wardrobe,butitdidnotnecessarilycomeatonce.Instead,thedepartmentscouldexploittheking’srightof‘prise’,or‘purveyance’,namelyhisrightofcompulsorypurchaseonapromiseofpayinglater.Inthecaseofwine,indeed,thekingwasallowedtotakeacertainamountfromeachshipatspeciallowrates.

UnderHenryIII,thedepartments,andthepurchasersofwine,ranupgreatdebts.24Johnmayherehavehadacleanerrecord.TheissueofpurveyancedoesoccurinMagnaCarta.Underchapter28theking’sconstablesandbailiffswerenottotakeanyone’scornorotherchattelsunlesstheypaidforthemimmediatelyorwere

abletogetadelaywiththeconsentofthevendor.Thischapter,however,seemstorelatetotheactivitiesofconstablesofcastlesandlocalofficials,ratherthantotheofficialsofthehousehold.GiventhatJohnwascashrich,hemayhavemoreorlesspaidhisway.Thatwasjustaswell.Hisnearpermanentpresencein

Englandafter1204,comparedwithhisbrotherRichard’salmosttotalabsence,hadthepotentialtomakepurveyancefortheroyalhouseholdaverymajorissue.AtleastthiswasonebadboxJohndidnottick.

CHAPELANDALMONRY

Theclerksoftheking’schapelperformedtheking’s

dailyMass,althoughthereisnoevidenceJohntookmuchdelight,unlikeRichard,intheirsinging.Ongreatecclesiasticalfestivals,theclerksalsosang,astheyhadunderJohn’spredecessors,theceremonialhymns,beginning‘Christusvincit’,whichcriedoutforChristandthesaintstobringthekingvictoryandsalvation.They

hadtoworklesshardthanunderJohn’sson,HenryIII,whomultipliedtheoccasionsonwhichthehymnsweresungmanytimesover.25Thereisequallylittlesignintherecordsofthelavishexpenditureonvestments,chalicesandotherliturgicalartefactssocharacteristicofHenry.Johndid,however,haveareliccollection,

housedincoffers,aroundwhichhewouldsometimesorderthatcandlesburnthroughthenight.26John’salmoner(in1209–10theabbotofBindoninDorset)wasabusyman,forhedistributedJohn’sdailyalmsof36pence(enoughtofeedthatnumberofpaupers),andalsofedthehundredsofpaupersasatonementwhen

John,amongotherthings,ateheartilyonfastdays.27

TRANSPORT

Carts,carts,carts.Thecostofhiringthem,repairingthemandfeedingthehorsestopullthemrunsthroughtherecordsofthechamber-wardrobe.Cartswere,ofcourse,essentialfortransportingthewholebagandbaggageofa

householdwhichhardlyremainedanywhereformorethanafewdays.28In1212ittooktenormorecartersandtwenty-fivehorsestopullthelongcartsholdingJohn’sbedandallthemoney,clothesandjewelsofhiswardrobe.Anothertencarterswitheighteencarthorseswereneededforthekitchen,pantryandbuttery.Thestable

establishmentthatlookedafterthecarthorsesandtheelegantpalfreys,onwhichthekingandhisentouragerode,wasthusamajorelementofthehousehold.Thenumberof‘stableboys’,astheyarecalled,couldrisetooverseventy,andthenumberofhorsesbeingfedtonearlyahundred.29Thesenumbers,moreover,excludethehorses

andcartsofthechancerystaff,whichseemtohavebeenfundedfromthechancellor’sownrevenues.IfJohn’shouseholdlargelypaiditswaywhenitcametohiringcarts,thatwashardlytrueofhislocalofficials.Chapter30ofMagnaCartaforbadsheriffsandbailiffsfromtakingthehorsesandcartsofanyfreemanwithout

hisconsent.ThenewversionoftheCharterof1216wentfurtherandsaidthatpaymentshouldbeaccordingtothe‘ancient’rates:10penceadayforacartwithtwohorsesand14penceforacartwiththree.

THESTEWARDOFTHEHOUSEHOLDANDTHEHOUSEHOLDKNIGHTS

Theheadoftheking’shouseholdwasthesteward,andtherewasusuallymorethanoneinofficeatanyonetime.Theyweremenofknightlystatuswho,likeJohn’sstewardWilliamdeCantilupe,builtupestatesofbaronialproportions.Theyplayedamajor,althoughvarying,roleinsecuringtheking’sfoodanddrink.30They

werealsoattheheadoftheking’shouseholdknights.Theknights‘defamilia

regis’,astheywerecalled,seemtohavenumberedatanyonetimearoundahundred,althoughtheywerefarfrombeingallatcourtatanyonetime.31Theygavekingshipitspunch,formingtheposseswhenJohnwished,inthewordsoftheCharter,to

‘goagainst’someoneandventhis‘illwill,indignationandrancour’.WhenJohnheardthatthegreatbaronRobertfitzWalterwaslayingsiegetoBinhamprioryinNorfolk,hedespatchedatonceagroupofhouseholdknightsandarmedserjeantstoarresthim.Theywereverydisappointedtodiscoverthathehadfled.32Someknights

remainedmeremilitaryheavies,butothers,suchasJohnofBassingbourn,withmoreambitionandability,becamecounsellors,diplomats,sheriffsandcastellans.Havingtakenaspecialoathofloyaltytotheking,whichincludedtheobligationtoreportanythingsaidagainsthim,theyactedashiseyesandears.Atcourt,

theywerethemenJohnlikedmosttobewithandwhomhecouldrelyonforsupport.33

SeveralofthecounsellorsnamedatthestartofMagnaCartawereorhadbeenhouseholdknights–theBassetbrothers,forexample,andRobertofRopsley.ThomasBassetcombinedhispositionatcourtwithalongspellassheriffof

Oxfordshire.WithhisbrotherAlan,hewastoleadadecisivechargeatthebattleofLincolnin1217.

THECHIEFJUSTICIAR

Onlyoneministerwassuperiortothechancellor.Thiswasthechiefjusticiar.34

ThepostappearsinfourchaptersoftheCharterandismentionedonnofewerthan

sevenoccasions.Inchapter18itistheking,orifheisoutofthekingdom,‘ourchiefjusticiar’whoistosendjudgesroundthecountrytoheartheassizes.Inchapter41kingorchiefjusticiararetolearnhowEnglishmerchantsaretreatedabroad.Inchapter48the‘justiciar’(the‘chief’wasoftenomitted)intheking’sabsenceistobe

informedbeforetheknightsabolishtheevilcustomsinthecounties.Andthen,inthesecurityclause,itisthejusticiar,ifthekingisabroad,whoistoredressbreachesoftheCharter.Thesechaptersgiveaclearideaofthejusticiar’srole.Itwastoactasgovernorofthekingdomduringtheking’sabsences.Onsuchoccasions,itwas

normalforthekingtoaddresshisorderstothejusticiaraloneratherthandirecttoofficialsinEngland.Thejusticiarthenissuedhisownletters,sealedwithhisownseal,passingtheorderson.Hecouldalsoissueletters,dealingwithawidevarietyofissues,onhisowninitiative.Thejusticiarwentonhisownjourneysaroundthecountry

andalsopresidedattheexchequer,ofwhichhewasthehead.Whenthekingwasinthecountry,asJohnwasforthemostpartafter1204,thejusticiar’srolewasmorecircumscribed,buthecontinuedtoactastheking’schiefminister,sometimesatcourt,sometimesattheexchequer.

COUNSELANDCOMMONCOUNSEL

ThereisnoevidencethatJohneverhadaformalcouncilofministers,withadefinedmembership,boundtogetherwithaspecialoath.Thatwouldhavebeencontrarytohiswholestyleofgovernment,inwhichhetookadvice,asitsuitedhim,fromshiftingandshiftedgroupsof

ministersandmagnates.Thepersonnelofthoseatcourt,asWalterMaprecognized,wasconstantlychanging.Ministersretiredorfellfromfavour,leftcourtonembassiesor,intimesoftension,tookpersonalcommandofcastlesandsheriffdoms.Atthesametime,peoplewerecomingtocourtinsearchofconcessions

andfavours.Thosesimplywantingthewritsthatinitiatedandfurtheredcommon-lawlitigationcouldgetthesefromthechancerywithoutinvolvingthekingatall.Thosewantingsomethingmore,tobuyawardship,forexample,orrecovertheking’sbenevolence,wouldneedtogetthroughtothekinginperson.Thiswas

wherethecourtiersprovedtheirworthandmadetheirprofit.VeryfewcomingtocourtindisfavourhadthecourageandconfidenceofBishopHughofLincoln,whobrushedasideWilliamMarshal’swarningsandoffersofmediation,andinsistedongoingstraightintoKingRichard’spresence,whereheseizedhiscloakand

shookhimintoagoodhumour.In1215theprospectiveabbotofBuryStEdmundshadthejusticiar,PeterdesRoches,makehiscase.DesRochesfailed(perhapsnottryingveryhard),butstillpocketedhisbribe.35

Atitsfullest,thekingcouldbringtogetheratcourtthegreatandgoodoftheland

inaformalassembly.Herethecourtexpandedlikeagreatbellowsbeforecontractingwhenthecouncilwasover.MagnaCartareferredtoanationalassemblyinchapters12and14,whenitsaidthattaxeswerenottobeleviedsavebythe‘communeconsilium’ofthekingdom.TheCharterherewasslightlyambiguous

astowhetheritwasreferringtoanassemblyitself,‘thecommoncouncilofthekingdom’,ortowhatsuchanassemblycoulddo,namelygivethekingdom’s‘commoncounsel’,theLatin‘consilium’beingcapableofeithermeaning.Probablyitmeantthelatter,hencemytranslation,likemostothers,hashere‘counsel’ratherthan

‘council’.Butitwasreallyadistinctionwithoutadifference.Thosesummonedtogivethe‘commoncounsel’ofthekingdominchapter14becameonceassembledthekingdom’s‘commoncouncil’.Greatassembliesofthekingdomhadlongbeendescribedas‘councils’,‘generalcouncils’and‘greatcouncils’.Inthesecondhalf

ofthetwelfthcenturytheywereoccasionallycalled‘parliaments’,thenamethatwastobecomeestablishedinthereignofHenryIII.TheAnonymousofBéthune,writinginFrench(fromwhichthewordcame)hadtheopponentsofKingJohnin1214–15comingtogetherin‘aparlement’andagreeingtoa‘parlement’withJohnat

Staines.In1244achanceryclerk,lookingbackto1215,wroteof‘theparliamentofRunnymede’.Ithadlongbeentraditionaltosummontheking’stenants-in-chieftosuchassemblies,withthegreaterbaronsreceivingapersonalsummons.Chapter14oftheCharterwasthustryingtosolidifywhatwascustomary,althoughthe

custom,aswehaveseen,wasfastmovingoutoflinewithsocialreality.36

THEEXCHEQUERANDTHEKING’SREVENUES

Sofarwehavebeentalkingaboutinstitutionsofgovernmentthatforthemostparttravelledwiththeking.Thegreatestofficeofall,however,wasmostlyresident

atWestminster,meetingprobably(asitdidlater)inchamberseithersideoftheentrancetoWilliamRufus’sgreathall.Thisofficewastheexchequer.TheexchequerisMagnaCarta’selephantintheroom.ItisnotmentionedintheArticlesoftheBarons,the1215Charteroritssuccessors.YetitspresencehangsoveralltheCharter’s

financialclauses.Althoughtheitinerantchamber-wardrobespentagoodproportionoftheking’srevenues,itdidnotraisetherevenueitself.Thatwasthejoboftheexchequer.Sowastheannualauditingandhearingtheaccountsofallthemoneyowedtheking.Theexchequersentalargeproportionofthemoneythat

itraisedtothechamber-wardrobe,butitcouldalsospenditinotherwaysontheking’sorders,aswellasstoreitinitscentraltreasury,orsendittooneofthetreasuriesJohnestablishedincastlesaroundthecountry.Withitspreciseprocedures,voluminousrecordsandutterdeterminationtoraisethemoneyduetheking,the

exchequerwasfarandawaythemightiestinstrumentofgovernmentthatJohnpossessed.Thefirstcertainreference

totheexchequerisin1110.Thenamederivedfromthechequeredclothonwhichtheannualauditofthedebtsowedthekingtookplace.Theresultsoftheannualaudit,countybycounty,were

recordedonagreatdocumentlatercalledthepiperoll,becauserolledupitlookedlikeapipe.Thefirstsurvivingrollbelongstothefinancialyear1129–1130.37

Theheadoftheexchequerwasthechiefjusticiar,whilebeneathhim,ofteninday-to-daycharge,wasthetreasureroftheexchequer.ItwasthetreasurerRichardfitzNigel

whowrotetheDialogusdeScaccariointhereignofHenryII.38

WhileMagnaCartasaysnothingabouttheexchequer,itgivesaveryfullimpressionoftherevenuesthatithadtocollect.Themosttraditionalandstapleofthesecamefromthecounty‘farms’,whichtheChartersoughttoregulateinchapter25.Thecountyfarm

wasafixedsumofmoney(usuallyseveralhundredpounds)forwhichthesheriffofthecountyansweredattheexchequereveryyear.Tomakeupthefarmhecoulddrawontherevenuesfromtheking’sownlandsinthecounty,the‘demesnemanors’,thatis,whicharealsoreferredtointhechapter.Thefarm,too,camefroma

rangeoftraditionalpayments,suchas‘sheriff’said’,andfromtheproceedsofpleasandexactionsinthecountyandhundredcourts.Theexactionsinthehundredcourtswereregulatedinchapter42ofthe1217Charter.Thecountyfarmcouldalsobederived,fromtheindividualfarmsofitscomponentlocalgovernment

divisions,namely‘thehundreds,ridingsandwapentakes’mentionedinchapter25if,thatis,theywereleasedout.Theaimofchapter25was

topreventthekingincreasingthecountyfarmsandthesubsidiaryfarmsofhundred,ridingandwapentake.Itexcepted,however,fromtherestrictiontheking’sdemesne

manors.Someofthesecontributeddirectlytothecountyfarm,andsothatelementofitcouldstillbeincreased.By1199,manyotherdemesnemanors,afterappropriatedeductions,hadbeenremovedfromthefarmandwereaccountedforseparatelybythesherifforanotherkeeper.Alsoaccountedforseparately,

oftenbytheirmen,andforminganotherstaplepartoftheking’sincome,werethefarmsduefromtheking’scitiesandboroughs.Thatneitherthesenorthefarmsduefromtheking’sdemesnemanorswererestrictedinMagnaCartawaspartlyatleastduetoanacceptancethattheking’sownpersonalpropertieswereamatterfor

him,inawayotherrevenueswerenot.TheCharterlikewisesaidnothingabouttallage,whichwasataxleviedattheking’spleasureonhiscities,boroughsanddemesnemanors.TheArticlesoftheBaronsinchapter32hadmentionedtallages,buttheirattempttohavethoseleviedonLondonandotherprivilegedcities

madedependentonthecommonconsentofthekingdomnevermadeitintotheCharteritself.39

Anotherpartoftheking’sprivatedemesnewastheroyalforest.Inthelargeareasofthecountrywithintheroyalforest,andthussubjecttoforestlaw,thismeantthatamercementscouldbeimposedforpoachingor

huntingdeerandboar.Theycouldalsobeimposedfordamagingtheactualgrowthoftheforestthroughthe‘purpresture,wasteandassart’mentionedinchapter4oftheForestCharterof1217.Purpresturewasputtingupbuildingsandenclosures;wastewascuttingdowntrees;andassartwasclearanceforthecreationofnewarable

land.Thekingassertedthattheseamercements,becauseofthespecialstatusoftheforest,wereentirelyamatterforhim,andwerenotsubjecttotheusualcustomaryconstraints.HencetheDialogusdeScaccariostressedthatthelawoftheforest,incontrast‘tothecommonlaw[communiiure]ofthekingdom’,dependedon

thearbitrarywillofthekingalone:‘soliusregisarbitrio’.40

TheCharterdidnotdealexplicitlywithforestamercements,buttheywerepresumablycoveredbytheamercementsregulatedinchapters20–22.Equallypartoftheking’s

‘own’weretheJews,whomhecouldtallageashewished.Therewasnotevena

suggestionin1215thatthesetallages,unliketheonesimposedonLondonandothertowns,shouldbemadesubjecttothecommonconsentofthekingdom,althoughinfactsuchtallagespresseddownindirectlyonallwhoowedtheJewsmoney.Afterall,theonlywaytheJewscouldpaythetaxeswastogetmoneyinfromtheir

debtors.ThekingcouldalsofindmanyreasonsfortakingtheassetsofJews,whichwereessentiallythedebtsthatwereowedthem,intohisownhands.Asaresult,thedebtorsendedupowingtheirmoneytothecrown.Chapter10oftheChartersought,inthatcase,toreducetheking’spotentialprofit.Hewasonlyallowedtoexacttheoriginal

debt,ratherthanthedebtplusinterest.TheChartergivesafull

pictureoftherevenuesderivedfromthetenurialrelationshipbetweenthekingandhistenants-in-chief,the‘feudal’revenues,ifonelikes,derivedfromrelief,wardships,thesaleofmarriagesandimpositionsonwidows,allofwhichwerethe

concernofchapters2to8.Thissamerelationshipbroughtthekingprofitfromthechurch,since,afterthedeathofbishopsandabbots,hehadcustodyofthelandsthattheyheldfromthecrownuntilanewappointmentwasmade.MagnaCartasaidnothingaboutthisdirectly.However,thedurationofsuchvacancieswouldhave

beenlimitedbyJohn’searliercharterpromisingfreeandspeedyelectionsofbishopsandabbots,whichMagnaCartaconfirmedinchapter1.The1216Charter,however,extendedtoecclesiasticalvacanciesthesameprotectionsfromexploitationthatMagnaCartagavetosecularwardships.

Chapters12and14oftheCharterrevealedtheking’sincomefromscutagesandaids,althoughthesecouldbeverydifferentthings.Scutage,aswehaveseen,waspaidbytenants-in-chiefinplaceofprovidingthekingwithmilitaryservice.Anaidcouldlikewisebeapaymentowedbythetenant-in-chieftothekingaspartofhistenurial

obligations.TheChartertriedtolimittheoccasionsitwasduetotheransomingoftheking’sperson,theknightingofhiseldestsonandthemarryingonceofhiseldestdaughter.Aids,however,couldalsobegeneraltaxespaidbyeveryoneintherealm,andthese,leviedasapercentageofeveryone’srentsandmovableproperty

(chieflycornandfarmanimals),couldbringinsumsincomparablygreaterthananythingintheformofscutage.Before1215,therewasalreadyafeelingthatsuchaidsrequiredtheconsentofthekingdom.Indeed,whenlevyinghisgreataidof1207,Johnclaimed,howeverspuriously,thatconsenthadbeengiven.41

TheprofitsofjusticehadlongmadeamajorcontributiontoroyalrevenueandonthesetheCharterwaseloquent.Chapters20to22dealtwithamercements,thefinancialpenaltiesforfallingintotheking’s‘mercy’,astheresultofbeingconvictedofsomeoffence,eitherbeforetheking’sjudgesorthekinghimself.Chapter32showed

thatthekingwasentitledtoholdforayearandadaythelandsofthoseconvictedoffelonies(seriouscrimes).AlthoughthiswasnotmentionedintheCharter,hewasalsoentitledtothechattelsofoutlawedandexecutedcriminals.Chapter36showedthepaymentsthatmighthavetobemadeforwrits.Chapter40issuedits

famousblanketbanonthesaleofjustice.Oneofthemostlucrative

sourcesofroyalrevenuewere‘fines’,whichtheCharterdealtwithinchapter55.Thesewereoffersofmoneyacceptedbythekingforconcessionsandfavours,andcouldbemadeinmanyoftheareasmentionedabove.Ontheonehand,theycouldbe

entirelyvoluntary,soforawardship,orforawrittostartalegalaction.Ontheotherhand,theycouldbeprettymuchcompulsory,aswhentheyweremadetoobtaintheking’sforgivenessandbenevolence.TheArticlesoftheBaronshadsoughttoredressunjustfinesmadefordowers,inheritancesandmarriages.TheCharterwent

furtheranddemandedredressofallunjustfineswithoutanyqualification.Theserevenueswerenot,

ofcourse,ofequalincidenceorvalue.Thecounty‘farms’cameineveryyear,andwereanabsolutestaple.Otherrevenuesweremoreoccasional;thosefromecclesiasticalvacanciesandwardshipsdependedondeath;

thosefromjudicialandforestamercementsdependedverylargelyontheperiodicvisitationsoftheking’sjudges.Greattaxes,onthekingdomitself,orontheJews,couldtransformtheking’sfinancesbuttheycouldnotbeleviedveryoften.InthefinancialyearcoveringJohn’saccession(sothatfromMichaelmas1198to

Michaelmas1199),theking’scashrevenue,ascalculatedbyNickBarrattfromthepiperoll,wassome£22,183.Thisbreaksdownasfollows:countyfarms14.6percent;royaldemesnemanorsoutsidethefarm,andfarmsofcitiesandboroughs,11.6percent;judicialrevenues29.5percent;feudalrevenues(paymentsforreliefs,

marriagesandwardships)10.9percent;scutage10.7percent;tallage10.9percent;forest5.4percent;Jews2.3percent.Thesearenotuntypicalfiguresforearlyinthereign,althoughtherewasnorevenuefromecclesiasticalvacancies.In1200–1201thatwasworth£1,165andinthenextyear£1,582.Laterinthereign,

largesumswereraisedfromgeneraltaxationandtaxationontheJews,whiletherewerealsoincreasingrevenuesfromtheroyalforest.42

Theexchequer’sworkofraisingtheking’smoneybeganeveryyearwiththepreparationofwhatwerecalledthe‘summonses’.Thesewerelistsofthedebtsthatthesheriffofeachcounty

hadtocollect.Thelistswouldbeginwiththecountyandotherfarms,andthengoontoallthedebtsowedbyindividuals.WhenMagnaCartainchapter26spokeofthesheriffshowing‘ourletterspatentofsummons’foradebtowedthekingbyadeceasedtenant-in-chief,itwasreferringtothisannuallist.43Theseletterspatentfor

oursummons,likeawholerangeofletterscloseaboutgettingintherevenue,wereissued,intheking’sname,bytheexchequeritselfandsealedwithitsownseal.Thesealwaskeptbythechancelloroftheexchequer,hencethenameofthatoffice.Theexchequer,therefore,hadthepowertotakeindependentaction.Itusedthatpowerto

devastatingeffectwhenorderingdebtstobegatheredinbydistraint.Theexchequerknewwhat

debtstoputonthelistofsummonsesinvariousways.44

Itincludedrecurringfarmsandolddebtsfromtherecordofthelastauditonthepiperollsorfromotherrelatedmaterial.Asfornewdebtsarisingfromamercements,

theexchequerwassentregularlistsofthoseimposedbeforetheking,beforethecourtatWestminsterandbeforetheking’sjudgesinthecounties.Italsoreceivedonaroll(calledtheoriginaliaroll)thelistoffinesacceptedbythekingashetravelledthecountry.Thesehadbeenrecordedbythechanceryonfinerollsofwhichthe

originaliarollswereacopy.Although,therefore,thekingwaspersonallyinvolvedinacceptingfines,hehandedthemovertotheexchequerforcollectionandaudit,whichjustshowsthecentralpartitplayedintheworkingsofroyalfinance.Ofcourse,thekingcouldalwaysfastenonaparticulardebtandorderthatitbepaidintothe

chamber-wardroberatherthantheexchequer.However,whenhedidso,heinformedtheexchequer,sothatitcouldmakedueallowanceforthepaymentwhenthedebtwasaudited.Theonlyoccasionswhentheexchequerwasbypassedaltogetherwaswhenthekingtookoverthetotalmanagementofadebt,orwhenafinewaspaidcash

down,immediatelyandinfullintothechamber-wardrobe.Asfarascanbeseen,thisdidnothappenveryoften.Thesheriff,whenhe

receivedthesummonses,hadthentosetaboutcollectingthemoney.Ifadebtordidnotpay,thenthesheriffcouldenforcepaymentbythedistraintmentionedinchapters8,9,16,23and29

oftheCharter.Thisinvolvedseizingandsellingthedebtor’schattels,whichwouldchieflybehiscornandanimals.Ifthesedidnotsuffice,theCharteracknowledgedthatlandandrentsmightbepossessed;andafterthatthesheriffcouldturntotheresourcesofthedebtor’ssureties.Chapter26oftheCharterimpliedthat

sheriffs,onthedeathoftenants-in-chief,hadsimplygoneinandseizedwhatevertheylikedontheexcuseofsomedebt,withoutbotheringoveritssize.Thesheriffcollectedmost

ofthemoneypersonally,butitwaspermissibleforabarontomakehisownpayments,withthesheriffjustnotifyinghimoftheamountowed.45

Thepaymentsweredueintwoinstalmentseachyear,atEasterandMichaelmas,andweremadeintoabranchoftheexchequercalledtheexchequerofreceiptorlowerexchequer.Thiswaspresidedoverbytwochamberlainsoftheexchequer,anhereditaryposition.Oneofthechamberlains,WarinfitzGerold,althoughhedoes

nothavehistitlethere,appearsamongJohn’scounsellorsinthepreambletotheCharter.Asareceiptforeachindividualpayment,thesheriffandotherpayeesreceivedatally.Thiswasawoodenstickonwhichtheamountofthepaymentwasrecordedinnotches.Thestickwasthensplitdownthemiddle,withhalfbeingkept

bytheexchequerandhalfbythepayee.Foridentificationpurposes,thenatureofthedebtandtheamountofthepaymentwasalsowrittenonboththehalves.Theexchequerofreceipt

keptitsmoneyinits‘treasury’,andonlydispenseditasorderedbyspeciallettersclosesentbythekingtothetreasurerandchamberlains.

Theseletters(called‘writsofliberate’)mightordertheexchequertosendmoneytotheking,whereitwouldbepaidintothechamber-wardrobe,orspenditinawholevarietyofotherways.Itwasreallyjustamatterofconveniencewhetherthekingpaidforsomethingwithmoneyfromthechamber-wardrobe,theexchequer

treasury,thecastletreasuriesorthefundsinthehandsofthesheriffsandotherlocalofficials.Theactualworkofhearing

theaccounts,asofpreparingthesummonses,wasdonebytheupperexchequerorexchequerofaudit.AfterMichaelmaseachyear,inalongprocessionthatlastedsometimesuntilthefollowing

Easterorbeyond,eachsheriffcamebeforetheupperexchequertoaccountforthedebtswhichhehadbeensummonedtopayinthepreviousyear,soatthepreviousEasterandMichaelmas.Theexchequerwentthroughthelistofsummonsesandthesheriffshandedovertheirtalliesasproofofpayment,the

exchequermatchinguptheprofferedhalfwiththehalfithadkept.Atthesametimethesheriffsprofferedanywritsthathadorderedthemtospendrevenuelocally,sothatdueallowancecouldbemadeforthattoo.Ifbaronialstewardshadpaidinmoneyfortheirmasters,thentheywouldalsoattendtheauditandgothroughthesame

procedure.Theaudititselfwasdoneontheexchequerclothwherecountersintheformofsilverpenniesweresetoutrepresentingeachindividualdebt.Beneaththemwereplacedcountersrepresentingtheamountpaidorallowedagainstit.Thelatterwerethensubtractedfromtheformer,revealingwhatwasstillowed.Thestate

ofplayonthedebtswasthenrecordedonthepiperolls,withthedebtorsbeingquitorleftstillowing.Ifthesheriffhadfailedtoraisemoneyandcouldshowitwasnothisfault,hemightbeorderedtodistrainmorevigorouslyforthesumsoutstanding.Ifitwashisfault,hecouldbesubjecttoimprisonment,as

mightthestewardsofbaronsiftheytoohaddefaulted.InJohn’sreignweseethe

piperollsintheirfullpomp.AsprintedbythePipeRollSociety,allofthemdownto1211havemorethan200pages,manyover250.Onaroughcount,atypicalrollcontainsmorethan4,500namesofpeople,placesandinstitutions,mostofthem

owingmoneytotheking.TherollsrevealJohn’ssuccessinincreasinghisrevenues,asalsothepressurehewasplacingonindividuals.Theyshowjusthowthegripoftheexchequerrangedfromtoptobottomofsociety:fromlayandecclesiasticalbaronsowinggiganticsums,throughknightsandtownsmen,downtopeasantsandpeasant

communitiesamercedinnumerouswaysbytheking’sjudges.Notalltheking’srevenues

arerevealedinthepiperolls.TheyshownothingabouttheflowoftreasurefromIreland,whichmaywellhaveaveragedoutatover£1,000eachyear.IntermsofEnglishrevenues,theyhavenothingaboutthegreattaxof1207,

althoughweknowitsyieldfromanotherrecordsource.NordothepiperollscontainrecordsofthetaxationimposedontheJews.Thisisbecausesuchtaxationwastheresponsibilityofasub-branchoftheexchequer,withitsownrecords,calledtheexchequeroftheJews.Thelatterwasalsoresponsibleforcollectingthedebtsowedthe

Jewsthathadcomeintotheking’shands.Whenthesewerelargeandowedbygreatmen,theyweresometimesplacedunderthemainexchequerandappearonthepiperolls,butthegreatmajorityofsuchdebtsstayedundertheexchequeroftheJews.Sinceitsrecordshardlysurviveforthisperiod,thepreciseyieldsofJewish

taxation,andofJewishdebtsinroyalhands,willneverbeknown,abiggapinourknowledge.TheemergenceoftheexchequeroftheJewswaslinkedtoareformof1194thatsoughttoregulatethewholeprocessofJewishmoneylending.Henceforth,thecontractingofloanswastobelimitedtomajortownsundertheoversightoftwo

Christians,twoJewsandtwoclerksoftheJewishexchequer.Eachtownhadachest(an‘archa’)inwhichacopyofthecharterrecordingeachloanwasdeposited,theothercopybeingkeptbytheJew.Thisisthe‘charter’referredtoinMagnaCarta,chapter10,whereitsaysthatifadebtowedtoaJewcameintotheking’shands,he

wouldonlyextractthecapitalsum,‘catallum’,foundinthecharter,inotherwordshewouldnotextractinterest.AllthisbureaucracymadeiteasierforthekingtoprotecttheJewsandalsotoextracttheirmoneyboththroughtaxation(forthekingcouldfindoutexactlywhatresourcesthereweretotax)

andthroughdebtstakenintohisownhands.

LOCALGOVERNMENT

‘Allcountiesandhundreds,ridingsandwapentakes,aretobeattheancientfarmswithoutanyincrement’,ranchapter25oftheCharter,therebylayingbarethebasicstructureofroyalgovernmentinthelocalities.For

administrativepurposes,Englandwasdividedupintocounties.Therewerethirty-eightoftheseofverydifferentsizes,rangingfromthetinyRutlandtothegiganticYorkshire.Countiesweresubdividedintosmalleradministrativedivisionscalledhundredsorwapentakes.Ofthesetherewerearound630.Yorkshire

andLincolnshire,giventheirsize,werealsodividedintogroupsofwapentakes,theridingsofchapter25.Itwasatributetothe

powerofroyalgovernmentinthetwelfthcenturythatnearlyallthecountieswereunderthecontrolofsheriffsappointedanddismissedbytheking.Inotherwordstheyhadnotfallenunderthe

controlofearlsorhereditarysheriffs.46ThesheriffsmakenineappearancesintheCharter,beingsaddledwithaseriesofdosanddon’ts.Itwasthemalpracticesofthesheriffsandforestofficialsthatweretobeinvestigatedinchapter48.ThreeofJohn’ssheriffswerenamedamongthosewhoweretoberemovedfromtheirofficesin

chapter50.Apartfromtheirroleasdebtcollectors,thesheriffsalsohadmajorresponsibilitiesinthefieldofjusticeandlawandorder.TheCrowlandchroniclerdescribedthemasprovidingpeaceforlocalpeopleaswellascarryingoutthebusinessofthe‘fisc’.47Thesheriffsthuspresidedoverthecountyandhundredcourts,arrested

andhangedcriminals,empanelledcommon-lawjuriesandimplementedjudgements.Astheking’schiefofficers

intheshires,thesheriffsreceivedastreamofordersonamultiplicityofsubjects.Underchapter14oftheCharter,forexample,theyweretosummonthelessertenants-in-chieftoanational

assembly.Theywerecontinuallybeingtoldtospendthemoneytheywerecollectingonarangeofpurchasesandpayments,insteadofpayingitintotheexchequer.Theresultingallowancesonthepiperollsarearemarkabletestimonytotherangeoftheiractivities.Somesheriffsweregreatregionalcommissars,

controllingwardships(aschapter4oftheCharterindicated),escheats,royalmanorsandcastles,aswellasseveralcounties.Mostsheriffshadastheirmainbasetheroyalcastleinthecountytown.Theking’scastles,‘the

bonesofthekingdom’astheywerecalled,wereavitalsourceofroyalpower.48In

1214therewereninety-threeofthem,whichwasroughlyhalfthenumberofbaronialcastles.49Acastle’sstrategicpurpose,asJohnindicatedwhenheorderedonetobebuiltinDublinin1204,wastoprojectpoweroutwards,therebycontrollingatownorstrategicarea.50Johnalsousedhiscastlestoholdhisprisonersandhouselarge

amountsoftreasure.Somecastleswereundersheriffs,othersunderseparateconstables.TheChartertoldofthemeasurestomaintainthecastles.Chapter28forbadconstablesandbailiffsfromtakinganyone’scornorotherchattelswithoutimmediatepayment,unlessthevendorconsentedtothedelay.TheCharterof1216,however,

allowedadelayinpaymentwherethecornandchattelshadbeentakenfromthevillwherethecastlewassituated.51Chapter31ofthe1215Charterstipulatedthatbailiffswerenottotakewoodforcastles,savewiththepermissionoftheowner.Chapter29dealtwiththegarrisoningofcastlesandallowedknights,ifthey

wished,toservepersonallyorprovidean‘uprightman’asadeputy,asopposedtobeingforcedtogivemoneyinplaceofservice.

THEADMINISTRATIONOFTHEROYALFOREST

WhenMagnaCartacommissioneditsinquiriesintothemalpracticesoftheking’slocalofficials,in

chapter48,thelistofthoseofficialswasheadednotbythesheriffsbutbytheking’sforesters.52Withoutanextensiveadministrativeapparatus,therewasnowaythatthekingcouldmakemoneyforoffencesagainsttheforestlaw.TheForestCharterof1217wasnotbotheredatallwithwhatitcalledtheking’s‘demesne

woods’,theforestthatisonhisownmanorsandproperties.Thetroublewasthattheroyalforestandforestlawextendedmuchfurtherthanthatandenvelopedwoodsandlandsheldbybishops,abbots,earls,barons,knightsandfreetenants.ThiswaswhytheUnknownCharter,initschapter10,demandedprivilegesfor

knightswhohadtheirwoodsintheking’sforests.InJohn’sreigntherewasroyalforestintwentycounties.ItembracedlargepartsofCumberland,Yorkshire,Lancashire,Nottinghamshire,Derbyshire,Berkshire,HampshireandWiltshire,andallofEssex.Intotalitcoveredaboutathirdofthekingdom.53Itsmainpurpose

wasnottoprovidekingswithareasforhunting,althoughtheycertainlyweregreathuntsmen.Itwastoprovidethemwithmoney.Theindividualforestswere

administeredbychiefforesters,someofthemhereditary,whowereliabletodismissalandferociouspunishment,usuallyfinancial,foranyfailuresintheirduty.

Theyinturnemployednumeroussubordinateofficialswhopreyedonthelocalpopulation.Oneaiminchapter7ofthe1217ForestCharterwastolimitthenumberofsuchpests.Therewerealsogroupsofofficials(oftenlocalknights)called‘regarderers’,whomonitoredtheboundsoftheforest,and‘verderers’,whomade

recordsoftheoffencescommitted.Theactivitiesoftheseofficialswerecoordinatedatforestcourts,andtheywereallsubjecttothechiefjusticeoftheforest.FormuchofJohn’sreignthiswasHughdeNeville,namedinthepreambleofthe1215Charter,althoughwithouthistitle,perhapsbydesign,foritwashardlyonethatbrought

himhonour.TheCharter,inchapter44,didrefertotheforest‘justices’,orjudges,anditwasfromtheirperiodicvisitationsoftheforestcounties,oftenledbythechiefforester,thatthegreatbulkoftherevenuecame.Thejudgestriedthoseaccusedofoffencesandimposedtheamercements.Wheretheoffenderswere

important,theymightbeamerceddirectlybytheking.Thejudgesalsomademoneybysummoningmentoattendtheirsessionseventhoughtheylivedoutsidetheboundsoftheforest.Ifsuchmendidnotturnup,theywereamerced.Inreaction,chapter44oftheCharterlaiddownthatnoonelivingoutsidetheforesthadtoattendunless

theywereinvolveddirectlyorindirectlyinaplea.Thepenaltieswerenotonlyfinancial,however.Thoseforoffencesagainsttheprotectedbeastsoftheforest,thedeerandboar,couldbecorporal,probablybecausemanypoacherswerepeasantswithfewresourcesworthamercing.TheUnknownCharterhadJohnconceding

thatnomanwastoloselifeorlimbforanoffenceagainstthebeastsoftheforest.TheAnonymousofBéthunelikedtothinkthatthiswasintheCharteritself,butinfactithadtowaituntiltheCharterof1217.

THEKING’SJUDICIALCOURTS

Theroyalforestwasanunmitigateddisasterfortheking’ssubjects.Ithadnobenefitsforthem.Theking’sdispensationofjustice,inpartatleast,couldbelookedatinadifferentlight.Atthelocallevel,thereweretwopubliccourtspresidedoverbyroyalofficials,thoseofthecountyandthehundredorwapentake.TheCharterof

1217,inchapter42,regulatedboth.Theformerweretomeetonceamonth,unlessalongerintervalhadbeencustomary.Asforthelatter,thesheriffwasonlytoholdtheespeciallywell-attendedsessions,calledthe‘tourn’,twiceayear,atEasterandMichaelmas.Howoftenthehundredcourtsshouldmeetbeyondthetournbecamea

matterfordispute.Thegovernmentin1234,tryingtosettletheissue,saidthesessionshadbeenfortnightlyunderHenryII,butnowmightbeonceeverythreeweeks.54Theoverlappingjurisdictionofboththehundredandthecountycourtsembracedminordisputesoverland,debtsanddistraint,aswellascriminal

casesofatypethatdidnotinvolvebreachesoftheking’speace.Abovethelocalcourtsof

countyandhundred,therewereothersuperiortypesofroyalcourt.Onewasheld,nominallyatleast,intheking’spresence,‘coramrege’,whereverhewasonhisjourneys.Anotherwaspresidedoverbytheking’s

judgesatWestminster.Therewerealsocourtsofvaryingjurisdictionsheldbytheking’sjudgeswhentheyvisitedthelocalities.Inchapter59oftheCharter,Johnagreedthattheclaimsof‘Alexander,kingofScots’shouldbesettled‘byjudgementofhispeersinourcourt’.Giventhattheseclaimswereofgreatmoment,

thiswasclearlyacourtthatwouldbepresidedoverbythekinghimselfandwheregreatbarons(Alexander’speers,forheheldanEnglishbarony)wouldbepresenttogivejudgement.TheArticlesoftheBaronswerethinkingofthesamecourtwhentheylaiddowninchapter25thatthosedisseisedunjustlybyHenryIIandRichardshould

have‘rightwithoutdelaybyjudgementoftheirpeersinthecourtoftheking’.Thiswasalsothecourtinwhichdisputesbetweenthebaronsthemselveswouldbeheard.Chapter17oftheCharterindicatedsomethingelse,whenitdirectedthat‘commonpleas’shouldnotfollowtheking’scourtbutbeheardinafixedplace.55In

otherwords,John’scourtatcourt,ifonemaycallitthat,hadheardnotmerelycasesinvolvinggreatmen,butalsoquiteroutinecivillitigationofthecommon-pleasvariety.Inthosecases,itwouldhavebeenpresidedoverbytheking’sprofessionaljudgesratherthanbythekingpersonally,unlesshewas

especiallyinterestedinacase,assometimeshewas.TheCharterof1215did

notspecifywherethefixedplaceforcommonpleastobeheardmightbe.Its1217successorwasmoreinformativesinceitreferred,inchapters14and15,tocasesbeingheardby‘thejusticesofthebench’.Thebench,untilsuspendedby

KingJohn,usuallysatatWestminster,and,presidedoverbyprofessionaljudges,heardawholeraftofdisputesaboutproperty.Theking’sjudgesalsowentonvisitations(or‘eyres’)ofvarioustypesaroundthecounties.Onetypeisshowninthejudgeswhoweretovisitthecountiestohearthecommon-lawassizesunder

chapter18oftheCharter.Thesewereeyresentirelyforcivilpleas.Theking’sjudgesalsocametohearcriminalpleas,whentheytriedthecasesofthoseimprisonedincountygaols.Mostimpressiveofall,asamanifestationofroyaljusticeandpowerinthelocalities,werethegreat‘allpleas’eyres.Herethejudgesheard

bothcriminalandcivilpleasandalsocarriedoutinvestigationsintotheking’srights.Thesevisitationsareoftencalledbyhistorians‘generaleyres’,bothbecauseofthescopeoftheirjurisdictionandbecausetheywereusuallyarrangedaspartofcircuitsthatcoveredthewholecountry.Inalargecounty,sucheyrescould

meanthousandsofpeoplebeingconcentratedtogetherbeforetheking’sjudges.56

PEACEANDCRIMINALJUSTICE

TheChartertwicereferredtothepeacethatwouldendthecivilwar.Italso,inchapter49,referredtothe‘peaceorfaithfulservice’thatJohnhadsoughttoobtainbytaking

hostages.Here,then,itwasinterpretingpeaceastheoppositeofrebellionandcivilstrife.Chapter42ofthe1217Charter,ontheotherhand,wasthinkingofpeaceinthelaw-and-ordersensewhenitmadearrangementssothat‘ourpeaceshallbekept’.Themaintenanceofthepeaceinboththesesenseswasafundamentaldutyofkingship.

Atthelocallaw-and-orderlevel,itwasintimatelylinkedtothe‘pleasofourcrown’mentionedinchapter24oftheCharter,sincethesegavethekinganearmonopolyoverthetrialandpunishmentofseriouscrime,overthatis,thehomicide,affray,premeditatedassault,burglary,rape,(serious)theftandarsonthatJohnhadlisted

in1201as‘thosethingswhichbelongtoourcrownandjustice’.57Chapter42ofthe1217

Charterlinkedtogetherthreebasicelementsoflocallawenforcementwhenitsaid,ratherincomprehensiblyformodernreaders,that‘theviewoffrankpledgeshallbeheldsothatthepeaceiskeptandthetithingisfull’.The

tithingwasagroupoftenortwelveadultmales,usuallyunfree,whoweresworntokeepthepeaceandguaranteethegoodbehaviouroftheirfellows.SupposedlyalltheunfreepopulationsouthoftheHumberweregroupedintithingsanditwasthesethatthesheriffscheckedatMichaelmaseachyear,inthehundredorwapentakecourts

attheir‘viewoffrankpledge’–‘frankpledge’herebeingsimplyanotherwordforthetithing.Thesheriffs,insodoing,hadmanyopportunitiesforimposingpenaltiesonthetithinggroups–forexample,whenmenfailedtoarrestcriminals,orwhentheyhadgivenfalseevidenceorevidencenotintheproperform.58Itwas

unjustexactionsonsuchoccasionsthatchapter42soughttorestrain,asitalsosoughttolimitthetourntotwoayear.TheArticlesoftheBarons

in1215haddemandedthatsheriffsshouldnotinterfereinthepleasofthecrownwithoutthecoroners.Itwasthecoroners,introducedin1194,andusuallycounty

knights,whosedutyitwastomakearecordofthepleasofthecrown,andinsodoingtoholdinquestsintoallcasesofdeathotherthanbyobviouslynaturalcauses.TheArticlesimpliedthatthesheriffswereusurpingthefunctionofthecoronersinthisareawhenitsaidthat,withoutthem,theywerenottointerferewiththepleasofthecrown.The

Charteritself,inchapter24,wasconcernedwithawiderusurpation,andlaiddownthatsheriffs,constables,coronersandbailiffswerenottohearthepleasofthecrown.Therehadbeenatimewhensheriffsheardpleasofthecrownroutinelyinthecountyandhundredcourts,butincreasinglyinthetwelfthcenturythishadbecomethe

prerogativeoftheking’sjudgessenttothecounties.Stoppingthesheriffshearingsuchpleaswasprobablyanissueonwhich,innormalcircumstances,thekingcouldseeeyetoeyewithhiscritics.Whenthejudgesarrivedin

acounty,amancouldaccuseor‘appeal’anindividualofanyoftheoffencescomingundertheheadingof‘pleasof

thecrown’.Therightsofwomeninthisareaweremorerestricted,aswehaveseen.59

Thegreatmajorityofcrimes,however,camebeforethejusticesnotthroughprivateappealsbutthroughasystemofpublicaccusation.Twelvejurorsfromeachhundredorwapentake(chosenbyknightlyelectors)werechargedwithrevealingthe

casesofseriouscrimesincethelastvisitation.Theyalsogaveevidenceaboutusurpationsoftherightsofthecrown.Chapter38oftheCharter,whichsaidthatnobailiffwas‘toputanyonetolaw’,meaningessentiallytoputanyoneontrial,byhisown,unsupportedaccusation‘withouttrustworthywitnesses’,wasdesignedin

parttoensuretheuseofsuchjuries.Guiltorinnocencecouldbedeterminedbytheordealofhotironorwater,bytheswearingofoathsbysupportersoftheaccused,andalso,incasesofappeal,bytrialbybattle.However,therewaspressureformorerationalprocedures,andchapter36oftheCharterlaiddownthatthe‘writof

inquisitionconcerninglifeorlimbs’shouldbeconcededfreely.Thismeantthatsomeoneaccusedofaseriousoffence,essentiallyapleaofthecrown,forwhichthepenaltywasdeathormutilation,couldobtainawritthatorderedhiscasetobeheardbyajury.From1218onwards,aftertheFourthLateranCouncilin

1215hadbannedattendanceoftheclergyatordeals,theuseofjuriesbecamegeneralpractice.60

Theusualpunishmentinthethirteenthcenturywasdeathbyhanging,althoughithadearlierbeenmutilation.Thegreatmajorityofcriminals,however,werenotbroughttojustice.Insteadtheyfledandwereoutlawed.

Chapter42oftheCharterexceptedthose‘outlawedaccordingtothelawofthekingdom’fromthoseallowedfreeexitandentryintoEngland.Someofthoseenvisagedhereweredoubtlessmagnatesoutlawedforpoliticalcrimes,butthegreatmajoritywouldhavebeenabscondingcriminals.Nearlyallofthese,judging

fromthevalueoftheirchattels,wereofpeasantstatus.Criminaljusticebrought

greatfinancialprofittothecrown,aswehaveseen–profitfromthechattelsofcriminals,and,astheCharterindicated,fromtherighttoholdtheirlandsforayearandaday.Therewerealsonumerousamercements

imposedontithings,juriesandlocalcommunities,foroffencesrealorconcocted.WhentheCharter,inchapter20,laiddownthatvilleinsweretobeamerced,savingtheirwainage,byupstandingmenoftheneighbourhood,ithadinmindabovealltheamercementsimposedattheeyre.61Forlocalsociety,anybenefitsbroughtbytheeyre’s

maintenanceofthepeaceseemedfaroutweighedbythefinancialburdens.Thegreatincreaseinthenumbersofthosesufferingsuchburdens,asrevealedinthefinancialaccountsoftheeyresonthepiperolls,isastrikingindicationofhowfarroyalpowerhadadvancedafter1154andhowitdugdowndeepintosociety.

CIVILJUSTICE

ThriceintheCharter,inchapters52,53and57,Johnpromisedtogive‘fulljustice’tothosecomplainingofabusescommittedbyhimselforhispredecessors.Thekingequallyhadadutytogivejusticetoeveryone(oreveryonewhowasfree)intheirdisputeswitheachother.Asheputitin1210,‘we

desirejusticeaccordingtothecustomofourkingdomofEnglandtobeshowntoallwhocomplainofwrongdoing’.62Ifthewrongdoinginvolvedbreachesofthepeace,thenthatcameunderthecriminalsideoftheking’sjurisdiction.If,ontheotherhand,itinvolveddisputesoverlands,rightsandotherproperties,

thentherewasawholesetofotherlegalactions,developedunderHenryII,whichcouldbringsuchcasesbeforetheking’sjustices.63Themostfamousofthese,asinchapter18oftheCharter,werecalled‘assizes’.Resorttothenewassizeswasentirelyvoluntary.Althoughtherewasanestablishedrule,setoutinGlanvill,thatanyone

claimingafreetenementheldbyanotherhadtobegintheactionwithawritobtainedfromtheking,thecasecouldthenproceedbyavarietyofproceduresinavarietyofcourts.64Thatsomanypeopledidresorttotheassizesis,therefore,asureindicationoftheirvalue.Themostimportantofthe

newprocedureswerethose

mentionedinchapter18ofMagnaCarta.Thislaiddownthatthekingwastosendtwojusticestoeachcountyfourtimesayeartohear‘recognitionsofnoveldisseisin,ofmortd’ancestorandofdarreinpresentment’.Arecognition,usedinterchangeablyinthechapterwith‘assize’,meantalegalactionculminatinginthe

verdictofajury.Therecognitionsinquestionwereopentothefreebutnottotheunfree.Theycouldbeusedbywomen,althoughmarriedonesneededtolitigatewiththeirhusbands.Noveldisseisindealtwithcaseswhereaplaintiffclaimedthathehadbeendisseised,thatisdispossessed,unlawfullyofafreetenement,freetenement

heremeaninglandandorotherpropertyheldforfreeasopposedtovilleinservices.Theassizecouldalsobebroughtifafreetenementhadbeenencroachedonbytheerectionofabankormakingofaroad.Theoffencehadtohavebeenrelativelyrecent,hence‘noveldisseisin’.‘Mortd’ancestor’wasaremedyforthosewhoclaimedthatthey

hadbeendeniedsuccessiontoaninheritanceinland.Darreinpresentment,muchlessfrequentlyused,dealtwithdisputesovertherighttoappointaclerktoachurchliving,usuallyaparishchurch.Allthreeassizeswere

commencedbysecuringawritfromthechanceryor,ifthekingwasoutofthe

country,fromthechiefjusticiar.Thiswritwasone‘ofcourse’–‘decursu’–whichmeantthatitwasstandardform,cheapandissuedautomatically.WhenMagnaCartainchapter36askedthatthewritofinquisitionconcerninglifeorlimbsbegivenwithoutpaymentandnotdenied,itwasaskingforsuchwritsto

belikewiseones‘ofcourse’.Itwasnotliterallytruethatsuchwritswerefree,sincetheyprobablycost6d,sotheequivalentoffourdays’wagesforalabourer.65Therewereothercosts,includingthoseofactuallygoingtocourttogetthewrits,butstilltheywereprobablywithinreachofallbuttheverypoorestoffreetenants.

Thewritorderedthesherifftosummonajuryoftwelvefreeandlawfulmenfromtheneighbourhoodofthelandindisputetocomebeforetheking’sjudgesontheirnextappearanceinthecountytogivetheverdictinthecase.Innoveldisseisin,thejuryhadtodeterminewhethertheplaintiffhadbeendisseisedofthelandunjustlyandwithout

judgement,thecriteriaforunjustdisseisinbeingusuallyadisseisinmadewithoutthejudgementofacourt.Inmortd’ancestor,thejuryhadtoanswertwoquestions.Wastheplaintiffthenearestheirofthedeceasedpersonfromwhomhewasclaimingtoinherit?Didthedeceasedactuallydieinpossessionofthelandbeingsought‘asof

fee’?The‘asoffee’heremeantthatthelandhadbeenheldwithsomevestigeofhereditaryrightandnotsimplyforatermofyears,noratthelord’spleasure.Ifthejuryfoundfortheplaintiff,thenthejusticeswouldgivejudgementinhisfavour,andissueawritintheking’sname(butwitnessedandsealedbythesenior

judge)orderingthesherifftoputhiminpossession.Thedefendantwouldthenbeamerced,aswouldanunsuccessfulplaintiff.Theamercements,however,atleastinroutinecases,werenotsolargeastodeterlitigation.Noveldisseisinandmort

d’ancestorwerefarandawaythemostpopularofthenew

legalactions,butothersweredevelopedoncomparablelinesdealingwitharangeoffurtherissues,oneofthemostusedbeingthatopentowidowstryingtorecovertheirdowers.Therewasalsoamoreelaborateprocedure,muchusedinJohn’stime,calledthegrandassize,inwhichjuriesmadeupoftwelveknightsdeterminedthe

questionofultimaterighttoland,asopposedtojustansweringthenarrowquestionsputtothemintheotherassizes.Alltheseactionswerethesame,or‘common’,throughoutthecountry,fromCornwalltoCumberland.Theywerethusattheheartofthe‘commonpleas’towhichMagnaCartareferredinchapter17,andby

extensionattheheartofwhatcontemporariescalled‘thecommonlaw’.Theseactionscouldbeusedbygreatmenintheirlitigation,butthebulkofthelitigants(asonecanseefromtheplearollsthatsurvivefromthe1190s)werelessermen,knightsandfreetenants.Theymightbelitigatingupwardsagainstlordsordownwardsagainst

tenants,butequallyagooddealofthelitigation,oftenoververysmallamountsofland,wasbetweenneighboursonmuchthesamesociallevel.Theappealoftheactionsto

widesectionsofsocietyisunderstandable.Thewritsettingthemoffwasroutinelyavailableatasmallcost.Thedecisionwasinthehandsofa

localjuryasopposedtobeingdeterminedbyoathswearingortrialbybattle.Indeed,therationalityofthenewprocedureswasoneoftheirmeritscanvassedinGlanvill.66Thecasewasheardinacourtpresidedoverbytheking’sjudgesasopposedtothecourtofalordorthecourtofthehundredorwapentakepresidedoverby

thesheriff.Andthewholeprocedurecouldbespeedy.Indeed,speedwasspecificallyaimedatinnoveldisseisin,wherethejurywastogiveitsverdictevenifthedefendantdidnotturnup,whereasotherlitigationcouldbedraggedoutadinfinitumbyawholeseriesofnon-appearances.

Thenewproceduresappearedverydifferentlyfromtheperspectiveofgreatbarons,fortheyhadthepotentialtoharmtheirjurisdictionalcontrolovertheirtenants.Iftwotenantsbyknightservicewereindisputeoverwhoshouldrightfullyholdlandfromaparticularlord,thenthelordwasboundtothinkthatthe

propervenueforthecasewashisownhonorialcourt.67

Equally,thelordwouldthinkthathiscourtwastheproperforumforanydisputebetweenhimselfandatenantoverfailuretoperformservicesoroverthesuccessiontoafee.Withthenewprocedures,however,itwaseasyforlitigantstoremovecasesfromthecourt

ofthelord.Inanactionoverright,thedefendantcoulddosobyputtinghimselfonthegrandassize.Atleastsuchacasewouldhavestartedinthelord’scourt,butiftheissuewassimplyoneofdisseisin,thenawritofnoveldisseisinwouldtakethecaseatoncebeforetheking’sjudges,bypassingthelord’scourtaltogether.68Ifthedisseisor

hadthelord’sfavour,orindeedwasthelordhimself,theplaintiffhadeveryreasontodojustthat,therebyescapingacourtthatmustalwayshavebeendominatedbythelord’sinterests.69Thefearofcomebackfromanoveldisseisinactionmustalsohavedeterredlordsfromdiscipliningtenantsbysimplyseizingtheirlandwithout

legalprocess.70Asfortheassizeofmortd’ancestor,thistoostartedthecasefromscratchbeforetheking’sjudges.Somuchthebetterfortheplaintiffifitwasthelordhimselfwhowasdenyinghimentryintohisinheritance.Lordsinevitablynowfounditmoredifficulttopreventthesuccessionofanunwelcometenant.Onecommentona

particulardecreeofHenryIIprobablyreflectswellenoughthelordlyviewofdevelopmentsasawhole:‘thekinghadmadeanordinanceinhiskingdom,whichcausedthebaronsofthecountrymuchharm,wherebyeachlosthiscourtbyafalseoath’.71

OTHERCOURTSANDSTRUCTURESOFGOVERNMENT

Courtsheldbygreatlordsfortheirtenantsbyknightservicewerenottheonlyprivatecourts.Alllordsofmanorsheldmanorialcourtsfortheirpeasanttenants,courtsthatdealtwithsuchmattersassuccessiontothetenementsanddisputesoverservices,as

wellasminorcasesofdisorder.Suchmanorialcourts,unmentionedinMagnaCarta,wereentirelyunderthejurisdictionofthelord.Lordscouldalsoenjoysomeshareoftheking’sjurisdiction,eitherthroughaspecificgrantfromthekingorthroughlongusage.These‘liberties’,astheywerecalled,included

‘infangenthief’,whichgavethelordtherighttotry,andexecuteonhisgallows,apettythieftakenredhandedonhisproperty.Thelibertycouldbeattachedtoamanorialcourt.Itcouldalsobeattachedtoahundred.72In1215perhapssome250oftheroughly630hundredsandwapentakeswereinprivateratherthanroyalhands.The

balanceacrossthecountrywasuneven.NearlyallthehundredswereprivateinDevon,OxfordshireandSussex.NearlyallwereroyalinWarwickshireandLincolnshire.Manyhundredshadlongbeeninthehandsofbishopsandabbots.Otherswereheldbygreatsecularlords.IndeedMagnaCartacomesinthemiddleofthe

periodinwhichlordswerebusilysecuringgrantsofhundredsfromtheking.Heretheygainedsomecompensationfortheinroadsofthecommonlaw.Johnmadefifty-fivesuchgrants,mostlytolaylords,HenryIIImade108.WilliamdeFerrers,earlofDerby,startedJohn’sreignwithnoprivatehundreds.Bytheendofithe

hadsix,threethroughaninheritance,threebygrantoftheking.ThomasBasset,likewise,gainedfromJohnthehundredsofBullingdonandNorthGateoutsideOxford.Healsohadthehundred,‘myhundred’,ofColytoninDevon.73Therightsoflordsinprivatehundredsvaried.Insomethesheriffstillenteredand

sharedtheprofits.Inthemostprivileged,hedidnotenteratallandhandedtheking’swrits(sothosesummoningjuries,executingverdictsandcollectingdebts)tothebailiffofthelord.74Inmostprivatehundredsitwouldbethelord’sbailiffwhopresidedoverthehundredcourtandheardtheviewoffrankpledgeeveryMichaelmas,although

onewouldneverhavethoughtsofromchapter42ofthe1217Charter,whichdealtsimplywiththeexactionsofthesheriff.Equallyexemptfromthejurisdictionofthesheriffsweremanyoftheprivilegedcitiesandboroughsmentionedinchapter13oftheCharter.Theyhadtherighttochoosetheirownofficials,whopresidedover

thetowncourtandanswereddirectlytotheexchequerforthefarm.75TheLondonershadtherightbothtochoosetheirownsheriffsand,byJohn’sconcessionin1215,theirmayor.Lordscertainlyderived

power,moneyandstatusfromtheirmanorial,libertyandhonorialcourts.Sometimesthesamemeetings

carriedoutallthreetypesofbusinessandthecourtstendedtomergetogether,whichmadethemallthemoreimpressive.Therelationshipbetweenthelibertiesandroyalgovernmenthasbeenmuchdebatedbyhistorians.Fromonepointofview,theycanbeseenasfittingnaturallyandharmoniouslyintoahierarchy

ofcourts,withtheking’satthetop.76Certainlythekinghadnoobjectiontolibertiesassuchandwasoftenpreparedtograntthemawaytomakemoneyorrewardservice,asdidJohnandHenryIII.Thosewithprivatehundreds,suchastheabbotofBuryStEdmunds,wereveryawarethattheycouldbeconfiscatedbytheking,and

rantheminthatlight.77Theproceduresinprivatecourts,moreover,oftenimitatedthosefoundinthecourtsoftheking.Yet,ontheotherhand,forjudges,sheriffsandofficialsoftheexchequer,thelibertieswereapainintheneck.Againandagainsheriffsexplainedtheirfailuretoraisedebtsandproducelitigantsandjurorsonthe

groundsthattheyhadhandedtheordertoaprivatehundredalbailiffwhohadthendonenothingaboutit.Inthe1270sand1280sEdwardImadeadeterminedefforttocheck‘bywhatwarrant’allthelibertieswereheld.78

THEKING’SMILITARYFORCES

TheunpopularityofJohn’srule,andtheexigenciesofhissituation,placedapremiumononeultimatesourceofpower,apowerthatstoodbehindeverythinghewishedtodo.Thiswashisabilitytouseforce.Initshighestdegree,forcemeantarmies,armieswithwhichthekingmightputdownrevoltsinEngland,dominateBritain

andIreland,andmaintainandrecoverthecontinentalpossessions.Johninonewaywaspermanentlyarmed.Hehadatanyonetimearoundahundredhouseholdknights,whocouldformthecoreofroyalarmies.Healsohadmilitaryforcesinthelocalities,forallthesheriffsandcastellanshadundertheircommandcrossbowmenand

serjeants,whomtheypaidfromlocalrevenues,varyingthenumbersupanddownaccordingtothesituation.Whenhewasforminganarmy,Johnsupplementedhishouseholdknightsintwomainways.Forallhiscampaigns,hesummonedhistenants-in-chieftoprovidehimwithknights,astheywereobligedtodobythe

termsoftheirtenure.Johnalsosummonedtheknightsholdingfrombaroniesthathadcomeintohishands.79Whereasmanytenants-in-chiefwereallowedtopayscutageinplaceofservice,manyothersdidindeedcomepersonallywiththeirduecontingents.Suchcontingents,however,werefarsmallerthanthoseon

whichscutagewasowed.ThegreatnorthernbaronGilbertdeGantowedscutageonoversixtyfees,yetwasexpectedtobringtoroyalarmiesonlysixortenknights.80Howthisdiscrepancybetweennominalobligationandactualperformancehadcomeaboutisobscure,butitcertainlyprecededJohn’sreign.81Itmayinparthavebeenaquid

proquofortheservicelastinglongerthanthecustomaryfortydays.Eveninproducingthesereducedcontingents,however,John’stenants-in-chiefoftendidnotpaytheirway.Instead,fortheirmaintenanceduringacampaign,forexampleinIrelandin1210andPoitouin1214,theyreceivedmoneyintheformofloansfromthe

king.Loansleftopenwhethertheservicewasbeingperformedaspartofatenurialobligation,butsinceJohnrarelyaskedforthemoneyback,hewasinpracticepayingwages.Itwaswithwages,straightout,thatthekingrecruitedthesecondtypeofforcethatstrengthenedhisarmies,namelypaidknightsrecruited

fromabroad,notablyfromFlandersandBrabant,bothgreatsourcesformercenarysoldiers.Essentiallythen,ifJohn

wantedtomusterandmaintainarmiesofanysize,hehadtopayforthem.Formuchofthereign,givenhisbuoyantfinances,hewasabletodoso.Indeed,hemaywellhaveinventedtheloansystem

thatheusedtosupporthisforces.82Incontemporaryterms,hewascertainlyabletoraisearmiesofsomesize.TheonethathetooktoIrelandin1210consistedofaround800namedknightsand1,500serjeantsandcrossbowmen.EveninDecember1215justoneofJohn’sfieldarmiesincludedforty-sevenhousehold

knights,andanother403knightsmostlyrecruitedfromthecontinent.Theknightsweredividedupinto‘constabularies’,eachabouttwenty-fivestrong,whichgivesagoodindicationofhowtheforcewasorganized.OneoftheseconstabularieswascommandedbytheAnonymousofBéthune’spatron,RobertdeBéthune.83

InanidealworldJohnshouldnever,ofcourse,haveneededanarmytoputdowninternalrevolt.Hiskeepingofthepeaceanddispensationofjusticeshouldhavejustifiedhisexactionofrevenueandinsistenceonhisrights.Hissubjectswouldseetheneedforthesecond,theextractionofrevenue,inordertoenjoythefirst,thekeepingofthe

peace.Unfortunately,by1215itwasveryhardtoseeanysuchbalanceintheruleofKingJohn.HencetheneedforMagnaCarta.

7

TheRuleoftheKing:JohnandHisPredecessors

Thestructureofroyalgovernmentplacedformidablepowerintheking’shands,bothtodogoodandtodoill.Howtheill,intheviewoftheking’ssubjects,cametopredominateisthesubjectofthischapter.ItsfocusisprimarilyontheruleofKingJohn,yethispredecessorstoomustshouldersomeofthe

blame.Thatwastheviewatthetime.AccordingtoRalphofCoggeshall,thebaronsdemandedthatJohn‘abolishtheevilcustoms…whichbothhisfatherandbrotheronceintroduced,togetherwiththeabuseswhichhehadadded’.1

HENRYI(R.1100–1135)ANDHIS1100CORONATION

CHARTER

CoggeshallthuspointedthefingeratHenryIIandRichardIaswellasJohn.Yethecouldeasilyhavegonefurtherback.Immediatelyafterhiscoronationin1100,HenryIhadissuedaCharterabolishingtheevilcustomsthathadoppressedthekingdom.2These,astheCharterwentontomake

clear,werethecustomsofHenry’sbrother,WilliamRufus,andevenhisfather,WilliamtheConqueror.Whentheoppositionin1214–15demandedthatJohnconfirmHenry’sCharter,itwasnotformerelysymbolicreasons.ItwasbecausetheCharter,initsdetails,coveredmattersthatstillseemedveryrelevant.Manyofthe

grievancesagainstJohn,therefore,hadmuchearlierroots.The1100Charter,likeMagnaCarta,dealtwithsuchissuesasrelief,wardships,marriagesandtherightsofwidows.Italsodealtwithdebts,wills,amercementsandtheroyalforest,whichagainwereallsubjectsofconcerninMagnaCarta.

HenryIcertainlydidnotkeephispromisesinthe1100Charter.Indeed,hisfinancialexactions,asrevealedinthepiperollof1130,werenot,inrealterms,farshortofJohn’s.3YetHenry’ssuccessor,hisnephewStephen,wasnotmadetorepeatHenry’sCharteronhisaccessionin1135.Thereasonwasthat,givenStephen’s

character,hisbaronialbackgroundandthepoliticalsituation,acharterrestrictinghimseemedhardlynecessary.Withthecollapseofroyalpowerintheensuingcivilwar,asStephenwaschallengedforthethronebyHenry’sdaughter,Matilda,andthenbyherson,thefutureHenryII,individualbaronsconcentratedon

extractingcharters,makingconcessionstothemselves.Achartermakingconcessionstothekingdomasawholewasnotontheagenda.

HENRYII(R.1154–1189)

HenryIIwasabullywithbrainsandbrawn.HisoverridingaiminEnglandwastorebuildroyalpowerafteritsdisintegrationunder

hispredecessor.Thathecertainlyachieved.Uptoapoint,thewayCoggeshalllinkedHenry,whenitcametoevilcustoms,withRichardandJohnwasunfair.Afterall,indevelopingthelegalactionsofthecommonlaw,Henrydidmorethananykinginthemedievalperiodtocreateasolidbaseformonarchy–abasethat

reachedoutbeyondthebaronagetotheknightsandfreetenantswhowerethemainusersandbeneficiariesoftheprocedures.MagnaCartaattackedmanyaspectsofroyalrule.Theonethingitdidnotattackwerethecommon-lawassizesthatHenryhadintroduced.Indeed,betweenchapters17and19,itmadethemmore

available.Thekingwasnot,therefore,tobereducedtoamerefeudaloverlord.Hisjusticewasindemand.Therewasalso,aroundthe

timeofMagnaCarta,afeelingthatthingshadbeenbetterunderHenry.Thusthe1217Charter,inthreeplaces,triedtoputbacktheclocktowhathadbeen‘customary’inhistime,customarythatis

whenitcametotheenclosureofriverbanks(chapter20),thelevyingofscutage(chapter44)andthesheriffs’exactionsinthehundredcourts(chapter42).ClearlyHenry’sgovernmenthadacquiredagoldenglow.Thatwasunderstandable.TheworkofThomasK.Keefehasshownthat,withsomeexceptions,Henryplaced

limitedfinancialpressureonhisearlsandgreaterbarons.Keefe’sconclusionwasthatthecontestbetweenmonarchyandbaronageoveradministrativeabusesandfinancialexactionswhichledtoMagnaCartahadhardlybeguninHenry’sreign.4

Thisisnot,however,thewholestory.In1173–4HenryIIfacedamassiverevolt

againsthisrule.5Insomeways,thiswasverydifferentfromtherevoltthatproducedMagnaCarta.AtitsheartwasaconflictbetweenHenry,ontheoneside,andhissonsandtheirmother,EleanorofAquitaine,ontheother.TheEnglishbaronswhojoinedtherevolt,themselvesinaminority,puttogethernogeneralmanifestoandhoped

theirwrongswouldberightedsimplybythebenevolentruleofHenry’seldestson,alsocalledHenry.Hewasknownas‘theYoungKing’,followinghiscoronationin1170withaviewtohisactingashisfather’sdeputyinEngland.YetthegrievancesoftheearlsofChester,Ferrers,NorfolkandLeicesteroverclaimsto

castles,landsandrights,andoverheavyfinesandamercements,wereverycomparabletothoseoftherebelsof1215.Although,moreover,HenryIIhadearlsasleadingministers,hewasreluctanttocreatenewearldomsandrefusedtoacceptthatoldoneswere‘intheiressencehereditary’.6

Duringthe‘anarchy’of

Stephen’sreign,therehadbeenaproliferationofearldomsandtheexpansionoftheirlocalpower.Henrywasdeterminedtoputastoptoit.Thereweretwenty-threeearlsatthestartofhisreign.Byitsendthereweretwelve,andonlytheearlofChesterhadcontrolofthelocalgovernmentinhisshire.Grievancesoverthiswere

stillthereunderJohn.GilbertdeGant’sclaimtobeearlofLincoln,recognizedbyPrinceLouisin1216,wentbacktoagrantofKingStephenthatHenryIIhadrefusedtorecognize.7Royalpolicywithregardtoearldomswascloselyrelatedtopolicyovercastles.HereHenry’sactions,bothatthestartofthereignandafterthe1173–4revolt,

wereamajorfactorinshiftingtheratiobetweenroyalandbaronialcastlesfrom1to5in1154downto1to2in1214.8Againstthisbackground,itisnotsurprisingthatMagnaCarta,inchapter52,putontheagendathedisseisinsofHenryIIasthingstobedealtwithafterJohnreturnedfromordecidednottogoonhis

prospectivecrusade.TheArticlesoftheBaronshadgonefurtheranddemandedthatthosedisseisedbyHenryshouldhave‘right’withoutdelay,byjudgementoftheirpeers,intheking’scourt.9

Thedemandsof1215revealedanotheraspectofHenry’srule,namelyhisadministrationoftheroyalforest.WhenJohn,in1215,

offeredtoremedythe‘evilcustoms’ofhisfather‘bythecounselofhisfaithfulmen’,theforestwouldhavebeentopoftheagenda.10Everyoneagreedthattheextensiveboundaries,whichmadeitsuchaburdentowidesectionsofsociety,hadbeentheworkofHenry’snotoriouschiefforester,AlandeNeville.Hisforesteyrein

1175,partlydesignedaspunishmentfortherebellion,produceddebtsworthanexorbitant£12,305,farmorethanthetotalofanylatereyre.11DeNevillewoulddoubtlesshaveclaimedthathewasmerelyrestoringtheboundsoftheforesttotheirextentin1135,beforethelossesofStephen’sreign.Whetherornotthatwastrue,

whentheUnknownCharterin1215calledforthedeforestationofHenryII’safforestations,itmadenodistinctionbetweenhisrestorationsandcreationsdenovo.Alltheareashehadbroughtwithintheboundsoftheforestweretoberemovedfromit,andthusnolongertobesubjecttoforestlaw.Intheliberatedareaspeoplecould

nowhuntfreely,cutdowntrees,erectbuildingsandcreatenewarablelandwithoutfearofpunishment.Ifimplemented,thedemandwouldhavereducedtheroyalforesttolittlemorethantheking’sdemesnewoods.Johnevidentlyputupastiffresistancetothisdemand,and,inMagnaCarta,onlyconcededtheimmediate

deforestationofhisownafforestations,whichwereinsignificantcomparedtohisfather’s.12ItwaslefttotheForestCharterof1217toreturntothecharge,andabolishtheafforestationsofHenryIIoncetheyhadbeenestablishedbyknightlyjurors.Therewas,ofcourse,one

finalstigmatoHenry’srule,

themurderofthearchbishopofCanterbury,ThomasBecket,inhisowncathedral.ThisterribleeventappalledChristianEuropeandwithinthreeyearsBeckethadbeencanonizedbythepope.Henryclaimedthathehadnomurderingintent.Hiswords,spokeninanger,hadbeentakenalltooliterallybytheknightswhocarriedoutthe

deed.Butthemurder,nonetheless,seemedtoencapsulatehisdynasty’scapacityforrancourandmalevolence,theverythingsJohnpromisedtoforgoattheendoftheCharter.If,moreover,Becketcastashadowoverthedynasty,hewasashininglightforconscientiouschurchmen,demonstratingallthe

courage,enduranceandultimatesacrificethatmightbenecessarytoprotectthelibertyofthechurch.FornoonewasthismoretruethanJohn’sownarchbishop,StephenLangton.HeenhancedtheimageofBecket’smurderonthesealofthearchbishop,likeBeckethespenthisexileattheBurgundianmonasteryof

Pontigny,andin1220,inagreatinternationalceremony,hetranslatedBecket’sbodyfromitsoldshrinetoitssplendidnewoneinCanterburycathedral.13

RICHARDI(R.1189–1199)

Ifanyonecouldrescuethereputationofthedynasty,itwasHenry’ssuccessor,hissonRichard.(TheYoung

Kinghaddiedin1183.)Henryhadfailedtogooncrusade,hencethemisfortunesofhislastyears,thoughtRogerofHowden.Richard,ontheotherhand,bothwenttotheHolyLandandwoneternalfametherethroughfeatsofarms.ForRalphofCoggeshall,Richardhadanothersavinggrace–hisostentatiouspiety.He

delightedinthedivineoffice,anddidnothurrythroughitsothathecouldattendtobusinessorhaveameal.Headornedhischapelwithpreciousvestmentsandrewardeditschoralclerkswithmanygifts,sometimesconductingtheirsingingandindeedjoininginwithit.InCoggeshall’sview,Richard’sgeneraltreatmentofthe

churchwasalsocommendable.Heappointedsuitablechurchmenasbishopsandabbotsanddidsoquickly,notprolongingvacanciessohecouldtaketherevenues.14Initially,moreover,Richard’srulehadnotbeenfinanciallyoppressive.Hehadcertainlyraisedlargesumsatthestartofhisreign,butthathadbeen

partlyachievedbysellingofflandsandrights.Here,however,the

chroniclerWilliamofNewburghwascritical.Ingrantingawaysomuch,wasRichardnotshowinga‘lackofcare’forhiskingdom?Indeed,hadhenotsaid,‘IwouldsellLondonifIcouldfindasuitablebuyer.’15

NowherewasRichard’sself-

confidentirresponsibilityclearerthaninhistreatmentofJohn.JohnwasalreadylordofIreland,andcountofMortaininNormandy.RichardnowmarriedhimtoIsabella,countessofGloucester,whoseinheritanceincludedthelordshipofGlamorgan.Richardalsogavehimsixroyalcastlesandtotalcontrolofseven

counties,sothattheirrevenuescompletelydisappearedfromthepiperolls.HavingthusempoweredJohn,hethenprovokedhim.ItisherethatArthurfirstentersthepicture.Bornin1187,ArthurwasRichardandJohn’scousin,thesonoftheirdeceasedbrother,Geoffrey,byhismarriagetoConstance,theheiresstoBrittany.Onhis

waytotheHolyLand,RichardsuddenlyrecognizedArthurashisheir.TheaimwastosealanalliancewithTancred,therulerofSicily,underwhichArthurwastomarryTancred’sdaughter.Notsurprisingly,Johnwasfurious.Inaseriesofconfrontations,heoverthrewWilliamLongchamp,whomRichardhadleftbehindas

governorofEngland,andgainedrecognitionasRichard’ssuccessor.Then,whenRichard,inDecember1192,wascapturedonhiswaybackfromhiscrusade,eventuallybecomingaprisoneroftheEmperorHenryVI,Johnannouncedthathisbrotherwasdead,anddidhomagetothekingofFrance,PhilipAugustus,for

thecontinentaldominions.PhilipproceededtooverrunalargepartofNormandy.Richardfinallyarrived

backinEnglandinMarch1194.HequicklyextinguishedtheembersofJohn’srevolt,andthenspenttherestofhisreignonthecontinent.There,inwarfareagainstKingPhilip,herecoveredmuchofNormandy

andreassertedauthoritymorewidelyovertheAngevindominions.Duringthisperiod,Richardcertainly‘cared’forEnglandbuthecaredchieflyforitsmoney,moneyhedesperatelyneededtosupporthiscontinentalwars.Theyearsbetween1194and1199markedasignificantratchetingupin

thefinancialdemandsthatledultimatelytoMagnaCarta.Richard’srevenuefrom

Englandbetween1194and1198,ascalculatedbyNickBarrattfromthepiperolls,averagedsome£25,000ayear,thisagainstalittleover£23,000averagedbyHenryIIinthelasteightyearsofhisreign.16Richard’spiperollrevenue,however,wasontop

ofallthemoneyheraisedfromEnglandtopayhisransomtotheemperor.Justhowmuchofthe£90,000eventuallyhandedovercamefromEngland,asopposedtoNormandyandJohn’sotherdominionsisunknown,butitmusthavebeenasignificantproportionofit.AtaxwasleviedinEnglandin1193–4ataquartervalueof

everyone’srentsandmovableproperty.Therewasaprecedentforthisinthe‘Saladintithe’,leviedin1188tosupportthecrusadeproclaimedbythepopefollowingthefallofJerusalemthepreviousyear,butthentheratehadbeenatenth.Thequarterof1193–4wasthehighestrateoftaxationinmedievalEngland.

Thelevyshouldobviouslyhaveraisedmorethanthe£57,000ofJohn’sgreattaxof1207whentheratewasonlyathirteenth,althoughthecollectionin1207mayhavebeenmoreefficient.OnecanatleastbesurethatiftheyieldfromRichard’staxcouldbeaddedintohistotalrevenuesbetween1194and1198,thenitwouldboost

theirannualaveragetowayoverthe£25,000revealedbythepiperolls.17

Richard’sordinaryrevenues,leavingasidethetax,werealsoachieveddespiteasignificantdeclineineasymoneyfromcrownland.Overthecourseofthetwelfthcentury,thegreatstockoflandintheking’shandsatthetimeof

DomesdayBookhaddwindled,beinggivenawaytorewardserviceandbuysupport.Theresultsaregraphicallylaidoutinthepiperollswherethecountyaccountshavelonglistsofdeductionsfromthefarmbecauseof‘landgivenaway’.ThelosseshadbeenparticularlysevereduringtheturmoilofStephen’sreign.

HenryIIhadtenaciouslyretainedthelandthatwasleftandindeedreversedsomeofthelosses.Richard,ontheotherhand,inthegreatsell-offatthestartofhisreign,undidhisfather’swork‘virtuallyovernight’.18TheresultwasthatJohninheritedaroyaldemesneworthover£2,000ayearlessthanin1189.Hadthislandstillbeen

there,itwouldhavehelpedmitigatesomeofthegrievancesthatledtoMagnaCarta.Revenuefromcrownlandwaspoliticallyuncontentious,comingfromsellingthecropsandtakingtherentsofthepeasants,hencethewaychapter25oftheCharterexemptedtheking’sdemensemanorsfromtherestrictionsplacedon

moneyraisedabovethecountyfarms.Oncethedemesnewaslost,thedifferencehadtobemadeupbyexploitingmoreunpopularsourcesofrevenue.Richard’sgovernmenthad

donethatinwaysverymuchreflectedinthedemandsof1215.Indeed,evenbeforethemeetingatRunnymede,Johnhadvolunteeredtoextirpate

Richard’s‘evilcustoms’asopposedtoofferingmerelytotakecounselaboutthoseofHenryII.19In1194Richard’sgovernmentimposedincrementsabovethefarmofmanycounties.Thismeantthatthesheriffshadtoaccountfirstforthefarmandthenanadditionalfixedsum,‘theincrement’,demandedaboveit.Suchadditional

exactionswerespecificallybannedinchapter25oftheCharter.In1198therewasanoppressiveforesteyre,andadriveagainstwidows:fortywereforcedtoofferatotalof1,689marksforpermissiontostaysingleormarrywhomtheywished.Theforcingofwidowsintoremarriagewouldbebannedunderchapter8ofMagnaCarta.20

RichardalsoextractedinheritancepaymentswayabovetheCharter’s£100‘relief’laiddownforabarony:the‘finetoinherit’oftheGloucestershirebaronRobertofBerkeleywas£1,000;thatofthegreatbaronialleaderin1215,EustacedeVescy,was1,300marks.21

Richard’smagnatesalsofeltthreatenedbyarbitrarydisseisins,unjustfinesanddenialofjustice,allthingsthattheCharterstoodagainst.RobertdeRoswasdisseisedofhislandsforallowingaFrenchprisonertoescapeandhadtooffer1,200markstogetthemback;WalterdeLacyoffered3,100markstorecovertheking’s

benevolenceandseisinofhislands;theLincolnshirelordSimonofKymewaspenalizedtothetuneof1,000marksforallowingforeignshipsandmerchantstodepartfromBostonfairinLincolnshire.22WhenRogerBigodofferedKingRichard1,000markstosucceedtotheearldomofNorfolk,includedinthefinewastheconcession

thatRoger’sbrother,Hugh,shouldnotbeplacedinanyofthelandsoftheirfathersave‘byjudgementoftheking’scourtmadebyhispeers’.Theimplicationwasthatiffortune’swheelswungRogerdownandHughup,thenRichardmightsimplytransferthelandsfromonetotheotherwithoutlegalprocess.Thematterdidnotendthere.

Afewyearslater,Rogeroffered100marksnottobedisseisedoflandsclaimedbyHughsavebyjudgementoftheking’scourt.TheofferwasacceptedbyHubertWalteraschiefjusticiar,inchargeofthehomegovernment,onlyforRichardtointervenefromoverseasandbumpthefineupto700marks.23Richard’sdisseisins

remainedofconcernin1215andtheyweretreatedinthesamewayasthoseofHenryII.Thus,undertheArticlesoftheBarons,thevictims,withcertainqualifications,weretosecureredresswithoutdelaybyjudgementoftheirpeersintheking’scourt,althoughunderchapter52oftheChartertheissuewaspostponeduntilthe

terminationofJohn’sprospectivecrusade.Coggeshallgivesavivid

pictureofRichardinthelastyearsofhisreign.Whenpetitionerscametocourt,theycouldglimpsehimwithhisprivateentourage,affableandrelaxed,enjoyinggamesandjokes.Butwhentheyapproachedhispresence,theyfoundakingwhosemenacing

glares,violentgesturesandferociouswordsmadehimseemeverybitaraginglion.24

Coggeshall’sverdictofthereignwasdespairing:

Noagecanremember,nohistorycanrecordanyprecedingking,eventhosewhoreignedforalongtime,whoexactedandreceivedsomuchmoneyfromhiskingdom,asthatking

exactedandamassedinthefiveyearsafterhereturnedfromcaptivity.25

ItwasinthelightofRichard’smalpractices,aswellasHenry’s,thatJohn’ssupportersinEngland,beforehisaccession,promisedtheassembledearlsandbaronsthathewouldrestore

everyonetotheirrights,iftheyacceptedhimasking.26

JOHNANDTHECHURCH

Johnonhisaccessionin1199wasveryawareofhisbrother’sunpopularity.Indeed,eager,ashesaid,toabolish‘evilcustoms’,heimmediatelyreducedtheexcessivechargesRichardhadimposed‘bywillrather

thanreason’forissuingchartersandletters.27WhenJohnmadepeacewiththekingofFranceandsettledanearlyquarrelwiththeCistercians,agreeingtofoundwhatbecameBeaulieuabbeyinHampshire,Coggeshallthoughtanewagewasdawning.28Itwasnottobe.John’s

tumultuousandtempestuous

quarrelwiththechurchwasacentrepieceofhisreign,andhadamajorinfluenceonthecontentofMagnaCarta.Chapter1oftheChartersetthechurchfree.Indoingso,itfollowedtheCoronationCharterofHenryI,butitalsowentfurther.John,astestimonytohisgoodfaith,referredtoanothercharter.This,ashesaid,wasacharter

conceding‘thelibertyofelections,whichisdeemedtobeofthegreatestimportanceandmostnecessaryfortheEnglishchurch’.JohnwasherereferringtohischarterofNovember1214,whichhehadreissuedinJanuary1215.IthadthenbeenconfirmedbyPopeInnocentIII,asMagnaCartasaidinchapter1.29Thelibertyofelectionsmeantthat

bishopsshouldhenceforthbechosen,withoutroyalinterference,bythecathedralmonksorclergy,whileabbotswouldbeelectedbytheirmonks.Asaresult,conscientiouschurchmenhopedthatprelateswouldnolongerbesecular-mindedroyalservants,butmencommittedtotheirspiritualmission.Theywouldalso,

underthetermsoftheNovember1214charter,beelectedquickly,thusdealingwithasecondgreatevil,namelythewaythatthekingkeptbishopricsandabbeysvacantsothathecouldtaketheirrevenues.AdmittedlyJohn,amasteratqualifyinghisconcessions,wasstillallowed,underthetermsofthecharter,torefuseconsent

toelections,ifhecouldshow‘areasonableandlegitimatecause’.Nonetheless,thecharterwasagreattriumphforthechurch,whichwaswhyitwasconfirmedinMagnaCarta.Johngrantedhisfreedom

ofelectioncharterinNovember1214becauseofimmediatepoliticalpressures,aswewillsee.Butthe

concessionwasalsoinpartialsettlementofhismoregeneralquarrelwiththechurch.ThatquarrelhadbegunwiththedeathofhisarchbishopofCanterbury,HubertWalter,in1205.Walterhadbeenjustthekindofarchbishopthatkingsliked.Anefficientandresourcefuladministrator,hehadgrownupingovernment

service.Hebelievedinreformofthechurch,andwasthefirstarchbishoptoplaceBecket’smartyrdomonhisseal.ButhewasalsohappytocombinethearchbishopricwiththejusticiarshipunderRichardandwiththechancellorshipunderJohn,thetotalreverseofBecket.Johnwantedanotherarchbishoplikehim,and

thoughthehadthemaninJohndeGrey,bishopofNorwich.ButthemonksofCanterbury,theelectoralbody,werenotunanimousintheirchoice,somegoinginsteadfortheirsub-prior.Thedisputewasreferredtothepope,InnocentIII,who,in1206,ordainedafreshelectionandensuredthevoteswenttoStephenLangton.

LangtonwasaprofessorattheUniversityofParis.HislecturesandcommentariesontheBible,andhisdivisionofitintochapters,hadbuilthimatoweringreputation.Johnwasamazedandinfuriatedbythechoice.Universityprofessorsdidnotswimintohisorbitveryoftenandhedidnotknowthisone.ThatLangtonwasEnglish(asthe

popestressed)countedforlittlebesidehislecturingfortwentyyearsinthecapitalofJohn’sgreatestenemy,thekingofFrance.ThecontrastwithHubertWalter,whoselearningwasridiculedbutwhoseloyaltywasabsolute,couldnothavebeenmorestark.Thecustomthatthekingshouldinfluencethe

electionofthearchbishophadbeenflouted.John,therefore,refusedto

acceptLangton.HenryIIandRichardmightwellhavedonethesame.Johncouldnotbeblamedforhispredicament.Hewasjustunlucky,thevictimofgrowingpapalauthorityandPopeInnocent’sdeterminationtoassertit.InMarch1208,withJohn

obdurate,InnocentimposedanInterdictonEngland.InNovember1209hefollowedthisupwiththepersonalexcommunicationoftheking:

Ohwhatahorribleandmiserablespectacleitwastoseeineverycitythesealeddoorsofthechurches,Christiansshutoutfromentryasthoughtheyweredogs,thecessationofdivine

office,thewithholdingofthesacramentofthebodyandbloodofourLord,thepeoplenolongerflockingtothefamouscelebrationofsaints’days,thebodiesofthedeadnotgiventoburialaccordingtoChristianrites,thestinkinfectingtheairandthehorriblesightfillingwithhorrorthemindsoftheliving.30

ThiswasRalphofCoggeshall’sdescriptionoftheInterdictimposedonFrancein1200.HiscommentsonthemuchlongerEnglishInterdictweresoheatedthatafterJohn’sreconciliationwiththechurchheexcisedthem.31Thereconciliation,however,tooksometimeincoming.Johnwouldnotgiveway,although

nearlyalltheEnglishbishopswentintoexile,aremarkabletestimonytopapalauthority.Inretaliation,Johnseizedtherevenuesofthechurch,makingasmuchas£100,000fromthem.TheCistercianssufferedinparticular.Coggeshall’shopesforJohn’sreignhadbeenutterlydashed.32Theywerealsodashedinanotherarea.

THELOSSOFNORMANDY

Atthestartofhisreign,in1199,JohnhadsecuredNormandyandEnglandwithoutdifficulty.MuchmoreproblematicwereAnjouandMaine,MainebeingthefrontiercountybetweenAnjouandNormandy,withitsgreatcityofLeManswhereHenryIIhadbeenborn.Intheseareas,John’s

nephew,Arthur,basedinhismother’sprovinceofBrittany,hadmuchsupport.HewasalsosupportedbyKingPhilipAugustus.YetJohnbeatofftheirchallenge.InMay1200,bytheTreatyofLeGoulet,Philiprecognizedhistitletoallthecontinentalpossessions,andacceptedthatArthurshouldholdBrittanyfromJohnasdukeof

Normandy.RalphofCoggeshalllookedforwardtoanageofpeaceinwhichtheterriblefinancialburdensimposedbyRichard’swarsmightcease.33Laterintheyear,Johnseemedtostrengthenhiscontinentalpositionfurther.ThatAugust,hisunionwithIsabellaofGloucesterhavingbeenannulled(althoughhekept

herlands),hemarriedIsabellaofAngoulême,thusgainingpossessionofherstrategicallyplacedcountyinsouth-westernFrance.Here,however,therewasadifficulty,forIsabellawasalreadybetrothedtothegreatestofallthePoitevinnobles,HughdeLusignan,countofLaMarche.Receivingnocompensation

fromJohn,HughappealedtothecourtofKingPhilipforjustice.WhenJohnfailedtoappeartoanswerthechargesagainsthim,hewassentencedtoforfeitallthecontinentalpossessions.InJuly1202PhilipfollowedthisupbytakingArthur’shomageforallthosepossessions,barringNormandy.Philipwas

determinedtohaveNormandyforhimself.34

Atfirst,thereseemedlittlelikelihoodofPhilipmakingthisareality.ArthurhadsetoffatonceforPoitou,thestrategiccountybetweenGasconyandAnjou,andbesiegedthecastleatMirebeau,whereJohn’smother,EleanorofAquitaine,nowinherseventies,was

valiantlyupholdingherson’scause.Johnactedwithdecision.HecoveredtheeightymilesbetweenLeMansandMirebeauinforty-eighthours,and,arrivingon1August1202,wonacomprehensivevictory,capturingArthurandtheLusignansaswell.35Itwasafalsedawn.In1203KingPhilipconqueredAnjouand

Maine.In1204hecompletedtheconquestofNormandy,takingRouenon24June.HethenwentontosecuremuchofPoitou.JohnretainedtwogreatandgrimcastlesbetweenToursandPoitiers,namelyChinon,defendedbyHubertdeBurgh,andLoches,byGerardd’Athée,bothmenwhowerenamedinMagnaCarta.Butin1205these

castlestoo,deprivedofhelp,werecaptured,despitealonganddetermineddefence.Furthersouth,withJohn’sauthorityweakenedbythedeathofEleanorofAquitaineinApril1204,KingAlfonsoVIIIofCastileinvadedGascony.HehadmarriedEleanor,adaughterofHenryIIandEleanorofAquitaine(soJohn’ssister),and

maintainedthatGasconyshouldcometohimasherdowryonEleanorofAquitaine’sdeath.Itwasnotuntil1206thatJohnwasabletolaunchanexpeditionwiththeaimofreversinghislosses.HemanagedtoexpelAlfonso’sforcesfromGascony,andthengotasfarnorthasAngers,beforeretreatinginthefaceofKing

Philip’sarmy.InOctober1206atrucebetweenJohnandPhilipleftthelatterincontrolofPoitiers,andallhisconquestsnorthoftheLoire,soAnjou,MaineandNormandy.Injustafewyears,the

Angevinempirehadbeendestroyed,thustransformingtheEuropeanbalanceofpower.Mostcrucialofall

wasthelossofNormandyitself.Intermsofresources,itwasbyfarthemostvaluableofthecontinentalpossessions,withrevenuesmuchthesameasEngland’s.ItslosswasnotentirelyJohn’sfault.Attheleveloftheknightlysociety,thetiesbetweenEnglandandNormandyhadlongbeenweak.Inthetwelfthcentury,

oftheseventyleadingfamiliesinWarwickshireandLeicestershire,onlysevenheldlandsinNormandy,andallbutonehadlostthemby1200.36DefendingthecontinentalpossessionswasalsogoingtobefarmoredifficultforJohnthanforHenryII.PhilipAugustus(r.1180–1223)hadaruthlessnessandpolitical

abilitythathiseasy-goingfather,LouisVII(r.1137–80),completelylacked.HissupremeaimwasthedestructionoftheAngevinempire.HenryII’sresourceshaddwarfedthoseoftheFrenchkings.Bytheearly1200sthatwasnolongerthecase,forFrenchrevenueshadbeenincreasingveryfast.Intermsoftheirtotalresources,

thetwokingsJohnandPhilipwerenowjustaboutevenlymatched.While,moreover,Philip’smoneycamefromacompactroyaldemesneadjoiningtheNormanfrontier(Rouenisonlyeighty-fivemilesfromParis),muchofJohn’shadtobetransportedfromEnglandacrosstheChannel.37JohnhadalsoinheritedNormandefences

farweakerthantheyhadbeenin1189.DuringRichard’scaptivity,Philiphadmadeadvancesinthefrontierregion,whichRichard,forallhisvalour,nevertotallyreversed.Inparticular,PhilipheldontothemightycastleofGisors,rebuiltbyHenryIItodefendthefrontieralongtheriverEpte.TheFrenchkingnowcontrolledmuchofthe

NormancountyoftheVexintothewestoftheriver.38Inordertofillthegap,RichardbuilthisstupendouscastleatLesAndelysontheSeine,whichhecalledChâteauGaillard,butthisshowedalltooclearlythattheoldfrontierhadbeenlost.39

Foralltheseproblems,Johnshouldhavemadeamuchbetterfistofdefending

hisempire.Afterall,thereremainedasubstantialbodyofAnglo-NormanlandholderswitheveryinterestinkeepingEnglandandNormandytogether.Ifkingdomandduchycameunderseparateandwarringrulers,theselandholderswerehighlylikelytolosetheirlandsinoneortheother.Ofthe199Normantenants-in-

chiefin1172,some107,ortheirdescendants,heldlandsonbothsidesoftheChannelin1204.40Likewise(andthetwogroupsoverlapped)manyofthegreatestEnglishbarons,includingtheearlsofPembroke,Chester,Warenne,Arundel,ClareandHerefordhadsubstantialinterestsinNormandy.Johnshouldhavebeenabletomobilizethese

mentosupporttheduchy’sdefence.Hisfailureeffectivelytodosowasduetothespeedofevents,whichinturnowedmuchtohisownmistakesandconduct.Therewerereasonsfor

John’smarriagetoIsabellaofAngoulême,butitwasamistake,aproductofarrogantover-confidence,nottoconciliateandcompensate

HughdeLusignanafterwards.ThesamecharacteristicsweredisplayedinJohn’streatmentofWilliamdesRoches.ToWilliam,thedominantmagnateinAnjou,heowedmuchofhisvictoryatMirebeau,buthethenbrokehispromisetotakeWilliam’sadviceoverwhattodowithArthur.41Theresultwas

William’sdefectionandtheunravellingofJohn’sholdonAnjouandMaine.ThisinturnunderminedtheloyaltyofnoblesinsouthernNormandy,whodecidedtothrowintheirlotwiththeirneighboursinMaineandAnjou.42Meanwhile,John’scrueltreatmentoftheprisonerstakenatMirebeautarnishedhisreputation–and

thencamethedisappearanceofArthurandrumoursofhismurder.InSeptember1203Arthur’sstepfather,therulerofBrittany,GuydeThouars,deserted,whichmeantJohnhadtodivertresourcestodefendtheNorman/Bretonfrontier.Johnalsofailedasadiplomat,forhewasunabletomaintaintheallianceswiththecountsofFlandersand

Boulogne,onwhichRichardhadrelied.John’sruleshouldhavebeenmostsecureincentralNormandybetweenBayeuxandRouen,butheretoohemadefatalmistakes.Heappointedaseriesofunpopularseneschals,andstationedhismercenarycaptain,Louvrecaire,notonthefrontiersbutatFalaise,wherehebehavedasthough

hewasinenemyterritory.43

AndthenfinallytherewasJohn’sownpersonalconduct.ItissurelyextraordinarythatwhenPhilipbeganhisfinalconquestofNormandyinthesummerof1203,Johnneveronceconfrontedhiminthefield.Hemadeasingle,half-heartedattempttorelievethesiegeofChateauGaillard,whichcametonothing.Inthe

endheslunkoutofNormandyinDecember1203,likeathiefinthenight.HewasthusnotthereatallwhenChateauGaillardandRouenfellnextyear.Johnpresumablycalculatedthathelackedtheforcestoputupanyresistance,butthiswasinlargepartduetohisownfailureofnerve.Thesituation

wouldhavebeenverydifferentunderRichard.ThelossofNormandywas

awatershedinJohn’sreignandontheroadtoMagnaCarta.Eventoday,lookingatwhereJohn’schartersandletterswereissuedbefore1204–ChateauGaillard,Rouen,Caen,Bayeux,LeMans,Angers,Poitiers,Chinon–onehasasenseof

shockattheplacesandthepowerthathadbeenlost.Johncouldnotpossiblyletthemgo.HisoverridingaimbecametoincreasehisEnglishrevenuesandbuildupthetreasureneededtorecoverhiscontinentalpossessions.ThegrievanceshethuscreatedwerethesinglemostimportantcauseoftheCharter.Agreat

treasure,tobuyalliesandhiresoldiers,wascertainlynecessary,fortherecoveryofNormandy,inparticular,wasalwaysgoingtobeproblematic.KingPhilipwasnowmuchricherthankstoitsrevenues.Hisruletherewasfirmlybased.Hebroughttheduchypeace,introducednewFrenchlords,andalsoprovidedopportunitiesfor

existingfamilies,oftenofsecondrank.44Forhiscampaignsinboth1206and1214,JohnhadtolandfartothesouthatLaRochelleinPoitou.SincehehadlostbothAnjouandMainetothenorth,hewouldhavetoadvancethroughhostileterritorymerelytoenterNormandy.

Thisraisedanotherproblem,onerevealedinthedemandsof1215.AsignificantnumberofbaronshadlostlandsinNormandyin1204.ButfewifanyhadstakesinPoitouorAnjou.IfJohn’scampaignswereconfinedtothoseareas,asinfacttheywere,thenthosedisinheritedinNormandyhadlittletogainfromthem,

hencetheresistancetoJohn’scampaignin1214andthe‘Poitevin’scutageleviedtosupportit.In1215theUnknownCharterdemandedthatoverseasservicebeconfinedtoNormandyandBrittany,soitwasnottobeowedforPoitou,AnjouorGasconyatall.Johnalsomadelessprofit

thanmighthavebeen

expectedfromthetenurialrevolutionconsequentonthelossofNormandy.BothPhilipandJohnquicklydecidedthatitwasimpossibletoservetwomasters.ThoseAnglo-NormanlandholderswhoremainedinNormandy,subjecttoKingPhilip,thushadtheirlandsinEnglandconfiscatedbyKingJohn,andviceversa.45Veryfew

imitatedWilliamMarshal’ssuccessinkeepinghislordshipsinboththekingdomandtheduchy.Inhiscase,bothkingscalculatedthattheyhadmoretolosethantogainfrombreakingwithhim.John,forhispart,knewthattoevicttheMarshalfromhisWelshandIrishlordshipswouldtakeamajorcampaign,whichwasthelastthinghe

wantedin1204.Nonetheless,theMarshal’srefusaltojointhe1206expeditionagainstKingPhilipshowedhowrightJohnwastoforcethechoiceoneveryoneelse.TheresultwasthatJohngainedagreatwindfallfromtheconfiscationsinEngland.Hewascarefulnottousethislandinanymajorwaytocompensatethosewhohad

losttheirNormanestates.That,heknew,woulddiminishenthusiasmfortheeventualcampaignofrecovery.Instead,hegavesignificantamountstosuchleadingservantsasGeoffreyfitzPeter,ThomasandAlanBasset,WilliamdeCantilupeandPeterdeMaulay.ThesegiftswereonlyheldatJohn’spleasure.Hecouldrevoke

thematanytime,ashemightwanttodoifhewastemptingNormansbackintohisallegiance.Nonetheless,thebeneficiaries,threatenedwithsuchlosses,musthavehadmixedfeelingsaboutNormandy’srecovery.John’sbestpolicymighthavebeentoretainthelandsinhisownhandsandrunthemforprofit,thusalleviatingsomemeasure

ofhisfinancialproblems.Thathewasunabletofollowsuchacoursesuggeststheweaknessofhisposition.Heneededtousethelandstoconsolidatehiscoresupport.Inthat,hesetapatternforthefuture.ThelandsoftheNormanswerethegreatbankonwhichkingsofEnglanddrewforpatronageinthethirteenthcentury.

JOHN’SITINERARY

Inamassinghistreasure,Johnhadonegreatadvantageoverhispredecessors.Hecouldbefarmorehandson.HenryIIhadspentroughlyhalfhisreigninhiscontinentalpossessions.Richard,apartfromafewmonthsin1189and1194,hadbeenentirelyabsentfromhiskingdom.John,afterhisreturnto

EnglandinDecember1203,wastherealmostcontinuouslyfortherestofhisreign,apartfromcampaignsinFrancein1206and1214,inIrelandin1210andWalesin1211.46InsofarasJohnhadfavouriteresidencesinEngland,theywereathiscastlesandhousesinthesouthernhalfofthekingdom.Inthatrespecthe

wasrepeatingthepatternofhispredecessors,goingbacktoAnglo-Saxontimes.AtthetopofJohn’slistwasLondon,wherehelargelydividedhistimebetweenWestminster,theTowerand(takingitoverduringtheInterdict)thearchbishop’spalaceatLambeth.ThencameWinchester,Marlborough,Clarendon,on

thehillaboveSalisbury,andWoodstock,justnorthofOxford.YetnoneoftheselocationssawJohnstaythereforlong.Inhissixteen-yearreign,hespent376daysinLondonandonly176atWinchester.Windsorcastlesawhiminresidenceforaboutahundreddays.Thathehadtospendtwoweekstherebetween9and25June1215,

whileMagnaCartawasnegotiatedandpeaceestablished,testifiedtothequiteexceptionalimportanceofthebusiness,asitalsosuggestshowfrustratedandimpatientJohnmusthavebeenwithit.Forthemostpart,John’s

itinerarywascharacterizedbyitsceaselessmovement.Inhissixteen-yearreign,according

tothecalculationsofJulieKanter,hetravelledsome79,612miles,atanaverageof12.5milesaday.Herarelystayedanywherelong,averagingthirteenchangesoflocationamonth.Some43percentofhistimewasspentinstaysofjusttwoorthreedays’duration;only12percentinstaysofaweekormore.Notsurprisingly,as

Johnhawked,huntedandhurriedalonghisway,hecouldbecomeseparatedfromhisslow-movingbaggagewagons.Hencehewasnotwiththemin1216whentheywerelosttryingtotakeashortcutacrossanestuaryoftheWash.47AlthoughJohnspentthebulkofhistimeinthesouthernhalfofhiskingdom,heknewEngland

northoftheTrentfarbetterthananyofhispredecessors.Hevisiteditineveryyearofhisreignsavetheonesinwhichhewaslargelyabroad.ThisiswhyNottinghamequalsWindsorashissixthmostfavouredresidence,andalsowhythenorthernersplayedsuchalargepartintherebellionagainsthim.48

Severalofthesevisitswere

relatedtotheaffairsofthekingofScots,whichalsodrewnorthJohn’sson,HenryIII.ButwhileHenrywentstraightthereandback,thankfultoreturntohissoutherncomforts,Johntooktheopportunitytogoonlongtoursofthenortherncounties.Alifeofsuchrestlessmovementwasunnecessarysimplyforthepurposesof

governingEngland.TheitineraryofHenryIIIwasfarmoresedentary.Butthat,Johnwouldbitinglyhaveobserved,wasonereasonwhyhissonwassoweakandpoor.John’stravellingwas,as

wewillsee,closelylinkedtohisraisingofmoney.InthatsenseitlaybehindmanychaptersintheCharter.Itwas

alsolinkedtosomechaptersmoredirectly.Thisismostobviouswithchapter17,whichdirectedthatcommonpleaswerenottofollowthecourtbutbeheardinafixedplace.Clearlyforlitigantstohavetochaseaftersomobileakingmusthavebeeninfuriating.TheCharteralsodealtwithanotherproblemcreatedbyJohn’sitinerary,

althoughherenotinsomanywords.Thiswastheproblemcausedbythehawkingtowhichtheking,likemanyofhispredecessors,wasaddicted.49Theplaceforhawkingwasriverbanks,wherethecranes,heronsandducksthatthehawkstargetedwerefound.Indeed,theverywordforhawking,inbothFrenchandLatin,derived

fromthewordforriverbank.Theking’shawkinghadnotbeenanissueundertheabsenteeRichard.ItverymuchwasanissueunderJohn.HisnearpermanentpresenceinEnglandandthewideareasoverwhichhetravelledexposedthecountrytoroyalhawkingasneverbefore.Thiswasthebackgroundtochapter47of

theCharter,whichlaiddownthatalltheenclosuresplacedaroundriverbanksduringJohn’stimeweretoberemoved.The1217CharterwentfurtherandsoughttorestoretheenclosurestotheirstateunderHenryII.Themenresponsibleforkeepingtheriverbankswerealsounpopularandwerebroughtwithintheinvestigationinto

localgovernmentabusescommissionedbychapter48oftheCharter.John’shawkingalsolay

behindchapter23oftheCharterlimitingtheobligationtobuildbridgesatriverbanks.Bridgeswereanecessaryadjunctofhawkingbecause,whereashawksthemselvesbroughttheirvictimsbackintheirtalons,

falcons,themoreprizedsportingbirds,knockedtheirpreydown,makingitnecessarytofollowwithdogstoretrievethespoil.Forthat,bridgeswerenecessary.In1214oneofficialwasallowed60sforthecostsofmakingtwentybridgesfortheking’shunting.50WhatseemstohavehappenedunderJohnisthattheancientobligationto

workonbridgeswasextendedtoworkonthenumeroustemporarystructuresbeingconstructedfortheking’shawking.Onecanimaginevillagersbeingpress-gangedtofollowthekingtocarryoutsuchwork,muchtotheannoyanceoftheirlords,hencethechapterintheCharter.Theimportanceoftheissueis

seeninthewaythechapterwasrefinedatRunnymedeitself.TheArticlesoftheBarons,inchapter11,hadlaiddownthat‘novill’wastobeamercedforfailingtobuildbridges,saveinplaceswheresuchworkwaslawfullyduebyancientcustom.Perhapsmembersofthecourtitself,onitstravels,hadbeenamercingvillages

forfailinginsuchwork.InMagnaCarta,chapter23added‘norman’to‘Novill’,thusprotectingindividualsaswellasvillages.Italsodroppedthereferencetoamercementsandinstead,gettingtotheheartoftheissue,forbadenforcedbuildingofbridgesaltogether,savewherethe

peoplewereboundtoit‘fromancienttimesandbylaw’.Theissueoftheriverbanks

andtheirbridgeswasclearlydeeplyfelt.Itpaled,however,beforethegrievancesthatarosefromJohn’sfinancialpolicies.

JOHN’SREVENUES

John’staskinincreasinghisrevenueswasmadetheharder

andmoreopprobriousbysomethingforwhichhewasnottoblame,namelythegreatinflation.Aswehaveseen,pricestripledatthestartofhisreign,beforesettlingbacktoatleasttwicetheirformerlevel.51Johnhadtorunfasterjusttostandstill.Healsohadtorundownabumpiertrackthanhisbarons.Thebulkoftheir

incomederivedfromland.Bysellingtheircornsurplusestheycouldprofitfromtherisingmarketforagriculturalproduce.John,withafarsmallerproportionofincomecomingfromland,thankstothealienationofroyaldemesneduringthecourseofthetwelfthcentury,couldtakeadvantagetoacorrespondinglysmaller

extent.Hehadtoexploithissubjectsinstead.ThiswasnothelpedbyanysensethattheinflationjustifiedJohn’sexactions.Contemporarieswereawarethatpricesfluctuatedwiththeharvest,notthattherewasageneralinflationarytrend.WhentheCharterfixedthebaronialreliefat£100,itwasnotwithanyawarenessthat,inreal

terms,£100wasworthhalfasmuchastwentyyearsbefore,northatitsvaluemightbefurtherwhittledawaybymoreinflationinthefuture.Inthesedifficult

circumstances,asNickBarratthasshown,John’ssuccessinraisinghisincomeandgettingaheadofinflationwasstupendous.52Heinventednonewsourcesof

revenue.Rather,heexploitedoldonestoanunprecedentedextent.Althoughastartwasmadein1204,especiallywiththecountyfarms(aswewillsee),itwasfrom1207onwardsthatJohnreallytightenedthescrew.Thefailureofthe1206Frenchcampaignhadshownthemeasureofthetaskandtheneedforenormousresources

tomeetit.John’sEnglishrevenuesaveraged£24,000ayearbetween1199and1202,sotheywerelessthanRichard’sbetween1194and1198ifweaddinthelargesumsraisedbythetaxtopaytheransom.Coggeshall,ofcourse,hadthoughtRichard’srevenuesutterlyrapacious,butinthesecondhalfofhisreignJohnincashterms(and

itwascashthatcountedinpublicperception)faroutstrippedthem.Ifwesimplytakethoserevenuesforwhichthereisrecordevidence,thenbetween1207and1212theyaveraged£49,000ayear,sotwiceasmuchasatthestartofthereign.Ifwemaketheguessthata£40,000tallageimposedontheJewsin1210

producedatleast£30,000(whichisnotatallunlikely),thentheaveragerisesto£54,000.53Ifweaddin£100,000worthofchurchrevenuesthatJohngainedduringtheInterdict(itselfanofficialfigure),thentheaveragereachesastupendous£71,000.By1214,Johnhadsavedupatreasureof£130,000.Theincomedid

not,ofcourse,accrueinanyaverageway.Therewasagreatspikefromthetaxof1207(producing£57,000),whichmadetheriseinordinaryrevenuesthereafterthemoregrievous.Inallthis,evenbythe£54,000figure,Johnhadgotaheadofinflation,increasinghisincomeinrealtermscomparedtoitslevelatthe

startofthereign.Inrealterms,hewasmakingmoreeventhanHenryIin1130,althoughHenryhadbeenakingoffabledwealth,withamuchhigherproportionofhisincomeflowingineffortlesslyfromroyalland.IfweincludetheInterdictrevenues,thenarguablyJohn’sexactions,inthewordsofNickBarratt,‘representthegreatestlevelof

exploitationseeninEnglandsincetheConquest’.WhetherJohnwasmakingmoreinrealtermsthanRichardbetween1194and1198,dependsontheamountofmoneyraisedfortheransom.WhatiscertainisthatJohn’sexactionsseemedevenlessacceptablethanthoseofhisbrother.UnderRichard,therewasarealsensethat

paymentstowardstheransom,howeverburdensome,weremadeinagoodcause.TherewasnogoodcauseunderJohn.NowonderthecentralthrustofMagnaCartawastorestricthisrevenues.54

TheCharterrespondedexactlytothedetailofJohn’sexactions.55Countiesweretobe‘attheancientfarms

withoutanyincrement’,declaredchapter25.Thatmeantthesheriffswouldnolongerhavetoanswerfortheincrementsabovetheancientfarms,worthsome£713ayear,imposedbyRichardin1194.56Chapter25wasalsodesignedtostopanotherwayinwhichJohntriedtogetmoremoneyfromthecounties.Thebackground

herewastherealizationthattherevenueatthedisposalofthesheriffstopaythefarmandincrementsstillcametoconsiderablymorethanboth.Onereactionwouldhavebeensimplytoimposeadditionalincrements,butin1204Johntriedsomethingmoreambitious.Hemadeaconsiderablenumberofsheriffs‘custodians’,who

weretoaccounteveryyearforalltherevenuebehindthefarm.Asaresult,between1204and1212,thesheriffsowedtheexchequeronaverageanadditional£1,400eachyear.TheincomeforwhichthesheriffofYorkshireaccountedin1212wasnearlydoublethatof1204andtreblethatof1199.57Sincethenew

revenueoverandabovetheexistingfarmsandincrementswasdescribedas‘profit’,andchapter25wasonlyspecificaboutbanningincrements,ithasbeenthoughtthatthe‘profits’wereleftuntouched.58Thatwasnotthecase.Asheriffwhoansweredforprofitswasanswering,inreality,notforanyfarmbutforalltherevenuethathe

received.Ineffect,thefarmhadbeenabolished.59ThuswhentheChartersaidthatcountiesweretobeheld‘attheancientfarms’,John’sprofitsweredirectlytargeted.Andnowonder,fortheyhadbalefulconsequencesforlocalsociety.Sheriffsansweringforalltheirrevenueshadnothingleftfortheirownsupport.Johnmade

noefforttogivethemsalaries,ashappenedlater.Sothesheriffsmademoneyillicitly,exploitingthe‘miserableprovincials’inwaystheChartertriedtostop.Theyseizedchattels,woodandcarts,andthreatenedpeoplewithtrialontheirownunsupportedallegations,withoutindictmentbyajury,

doubtlessreceivingbribesforlettingoffthoseaccused.60

Ifthesheriffswereoppressive,soweretheking’sjudges.Theirvisitationsofthecountiesproducedanaverageof£3,680ayearfortheexchequerbetween1209and1212asopposedtoonly£955onaverageovereachofthepreviousfiveyears.Whenthejudgescameongeneral

eyrestohearallpleas,thebulkofthemoneyderivednotfromthecommon-lawcivillitigation,butfromthecriminalsideoftheirjurisdiction.Herethekingreceivedthechattelsofoutlawsandconvictedcriminals,andprofitedfromtheamercementsimposedonpeasantsandpeasantcommunities;hencethe

protectionoveramercementsofferedtovilleins,atthebehestoftheirlords,inchapter20oftheCharter.Thechapteronamercementswasalsothinkingofthespecialeyrestagedintheautumnof1210withabrieftorootoutandpunishawholerangeof‘transgressions’.Theamercementswerelarge,thoseof30to100marks

beingcommon.61Whethertheywereimposedbytheoathof‘uprightmenoftheneighbourhood’,astheCharterdemanded,onemaydoubt.TheysurelydidnotmeettheCharter’scriteriaofmatchingthescaleoftheoffence.Indeed,thattheCharterusedtheword‘delictum’for‘offence’,ratherthanthenarrower

‘felony’or‘crime’,maybebecauseitbettercoveredtherangeof‘transgressions’punishedonthe1210eyre.62

HereJohnwasoffendinganimportantgroupinsociety,formanyofthevictimswerecountyknightswhoactedasjurorsandlocalofficials,theverymenonwhomlocalgovernmentdepended.WimarofBassingbourn,for

example,whowashitwithanamercementof100marks,wasaleadingfigureinCambridgeshire,whereheandtwenty-sixotherknightslaterjoinedtherebellion.63

TheCharteralsodealtdirectlywiththeburdenoftheroyalforest.Underchapter47,Johnwasimmediatelytodeforesteverythingthathehimself

hadbroughtwithintheforest’sbounds.ThiswasnotnearlyasgoodasgettingridofHenryII’safforestations,butwasstillimportantinsomepartsofthecountry.ADorsetjuryfrom1225wastoallegethatJohnhadafforestedthewholeofthePurbeckareaaroundCorfecastle.64TheCharteralsoaddressedtheissueofthe

foresteyres.Inchapter44onlythosewhoactuallylivedwithintheforesthadtoattend,unlesstheywereconnectedwithaplea,thepointbeingtoreducethenumbersbeingamercedfornon-attendance.65Theforesteyresbetween1207and1212raisedonaverage£1,648ayear,asopposedtoaveraging£487annuallyinthesix

previousyears.Thetotalimposedbetween1207and1210,at£8,738,wasmorethandoublethatdemandedbetween1198and1201.Theeyreof1212aloneimposedpenaltiestotalling£5,504.Heretheamercementswereentirelydecidedbythewilloftheking.Forlowersectionsofsociety,thatwillmightbeexpressedbytheforest

judges,butforthosemoreimportant,withmoretogive,Johncouldintervenedirectly.TheabbotofFurnesswasthusamerced500marks‘bymouthoftheking’.66Theforesteyreseemedparticularlyoppressiveinthenorth,wheretheamountowedfromYorkshirein1212wasasmuchas£1,498.67

Some300marksofthiswas

duefromanamercementimposedontheabbotofStAlbans‘bywillratherthananyreason’,ashelatersaid,thisforfailingtoanswerthesummonsofthejudgestoappearbeforethem.GiventhattheabbothadnolandinYorkshire,thiswaspreciselytheabusethattheChartersoughttoend.68

Evenmoreburdensomethantheroyalforestwerethetaxesor‘aids’thatJohnlevied.Thesewerepaidbyeveryoneinthecountry,oratleastbyeveryonewhohadanythingworthtaxing,freeandunfreealike.OnetaxaboveallmadeamajorcontributiontoJohn’sescalatingrevenuesafter1204,andhelpedprovoke

chapters12and14oftheCharter.Thiswasthegreattaxof1207.ThewritsettingitscollectioninmotionshowsalltoowellthebureaucratictentaclesofJohn’sgovernment.Thetaxwastobepaidby‘everylaymanofallEnglandofwhomsoever’sfeehemaybe’.Nolord’sauthorityoverhisfeewasthustostandinitsway.The

ratewastobeathirteenthofthevalueofbothrentsandmovablechattels(thelatterbeingchieflycornandanimals),andwastobeassessedbyagroupof‘judges’senttoeachcounty.Theseweretowritedownthenamesofeachhundredinthecounty,andeachparishwithinthehundred,sothattheycouldbesureof

answeringforeveryvill.Beforethejudges,andinawaytheythoughtbestsuitedtheking’s‘profit’,thestewardsoftheearlsandbaronswerethentosweartothevalueoftheirlords’rentsandgoods,whileeveryoneoneelsewastosweartothevalueofhisown.Anyoneguiltyofconcealmentorfalsevaluationwastoloseallhis

chattelsandbethrownintoprison.Havingassessedthetax,thejudgesweretosendcopiesoftheirrollsrecordingtheresultstothesheriffs,whoweretocollectthemoney.Theywerethentobringtherollstotheking.Noneofthiswasmereparchmenttalk.Thegreattaxof1207producedthegiganticsumof£57,000.69

ThisisanofficialfiguresenttoJohnhimselfbythosehearingtheaccountsofthetax.HowitcompareswiththesumsraisedbyRichard’staxof1193–4,theSaladintitheof1188andaseventhonmovablechattelsthatJohnhimselfraisedin1203wedonotknow,forthereisnorecordevidence.Thereislittlesignthatlargesums

camefromJohn’staxof1203.70Thegreattaxof1207,therefore,wasnotwithoutprecedent,buttherehadbeennothinglikeitforthirteenyears.NowondertheCharterinsistedinchapters12and14thataidswereonlytobeleviedwiththecommonconsentofthekingdom.Thetaxof1207hitall

sectionsofsociety.The

documentsof1215alsotestifiedtohowJohnhadoppressedparticularinterestgroups.MostimportantherewereLondonandthetowns.MagnaCartainchapter12directedthataidsleviedonLondonneededthecommonconsentofthekingdom.TheArticlesoftheBaronshadgonefurtherandsubjectedtocommonconsenttallagesas

wellasaids,andthoseleviednotjustonLondonbutother‘cities’withliberties.TheCharter,inchapter13,protectedboththelibertiesofLondonandthoseof‘allothercitiesandboroughs,andvillsandports’.ThatthetownsshouldwantprotectionwasnotsurprisinggiventhelargesumsofmoneyJohnhadtakenfromtheminthe

formoftallages,amercementsandfines.Someofthefinesweremadevoluntarilyinordertosecureprivileges.Otherswerenot.ThemenoftheCinquePortshadtooffer1,000markstorecovertheking’sbenevolence.71Theburdensbecameparticularlyheavyafter1204.In1208London’svariousdebtswerebrought

togetherinalumpsumof£1,500,whichwaspaidoffinthreeyears.Thenin1211,Londongave2,000marksasagifttotheking,aswellasanother£1,000toclearoffolddebts.In1214cameatallageof2,000marks.72

London,ofcourse,becamethegreatseatoftherebellionagainstJohn.Inthenorth,LincolnandCarlislewere

equallyrebelbases,theformeroccupiedbythebarons,thelatterbythekingofScots,AlexanderII.BothtownshadsufferedseverelyfromJohn’sexactions.FromLincoln,Johnafter1207demandedsome2,750marksintallages,amercementsandfinesforhisbenevolence.Johnalsoleviedvery

heavytallagesontheJews.In

1207hedemandedatenthofallthedebtsthatwereowedthem.73Thenin1210heimposedtallageof£44,000onthem.74Whenpaymentwasnotimmediate,theJewswerearrestedandtheirassetsseized.RogerofWendovertellsthestoryofIsaactheJewofNorwichhavingatoothknockedouteachdayuntil(withsevendown)heagreed

topay10,000marks.Hecertainlypromisedtopay10,000marks,atamarkaday,tobereleasedfromprison.75ThesepressuresdidnotmerelyimpactontheJewsthemselves.TheyalsoimpactedontheirChristiandebtors.ItwasfromthelatterthattheJewshadtogetthemoneytopaytheking.Iftheyfailed,thentheking,ashedid

in1210,couldtakethedebtsintohisownhands,andcollectthemforhimself.In1207everyJewhadtosendinalistofhisdebtors,soJohnhenceforthhadatotalviewoftheJewishportfolioandhispotentialincomefromit.Justhowmanydebtseventuallycameintohishandswedonotknow,butthenumberswerecertainly

large.HereagainJohnwasdelvingdownintothecountysocietyofknightsandfreetenants.Asurvivingrollof1213,recordingpaymentstothekingfromdebtsowedtheJews,hasreceiptsfrom71individualsinLincolnshireand164inNorfolkandSuffolk.Thevictims,likethoseinothercounties,hadbeenmadetocompoundfor

theirdebtsandwerepayingthemoffininstalments.Althoughthepaymentsseemquitemodest,onaknightlyorlessthanknightlyincometheywerestillsignificant.TheLincolnshireknightandfuturerebelPeterofBeckeringhadtopay£2.76

ThoseowingJewishdebtstothekingalsoincludedsomeofthegreatestmeninthe

land.GilbertdeGant,forexample,aleaderoftherebellioninLincolnshire,owed1,200marks,whichin1211hewastoldtopayoffintwoyears.Onfailingtokeeptheterms,heforfeiteda300-markpardonandthedebtwentbackupto1,500marks.77

WhatmadethisalltheworseisthatJohnapparently

abolishedtheprotectionthattenants-in-chiefhadonceenjoyedagainstinterestonJewishdebtsaccruingduringtheirminorities.ThisprotectionisimpliedinacharterthatRichardIissuedin1190,confirmingoneofhisfather’s.ItdoesnotreoccurinthecharterthatJohngrantedtheJewsin1201.78Therewas,ofcourse,

noquestionofJohnpayinginterestorcapitalonJewishdebtsowedbyminorsinhiscustody.Butwhereasbefore,thathadjustlefttheminor,oncomingofage,toclearanydebtasowedbyhisfather,nowhewouldhavetopayalltheinterestwhichhadaccumulatedaswell.TheJewishassetsfromwhichthekingmighthopetoprofit

werethuscommensuratelyincreased.ThiswaswhytheUnknownCharter,initschapter11,followedbytheArticlesoftheBaronsandMagnaCarta,soughttorestorethesituationtowhatithadbeenunderKingRichard,whenitstatedthatnointerestshouldaccrueduringaminority.79

TheCharteralsosoughttodealwithanothergrievance.Inthepast,whenadebtowedtheJewswastakenbytheking,heexpectedtobepaidalltheinterestwhichhadaccumulateddowntothatpoint.80When,therefore,oneseesaJewishdebtinthepiperolls,theamountmaywellbebothcapital(‘thecatallum’)andinterest,althoughthisis

veryrarelystated.Inonecase,anexchequermemorandumshowswhatthiscouldinvolve.SoSimonofKyme’sdebtof£1,272was£853incapitaland£419ininterest.81Theaimofchapter10oftheCharterwastolimittheking,whenhetookpossessionofadebt,simplytothe‘catallum’.Tobesure,inoneinterpretation

ofthechapter,theking’sconcessionismerelyseenasapplyingtothenarrowcaseofdebttakenintohishandsduringaminority.82Thisisbecausethestipulationthatthekingshouldonlytakethe‘catallum’followsonimmediatelyfromthesamechapter’sdemandthatinterestonJewishdebtsshouldnotaccumulateduringminorities.

YetitisprettyclearthattheconcessionwasunderstoodasapplyingtoallJewishdebtsinroyalhands.Thusin1212,eagertobeconciliatoryinamomentofcrisis,JohnhadorderedthesheriffstosummonbeforehimallthosewhoowedhimJewishdebts.Hewished,hesaid,togivethemreliefbyhenceforthonlydemandingthe

‘catallum’.Inotherwordshewouldnowforgotheinterest.83Howfarthisconcessionwaseverimplementedwedonotknow,butitseemsalmostcertainthattheaimofMagnaCartawastoenforceit.TheradicalismoftheCharter’schapterontheJewshas,therefore,beenunderestimated.Itwould

havemeant(asonecanseefromthecaseofSimonofKyme)averygreatreductioninthevalueoftheJewishdebtsintheking’shands.Notsurprisingly,theconcessionwasleftoutoflaterversionsoftheCharter.AlsoremovedwithitwasthelesscontentiousdemandthatJewishdebtsshouldnotaccumulateinterestin

minorities.Later,KingHenryIIIrenewedthisconcession.Heneverrenewedtheconcessionlimitinghimselfjusttothe‘catallum’.Theseexactionsmade

John’sgovernmentdeeplyunpopularwithmanysectionsofsociety.Itwas,however,theking’stenants-in-chiefwhoboretheheaviestburdens.Theyputtheir

concernsrightatthestartoftheCharterinthechaptersthatdealtwithJohn’sexploitationofhistenurialrights.Underchapter2,thereliefofearlsandbaronswastobe£100.JohnhadchargedNicholasdeStuteville10,000marks.Underchapter3,noreliefwastobepaidwhenawardcameofageandinheritedhislands.Johnde

Lacy,constableofChester,hadbeeninwardshipyetin1213stillhadtoagreetoafineof7,000markstogainhisinheritanceandsecurevariousotherconcessions.84

ThesearebutthemostspectacularexamplesofexactionsthatingeneralwerewayabovethelimitsenvisagedintheCharter.ThesamefinerollthathasJohn

deLacy’sofferhasfivefinesof500markstoenterinheritances,andone(linkedtootherconcessions)of2,000marks.John’sconductwasequallyatoddswiththeCharter’sstipulationthat£5shouldbethereliefforaknight’sfee.Thusin1207hechargedtheLincolnshireknightandfuturerebelWilliamofWell50marksto

inheritasinglefee,althoughaninquiryhadshownthatitsannualvaluewasonly£710s.85Knightsholdingfromhonoursinthehandsofthecrownwereparticularlyvulnerable,aschapter43oftheChartersuggests.ThomasHuscarl,anotherfuturerebel,hadtooffer100markstoinheritthethreefeesthathis

fatherheldfromthehonourofWallingford.86

Johnalsomadelargeamountsofmoneyfromwardships,eithersellingthemofforrunningthemthroughhisownofficials,hencethewaychapters4and5oftheCharterlaiddowndetailedregulationstopreventthewardshipsbeinglaidwaste.Itwassuchexploitationthat

raisednolessthan£1,319fromJohndeLacy’slandsfromjustoneyearintheking’shandsin1211–12.Cattleweresoldoff,manorsweretallagedandanincrementimposedabovetheirfarms.87SimilartallageswereimposedduringtheminorityofWalterdeBeauchampofWorcester.Later,Johnsoldthiswardship

tothemarcherbaronRogerdeMortimerfor£2,000,onlyin1214tothreatentotakeitawayifhedidnotkeeptotheterms.TheCharterrecognizedthedangerthatthose,suchasMortimer,whohadboughtwardshipswouldlaythemwasteinordertopayoffthekingandmakemoneyforthemselves.ItthusaddedtotheArticlesofthe

Baronsawholenewsection,regulatingtheconductofsuchguardians.WalterdeBeauchampwouldcertainlyhavewelcomedthenewstipulations.Whilestillunderage,hewentwithJohntoPoitouin1214.Fearfulofwhatwashappeningtohisestates,hesecuredanordertellingMortimernottocommitwaste.88

TheregulationsonwardshipsintheCharterwererelatedtothosegoverningJohn’streatmentofthewidowsofhistenants-in-chief.Onecanseewhythesewerenecessary.In1212Hawisia,countessofAumale,hadtooffer5,000marks,paying£1,000atonce,tohaveherinheritance,herdowerandtherighttostay

single,allthingsshewouldhavegotfreeunderMagnaCarta.89ThiswasbutthemostexorbitantexampleofpaymentsthatunderJohnwereroutineandheavierthanbefore.InRichard’sreignthereweresixty-eightfinesfromwidowsoftenants-in-chiefforpermissiontostaysingleormarrywhomtheywished.Theaveragevalue

was£114.InJohn’sreigntherewere149fineswithanaveragevalueof£185.AlthoughJohnsometimespaidlipservicetotheprincipleofconsent,thepressureshebroughttobearonwidowsareclear.In1208,hestipulatedthatifAvelina,widowofOsbertdeLongchamp,didnotwishtomarryWalterofTew(a

knightoftheroyalhousehold),Walterwasanywaytohaveherinheritance.Intheend,Avelinahadtooffer500marks,100marksmorethanWalter,toescapethemarriage.90

AnotherareawhereJohnpresseddownonhistenants-in-chiefwasthatofscutage,thepaymentinplaceof

militaryservice.TheUnknownChartersoughttolimitittoonemarkperknight’sfee.Ifmorewaswantedithadtobetakenbythe‘counsel’ofthebarons.MagnaCartawentbeyondthisandachievedablanketcontroloverscutage.Henceforth,underchapters12and14,bothitsincidenceanditsrateweretobemade

subjecttothecommoncounselofthekingdom.TheCharter’sdemandswerecompletelyunderstandable.HenryIIhadleviedeightscutagesinthirty-fouryears;Richardhadleviedthreeintenyears;Johnleviedeleveninsixteenyearsandathigherratesthanbefore.HenryIIneverleviedascutageatmorethan26s8dafee.Two

ofJohn’sscutages,in1210andin1214,wereat40s.Alongsidehisscutages,Johnalsodemandedfinesfromhistenants-in-chieftoavoidservingpersonallyonthecampaigns.91Andhemademoneyinotherways.RogerBigod,earlofNorfolk,oneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause,paidnolessthan£893between1210and

1212fortheprivilegeofpayingscutageforhislifetimeononlythe60feesthatheacknowledgedratherthanon120feesasJohnwasdemanding.92

Whenitcametotheactualpaymentoftheirdebts,barons,astheDialogusdeScaccarioexplains,enjoyedspecialprivileges.Thesheriffinformedthemoftheamount

due,butdidnotcollectit.Instead,abaron,orhissteward,couldanswerdirectlyattheexchequer.Atthestartofhisreign,Johnwasalreadytighteninguptheprocedureshere.Ifstewardsfailedtoanswerforthedebtsoftheirlords,theyweretobeimprisoned,andthemoneyowedwastoberaisedfromthelord’schattels.93Laterin

thereign,thescrewsweretightenedinanotherway.Theexchequerputalotofworkintoamalgamatingintoonelumpsumthedebtsowedbyanindividual,whichhadhithertobeenscatteredthroughvariouscountyaccountsinthepiperolls.Itthusbecameeasiertoseethetotalposition,andactuponit.Moneyfromthesegrouped

debtsbroughtin£7,830in1209–10,tentimesmorethanin1205.94WhenthedebtsoftheearlofClare(oneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause)werebroughttogetherin1208,theytotalled£1,229.Hewasthenpardoned£229andtoldtopayoffthebalanceinthreeyears.Ifhefailedhewouldlosethepardon.95Another

greatrebel,PeterdeBrus,hadtoliquidatehisdebtsat£400ayear.96John’schangingattitudetobaronialdebtisseeninthe2,000marksowedbyWilliamdeMowbray.Since1201ithadmoreorlesssleptonthepiperolls.Then,in1208–9,hewastoldtopayoffthedebtat£100ayearandhadtofindsureties(manyofthemlaterrebels)

guaranteeingthathewoulddoso.Forthenexttwoyearshemorethankepttheterms.97

Thesepressuressqueezedunder-tenantsaswellastenants-in-chief.Indeedscutagecouldhittheformermoreheavilythanthelatter.Althoughnotalwayseasytocollect,abaron,ifhepaidscutage,hadtherighttorecoupitfromhis

undertenants.Ifhecampaignedpersonally,asmanydid,andwasthusexempt,hecouldtakeascutagefromthetenantswhodidnotaccompanyhim.Whenitcametohisdebts,abaronmightbeallowedtolevyanaidonhistenantstohelppaythem.Alargedebt,likeMowbray’s,alsofannedoutitsburdensthroughthe

systemofsureties.98ThelonglistsofsuchguarantorsareastrikingfeatureofJohn’sfinerolls.Nowonderchapter9oftheChartersoughttoprotectthem.Thesamechaptersoughttoregulatetheprocessesofdistraint.Therecordsoftheexchequershowjusthowroutinethiswas,withtheclerksjustputtingtheletter‘D’against

thedebtsthatweretobesubjecttoit.99Onemaybesurethesheriffswerefarfromobservingtheorderlyprocess,setoutintheCharter,bywhichtheyweretodistrainonthechattelsandthenthelandsoftheprincipaldebtor,beforeturningtotheassetsofthesureties.TherewascertainlynothingorderlyaboutthewayJohnpounced

onthechattelsofdeceasedtenants-in-chief,onthepretextthattheyhadowedhimmoney,apracticewhichchapter26oftheChartertriedtoprevent.100OnRogerdeStJohn’sdeath,leavingaminorashisheir,heowednothingatalltothecrown,butthesheriffstillseized£35ofhischattels.101WhenGilbertBasset,lordofBicester,died,

althoughhisexchequerdebtsweretrivial,Johnmade£365byseizinghismoneyandsellinghischattels.102

HowevermuchJohndependedonhisministers,hewasveryactiveinraisinghisownmoney.Onereasonwhyhetravelledsofreneticallyandextensivelywastoseekoutthosewhomightgivemoneyvoluntarilyfor

favours,orinvoluntarilyforforgiveness.Theresultingbonanzaisrecordedinthefinerolls.In1199–1200,atthestartofhisreign,Johnwentonagreattourofthekingdom,takinginthenorth,andintheprocessheextractedfinesworthsome£41,000.Thistotalwasneverapproachedagain,buttheannualsumsoffered

thereafterwerestillsubstantial:in1204–5,£18,000;in1207–8,£22,000.103GiventhatJohn’srevenueatthestartofhisreignaveragedsome£24,000ayear,onecanseejusthowsignificantthesefineswere.Themoneydidnotcomeinatonce,andthefinesof1199–1200providedarevenuestreamforyearstocome.

Johnwasveryinvolvedintheprocessofcollection.Theexchequer’srecordsshowhimbeingconsultedagainandagainaboutthetreatmentofindividualdebts.104Hecoulddrawtheminsimplytomakemoney.Hecouldpostponeorpardonthemasaformoffavour.Hecouldforecloseonthemasaformofpunishment.Theywere

monarchy’sgreatestassetasasourcebothofrevenueandofpoliticalcontrol.Theywerealsoitsgreatestdanger.Therebellionof1215was‘arebellionoftheking’sdebtors’.105

THEWRIT‘PRECIPE’ANDTHECOMMONPLEAS

Wesawinthelastchapterhowthedevelopmentofthe

common-lawlegalprocedureswereathreattobaronialcourtsandjurisdictions.Therewasnothingthebaronscoulddoaboutthatwhenitcametothetwomostpopularofthoseactions,noveldisseisinandmortd’ancestor.Onthecontrary,theyweremademoreavailableintheCharter.Butthebaronsdiddo

somethingaboutanotherthreat,namelythatposedbythewrit‘precipe’.Chapter34oftheCharterbannedtheissueofthewritifitmightcauseafreemanto‘losehiscourt’.Thebeneficiarieshere–freemen–theoreticallycoveredalargegroup,buttheessenceofthechapter(asalatercommentonitsaid)wastoprotectthecourtsof

‘magnates’.106IntheformfoundinGlanvillthewrit‘precipe’wasaddressedtothesheriff,andtoldhimto‘command’–‘precipe’–AtoreturnlandtoB,whichBcomplainedAwaswithholdingfromhim.IfAdidnot,thenhewastobesummonedbeforethekingorhisjudgestojustifyhisinaction.Theexpectationwas

thatAwouldnotcomply,sothiswasawayofmovingthecaseintotheking’scourt.Thelord’scourtwasthusbypassedincaseswhereitwouldotherwisehavebeentheforum,sowhereAandBheldfromthesamelord,orwhereAwasthelordhimself.ItisdifficulttobelievethatthechapterinMagnaCartawassimplytheretospare

lordsthebotherofresortingtotheprocedure(whichdidexist)fortherecoveryoftheircourtsinsuchcircumstances.Rather,itsuggestsamuchdeeperresentmentatthewaythewrithadbeenusedunderJohntoencroachonlordlyjurisdiction.WhenBractonsaidthatwhileactionsofrightcouldbebroughtintheking’scourt,‘itoughtnotto

happenagainstthewilloflords,asusedtobedonebyprecipe’,itwasreferringbacktothesituationbefore1215.Aroundfortywritsofprecipewerepurchasedfromthekinginthepiperollof1203–4,someofthemcoveringissuesotherthantherighttoland.Largenumberswerealsopurchasedin1213–4.107

Inthedevelopmentofthecommonlawtherewas,ofcourse,agreatopportunityforkingship.Ifthenewproceduresthreatenedthebarons,theydelightedtheknightsandfreetenants.Byexpandingthecommonlawandmakingitmoreavailable,Johncouldwinsuchgroupstohiscauseandunderminehisbaronialopponents.Yet,

inacrucialperiodofhisreign,insteadofplayingthisstrongestcard,Johnthrewitaway.Between1209and1214hevirtuallyshutdownboththejudicialbenchatWestminsterandtheeyresinthecounties,apartthatisfromthepunitiveeyreintheautumnof1210.108ProbablyJohnwasworriedaboutrivalcentresofauthorityduring

theInterdictandwantedeverythingunderhiscontrol.Hethusdecidedthatcommonpleaswerenowtofollowhispersonandbeheardbythecourtcoramrege.HowevermuchJohntriedtoeasethepathoflitigants,thecondemnationinchapter17ofMagnaCartaissonorousanddecisive.Ittellsusallweneedtoknowaboutthe

unpopularityofthepolicy.Commonpleashenceforthwerenottofollowtheking’scourtbutweretobeheardinafixedplace.Thismeanttheyweretobeheardeitherbeforethebenchorbeforetheking’sjusticesinthelocalities.Thelatter,underchapter18,weretovisiteachcountyfourtimesayeartoheartheassizes,withfourknightsof

eachcountyelectedinthecountycourt.Johnrecognizedtheimportanceofknightsandfreemen.In1213hesummonedfourknightsfromeachcountytocomebeforehimatOxford.109Buthehadfailedtoconciliatesuchgroupsbyofferingthemhisjustice.Hadhedonesoconsistentlyoverhisreign,hemightwellhavefendedoff

therebellionof1215.

MANIPULATION,SALEANDDENIALOFJUSTICE

InthemindsofJohn’ssubjects,hisfinancialexactionswereintimatelylinkedtoanotherfailureasking,namelyhismanipulation,saleanddenialofjustice.110‘Tonoonewillwesell,tonoonewillwe

denyordelay,rightorjustice’,Johnpromisedinchapter40,theshortestandmostemphaticintheCharter.John’sfineandpiperollshavenumerousoffersofmoneytosecure‘justice’,‘judgement’andotherfavoursinlawcases.Someofthese,smallishinsize,werefornomorethanhurryingthingsalong,andwerepretty

innocuous.Theywerelittledifferentfromtheroutineoffersofamarkortwoforthewrit‘pone’,whichgavea‘place’forthehearingofacasebeforetheking,thejusticesofthebenchatWestminsterorthejusticesinthelocalities.Therewerethirty-threesuchoffersonthefinerollof1207–8.Butotherfineswereformuchlarger

sumsandeffectivelywerebribes.111Justiceseemedtodependnotonwhatwasjustbutonwhatonecouldpay.RobertofBerkeleyoffered100marks,inanunspecifiedcase,‘tohavehisreasonablejudgementbyhispeers’,andMauricedeGant100marksforthekingto‘helphimtohavehisrightinthosethingswhichheclaims’.112Gilbert

deGantfollowedupthepurchaseofawrittobeginhisactionagainstAgnesdeRupe,withanofferof100marksfor‘judgement’inthecase.Johnwasveryreadytoacceptcompetingoffers.ThegreatdebtofWilliamdeMowbrayhaditselfarisenfromafineof2,000marks‘tobetreatedjustlyaccordingtothecustomofEngland’ina

lawsuitbeingbroughtagainsthimbyWilliamdeStuteville.MowbrayneededtobidhighbecauseStutevillehadhimselfoffered£2,000for,amongotherthings,‘right’inthecase.113TheAnonymousofBéthunedescribedMowbrayas‘mostvaliant’but‘assmallasadwarf’.Hissmallframemusthaveseethedwithindignationat

histreatmentbyKingJohn.Intheevent,Mowbraywasforcedintoanunfavourablesettlementandstillhad,aswehaveseen,topaythemoney.114Itwasequallypossibletogivemoneysimplytostopacaseandthusineffectdenyjusticetoone’sopponent.GerarddeFurnivallpromisedacool£1,000toendthelawsuitthat

NigeldeLuvetotwasbringingagainsthim.115Onecouldalsopromiseawinbonus.In1199WilliamdeBriouze,seekingtomakegoodclaimstoTotnesinDevon,offered‘£100ifhelost,700marksifhewon’.116Thegrievancesofbarons

overtheadministrationofjusticewererelatedtoafundamentaldifference

betweenthetreatmentoftheircasesandthetreatmentofthecasesofthegeneralrunofthefreepopulation.Thelitigationofthelatter,accordingtotheformsofthecommonlaw,wentthrough,forthemostpart,quicklyandcheaply.Thekinghadscantinterestinthegeneralrunofcases,fortheyhadnopoliticalbearing.Here,ifheinterfered,which

wasrarely,hemightwellbeinfluencedbyabstractconsiderationsofjusticeandevenof‘pity’.117Nor,onthewhole,didheexploitsuchcasesforprofit.Theroutinewritsinitiatingtheprocedurescost6d.Theamercements(unlikethoseonthepunitiveeyreof1210)wereusuallyofreasonablesize.Itwasquitedifferentforbarons.Theearl

ofClarehadtogivetheking£100forawritofmortd’ancestor.118Evenworse,whenbaronswerelitigatingagainsteachotheroverlandheldinchieffromtheking,thevenuehadtobethecourtthatfollowedtheking,thecourtcoramrege.Thiswaspresidedoverbyprofessionaljudges.Whencommon-lawbusinesscamebeforethem,

theycouldgivejudgementsinthenormalway,followingtheverdictoflocaljuries,althoughgettingsuchjuriesbeforetheitinerantcourtwasalwaysastruggle.Inimportantcasesbetweentenants-in-chief,bycontrast,itseemsprobable(althoughevidencehereissparse)thatthekinghimselfandanyothershesummonedwould

bepresent,atleastatkeysessions.Theking’saim,insuchcases,mightsimplybetodragthemout.Hencetheneedtomakeofferstosecurejusticeandjudgement,andthewayinwhichchapter40forbadthedeferralofjustice.Iftherewasaconclusion,itmighttaketheformofasettlement,andnotnecessarilyafairone.Ifthere

wasajudgement,thecourtmightgiveit,perhapsaftertheverdictofajuryfromtheneighbourhoodofthelandindispute,orperhapshavingitselfweighedthecasesothatverdictandjudgementwereeffectivelyrolledintoone.Casesbetweenbarons,

therefore,weredirectlysubjecttothewilloftheking.Althoughawritbecame

availableduringJohn’sreign(‘precipeincapite’),whichenabledsuchlitigationtobecommenced,itcertainlydidnotthenrunthroughaccordingtothesetformsofthecommonlaw.119Justicebeforethekingwasinseparablefrompolitics,patronageandprofit.Itwassubjecttoallkindsofdelaysandmanipulations.Even

when,ascouldhappen,litigationcoramregeseemstohavebeendecidedaccordingtolaw,therewasusuallyapoliticalsubtext.ItwassurelytodisciplineabaronwithwhomhewasincreasinglyatoddsthatRobertfitzWalter,inacaseinvolvingrightsoverBinhampriory,wascondemnedtopaydamagestoStAlbansabbey.

Sometimes,inthelitigationcoramrege,John’shandisveryclear.InadisputeoverpossessionofCaldbeckinCumberland,heacceptedoffersof£136fromAlexanderofCaldbeckand£306fromRobertdeCourtenay.Alexanderknewhewasbeaten,andtoldthejudgesthathewasnolongerseekingajurytodecidethe

case,‘becauseitdidnotpleasethekingthatheshouldhaveit’.Thatwastheendofthematter.IfJohncouldstopcases,hecouldalsostartthem.In1212,inordertobringpressuretobearonGeoffreyfitzPeterandhissonGeoffreydeMandeville,heencouragedGeoffreydeSaytobegananactionfortheirMandevilleinheritance.Just

howdirectlyJohnwasinvolvedhereisshownbyhispersonallyprovidingthecourtwiththenamesofSay’sattorneys.Whenchapter40ofthe

Chartersaidthatthekingwasnottosell,denyordelayjustice,itwasthinkingaboveallofhowhehadtreatedhistenants-in-chief.Whenchapter39saidthatnoone

wastobedeprivedofpropertyorotherwisepunished‘savebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland’,theimplicationwasthatjudgementbypeersshouldbetheproperprocedureinthecourtcoramrege.RobertofBerkeleywasmakingthesamepointinhisfinetohave‘hisreasonablejudgementby

hispeers’.Hisaimwasbothtoensuretherewasjudgementandtopreventitsbeinggivenbyacourtpackedwithhouseholdknightsandministers,asnearlyhappenedtoWilliamMarshalononeoccasion.120Thedesiredlinkbetweenthecourtcoramregeandjudgementbypeerswasalsoshowninchapter25oftheArticlesoftheBarons,

whichstipulatedthatthosedisseisedunjustlybyHenryandRichardshouldreceive‘right’,‘byjudgementoftheirpeersinthecourtoftheking’.LikewiseunderMagnaCarta,chapter59,KingAlexander(asabaronofEngland)wastoreceivejudgementbyhispeersintheking’scourtwhenitcametodecidingthemeritsofJohn’sclaimsagainsthim.

Acomplicatingfactorincaseswherebaronswereseekingjusticewasthattheyoftenstemmedfrom,orwererelatedto,actsofinjustice,orperceivedinjustice,bythekinghimself.ThusMauricedeGant’sfinewasalsotohavejusticeconcerning‘hisrights’,whichwereintheking’shands.121OnetypeofrightthatJohndenied

concernedearldoms.Herefusedtoacceptthattheywerenecessarilyhereditary.Evenmenheacknowledgedasearlsweresometimesdeniedthetraditionalannualpaymentassociatedwiththeiroffice(knownas‘thethirdpenny’)fromtherevenuesofthecountiesfromwhichtheytooktheirtitle.Thatpaymentwasnotworthmuch,butit

nonethelesscarriedprestige.JohngaveittoSaerdeQuincyforHampshire,whenmakinghimearlofWinchester,butnottoEarlDavidforCambridgeshireandHuntingdonshire.Aninquiryof1205intowhetherDavidoughttohavethethirdpennyledtonothing.Itwasonlyin1215itself,inabidtoretainhissupport,thatJohn

gavewaytoDavidontheissue.122EvenworseoffwerethedeVereearlsofOxford,orearlsastheythoughttheyshouldbe.AubreydeVerehadenteredhisinheritancein1194.ItwasanothertenyearsbeforehewasrecognizedasearlofOxford,thisafterofferingJohn200marksforthefavour.Theofferwasalsoinordertohavethethird

pennyofthecounty,butthethirdpennyneverproperlymaterialized.OnAubrey’sdeathin1214,hisbrotherRoberthadtooffertheking1,000markstoentertheinheritance,butthisdidnotincludetheearldom.ItwasonlyatRunnymedethattheearldomandthethirdpennywereconceded.EquallyaggrievedwasGeoffreyde

Mandeville,sonofGeoffreyfitzPeter,John’schiefjusticiarandearlofEssex.Afterhisfather’sdeathin1213,GeoffreycomplainedthatJohnhadneitherinvestedhimwiththeearldomnorgivenhimthethirdpennyofthecounty.123

InallthisoneneedstobefairtoJohn.HenryIIandRichardhadbeenstickyover

earldomsandhadequallyacceptedoffersofmoneyforjustice.UnderJohn,however,thankstohispresenceinthekingdom,legalactionsbeforethecourtcoramregeplayedapartinbaroniallifethattheyhadneverdoneunderRichard,whentherehadbeennosuchcourtinEngland.Ifthismadetheking’sjusticemoreaccessible,italso

subjectedlitigationallthemoretotheroyalwill.Tobefairagain,casesbetweengreatmen,quiteapartfromtheirpoliticalramifications,couldbehighlycomplex.Intangledwebsoffamilyhistoryandroyalintervention,stretchingbackovergenerations,itwasoftendifficulttoseewhererightdidactuallylie.Therewas

alsoanelementofhypocrisyabouttheoffersofmoney.Thosemakingthemwantednotjusticebutvictory,yetwhenvictorywasnotobtained,theycomplainedofinjustice.John’sproblemwasthathesacrificedhisreputationasarighteousjudgewithoutanycommensuratepoliticalbenefit.Hismanipulationof

justicehadcreatedfarmoreenemiesthanfriends.HisdivisionofthePercyinheritance,fairorunfair,anditsaccompanyinglitigation,wonhimtheloyaltyofWilliamdePercy,butthiswasfaroutweighedbythealienationofWilliam’suncle,thegreatYorkshirebaronRicharddePercy,whowastoplayaleadingpartinthe

rebellionandbecomeamemberofMagnaCarta’stwenty-five.124Worsestill,John’sinterventioninlawsuitsoftenfailedtosecuretheloyaltyofeitherparty.WilliamdeMowbrayandNicholasdeStuteville(WilliamdeStuteville’sheir),GerarddeFurnivallandNigeldeLuvetot,GeoffreydeSayandGeoffreydeMandeville

alljoinedtherebels.RobertfizWalter’streatmentinhisactionagainstStAlbanswasonefactorinhisrebellion,yetatStAlbansthekingwasregardedmuchlikeratpoison.

ARBITRARYRULE

Offersofmoneyforrightandjusticeatleastimpliedtherewerestandardsofconduct

thatthekingacknowledged.Buttherewereotherareas,astheCharterindicated,whereJohn’sruleseemedtomoveentirelytothemotionsofhiswill.Oneofthese,deeplyresented,wasthetakingofhostages.Underchapter49,Johnwastorestoreallhostagestakenas‘securityforpeaceorfaithfulservice’.Thetakingofhostageswasan

oldpractice,butunderJohnitbecamealmostasystemofgovernment–governmentbyhostage.In1208,fearfulthatthepopewouldabsolvehissubjectsfromtheirallegiance,John,accordingtoRogerofWendover,demandedhostagesfromallthosehesuspectedofdisloyalty.125Hetookafreshroundofhostagesaftertheplotagainsthimof

1212.Oneofthosetargeted,EarlDavid,wassummonedtoacouncilin1214‘asyouloveyourhostagesandwhateveryouholdoftheking’.126ThesensitivityandseriousnessoftheissueisseeninthespacedevotedtoitintheHistoryofWilliamMarshal.ItdescribedindetailhowJohnsuccessivelydemandedashostagestheMarshal’seldest

son,hissecondsonandthenfiveknights,includingJohnofEarley,severalofwhomwereharshlytreatedincaptivity.127AnotherfeatureofJohn’s

arbitraryrulewastheexactionoffinestoassuagehisangerandrecoverhisgoodwill.Inthe1207–8fineroll,thetotalofferedunderthisheadingwas£5,580.This

camefromtwelveindividualfines,whichhadhitbarons,churchmen,townsandlocalsociety.ThemenofCornwalloffered200marks;thedisgracedsheriffofHampshire,RogerfitzAdam,offered1,000marks,withover700localmenactingashispledges.128Theamountsactuallypaidintotheexchequerfromsuchfines

‘rosedramatically’inthesecondhalfofthereign,totallingin1209,£2,252,in1210,£3,414andin1211,£2,731.129Tobefair,suchfineswerenotunprovoked.Usuallytheoffenceswereunspecified,butthevictimshadobviouslydonethingstoincurtheking’swrath,andkingshadtobegoodpunishers.The1,200-mark

fineofRogerdeCressy,lateraleadingrebelinEastAnglia,wasformarryinganheiresswithouttheking’spermission.130Whether,however,theamountsinvolvedwerereasonableorreasonablyimposedwasanothermatter.TheCharterhadsuchpenaltiesinmindwhenitlaiddownthatJohnwastoforgiveallfinesmade

withhim‘unjustlyandagainstthelawoftheland’.Therewasacloselink

betweenthesefinesandchapter21onamercements.Whenitcametoamercements,earlsandbaronswereparticularlysubjecttotheking’swill.Theirlitigationagainsteachotherhadtotakeplaceinthecourtcoramrege,whereof

coursethekingcouldinpracticeimposewhateveramercementsheliked.If,ontheotherhand,abaronwasconvictedofanoffencebeforetheking’sjudgesinthecounties,thenthecustombefore1215wasfortheamercementtobeimposedbythechiefofficialsoftheexchequer.131Giventhattheseincludedsuchroyal

henchmenasPeterdesRochesandWilliamBrewer,suchamercementswereessentiallydeterminedbythewilloftheking.Somebaronialamercementswerehefty.ThegreatnorthernrebelsEustacedeVescyandRobertdeRossufferedonesof300marks;theearlofClare’samercementforadisseisinwas500marks.132It

isperfectlytruethatsuchamercementswereoftenpardonedinwholeorinpartbytheking.Somefromthestartwerereasonableinsize.Butthethreatofarbitrarypunishmentwasalwaysthere;hencetheneedtoofferfinesfortheking’sbenevolencetoescapesuchpunishment.OnecanseethishappeninginthecaseofRualdfitzAlan,the

constableofRichmondinYorkshire.Hegave200markstoescapetheamercementcominghiswayforrefusingtocooperatewiththe1207tax.133ItwasthisthreatwhichtheChartersoughttoremovewhenitsaidthatearlsandbaronsshouldbeamercedbytheirpeers,whichmeantamercedbythemselves.Thatthiswasthe

sameasbeingamercedby‘thebarons’oftheexchequer,asthechiefofficialstherewerecalled,wouldhavebeenfiercelydenied.Finesfortheking’sgrace

werealsopromptedbyactsofarbitrarydisseisin,ordispossession.ThustheGloucestershirebaronRobertofBerkeleyhadtooffer2,000marks‘tohavehis

landsandhiscastleofwhichhewasdisseisedbecauseofthebenevolenceoftheking’,‘benevolence’here,ofcourse,meaninglackofbenevolence.134Likethechapteronamercements,chapter39oftheCharter,forbiddingdisseisinsavebyjudgementofpeers,orotherwisebythelawoftheland,wasthusintendedto

removethethreatbehindsuchfinesfortheking’sgrace.ItwasalsodealingwithoneofthemostfundamentalcharacteristicsofJohn’srule.AsHenrySummersonwrites,‘disseisinhadbecomeawell-nighautomaticreactiononthepartofthekingandhisagentstoanymisdeedorsuspiciousactwhichcametotheirattention’.135In1204

JohnissuedordersfortheseizureofthelandsofRanulf,earlofChester,suspectinghimofdealingswiththeWelshrulerGwenwynwynofPowys.AtthesametimethekingdisseisedthenorthernerRogerdeMontbegon(oneofMagnaCarta’stwenty-fivebaronsinthesecurityclause)forfailingtocometocourt.Nextyearitwastheturnof

anothernortherner,alsoamemberofthetwenty-five,RobertdeRos.136In1207John’sfirstmoveagainstRualdfitzAlanwastoseizeRichmondcastle.Inthefinerollof1207–8therearethirteenfinesmadetorecoverlandseizedintotheking’shands,probablybysimilaractsofwill.Occasionally,Johnevenadmittedhis

lawlessconduct.In1213heorderedGeoffreydeLucytoberestoredNewingtoninKentifdisseisedofit‘simplybyourwill’ratherthanby‘thejudgementofourcourt’.TenyearslaterajurystatedthatGeoffreyhadindeedbeendisseisedofallhislands‘becausethekingwasangrywithhim’.137

Sometimesdisseisinwastheconsequenceofindebtedness.WhenNicholasdeStutevillehadtooffer10,000markssohecouldsucceedtothelandsofhisbrother,JohnretainedthecastlesofKnaresboroughandBoroughbridgeassecurityforpayment.Giventheimpossibilityofpayingsuchasum,possessionofthecastles

hadbeenJohn’sobjectinthefirstplace.TheStutevillesregardedthisasanactofarbitrarydisseisin.138JohndeLacy,havingagreedtopay7,000marksforhisinheritance,musthaveregardedJohn’sretentionofPontefractandDoningtoncastlesinthesamelight.EquallyblatantwasthewayJohnconfiscatedthehonour

ofTrowbridgefromHenrydeBohun,earlofHereford,onacleverlyarrangedlegaltechnicality,andignoredhiseffortstorecoverit.JohnthenallowedWilliamLongespee,earlofSalisbury,whohadhithertomadelittleprogressinhislawsuitforthehonour,tosimplytakeitover.Henry’ssonlaterdescribedthisasdisseisin‘bywilland

withoutjudgement’.139Itwaspreciselysuchdisseisinsoflands,castles,libertiesandrights,made‘withoutlawfuljudgementofpeers’,thatJohnpromisedtocorrectunderchapter52oftheCharter.Underitstermsnearlyhalfthetwenty-fivebaronsofMagnaCarta’ssecurityclauserecoveredlandsandrights,including

Bohun,whoregainedTrowbridge.140

Greatbaronswerenottheonlyvictimsofarbitrarydisseisin.Knightswhoheldfromhonoursintheking’shandswereequallyvulnerable,astheywerealsowhenitcametorelief,scutageandmilitaryservice.141WilliamfitzEllis,atenantofthehonourof

Wallingford,hadbeenamerced20marksforswearingafalseoathonajury.142Thiswasnothisonlygrievance.AtRunnymedeitselfhewasrestoredtothemanorofOakley,havingcomplainedthatJohnhaddisseisedhim‘bywillwithoutjudgement’.143Thefallofalordoftenmeanttroubleforhisdependants

andfollowers.WhenJohndeprivedEarlDavidofGodmanchesterin1212,hedisseisedDavid’stenantsinthemanor.144Likewise,whenJohnturnedonRogerdeCressy,heseizedthelandsofhisassociate,theknightWilliamfitzRoscelin.Williamprotestedhisinnocence,butstillhadtooffer60marksandagood

hawktogethislandsback.145

Howtheking’swillpenetratedintothecountycourtsisshowninaSomersetcasefrom1204.Therethesheriffwasinformedsecretlyoftheking’sordertoarrestandimprisonaclerkpresentinthecourt.Whenthesherifftriedtodoso,hewasresistedbythecountyknightsonthegroundsthatthereshouldbe

noarrest‘withoutjudgement’.146

ArbitrarydisseisinwashardlyinventedbyKingJohn.TheArticlesoftheBaronsandMagnaCartawerealsoconcernedwiththedisseisinsofHenryIIandKingRichard.TheCharteradjournedtheirconsiderationuntilJohncompletedorabandonedhisprospective

crusade.147ItwasJohn’sowndisseisinsthatcriedoutforimmediateremedy,andremediedtheyweretobeunderchapter52,whilechapter39soughttopreventsuchactionsinthefuture.ThesetwochapterswereamongthemostimportantintheCharter.Theysoughttoendtheking’sarbitraryrule.

THEKING’SMEN

John’sgovernmentwasnotmerelyunpopularforwhatitdid.Itwasalsounpopularbecauseofthemenwhodidit.John’sagents,oratleastsomeofthem,wereloathedbecauseoftheirruthlessconduct.Theywerealsoenviedbecauseoftheirrewards.Yetsuchmenoftenstoodinfearoftheking,and

felttheyhadbeenpoorlytreated,receivinglessthantheirjustdeserts.Thelaycounsellorswhom

JohnlistedatthestartoftheCharterwerenotverydifferentfromthekindsofmenemployedbyhispredecessors,underwhom,indeed,manyhadbeguntheircareers.Ofthelaymenlisted,therewerefourearls,William

Marshal,earlofPembroke,WilliamLongespee,earlofSalisbury(anillegitimatesonofHenryII),WilliamdeWarenne,earlofSurrey(althoughusuallystyled,asintheCharter,earlofWarenne),andWilliamd’Aubigné,earlofArundel.Therethenfollowed,afterAlanofGalloway,constableofScotland,elevenmen,many

ofthemfromknightlybackgrounds.Severalhadbeguntheircareersashouseholdknights.Severalcamefromfamilieswithlongtraditionsofroyalservice:WarinfitzGerold,firstoftheeleven,hadfollowedhisbrotherandfatherinthehereditarypositionofchamberlainoftheexchequer;HughdeNeville,

John’schiefforester,wasthegrandsonofHenryII’schiefforester,theodiousAlan;148

HubertdeBurghandThomasandAlanBasset,likeWilliamMarshal,wereyoungersonswhohadstartedoutwiththeirfortunestomake.Tiesoffamilywereevidentwithinthegroup.ThomasandAlanBassetwerebrothers,sowerePeterandMatthew

fitzHerbert.JohnMarshalwastheillegitimatesonofWilliam’solderbrother.Therewerealsotiesoffaction.WilliamMarshalwasclosenotjusttoJohnMarshal,butalsototheBassets.149Ifonlyweknewmoreaboutthesleepingarrangementsinthehallsandchambersusedbythecourtiers,wewouldprobably

seesuchtiesmappedoutinthesharingofspaceandbeds.NoneofthisworriedJohn.Hetooksuchgroupingsforgrantedandmanipulatedthemtohisadvantage,placatingorpunishingagreatministerthroughthetreatmentofhismen.TheChartershowsJohn’s

counsellorsatcourt,buttheyequallyactedontheking’s

behalfinthelocalitiesascastellansandsheriffs.Indeed,ofthosenamedatthestartoftheCharter,theearlsofPembrokeandSalisbury,HubertdeBurgh,PeterandMatthewfitzHerbert,ThomasBasset,RobertofRopsley,JohnMarshalandJohnfitzHughhadallbeensheriffs,sometimesforlongperiodsandinclustersof

counties.Suchmendidnotruntheircountiespersonally.Theyemployedunder-sheriffstodothat.Buttheywieldedgreatlocalpower,partlybecauseoftheirdirectlinetotheking,partlybecausetheywereusuallyallowedtokeepthemoneythattheycouldraiseabovethefarm.Theythushadplentyofresourcesto

garrisonroyalcastlesandhiretroopstosortsomeoneout.ThelaycounsellorswhomJohnnamesatthestartoftheCharter,however,werenotingeneralamonghismosthatedofficials.OnlyfourofthemappearedinRogerofWendover’slist,thirty-twostrong,oftheking’sevilministers:theearlofSalisbury,HughdeNeville

(notsurprisinglysinceheisnamedaschiefforester)andbringinguptherear,ThomasBassetandPeterfitzHerbert(amarcherbaronthroughhisfather’smarriage).150

Salisbury,BassetandfitzHerbertwouldhavebeenindignantattheirinclusion.AllwerepraisedintheHistoryofWilliamMarshal.FitzHerbertdemonstratedthe

bestchivalricstandardswhen,inatenseepisodeatcourt,herefusedtositnextto‘thetraitorwhohasfailedhislord’,referringheretoaknightwhohadletdownWilliamMarshal.ThomasBasset,fromanoldlocalfamily,tookseveralOxfordshireknightsintohisserviceduringhislongstintassheriffofthecounty.151

TheMarshal’sownabsencefromWendover’slistsuggeststhatotherstookhimathisownvaluation,oratleastknewofhisquarrelswithJohn.152Anotheroftheking’scounsellorsatthestartoftheCharter,Philipd’Aubigné,waslatertowinfameasacrusader.153

Thepictureofrelativerespectabilityisnotvery

differentifweglanceatJohn’sjudges.154ThesamemencanbefoundatdifferenttimessittinginthecourtatWestminster(thebench),thecourtcoramrege,andthecourtsoneyre.Seventeenfeaturewithsufficientfrequencytoberegardedinsomewayasprofessionaljudges.OnlytwoappearinWendover’slist,Geoffrey

fitzPeter,whoaschiefjusticiarfrequentlypresidedatthebenchandcoramrege,andWilliamBrewer.BothfeaturenotsomuchforbeingjudgesasfortheirmoregeneralrolesinJohn’sgovernment.BrewerwasabaronoftheexchequerandahighlyunpopularsheriffofSomersetandDorset.Whenthemenofthetwocounties

offeredmoneytohavealocalmanassheriff,theyadded‘exceptWilliamBrewer’.Later,intheminorityofHenryIII,BrewerwastoarguethatMagnaCartawasinvalidashavingbeenextractedfromthekingbyforce.155Themajorityofthejudgesachievednothinglikethisprominenceorunpopularity.Theywere

mostlylaymen,fromknightlybackgrounds,whohadlearnttheirlawinlocaladministration,oroccasionallyaspleadersandattorneysinthecourts.Severalhadenteredtheking’sservicethroughconnectionswithgreatministerslikefitzPeterorHubertWalter.Thejudgeswerenotparticularlycloseto

Johnandreceivedlimitedrewards.Some,aswewillsee,joinedtherebels.Theywerecertainlyouttomakeasmuchmoneyaspossibleforthekingfromthecriminalpleas,buttheirtreatmentofcivilpleas,whengreatmenwerenotinvolved,maywellhavebeenaccordingtotherulesandstandardsfoundinGlanvill.ItwasJohnhimself

whowasresponsibleforthemanipulationandsaleofjustice.Whatthenwaswrongwith

John’sministers?InthelistofhisepiscopalcounsellorsatthestartoftheCharter,onenamestandsout,likealighthouseflashingdanger:thenameofPeterdesRoches,bishopofWinchester.PetercamefromtheTouraine,and

wasprobablyrelatedtotheAnjevinmagnate,WilliamdesRoches,whomJohncastoffwithsuchdisastrousresultsin1202.156DesRochesbeganhisknowncareerunderKingRichard,andwentstraightonintoJohn’sservice,in1205,beingmadebishopofWinchester.Johnknewhisman:

ThewarriorofWinchesterPresidesattheexchequerIndefatigableataccountingIndolentatthescriptureRevolvingtheking’sroll.

Thusranonelampoon.157

Thiswasunfair.DesRocheswasanenthusiasticfounderofreligioushouses,buthe

wasalsoattheheartofJohn’sfinancialpolicies,andwastheonebishoptoremainattheking’ssideduringtheInterdict.MagnaCartadidnotexplicitlydemandhisremovalfromthejusticiarship,buthisremovalwassoontofollow.DesRocheswasalso

intimatelyconnectedwiththeonegroupofministerswhom

theCharter,initschapter50,diddismiss,layingdownindeedthattheywerehenceforthtoholdnobailiwicksinEngland.158

ThesewerethekinsmenofGerardd’Athée,ofwhomnofewerthaneightwerenamed,themostprominent(bothfeaturingwithGerardonWendover’slist)beingEngelarddeCigognéand

PhilipMarc.159Gerardhimself(whowasdeadby1215)was,likedesRoches,fromtheTouraine.(Athée-sur-CherandCigognéarebothwithinfifteenmilesofTours.)AfterhiscaptureatLoches,JohnransomedGerard(using1,000marksfromthefineoftheCinquePorts)andbroughthimtoEngland.160Therehecanbe

foundatcourt(glimpsedgoingintoJohn’schamberintheHistoryoftheMarshal),buthispre-eminentrole,likethatofhiskinsmen,wasinthelocalities.WhentheChartersaidthatGerard’screwweretobedismissed‘fromtheirbailiwicks’,itwasthinkingabovealloftheirsheriffdoms,castlesandothercustodies.IntheWelsh

marches,GerardplayedakeyroleinbringingdownWilliamdeBriouze.Withhishandsfullthere,in1208hepassedonthecustodyofNottinghamcastleandthesheriffdomofNottinghamshire-DerbyshiretoPhilipMarc.HepassedonBristolcastleandthesheriffdomsofGloucestershireand

HerefordshiretoEngelarddeCigogné.Whentheking’sjudgesvisitedGloucestershirein1221,theydiscoveredthatGerardandEngelardhadheardpleasofthecrown(forbiddenbyMagnaCarta)andhadpocketedaround385marksinawholeseriesofextortions.161TheexactionsoftheclerkMatthewdeCigognéfromvarious

religioushouses‘throughtheviolenceandmultipleoppressionofEngelarddeCigogné,sheriffofGloucestershire,hisbrother’,calledforthaprotestin1213fromArchbishopLangtonhimself.162NoneofthismatteredmuchtoJohn.EngelardandGiodeCigogné(anotherbrother,thisonenamedintheCharter)had

arrestedandseizedthechattelsoftwoGloucestershireknightsbecausethey‘hadspokenillofKingJohn’.163Thatwaswhytheywereinoffice.Thecontemptinwhich

Gerard’sfamilywereheldisseenintheCharter’sdemandforthemtobedismissed‘andalltheirfollowing’,thewordherefor‘following’–

‘sequela’–beingoftenusedforthefamiliesofpeasants.164

SuchcontemptisequallyseeninthewayneithertheArticlesoftheBaronsnortheCharterwerebotheredbytheprecisenamesofthelessermembersofthegroupandseemindeedtohavenamedonemantwiceover.165Thepresenceofsuchofficialsexplainsverywellthedesire

inthecountiestohavelocalmenassheriffs.ItexplainstoothedemandintheCharter’schapter45thatsheriffsshouldknowandmeantoobservethelawofthekingdom,orastheArticlesputitmorepotently,thelawoftheland.NoonecouldsayGerardandhislotknewthat.166

Perhapsbecausetheywereforeign,andcompleteoutsiders,onlyGerard’s‘following’wereactuallydismissedintheCharter,buttherewereothershardlylessunpopular.WendoverlistedtwoofJohn’sgreatagentsinthenorth,PhilipofOldcoates,from1212thesheriffofNorthumberland,andBriandeLisle,whoheld

Knaresborough,BoroughbridgeandthePeak.WendoveralsonamedtheknightsRobertandHenryofBraybrook,afatherandsonteam,whowereinsuccessionsheriffsofNorthamptonshireandBedfordshire-Buckinghamshire.Neitherwasparticularlyclosetotheking,buttheyraisedlargesumsofmoneyfromtheir

countiesasprofitsfortheexchequer.Itwastomenlikethem,ratherthancourtiersheriffs,thatJohnturnedtoexecutehisprofitspolicy.Assheriffs,theymightbelesseffectiveinstandinguptogreatbarons,andgoverningacountyintimesofstorm,thanPhilipMarcorEngelarddeCigogné(whowereallowedtokeeptheprofits),butthey

wereperfectlyabletoraisethesumsfromthegeneralrunofthepopulationonwhichtheprofitsdepended.John’smenwerethus

unpopularforwhattheydid.Theywerealsoenviedforwhattheyreceived.Thekinghadagreatdealtogive,astheChartershowed.Therewerethewardships,andmarriagesofheirs,heiresses

andwidows,dealtwithbetweenchapters4and8.AmongthosenamedatthestartoftheCharter,bothWilliamMarshalandWilliamLongespeeowedtheirearldomsandestatestomarriagestogreatheiresses.Atalesserlevel,HughdeNevillegainedanheiressfromKingRichard,asdidRobertofRopsleyfrom

John.167‘Nowidowistobedistrainedtomarrywhileshewishestolivewithoutahusband,’saidchapter8oftheCharter.Wellyes,butWarinfitzGeroldandHubertdeBurghhadbothprofitedfrommarryingwidows,whowerealsoheiresses.Asidefromwardshipsand

marriages,thekingcouldgivepatronagefromlandthat

hadcomeintohishands,suchasthehonoursinchapter43oftheCharter.AlanBassetthusobtainedMapledurwellinHampshireandwhatbecameBerwickBassettinWiltshire,manorsforfeitedbyAdamdePortfortreasonbackin1171.168ServantscouldalsobefedbothfromthelandsoftheNormans,aswehaveseen,andfromthe

royaldemesnemanorsmentionedinchapter25.Despiteitsdepletionoverthepreviouscentury,Johnwasstillpreparedtomakegrantsfromtheroyaldemesneinhereditaryright,althoughusuallyinreturnforamoneyrent.ItwasonsuchtermsthatJohngaveHighWycombetoAlanBassetandHeadingtontoThomasBasset,placing

thesetrustiesastridethestrategicroadbetweenLondonandOxford.Whilenotacceptingthat

theywerenecessarilyhereditary,Johncouldbegenerouswhenitcametoearldoms.AtthestartofhisreignherecognizedtheclaimsofWilliamMarshal,WilliamdeFerrersandHenrydeBohuntorespectivelythe

earldomsofPembroke,DerbyandHereford.Inanewcreation,in1207hemadeSaerdeQuincyearlofWinchester.Therewasalsomoretoroyalfavourthanjustoutrightgifts.Itcouldeaseaman’spassageinlawsuits,andinmanyotherareas.‘Itisjustthatwedobetterforthosewhoarewithusthanthosewhoareagainstus,’

Johnremarkedinoneletter.169Withhiscynicalpoliticalintelligence,heunderstoodverywelltheneedforthecarrotaswellasthestick.Therewasnever,however,toomuchcarrot.Johnactedinthespiritofhisgrandmother,theEmpressMatilda,whosecounselfortrainingmenwasthesameasfortraininghawks:keepthem

hungry.170Patronagehadtobeearned.Johngavehishouseholdknightsrobesandtheirmaintenanceatcourt,butnotregularsalaries.171

Thosestartingoff,likeGodfreyofCrowcombe,hadtoserveinhopeofreward,andworktheirpassagetowardsgrantsoflands,usuallyatfirstheldnotin

hereditaryrightbutattheking’spleasure.172

Withhisgreatbaronstoo,Johnkeptthingsback,evenfromthoseforawhileinhisfavour.HedidnotacknowledgeSaerdeQuincy’sclaimtothecastleofMountsorrelnorWilliamLongespee’stothecastleofSalisbury.WhenbecomingearlofDerby,Williamde

FerrershadtoresignclaimstocherishedpartsofthePeverelinheritance.HenrydeBohun,onbecomingearlofHereford,hadtoresignclaimstotheinheritanceofMilesofGloucester.173InsomecasesJohnhaddoneenough.ThepatronagereceivedbytheearlsofPembroke,ChesterandDerbywasatleastafactorintheir

remainingloyal,althoughwithDerbyitwasaclose-runthing.174Ontheotherhand,John’streatmentoftheearlsofSalisbury,WinchesterandHereford(inHereford’scaseculminatingintheconfiscationofTrowbridge)wereamongthereasonsfortheirrebellion.Therewereotherbarons,ofcourse,suchasWilliamdeMowbray,who

hadseennoneofJohn’sfavour.Theyweresimplyharriedtopaydebts,anddenied,astheythought,rightandjustice.Itwaseasy,moreover,tofeelappalledatsomeofthosewhodidreceiveJohn’spatronage.TakethecaseofPeterdeMaulay.HecamefromthebordercountrybetweenPoitouandtheTouraine,and

wasanotherofPeterdesRoches’sprotégésfeaturingonWendover’slist.175ThetermsinwhichheisdescribedbytheAnonymousofBéthuneshowbaronialastonishmentathistrajectory:

ThisPeterdeMaulayhadbeenanusheroftheking;butthenhiscareergrewsomuchthathebecameaknightandconstableofCorfe,and

sopowerfulthathefoughtagainsttheearlofSalisbury.176

Infact,Maulaybecamefarmorethanamereknight.HismarriagetoagreatbaronialheiressestablishedhimaslordofDoncasterinYorkshire.Hissuretiesin1214forthemassive7,000marksthatheofferedinreturnincludednotoneofthe

northernbaronswhowerelatertojointherebellion.177

ThiswasjustthekindofmarriagethattheCharterforbadwhenitsaid,inchapter6,thatheirsshouldbe‘marriedwithoutdisparagement’.ItwasnotmerelyoutsiderswhowereoffendedbyMaulay’srise.Johnalsogavehim,fromthelandsconfiscatedinEngland

fromNormanswhohadtakentheFrenchallegiance,thestrategicmanorofUpavoninWiltshireintheheartofBassetandMarshalterritory,thuscharacteristicallycreatingdivisionsbetweenhisownmen.Johndidnotmerelysethis

ownmenagainsteachother.Healsomadequitesuretheystoodinfearofhimself.If

theysteppedoutofline,orfailedinsomeway,theycouldexpectheavypunishment.AgaintherewereprecedentsforthisunderRichardandearlierkings,butthatdidnotmakesuchpenaltiesanythelessresented.TheyhelpexplainwhyevensomeofJohn’sclosestservantsturnedagainsthim.Acaseinpoint

wasHughdeNeville,whoultimatelyrebelledin1216.John’sprobableseductionofhiswifewasnotHugh’sonlygrievance.In1212hehadtooffer6,000markstorecovertheking’sbenevolence,havingallowedtwoprisonerstoescape,andhavingfailedtoaccountproperlyforhisadministrationoftheroyalforest.178John’sheavyhand

couldalsofallonhishouseholdofficials.SoPhilipdeLucyoffered1,000markstorecovertheking’sbenevolence,afterfailinginhisdutiesasclerkofthechamber.179Thethreatenedpunishmentswerenotonlyfinancial.In1212,whenPeterdeMaulaywassomadastodisobeyaroyalorder(especiallygrievousfrom

someoneJohnthoughtwashiscreature),hissuretiesundertookthat,ifhemisbehavedagain,theywouldhandoverhisbodyforanypunishmentwhichJohnwishedtoinflict.Eightofthesureties(sevenleadingministers,includingHughdeNeville,andthesonofanearl)alsoagreedthattheywouldsubjectthemselvestoa

whipping.Allhadtoissuecharterstothateffect.Johnwanteditonrecord.180IftherewasanytruthinthelaterrumourthatMaulaywasinvolvedwiththemurderofJohn’snephewArthur,heknewwhatpunishmenttoexpect.181

Ultimately,John’sregimecollapsedbecauseithadtoonarrowabase.Itsenemies

amongbaronsandknightshadcometofaroutnumberitsfriends.Ithadceasedtocommandanykindofgeneralconsent.Thedemandinchapters12and14oftheCharterthatJohnlevyscutagesandaidswiththecommonconsentofthekingdomcouldhaveappliedtohisruleasawhole.Asitwas,thewayJohnleviedthe

greattaxof1207foreshadowedthelackofconsentthatwouldbringhimdown.AwarethatthetaxcouldnotbejustifiedonthegroundslaterallowedinMagnaCarta(toransomhisbody,toknighthiseldestsonormarryoffhiseldestdaughterononeoccasion),Johnclaimedithadbeenagreedby‘thecommon

counselandassentofourcouncilatOxford’.Butwhatdidthatmean?Itmightbenomore(aswastobesaidofEdwardIin1297)thanpeoplestandingaroundnoddingassentintheking’schamber.182Later,perhapssensingtheinadequacyoftheformula,Johnclaimedthetaxhadbeenagreedby‘thearchbishop[ofYork],the

bishops,abbots,priorsandmagnatesofourkingdom’.TheclaimwasspecioussincethearchbishopofYorkactuallyresistedthetax.Atmost,aroundthirtydays’noticewasgivenforthecouncilatOxfordwherethetaxwasimposed,notthefortydaysdemandedbyMagnaCarta.Thecouncilitselflastedonlyadayanda

half.Noneofthissuggestsitwaswellattendedorwastheforumformuchdebateoragreement.Probablytheconsentinggroupwascomposedoflittlemorethantheking’sministers.183Itiseasy,then,tounderstandwhytheChartergaveexactinstructionsabouthowthetax-grantingassembliesshouldbeconvened.Eventhe

stipulationthatthe‘cause’oftheassemblyshouldbeexpressedinthewritofsummonswasrelevantto1207,whenJohnhadsprungontheoutsiderspresenttheclaimthatthetaxwasneededtodefendthekingdomandrecoverhisrights,althoughtherewasnoimminentthreatofinvasionandtheeventualcampaignofrecoverywas

yearsaway.Latertaxesofthiskindwereusuallyaccompaniedbymajorconcessionsfromthegovernment.Indeed,thenextgreattax,thatof1225,wasconcededinreturnforthedefinitiveissueofMagnaCarta.In1207Johnofferednothinginreturn.Thewholeprocedurein1207showedwhatwaswrongwithJohn’s

rule.Ittookfartoomuchanditgavefartoolittle.

KINGJOHNANDTHEBRITISHISLES

MagnaCartawasnotexclusivelyanEnglishdocument.IthadimportantchaptersdealingwiththegrievancesoftheWelshrulersandthekingofScots,AlexanderII.WhileIreland

onlyfeaturedinJohn’stitlesatthestart,itwascentraltohisquarrelswithsomeofthegreatestbaronialfamilies.AllthiswasrelatedtoJohn’sdominationoftheBritishIsles.TheCrowlandchronicler,writingofthesituationin1211,declaredthattherewasnooneinIreland,ScotlandorWaleswhodidnotobeythekingof

England,somethingachievedbynoneofhispredecessors.184InrespectofScotland,astrikingnewdiscoveryhasindeedrevealedjusthowfarobediencewasexpectedtogo.NoneofthiswasatoddswithJohn’sprimaryaimafter1204ofrecoveringhiscontinentalpossessions.Itwasvitaltopreventdisloyaltyand

disturbanceinBritainandIrelanddisruptingthosecontinentalplans.Therewasalsomoretoit

thanthat.JohnknewtheBritishIslesbetterthananyofhispredecessors.HehadbeenlordofIrelandsince1177,andunderstoodhowhisauthorityandrevenuestheremightbeincreased.AsforWales,John’sfirstmarriage

in1189hadmadehimlordofGlamorganandheretainedthelordshipuntil1214,despitethemarriage’sannulmentin1199.AfterthelossofNormandyin1204,hevisitedWalesortheWelshmarchesineveryyeardownto1211.HewishedtosharpenhisauthorityovertheWelshrulersandexpandtheareasunderhisdirectcontrol,

bothattheirexpenseand,iftheystoodoutofline,thatofthegreatmarcherbarons,attimesplayingoffoneagainsttheother.InScotland,Johnrememberedtheoverlordshipofthekingdomthathisfather,HenryII,hadestablishedbytheTreatyofFalaisein1174,followingWilliamtheLion’scaptureduringthegreatrebellion.In

1189KingRichard,intentonraisingmoneyforhiscrusade,hadallowedKingWilliamtobuybackScotland’sindependence,butJohnwasfarfromregardingthatasthelastword.Secondaryambitionitmayhavebeen,butheverymuchaspiredtoberulerofBritainandIreland.

DOMINATIONOVERWALES

WhenitcametotheWelshchaptersinMagnaCarta,Johnwasnottheonlykingbeingattacked.TheArticlesoftheBaronssoughtredressforWelshmendisseised,withoutjudgementoftheirpeers,bybothHenryIIandRichardoflandinEngland,WalesortheMarch.IntheCharteritself,however,

treatmentofthesedisseisinswaspostponeduntilJohnreturnedfromorabandonedhisprospectivecrusade.Itwasonlyhisowndisseisinsthatweretobedealtwith.185

Johnwasalso,undertheCharter,toreturnallthehostages‘fromWales’andthecharters(containingthedetailsofunpalatablesubmissions)thathadbeen

givenhimas‘securityofpeace’.ThekindofthingtheWelshrulerscomplainedofisexemplifiedbyJohn’streatmentofGwenwynwynabOwain,therulerofsouthernPowys.In1208GwenwynwynhadattackedPeterfitzHerbert’slordshipinBrecon.Inrevenge,Johnseizedhislandsandplacedhimunderarrestuntilhe

handedovertwentyhostages.Unlesshecameupwiththefirsttwelvewithineightdays,thekingwastobe‘abletodowithhisbodyashewills’.186

Thiswasnoidlethreat.WhenJohnarrivedatNottinghamin1212,hehadtwenty-eightboys,Welshhostages,hangedbeforehetastedfood.187ThechivalricrulesthatactedassomerestraintonJohnin

England(wherehemistreatedhostagesbutdidnotkillthem)hadfarlesspurchaseinWales.188

TheonlyWelshruleractuallynamedinMagnaCartawasthegreatestofthemall,LlywelynabIorwerth.Underchapter58thekingwasimmediatelytoreleasehisson,anddeliverhishostagesandcharters,

alongwithallotherhostagesandcharterstakenfromtheWelsh.EarlyinJohn’sreign,seeingoffrivalsfromwithinhisfamily,LlywelynhadestablishedhismasteryoverthewholeofGwyneddfromtheDeetotheDyfi.Hetitledhimself‘princeofNorthWales’,atitleJohnaccepted.In1205LlywelynwasallowedtomarryJohn’s

illegitimatedaughter,Joan.Goodrelationsdidnotlast.JohnwasfuriouswhenLlywelynscavengedawaysomeoftheterritoriesofGwenwynwyn.In1211JohninvadedGwynedd,penetratingasfarwestasBangor.There,withJoanintercedingwithherfather,Llywelyncametoterms.TohaveJohn’sgraceand

benevolence,hesurrenderedforevertheeasternhalfofGwyneddbetweentheDeeandtheConwy.IfhedidnothaveanheirbyJoan(asseemedlikely,fortheywerechildless),then,onLlywelyn’sdeath,thekingwastohaveallhisremaininglands.Meanwhile,Llywelynwastosurrenderhisillegitimateson,Gruffudd,

anddeliverasmanyhostagesasJohnwished.ThesetermswereallembodiedinacharterthatLlywelynwasforcedtoissue.189Onecanseeverywellwhyitsreturnwasdemandedunderchapter58oftheCharter.AtbestthetreatytruncatedGwynedd,atworst,ifLlywelynandJoanwerechildless,itwouldbringGwyneddtoanend.Whenit

cametoScotland,Johnwasequallyambitious,althoughherehisaimbecamenottoendthekingdombuttosubjectittohisoverlordship.

THESUBJUGATIONOFSCOTLAND

Inthefirstphaseofhisreign,JohnhadleftKingWilliamtheLionlargelyalone,contemptuouslybrushing

asidehislong-standingclaimstoNorthumberland,CumberlandandWestmorland.In1209thesituationchanged.Theinitialdisputeseemstohavebeenoverthesecurityoftheborder,whereWilliam,toJohn’sanger,pulleddownacastlerecentlybuiltatTweedmouth.ThisbroughtJohnnorthinAprilofthat

year.Hewasalready,accordingtooneScottishchronicle,making‘unheardofdemands…inconsistentwiththelibertiesoftheScottishkingdom’.190ProbablyhewasalreadyseekingScotland’ssubjection.Whenhisdemandswererejected,Johnreturnedsouth,whilenegotiationscontinued.There

wasthenamajorescalationofthecrisis.JohnheardthatWilliamwastryingtousethemarriageofoneofhisdaughterstosealanalliancewithPhilipAugustus.191InJulyhesetoffagainforthenorthernborder.AccordingtoacontemporaryScottishnarrative,Johnhadwithhimaround13,000Welshfootsoldiers,1,500knightsfrom

England,and7,000crossbowmenandBrabantinemercenaries.ThenumbersareimpressionisticbutshowJohnhadmusteredanoverwhelmingforce.KingWilliam,old,sickandunprepared,wasinnoconditiontoresist.InAugust1209heagreedtotheTreatyofNorham.

JustwhattheTreatyofNorhamcontainedhaslongbeendebatedbyhistorians.Theproblemisthattwoofthemainaccounts,althoughderivedfromcontemporarysources,arefilteredthroughmuchlaterScottishchronicles.Fortunatelymuchofthemysterycannowbesolved.IhavediscoveredaletterofJohnhimselfsetting

outthemainfeaturesofthetreaty.ThissurvivesasacopyinoneofthemanycartulariesoftheBenedictineabbeyofStAugustineatCanterbury.Thisparticularcartularyprobablydatesfromthemid1320s.ThehandhascopiedtheletterwithmuchothermaterialfromJohn’sreign,someofitconcerningtheaffairsoftheabbey,some

ofgeneralpoliticalinterest.Sincetheletterisaddressedto‘allfaithfulmeninGod’,andthuswasintendedasageneralproclamation,thereisnoproblemaboutitsreachingStAugustine’s.Thatitisgenuinetherecan,Ithink,benodoubt.TheLatintextandatranslationaregiveninAppendixI.192

Intheletter,JohnindicatesthatKingWilliamhimselfistoremaininhisexistingstateofhomage.ThiswasthehomagethathehaddonetoJohnin1200,andwasalmostcertainlyjustforhislandsandrightsinEngland,soforthelordshipofTyndale,andtheearldomofHuntingdonwhichwasheldfromhimbyhisyoungerbrotherDavid.193

WithWilliam’sson,however,theeleven-year-oldAlexander,itwasquitedifferent.Alexander,thelettersaid,‘hasdoneushomageasWilliam,kingofScotland,didhomagetothelordHenry,kingofEngland,ourfather’.Everyoneknewwhatthatmeant.ItreferredtothegreatceremonyatYorkin1175,followingthe1174

TreatyofFalaise,whenKingWilliamhaddonehomagetoHenryII‘forallhistenementsandnamelyforScotland’.HishomagewasfollowedbythatofthechiefmenofScotland.AllthiswasinfulfilmentoftheTreatyofFalaise,whichhadbeenforcedonKingWilliam,followinghiscaptureduringthegreatrebellionagainst

Henrytheyearbefore.194

Technically,ofcourse,Alexandercouldnotin1209havedonehomageforthekingdom,sinceitwasstillheldbyhisfather.Presumablysomeformofwordswasfoundtogetroundthis.PerhapsAlexanderdidhomageforScotlandashisfather’sheir.Whatevertheprecisearrangement,the

implicationwascompletelyclear.OnceAlexandersucceeded,hewouldthendohomageforthekingdominagreatceremonyreplicatingthatatYorkin1175.Theshatteringnatureof

thisconcessionisreflectedinthewayAlexander’shomagewastreatedinScottishsources.Theonlycompletelycontemporarysource,the

Melrosechronicle,writtenbetween1211and1214,ignoresthehomagealtogether,butsaysthatthesettlementwas‘againstthewishesoftheScots’.195IftheScottishnarrativespecifyingthesizeofJohn’sarmiesgavethefullfactsaboutthehomage,theyweretoomuchforthepatrioticWalterBower,writinginthe

fifteenthcentury,throughwhosechroniclethenarrativehasbeenfilteredtous.Bowerhereabandonsthenarrative,andpreferstheaccountinanotherchronicle,theGestaAnnalia.Thisisbasedoncontemporarysources,butwasprobablydoctoredaround1285.196ItactuallymakesoutthatthehomagewasadvantageoustoScottish

independence.WilliamthusresignedhisEnglishlandsandrightstoAlexander,whodidhomageforthemtoJohn,thisaspartofanagreementthathenceforthitwastheheirtotheScottishthronewhowoulddohomagetothekingofEngland.Inotherwords,thekingofScotlandhimselfwouldnolongerowehomagetothekingofEnglandatall.

ThatJohnagreedtoanythinglikethatin1209isinconceivable.Thehomagewasnotthe

onlyhumiliatingfeatureofthe1209agreement.Theletter,herebroadlyinagreementwiththechroniclesources,explainsthatWilliamhadhandedovertoJohnhistwodaughters,Margaret,hisfirst-born,and

Isabella.MargaretwastobemarriedtoJohn’seldestson,Henry,oncehereachedtheageofnineorten,orbefore.(Hewascurrentlynotyettwo.)Isabellawasthentobemarriedayearortwolater,insuchawayastogivehonourtobothJohnandthekingofScotland.John,therefore,hadscotchedanyplanstousethemarriagesofthetwo

daughterstomakeallianceswiththekingofFranceoranyoneelse.TherethenfollowedtheonlythingsintheletteradvantageoustotheScottishroyalhouse.Therewasapledgeofmutualassistance,andapromisefromJohntohelpAlexandersecurethethroneonhisfather’sdeath.Hewouldhelphim‘ashisman’,meaningas

someonewhoowedhomageforthekingdom.Withinthiscontext,WilliamandAlexanderweretoretainalltheirlibertiesanddignitiesandtheirclaimstothethreenortherncounties.Atleasttheyhadnotbeenmadetoresignthelatter,althoughequallytheyhadmadenoprogresstowardstheirrealization.

Somefurtherprovisionsinthetreaty,forwhichthereisdocumentaryevidence,wereleftunmentionedinJohn’sletter.JohnagreednottobuildacastleatTweedmouth,sothatatleastwasaScottishgain.197Ontheotherhand,Williamhadtohandoveraroundthirteenhostages,andpromisetopay15,000marksforJohn’sbenevolence.In

1189only10,000markshadbeenneededtorecoverScotland’sindependence.Thistimethemoneywasessentiallytobuyoffinvasionandconquest.198

In1212JohnstrengthenedhisholdoverScotlandyetfurther,helpedbythefactthatWilliamandAlexanderwerenowfacinginternalrevolt.199InFebruaryhemet

WilliamagainatNorham,andtheagreementsof1209wereprobablyreaffirmed.Inaddition,WilliamconcededthatwithinsixyearsJohncouldmarryAlexander,‘ashisliegeman’,towhomeverJohnwished,providedthatAlexanderwasnotdisparaged.200TheconcessionwascompletelyatoddswithanyideaofScottish

independence.John’soverlordshipofthekingdomcouldnothavebeenmoreclearlydemonstrated.Nextmonth,Alexander,nowfourteen,camesouthandwasknightedbyJohninLondon.HereturnedwithBrabantinemercenariestohelpputdowntherevoltofGuthred,sonofDonaldmacWilliam.201

Williamhimselfwasnow

sixty-nineandailing.John’sgreatdaywhenAlexanderwouldsucceedanddohomageforthekingdomwasapproaching.Tomakesureofit,JohnstartedtobuildupapartyinScotland.HegaveapensiontoRobertdeLondres,anillegitimatesonofKingWilliam,whohadahighpositionattheScottishcourt.202HealsograntedAlan

ofGalloway,constableofScotland,agreatfiefinUlster.203HismainconsiderationsherewereIrish,butAlan’spowerwouldalsohelpinScotlandinthecrucialperiodafterWilliam’sdeath.Thisnewaccountof

ScottishpoliticshasdirectrelevancetotheScottishchapterinMagnaCarta.The

precisemeaningofchapter59willbediscussedlater,butitcoveredthereturnofAlexander’ssistersandthehostages,andthusreacteddirectlytothewaytheyhadbeenhandedoverintheTreatyofNorhamin1209.204

Here,andwhenitcametothequestionofAlexander’srightsandliberties,itlaiddownthathewastobe

treatedinthesamewayas‘ourotherbaronsofEngland’.ForAlexanderthismadeacrucialpoint.TheonlyrelationshipbetweenhimselfandKingJohnwasas‘abaronofEngland’.Hewasnotinanywayasubjectking.Asfarashewasconcerned,the1209treatywasdead.205

IRELANDANDTHEBREAKINGOFTHEBRIOUZES

John’spoliciesinIrelandalsohelpedshapetheeventsthatledtoMagnaCarta.Nowheredidhedemonstratemoreclearlythefrighteningpowerofhismonarchyandhisabilitytobreakeventhegreatestbaronialfamilies.Ireland,likeWales,was

ideallysuitedtoamasterof

manipulationsuchasJohn.Hecouldplayoffthenativerulersinthewest(nominallyinhisallegiance)againstthebaroniallordsinMunster,Leinster,MeathandUlster.HecoulddealwithmenfromeachgroupbothdirectlyandthroughhisjusticiarbasedinDublin,whocontrolledtheareassubjectimmediatelytoroyalrule.Inthefirstpartof

thereign,thejusticiarwasMeilerfitzHenry,thegreatenemyofWilliamMarshal.John’spoliciestowardsboththenativerulersandthebaroniallordsoftendependedonhisfortuneselsewhereinhisempire.Hecossetedorcanedthemasitsuitedhiswiderpurpose,whilealwaysseekingtoincreasehisincome.In1203Johnthus

orderedthejusticiartotakeoverthebestportsandvillagesinConnacht,andinvesttherevenuesinbuildingcastles,foundingnewvillagesanddoingeverythingpossibleforroyal‘profit’.206ItwaslikewisewiththeaimofmakingmoneythatJohnin1207institutedthefirstIrishcoinage.Healsobuiltnew

castlesatDublinandAthlone,establishedtheproceduresoftheEnglishcommonlawandachievedalargeandlastingexpansionintheareasunderdirectroyalcontrol.AttheheartofJohn’s

dealingswiththebaroniallordsinIrelandwerehisrelationswithWilliamdeBriouze.207WilliamwaslordofBriouzeinNormandy,

BramberinSussex,andRadnorandotherlandsinthemarchesofWales.VeryclosetoJohnatthestartofhisreign,Briouzewasrewardedin1202withagrantof‘thehonourofLimerick’innorthernMunster.Hispresencethere,Johnhoped,wouldhelpcontrolanareacontestedwiththenativerulers.Characteristically,

however,Johnkeptsomethingback,namelythecityofLimerickitself,allowingBriouzeatmosttoactthereasroyalcustodian.Controlofthecity,therefore,becameagreatboneofcontentionbetweenBriouzeandthejusticiar,MeilerfitzHenry.Anotherwascreatedin1206whenMeilerbegantoassertroyalcontrol

overpartsofMunster,intheprocessencroachingonBriouze’slordship.Withrelationsdeteriorating,Johnopenedupanewlineofattack,onethatalsotaughtagenerallessontohisbaronsabouttheneedtopaytheirdebts.208Briouzehadpromised5,000marksforthegrantofLimerick,whichhewassupposedtopayoffat

1,000marksayear.By1207,disappointedoverLimerickcity,andthinkingperhapsthatJohnwasnotserious,hehadclearednomorethan700marks.209John,however,wasnowveryseriousindeed.In1208hestartedtocompelpaymentbydistrainingonBriouze’schattels.WhenBriouzeresisted,allhislandsandcastlesinEnglandand

Wales(whereGerardd’Athéewastheagent)wereseizedintotheking’shands.BriouzefledtoIreland,withhiswife,Matilda,andWilliam,hiseldestson.InIreland,Briouzewas

harbouredbyWilliamMarshal,lordofLeinster,andthebrothersWalterandHughdeLacy,respectivelylordsofMeathandUlster.Walterwas

Briouze’sson-in-law,andtheywereclosecollaborators.SinceJohnhadorderedMarshalandtheLacystohandBriouzeover,hecouldnotpossiblyletthisdefiancepass.In1208anexpeditiontoIrelandhadalreadybeenontheagenda,afterMarshalandtheLacyshadworstedMeilerfitzHenry.In1210Johnfinallywentthere,takinga

greatarmy.Bythetimehesailed,BriouzehadleftIreland,andwaslittlemorethanafugitive.TheexpeditionwasnowaboutdisciplininghisIrishsupporters.WilliamMarshalwiselysubmitted,andretainedhislands,butWalterandHughdeLacywereexpelledfromMeathandUlster.Johnwasmuchless

successfulinhisdealingswiththenativekings,buthehaddemonstratedhispoweroverthebaroniallordsinstunningfashion.210ThecorollarywasalsoamassiveincreaseinJohn’spowerinWales,whereWalterdeLacy’sLudlowandalltheBriouzelordshipscameintohishands.

WilliamdeBriouzehadleftMatildaandtheirsonWilliaminIreland.TheyhadthengonetoScotland,onlytobecapturedthereandbroughttotheking.MatildadeStValery,asshestyledherself,usingherfamilyname,waseasilythemostfamouswomanofherage.John’sownaccountofhisquarrelwithherhusbandshowsthat

WilliamandMatildawereverymuchateam,andgivesavividpictureofhercourageandresourcefulness.GeraldofWalespraisedMatilda’shouseholdmanagementandheracquisitionofproperty.TheAnonymousofBéthunerecordedherboastthatshehad12,000milkingcowsandsomuchcheesethatitwouldsupportabesiegedgarrisonof

100menforamonth,andstillleavesometothrowfromthebattlements.Matildawouldknowbecauseinthe1190sshehaddefendedtheBriouzecastleofPainscastlefromanattackbytheWelsh,whereafteritwasalwayscalled‘ThecastleofMatilda’.JohnhimselfcalledherMatildadeHay,probablybecauseshealsocommanded

attheBriouzecastleatHay-on-Wye.AccordingtoRogerofWendover,MatildarefusedtohandoverhersonstoJohnashostages,remarkingthatsheknewwhatJohndidtoboysinhiscustody,areference,ofcourse,tohismurderofArthur.Thestorymaybeapocryphalbutitcatchesherspirit.211

AccordingtotheAnonymous

ofBéthune,Matildawas‘abeautifullady,mostwise,mostworthyandmostenergetic.Shewasneverabsentfromanyofherhusband’scouncils.ShecarriedonwarfareagainsttheWelshinwhichsheconqueredagooddeal.’212

John’sdestructionofthiscelebratedwomanandhersonthroughstarvationwasa

hideouscrime.ItsimpactonbaronialopinioncanbegaugedfromthehorrificandpiteousaccountintheAnonymousofBéthune.213ItwasnotasthoughWilliamjuniorwashimselfunknown.Hewasalreadyoffullage,activeinrunningthefamilyestatesandmarriedtoadaughteroftheearlofClare.214Hewas‘oneofus’.

ThemurdersseemedmoreterriblethanthatofArthur,whowasafigureremotefromtheEnglishbaronage.TheybroughtJohn’sviolenceandcrueltyclosetohome.Afterhisreturnfrom

Ireland,butbeforeMatilda’smurder,JohnissuedalongaccountofhisquarrelwiththeBriouzes.Itisanextraordinarydocument,and

cannotbeentirelyspecious,foritwaswitnessedandthusinasensevouchedforbymanyearlsandbaronswhowerelatertorebel,includingWilliamdeBriouzejunior’sfather-in-law,theearlofClare.215Plainly,Johnfelthehadsomeexplainingtodo,ameasureoftheanxietyandcriticismprovokedbyhisconduct.Yetthedocumentis

asmuchawarningasanexcuse.Onepurposeistodemonstratetheutterruinawaitingthosewhocrosstheking.WilliamdeBriouzehimselfendsupasanoutlaw,andthusliabletobekilledonsight.(IntheeventhediedinexileinFrancein1211.)Matilda,atthelast,isforcedtopromise50,000markssimplyforthelifeandlimbs

ofherselfandherfamily.Whentheking’sministerscometoherinprisontodemandthefirstinstalment,allthatshehasisapathetic£16andafewpiecesofgold.Theimplicationisthatherlifeisnowforfeit.Andhowhadallthiscomeabout?BecauseBriouzefailedtopayhisdebts.Theneedforbaronialdebtors(ofwhom

Clarewasone)topayupwasmadechillinglyclear.216

Whileissuingthiswarning,Johnisatpainstoshowthathehasactedperfectlylawfully.WilliamdeBriouzehasbeenoutlawedaccordingto‘thecustomofEngland’.217

Matilda’sagreementwithJohnhasbeenconfirmedbyearlsandbaronsinattendance.Briouzehasbeen

distrainedtopayhisdebtsaccording‘tothecustomofthekingdomandthelawoftheexchequer’.John’sopponentswerethussetachallenge.Whatwerethestandardsbywhichthekingcouldbejudgedandbroughttoaccount?

8

StandardsofJudgement

Ingeneralterms,John’sgovernmentwasconsideredextortionateandunjust.Butwhatwerethecontemporarystandardsthatinformedandvalidatedthisjudgement?WhenIfirstlecturedonMagnaCarta,Iusedtosaythatitwasbereftofpoliticalideas.Iwasrightinthatithasnolongprologuejustifyingtherestrictionsitwasplacing

ontheking.Yet,inotherrespects,Iwasquitewrong,sinceideasoflaw,justice,judgement,custom,counsel,consentandreasonableconductrunthroughtheCharterliketheshellsinashaftofPurbeckmarble.

THEIDEASINTHECHARTER

Atfirstsight,itwasindividuals,aloneand

defenceless,whobenefitedfromtheCharter.Itsconcessions,afterall,weregrantedtoindividuals,‘toall…freemen’.Yetthesemenwerepartofandprotectedbyawiderentity:thekingdom.1Theword‘kingdom’–‘regnum’–appearstwenty-onetimesintheCharterandisfundamentaltoit.Thekingdomwasaphysical,

geographicalentitythatonecouldenter,exitandtravelwithin.Ifthekingleftit,thechiefjusticiartookoveritsgovernment.Withinittherewastobeonemeasureforcloth,foodanddrink.2Thekingdomwasalsoalivingentitythatpossesseditsownlaw–the‘lexregni’–andcouldgiveitscommonconsenttotaxation.3Things

couldbedoneforitsharmandalsoforits‘reform’and‘utility’.4Thekingdompossesseditsownpeople.ThefreementowhomtheCharterwasgrantedwerenotsoisolatedafterall;theywerethefreemenof‘ourkingdom’,justasthebaronswerethebaronsofthekingdom.5

AttheendoftheCharter,inchapter60,Johndeclaredthathisconcessionsweretobeheld‘inourkingdom’.Thisavoidedsayingthattheyweretobeheld‘by’thekingdombutcameclosetoit.Infact,thatwasveryquicklyhowtheCharterwasregarded.TheDunstableannalistcalleditaCharter‘concerningthelibertiesof

thekingdomofEngland’.6OnthebackoftheLincolnoriginal,itisdescribedinacontemporaryhandasa‘ConcordbetweenKingJohnandtheBarons’achievedby‘theconcessionofthelibertiesofthechurchandthekingdomofEngland’.HenryIIIhimselfin1255wroteof‘MagnaCarta’asbeing‘aboutthelibertiesconceded

tothegenerality[universitas]ofEngland’.7

JohnclaimedthroughouttheCharterthatthekingdomwas‘his’kingdom.Indeedthatseemedinherentintheveryword‘kingdom’.YettheChartertestifiedpowerfullytotheviewthatthekingdomhadbeenharmedbythekingandwasnowextractingthemuchneeded‘reform’–

‘emendatio’–fromhim.SometranslationsoftheCharterseemtocapturethissenseofthekingdomapartfromthekingbyrendering‘regnum’notas‘kingdom’butas‘realm’.8Thisforeshadowstheuniversaltranslationofthe‘communitasregni’,whichrangeditselfagainstJohn’sson,HenryIII,as

‘communityoftherealm’ratherthan‘communityofthekingdom’.‘Realm’hassomecontemporarywarrant.WhentheCoronationCharterofHenryIwastranslatedintoFrenchinJohn’sreign,‘regnum’appearsas‘reaume’,thewordfromwhichtheEnglish‘realm’derives.9‘Reaume’isalsofoundinFrenchtranslations

ofthe1225Charter.10Thereare,however,problems.ThereisnoindicationinJohn’sreignthat‘reaume’–‘realm’–carriedthenuanceswithwhichitisinvestedin‘thecommunityoftherealm’.RatheritseemssynonymouswithanotherFrenchword,‘regne’,theEnglishequivalentofkingdom.Itis‘regne’not‘reaume’that

appearsthroughouttheFrenchtranslationofMagnaCartaprobablymadein1215itself.Apartfromoneappearanceof‘reaume’,‘regne’isalsofoundthroughoutalaterFrenchtranslation.11‘Kingdom’has,therefore,beenpreferredinthetranslationgiveninthisbook.

TheCharter,however,certainlyhadawordthatindicatedapoliticalentity,similartothekingdombutseparatefromtheking.Thewordwas‘land’.‘Land’appearstentimesintheCharter.Inchapter41itisinnocuous.Itspeaksofthetreatmentofmerchants‘inourland’,ratherthankingdom,soastobalance

merchantsfromlandsthatmightbeatwarwiththeking,thepointbeingthatnotallsuchmerchantsnecessarilybelongedtokingdoms.Elsewhere,however,theuseof‘land’intheChartercarriesahighpoliticalcharge.ItcomesinthemostaggressiveclausesintheCharterwherethekingisbeingcoercedandhis

arbitraryconductchallenged.Itisthusthe‘communeofalltheland’,formedbyauniversaloath,thatistoaidthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclauseinkeepingJohntohispromises,notthe‘communeofthekingdom’.Johnistoproceedagainstfreemenonlybylawfuljudgementoftheirpeersor‘thelawoftheland’.Heisto

forgiveallfinesmadeunjustly‘andagainstthelawoftheland’.12Moreoverhisofficials,underchapter42oftheArticlesoftheBarons,aretoknow‘thelawoftheland’andmeantoobserveit.Johnmanagedtoget‘land’herechangedinMagnaCarta(chapter45)to‘kingdom’,butinthecontemporaryFrenchtranslationthisisthe

oneplacewhere‘regnum’doesnotbecome‘regne’.Insteaditappearsas‘land’–‘laterre’.EitherthetranslatorsensedtheintentionoftheArticlesorhewasworkingfromanengrossmentwherethechangehadnotbeenmade.13Thepointinallthesecaseswastoassertthattherewasanentitycoterminouswiththekingdombut

separateandinawayolderthanit.Thereisnoindicationthatthelandistheking’s.Theimplicationisratherthattheland,theelementalland,withitsownlawandpeople,hadbeentherebeforekingsandkingdoms.ItwastothisthateveryonebelongedwhentheyformedthecommunityofthelandtoenforcetheCharteragainsttheking.

TheCharteralsoassertedsomethingelse,somethingsoobviousthatitiseasytoforgetitssignificance.Thekingdom,theland,wasEngland.ThisEnglishnessoftheCharterisanotherofitschiefcharacteristics.TheCharterhasfourteenreferencestoEnglandandthreetothe‘Englishchurch’–‘Anglicanaecclesia’.

Merchantsaretobeallowedtogo‘fromEngland’,‘intoEngland’,‘throughEngland’.Fishweirsaretoberemovedfromtherivers‘throughallEngland’.ThekinsmenofGerardd’Athéearenolongertoholdoffice‘inEngland’.14

Englandalsopossessesitsownlaw,anditsownbarons,‘our…baronsofEngland’asJohnputsit.15Itwasbuta

smallsteptoseetheCharterasbeinggranted,asHenryIIIlaterputit,tothe‘universitasofEngland’.IntheCharter,thechoice

of‘England’,asopposedto‘kingdom’or‘land’,isnotpointedinthesamewayasisthechoicebetween‘kingdom’and‘land’.Wehearof‘thelawofEngland’inchapter56soasto

distinguishitfrom‘thelawofWales’.YettheEnglishnessofthecharterstillreflectedsomethingofgreatimportanceagainstwhichJohnandhisgovernmentweretested.BytheearlythirteenthcenturythereremainedanelitegroupofbaronswhohadlandinbothEnglandandNormandy.16

Theyarefoundbothamong

John’scounsellorsatthestartoftheCharterandamongthetwenty-fivebaronswhoweretoenforceit.TheearlsofPembroke,Warenne,Arundel,ClareandHereford,andWilliamdeMowbrayandRobertdeRos,allfallintothiscategory.Suchmen,before1204,hadtravelledconstantlybackandforthacrosstheChannel,muchlike

theking.TheywerejustaslikelytohavebeenborninNormandyasinEngland.Intermsoftheirnationality,ifandwhentheythoughtaboutit,thiseliteprobablyregardedthemselvesasAnglo-Norman.JohnhimselfhadbeenborninEngland,butwhetherhefeltEnglishisdoubtful.HisbrotherRichard,like-wiseborninEngland,

certainlydidnot.‘YouEnglisharetooscrupulous,’heonceexclaimed,beforethreateningtosendhismercenarycaptain,Mercadier,tosortsomeoneout.17

Bytheearlythirteenthcentury,thisAnglo-Normanbaronialelitewereinatinyminority.Thegreatbulkofthepoliticalcommunityof

baronsandknightswerebornandheldtheirlandsexclusivelyinEngland.Englandwastheir‘land’.ThestrengthoftheEnglishtidecanbeseeninthewaytheHistoryofWilliamMarshaltriedtostresstheEnglishnessofitshero.18WilliamwasborninEngland,buthemadehiscareeronthecontinentandbecameagreatAnglo-

Normanbaron.Hisson,thepatronoftheHistory,wasborninNormandy,andforthatreasonledtheNormancontingentatthebattleofLincolnin1217.YetamajorthemeoftheHistoryishowtheMarshal,asaloyal‘Englishman’–‘unsEngleis’–savedEnglandfromtheFrenchinvasionof1216–17.Whenhebecomesregent

thereisnobetterman‘inEngland’.BeforethebattleofLincolnheexhortsthearmytodefend‘ourland’fromtheFrench.Hisultimatedemiseis‘badforEngland’.TheHistoryalsogloatsatthehundredFrenchmeneatenbydogs,whomtheEnglishhadkilledbetweenWinchesterandRomseyduringthe1215–17civilwar.19Tobesure,

Englishnationalfeeling,asrevealedintheHistory,aworkofthemid-1220s,wasaccentuatedbycivilwarandthepoliticsofHenryIII’sminority.20Suchtensionswerethere,however,before1215.Asfarbackas1189,theappointmentoftheNorman,WilliamLongchamp,asRichard’schancellorhadbeencriticized

onthegroundsthathewasanobscureforeigner.21TheMelrosechronicle’saccusationthatJohnoppressedhissubjectswithforeignsoldiersandgavepatronagetoalienswasmadeinorsoonafter1218,andthusbeforethecrisesofHenry’sminority.22ThecomplaintthatJohnwasgeneroustoforeignersand

trustedmoreinaliensthanhisownpeoplewasmadebythewell-balancedCrowlandchronicler.23OnemaywellbelieveRalphofCoggeshallwhenhesaysthatin1214thenoblesofthekingdomgrumbledwhenthealien,PeterdesRoches,wasappointedoverthemasjusticiar.Underchapter50oftheCharterJohnwasto

removefromofficePeter’scountrymen,theTourangeaurelationsofGerardd’Athée.Asthechaptersaid,heavingwithemotion,‘henceforththeyshallholdnobailiwickinEngland’.InsomeoftheengrossmentsoftheCharter,thereisnodivisionbetweenthischapterandthenext,whichremovedfromthecountryall‘alien’soldiers

whohadcome‘totheharmofthekingdom’.InthemindoftheCharter,Gerard’skinwereequallyalienswhohadharmedthekingdom.ThewholeEnglishnessoftheChartersetastandardbywhichJohnwasfoundwanting.Thekingdom,theland,

England,then,hadpossessionsandcouldsuffer

harm.Ofthepossessions,byfarthemostimportantwerelawandcustom.Morethananythingelseitwasthesethatshouldprotectthepeoplefromharm.The‘lawofthekingdom’,the‘lawoftheland’,and‘thelawofEngland’appearsixtimesintheCharter.Noonewastobeproceededagainstsavebyjudgementoftheirpeersor

thelawoftheland;thoseimprisonedandoutlawedaccordingtothelawofthekingdomwerenottobeallowedbackintothekingdom;officialsweretoknowthelawofthekingdomandmeantoobserveit;finesandamercementsmadeunjustlyandagainstthelawofthelandweretobequashed;disseisinssuffered

bytheWelshinEnglandweretobejudgedby‘thelawofEngland’.24

ThelawofEnglandwasnotalawlaiddowninlegislation.AsGlanvilldeclared,‘thelawsofEnglandarenotwritten’.Rather,theywerethelegalrulesthatgovernedtheconductofjusticeinthecourts.Whenitcametothe

localcourtsofshireandhundred,theserulesweresomanyandvariousthattheycouldnot,Glanvillthought,bewrittendown.Otherrules,however,workedoutbytheking’sjudgesorpromulgatedbythekingincouncil,were‘infrequentandgeneralusethroughoutthekingdom’.ItwasthesethatformedtheprincipalsubjectofGlanvill,

andlayattheheartofthecommonlaw.25

Definedlikethis,therewasnotmuchdistinctionbetweenlawandcustom.IndeedGlanvillwasdescribedasatreatise‘onthelawsandcustomsofthekingdomofEngland’.‘Custom’itselfappearsfivetimesintheCharter,andonthreeoccasionsitisaffirmedas

‘ancient’.Clearlytheantiquityofthecustomwasthoughttogiveitaspecialstrength.Tenants-in-chiefwerethustosucceedonpaymentof‘theancientrelief’,andbetreatedaccordingto‘theancientcustomoffees’.Londonwastohaveits‘ancientlibertiesandfreecustoms’,aswereallothercities,boroughs,vills

andports.Merchantsweretobeallowedtobuyandsell‘accordingtoancientandrightcustoms’.Inaddition,villsandmenwerenottobuildbridgessavewhenobligedtodoso‘fromancienttimesandbylaw’.Thecountiesweretobeheldattheir‘ancientfarms’.Wherelordswerethepatronsofabbeysthrough‘ancient

tenure’,theyweretohavecustodyofthemduringvacancies.26

Undertheshelteroflawandcustom,mencouldexpectaboveall‘justice’.Johnthuspromisednottodeny,delayorselljustice,andtogive‘fulljustice’onseveralissueswhenhereturnedfromorabandonedhisprospectivecrusade.27

Justicewasitselfcloselylinkedto‘judgement’,whichmakestwelveappearancesintheCharter,onsevenoccasionsasjudgementbypeers.28Itwasbysomethingcloselyakintojudgement,‘arbitrium’,thatthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclauseweretodecidewhetherJohnhadputrighthis

transgressionsandbreachesoftheCharter.Therewasanotherkeyidea

thatinformedmuchoftheCharter:theideathatexactionsshouldbe‘reasonable’.Inthecaseofwardships,inchapter4,custodianswereonlytoexact‘reasonableissuesandreasonablecustomsandreasonableservices’.In

chapters12and15,aidsimposedonthekingdomandonunder-tenantsweretobe‘reasonable’.Knights,inchapter29,weretobeallowedtosendsubstitutestoperformcastleguardiftheycouldshow‘areasonablecause’.Althoughtheworditselfwasnotused,whenchapter20laiddownthatamercementsshouldmatch

themeansoftheoffenderandthenatureoftheoffence,itwasineffectcallingforthemtobe‘reasonable’.Ifallthiswasobeyed,whatindividualsaboveallshouldenjoyweretheir‘rights’.AtthestartoftheCharter,thechurchwastohaveits‘rightsinwhole’.Laterchapters(52,53and59)addressedthegrievancesofthose,includingthekingof

Scotland,whomJohnhaddeprivedoftheirrights.Inchapter40Johnpromisedtodenynoone‘rightorjustice’.MagnaCarta,therefore,

wasfullofideasaboutthestandardsthatJohnshouldmeet.Thosestandards,however,didnotapplytotheking’ssubjectsinthesamewayandinthesamemeasure.Atitsbroadest,theking

promisedjusticetoeveryone.Someofhisconcessionsintheareasoflocalgovernmentwouldindeedhavelightenedtheburdensonallhissubjects.Yettherewasafundamentaldifferencebetweenwhatwasavailabletothefreeandtheunfree.Thekingofferedhisjusticetotheformerintheirdisputesoverrightsandproperty,butnotto

thelatter.Therewasalsoafundamentaldifferencewhenitcametotheking’stenants-in-chief.Withthesemen,thekinghadauniquerelationship.Itwasfoundedonthemutualbondbetweenlordandtenant,inwhich,asGlanvillputit,‘thelordowesasmuchtothemanonaccountoflordshipasthemanowestothelordon

accountofhomage,saveonlyreverence’.29TheCharterappliedideasofancientcustomandreasonablepracticetotheingredientsoftherelationship,sotorelief,wardshipsandmarriages.Italsotestified,initschapterontaxation,tothecounselthatwasowedbytenantstotheirlord.TheCharter,therefore,setstandardsforJohnasboth

kingandlord.ItwasbecausehehadfailedasboththatMagnaCartawasnecessary.

THEORIGINSOFTHEIDEAS

ManyofthebasicconceptsinMagnaCartawereveryold,andpartofageneralEuropeaninheritance.IntheBible,whereSaulwasonlyoneexampleofatyrannicalking,judgementandjustice

werefrequentlylinkedtogether:

Beholdthedayscome,saiththeLord,thatIwillraiseuntoDavidajustbranch,andakingshallreignandwillbewise,andshallexecutejudgementandjusticeintheland.

SoranJeremiah23:5.Suchideaswereelaboratedinalongtraditionofthought

stretchingbacktoAugustineandtoGregorytheGreat.Themaxim,‘thekingissonamedfromactingjustly’–‘rexarecteagendovocatur’–oftenquotedinthetwelfthandthirteenthcenturies,camefromIsidoreofSeville(560–636).ToreadJanetNelson’sstudyof‘badkingship’intheearlyMiddleAgesistoenteranideologicalworldvery

similartothatofEnglandintheearlythirteenthcentury.30

ThusthelaterCarolingiankingswereaccused,likeKingJohn,ofbeingarbitrary,wilfulandtyrannical.Theyhaddeprivedmenoftheirproperty‘againstthelaw’andhadaggressivelyandinventivelyextortedtheirwealth;allthisinsteadofactingjustlyandreasonably,

forthe‘utility’oftheirsubjects,bythe‘commoncounsel’oftheir‘faithfulmen’.IntheeleventhcenturyKingConradIIofGermanyprotectedknightsfromarbitrarydisseisinbylayingdownthattheywerenottobedeprivedoftheirlands‘saveaccordingtotheconstitutionofourancestorsandthejudgementoftheirpeers’.31

Theprincipleofjudgementbypeers,whenitappearedinchapter39oftheCharter,was,therefore,centuriesold.Asforthemutual

obligationsinvolvedinlordship,theseweresetoutveryfullyintheearlyeleventhcenturybyFulbertofChartresinalettertothedukeofAquitaine.The‘faithfulman’–‘fidelis’–to

beworthyofwhatheheldfromhislord,hadtodisplayloyaltyinawholeseriesofways,‘andthelordinallthesemattersshouldbehaveinthesamewaytowardshisfidelis’.Bothwouldbeequally‘perfidiousandperjured’iftheyfailedintheirobligations.32Fulbert’sideastoohaddeeproots,beinginfluencedbythe

writingsofIsidoreofSeville,ArchbishopHincmarofRheims(806–82)andCarolingiancapitularies.33

Theideasalsohadalongfuture.Around1200Fulbert’sletterwasinsertedintoamid-twelfth-centuryLombardcompilationknownas‘TheBookofFees’,whichinturnwasincorporated,inthethirteenthcentury,intothe

fundamentalstatementofRomanlawknownasthe‘CorpusIurisCivilis’.34

EnglandhadlongbeenpartofthesewiderEuropeandevelopments.Akeystandardbywhichkingscouldbejudgedwastheoaththeysworeattheircoronations.ThishadappearedforthefirsttimeinWestFrankiain877,andwas

introducedacenturylaterinEnglandforthecoronationofEdgarinc.960or973.35Inessencetheoathboundthekingtoprotectthechurch,maintainthepeaceandgivejustice,anditwaseasytothinkthatJohnhadnotdonethat.Indeed,whenhewasreconciledtothechurchandhisexcommunicationwasliftedin1213,Johnhadto

renewhisoath.36Therewerealsothestandardsthatkingssetthemselvesincharterswhichtheyissuedatthetimeoftheircoronations.IthasbeenplausiblyarguedthattheCoronationCharterofKingCnutispreservedinoneofhislawcodes.Itcoversthemalpracticesoflocalofficials,theratesofheriot(differentfrombutinsomewaysakin

torelief)andtherightof‘widowsandmaidens’nottobeforcedintomarriage.‘ThejourneytowardsRunnymede’hadalreadybegun.37

Thejourneyhadgonealotfurtherbythetimeofthe1100CoronationCharterofHenryI.Henry’sCharterbecameverywellknown,and,aswewillsee,wasparadedbeforeKingJohnin

1214–15.Indeed,soastobemoreaccessibletotheseculararistocracy,aroundthattimeitwastranslatedintoFrench.38ThechartershowedhowoldideasaboutlordshiphadbecomechannelledintothenewtenurialstructurescreatedbytheNormanConquest.TheConquesthadcreatedasocietyinwhichalllandwasheldfromtheking

byhistenants-in-chiefwithattendantrightsandobligations.39ThustheCoronationCharter,afterafirstchapter,likeMagnaCarta,onthechurch,wentontoregulatetherelationshipbetweenthekingandthebarons,earlsandothers‘whoheld’fromhim,thusdealingwiththelevyingofrelief,andthetreatmentofwardships,

marriagesandwidows.InallthisitanticipatedMagnaCarta.Thepoliticalunitgoverned

bythe1100CoronationCharteristhe‘regnum’–‘thekingdom’–justasitisinMagnaCarta.ThewordappearssixtimesinwhatisashortCharterofonlyfourteenclauses.Sometimesitistheking’skingdom,‘my

kingdom’,buttwiceitis‘thekingdomofEngland’,inasenseseparatefromtheking.Itisthus‘thekingdomofEngland’thathasbeenoppressedbytheunjustexactionsofHenryI’spredecessor,WilliamRufus.The1100Charterwasequallyclearaboutthestandardsthatshouldobtaininthekingdom.Itmakesthreereferencesto

‘right’–‘rectum’–andsevento‘justice’–‘justicia’.Things‘unjust’anddone‘unjustly’inthepastweretobe‘just’anddone‘justly’inthefuture.TheCoronationCharterdoesnotreferto‘judgement’,unlikeMagnaCarta,but‘judgementbypeers’wasaswellknowninEnglandasitwasinGermany.Itappearedbothin

HenryI’streatywiththecountofFlandersin1101andinalegalworkfromhisreign,knownas‘TheLawsofHenryI’.Thelatteraddedthatthepeersweretobefrom‘thesameprovince’asthepersonjudged,thusanticipatingMagnaCarta’sdemandthatamercementsshouldbeimposedby‘uprightmenofthe

neighbourhood’.40TheCoronationChartermakesnoreferenceto‘reasonable’exactions,buttheideaunderlaythestipulationthatpenaltiesshouldbe‘accordingtothenatureoftheoffence’.Moststrikingofallwastheemphasisinthe1100Charteronthekingrulingwithcounsel.Henrythuspromisedtogiveheiressesin

marriageandretainforestsinhishandswith‘thecounsel’or‘commoncounsel’ofhisbarons.Indeed,hehadcometothethrone,‘bythecommoncounselofthebaronsofallthekingdomofEngland’.Therewas,therefore,noconceptualstepinvolvedwhenMagnaCartademandedthattaxationshouldonlybelevied‘bythe

commoncounselofthekingdom’.41Indeed,hadnotJohn’sresistancebeenstronger,theChartermightwellhavedemandedsuchcounselacrossabroaderrangeofissues.Inthefinalpromiseofhis

CoronationCharter,HenryIsaidthathewouldmaintainthelawsofEdwardtheConfessoralongwiththe

changesmadebyWilliamtheConqueror‘bythecounselofhisbarons’.Infact,therewerenowrittenlawsofEdward,andthepromise,ifithadanyreality,meantsimplythatHenrywouldmaintainthelawsandcustomswhichwerethoughttohaveoperatedinEdward’stime.Aroundthemiddleofthetwelfthcentury,however,

someonedecidedtomakeupforthislack,andproducedaworkofthirty-fivechaptersentitledtheLegesEdwardiConfessoris(TheLawsofEdwardtheConfessor).Thiswasquicklyacceptedastherealthing,andtheworkbecamepopular.AlongsidetheCoronationCharterofHenryI,itwasflourishedinJohn’sfaceandbecame

thereforeanotherstandardbywhichhiskingshipwasjudged.Theimportanceofthe

LegesEdwardiwasnotinthepreciseandsometimesarchaicproceduresthattheydescribedformaintainingtheking’speace.Rather,itlayinreinforcingthepicture,howeverapocryphalinthecaseofWilliamthe

Conqueror,ofakingrulingwiththecounselandconsentofhispeople,andindeedacceptingthelawastheydefinedit.ThusatthestartoftheLegesEdwardiwehearhowKingWilliam‘bythecounselofhisbarons’summoned‘fromallthecountiesofthecountryEnglishnobles’sothathecouldlearntheircustoms.

Thesehefinallyaccepted‘bythecounselandattherequestofthebarons’.Williamseemsheretobetakingtheadviceofabaronialassembly,butactuallytheLegesEdwardialsoshowedsomethingelseofrelevanceto1215,namelythatthepoliticalcommunity,bywhichthekingshouldbeguided,wasnotsimplyabaronialone.Having

describedtheconveningoftheEnglishnoblesontheadviceofhisbarons,theLegesEdwardisetoutasecondstageintheprocedure.Twelvemenweretobe‘chosenfromeachcountyoftheentirecountry,todeclareonoaththeirlawsandcustoms’.42Theparallelisobviouswithchapter48ofMagnaCarta,inwhichtwelve

swornknightsaretobeelectedineachcountytoinvestigateandabolish‘allevilcustoms’.Thereisalsoalinkherewiththe1100Charter,forthattaughtthesamelessonaboutthebreadthofthepoliticalcommunity.Henrythusmadedirectconcessionstothe‘knights’whenitcametothepaymentofthegeld,andtwiceinsisted

thatthebaronspassonwhattheyweregettingfromhimtotheirownmen.43

KINGARTHURANDHISKNIGHTS

Inthesecondhalfofthetwelfthcenturytheseideasaboutgoodkingshipweretobesupported,invigoratedandelaboratedbymomentousdevelopmentsinEuropean

literatureandlearning.Around1140GeoffreyofMonmouthpublishedhisHistoryoftheKingsofBritain.TheworkvirtuallyinventedKingArthurandwasaphenomenalsuccess.ItwastranslatedbythepoetWacefromtheoriginalLatinintoFrenchverse,andthusmademoreaccessibletothesecularnobility.Itinspired

theromancesofChrétiendeTroyes.ItsimpactatthehighestlevelisshownbythewayJohn’snephewwasnamedArthur.InEngland,knowledgeofArthuralsoreacheddowntothelevelofknightlysociety.OneofthemostremarkableworksproducedinJohn’sreign,orsoonafter,isatranslationofWaceintoEnglishbythepoet

Lawman.OnemanuscriptsaysthatLawmanlivedatAreleyinWorcestershire‘withthegoodknight’,whichgivesthebestindicationoftheaudienceforwhichtheworkwasproduced.44ThetroublewithArthur

wasthathesetimpossiblestandardsforkings.45HeconquersmuchofEuropeandperformsmanyindividual

deedsofderring-do.Heisopenhandedingiftsofland,goldandsilvertohisknights.Heisalso,especiallyinLawman,aconsensualrulerwitharealconcernforlaw,justiceandthewelfareofhispeople.FarmorethaninGeoffreyofMonmouthorinWace,Lawman’sArthurreachesouttothemenoftheshires,summoningtohis

greatassemblyatCaerleonearls,bishops,knightsand‘allthefreemenwhowereinthelandatall’.Indeed,inprotecting‘God’speople’,Arthurorders‘alltheknightstogivejustdecisions’,althoughbeingveryclearthatthetillersofthesoilmuststicktotheirwork!Arthurisalsodistinguishedforhishumanity:heblushesredand

whitewithemotionwhenhearingofthedeathofhisfather.Andthoughafiercepunisheroftraitorsandcriminals,heisalsomerciful,summoningbackthose,‘whethergreatormean’,whohaveforfeitedtheirlands,sothattheycan‘havetheirownagain’.46

HowcouldJohn,ofallpeople,measureuptothis

standard?Ofcourse,everyoneknewthatthechivalricidealwasanimpossibledream.Therewasno‘worldoflimitlesskinglywealth’,wheretreasuriesemptiedbygivingcouldquicklybereplenishedbytherichesfromfurtherconquests,sothatgenerosityandbraverychimedtogether.47TheHistoryofWilliamMarshal

wrestledwiththeprobleminthecaseofHenrythe‘YoungKing’,theeldestsonofHenryII.InimitationofCapetianpractice,theYoungKinghadbeencrownedkingin1170duringhisfather’slifetime,butthishardlymoderatedhisirresponsibility.Hisopen-handedgenerosityleftbehindatrailofdebtsthatthemore

prudentWilliamMarshal,ashisleadingknight,hadtosettle.YetintheendtheYoungKingstillseemedtoepitomizeallthevirtuesof‘chivalry’.Recordinghisdeath(in1183),theHistorylamentedtheendofthe‘courtesy,prowess,debonaireté,andlargesse’thathaddweltinhisheart.48

Johndidtry.Hecouldbe

courteous.Hecouldgive.Buttherewasalwayssomethingfalseandcalculatingaboutit.AndnoonecouldsayJohnhadmuch‘debonaireté’abouthim,thatcalm,charmandgoodcheerwhichwastheoppositeofanger.49

WhatmadethisworsewastheexampleofKingRichard.Hehadbeeneverythingakingshouldbewhenitcame

toprowess.Johncertainlycouldactinwarwithbothdashanddetermination.HeshowedtheformeratMirebeauin1202,thelatterduringthelongsiegeofRochesterin1215.Buthewasnevercreditedwithfeatsofpersonalgallantry.Todescribehimas‘softsword’afterthePeaceofLeGouletin1200wasunfair,forthere

wasmuchtobesaidforthesettlement,butthedescriptionhadanelementoftruth.50Inboth1203,facedwiththelossofNormandy,andin1216,facedwithPrinceLouis’sinvasion,heseemstohavelosthisnerve.Richard,whenhewanted,couldalsobetheepitomeofcourtesyanddebonaireté.WhenthegarrisonofNottingham

surrenderedtohimin1194,itfearedpunishmentinlifeorlimb.InsteadRichard,‘compassionate,gentleandfullofmercy’,setafairransomontheirheads.TheMarshalHistorycommented:

themoreaworthyman[prusdom]hastheadvantage,themoreheshouldshowhisworthbydesisting

fromdoingharmandfromactsofcruelty.

ThatwasRichard.Ontheotherhand:

…whenabadmanhastheadvantage,crueltyandoutragearetheconsequences.

ThatobviouslywasJohn.Hewasa‘malveishome’(badman),nota‘prusdom’(worthyman).51

Therewashereawidercontext.ThegarrisonatNottinghamfearedfortheirlives.Everyoneacceptedthatthepenaltyforbreakingfaithwithone’slordcouldbecorporal,thelossoflifeorlimb.Yet,whateverthetheory,nobleswererarelykilledinbattleor,ifcaptured,executedfortreason.Warfareandpoliticsfromthecorporal

pointofviewwerefail-safe.Armourpreventednoblesbeingkilledinthenormalcourseoffighting.Whenunabletofighton,theconventionwastooffertosurrender,andsurrenderswerenearlyalwaysaccepted.Onereasonforthatwastheprospectofransom;acapturedlordwasworthlessdead,butworthagreatdeal

alive.Anotherreasonwasthatnoblessimplywerenotkilledforpoliticalcrimes.Theywereimprisonedordisinherited,althoughoftenonlytemporarily.Buttheywereveryrarelyexecuted.Herethereasonswerepartlychivalric–the‘courtesy’duetoaconqueredopponent–andpartlypragmatic,growingfromtheconditions

oftheAnglo-Normanrealm.52

TherewaslittlepointexecutingagreatnobleinEnglandwhenthatmightstiruprevoltamonghiskininNormandyorelsewhereonthecontinent.HenryI,aftercapturinghiselderbrotherRobertin1106,kepthimthereafterincomfortableconfinement.TheDialogusdeScaccarionotedwith

admirationhowfewofthosewhorebelledagainstHenryIIin1173–4sufferedlossofpossessions,andnonelosttheirrankorlife.Itwasmuchthesamein1194.53John’scrueltytoprisoners,andhismurdersofArthurandMatildaandWilliamdeBriouzejunior,thusseemedcompletelyoutsidetheconventionsoftheage.

ACADEMICTHOUGHT:THE‘IUSCOMMUNE’ANDTHESTUDYOFTHEBIBLE

Alongsidetheflourishingofchivalricliterature,therewerethemomentousdevelopmentsinacademiclearning.AttheircentrewasthesystematicstudyofcanonandRomanlaw:theblendofthetwowascalledthe‘iuscommune’.Thefoundationforstudyof

thecanonlawwasGratian’sDecretum,orConcordanceofDiscordantCanons,whichwaspublishedinBolognaaround1140.ThefoundationsofRomanlawwerethegreatlegalcollectionsoftheEmperorJustininian,hisDigest,CodeandInstitutes.Inpursuitofthenewlearning,manyEnglishmenwentabroadtotheemerging

universitiesofBolognaandParis.Thenewlearningcouldalso,bytheendofthecentury,befoundatschoolsinEngland,atOxford,Lincoln,Northamptonandelsewhere.OneofthemostpopularworksofRomanlaw,acheapsummaryoftheDigestandCodeforpoorstudents,henceitstitle,TheBookofPoorMen(Liber

Pauperum),waswrittenbyVacarius,whohadcomefromBolognatoteachinEnglandinthe1140s.54Virtuallyallthemantrasaboutlawandcustom,justiceandjudgement,counselandconsent,reasonandrationality,couldbesupportedfromtextsinbothcanonandRomanlaw.

Withinthiscontextoneworkwasparticularlyinfluential,thePolicraticus,writtenbyJohnofSalisbury,whowasafriendandcounsellorofThomasBecketandwhofinishedhiscareerasbishopofChartres.Johnportrayedthestateasanorganism,indeedasahumanbody,governedbyreason.Theprincewasarulerwho

upheldthelawsandlibertyofthepeople.Thetyrantwasarulerwhotrampledonthelawandoppressedthepeople.55

Noneoftheseideaswerenew,butthePolicraticusgavethemwidepublicity.TheirinfluencecanbeseenintheallegationoftheWaverleyabbeychroniclethatunderJohn‘insteadoflawtherewastyrannical

will’.TheaccusationoftyrannyandlawlessnessisequallyfoundinthechroniclesofCrowland,MargamandMelrose.56

Inthehierarchyofacademiclife,attheverysummitstoodthestudyoftheology,whichmeantaboveallthestudyoftheBible.CentraltothisworkwasthecircleofthegreatParis

theologianPetertheChanter,ofwhichJohn’sarchbishopofCanterbury,StephenLangton,waspart.Langton’sownviewsarerevealedinhissermons,andhiscommentariesontheBible.57

Likethoseofthecircleingeneral,theyfrequentlytouchedondaytodayquestionsofsocialandpoliticallife.When,therefore,

Langton’sdiocesanstatutesin1213–14prohibitedthereceivingofbribesforthedeferraloraccelerationofjustice,hewasdoingmorethanmerelyreiteratingwhatwasfoundinearlierecclesiasticallegislation.HewouldhavehadinmindthediscussioninPeter’scircle,whichcondemnedthetakingofbribesbutacknowledged

thatjudgesneededtobeproperlypaid,thekindofsensiblebalancetypicaloftheschool,andofLangtonhimself.58

WewillquestionlaterwhetherLangtonplayedadirectpartintheevolutionoftheoppositionprogrammein1214–15,buthecertainlybelievedintheCharter,and,onceitwaspromulgated,did

allhecouldtosupportit.Langtonbelievedinroyalpower.Itwasnecessarytoprotectthechurchandgivepeacetothepeople.59Inorigin,however,royalpowerwasnotdivinelyordained.Unlessexercisedwithinprescribedlimitsitcouldbeoppressive.God,LangtonnotedinhiscommentariesonDeuteronomy,hadwarned

thepeopleofIsraelagainsthavingaking.‘Tyrannicalexactions’layinstoreiftheyinsisted.Langtonalsostigmatized‘modernkings,whocollecttreasurenotinorderthattheymaysustainnecessity,buttosatiatetheircupidity’.Demandsthatwent‘beyondnecessity’were‘evil’.60Langtonhadgiventhoughtabouthowtokeep

kingsincheck.Inhiscommentaries,againonDeuteronomy,hecommendedtheinjunctionthatkingsshouldsecureanexemplarofthelawfromthepriestsandreaditassiduously.61Anothergloss,fromacommentatorinLangton’scircle,explainedthattheprophetSamuel:

announcedthelawofthekingdom,thatisto

saywhat[theking]oughttoexactfromhispeople,andwhatthelatteroughttogivehim,andhelaiddownthischarter[ipsamscripturam]beforethelord,thatistosayinaholyplace,inorderthatifthekingcametodemandmorefromhissubjects,hewouldbecondemnedbythischarter.62

TheparallelswithMagnaCartaseemveryclear.

ENGLAND:THELESSONSTOBELEARNTFROMROYAL

GOVERNMENT

Ideasaboutgoodruledidnotmerelycomefromchivalricliteratureandacademicthought.InEnglandtheywerealsoinculcatedbythekinghimself.HenryIIandhis

sonsproclaimedtheirconcernforthewelfareofthekingdom.Theysaidtheyhadactedwithcounselandconsent.Theydemandedthattheirsubjects,intheirdisputeswithoneanother,shouldactjustlyandwithjudgement.Theyinsisted,inallkindsofcontexts,thatthingsshouldaccordwith‘reason’and‘thecustomof

thekingdom’.Attheverystartofhisreign,JohnabolishedthefeesthatRichard’schanceryhaddemanded‘morebywillratherthanbyreason’.63BothGlanvillandthe

DialogusdeScaccariomakemanystatementsaboutlawandcustomthatanticipatechaptersinMagnaCarta.Thisistrueofthe£5relieffora

knight’sfee;64theforbiddingofreliefwhenlandhadbeeninwardship;65thestipulationthatlandinwardshipshouldbereturned‘stocked’;66theprotectionofferedtowidowsoverobtainingtheirdowersandshareoftheirhusband’schattels;67theregulationsondistraintandsureties;68theinjunctionthataidsshouldbe‘reasonable’;69andtheideas

aboutamercementsmatchingtheoffence(‘delictum’),andnotdestroyingthetransgressor’s‘contenementum’.70AproclamationbyKingRichardin1190,meanwhile,foreshadowedtheCharter’sprovisionaboutJewishdebtsnotgatheringinterestduringminorities.AconcessionbyJohnforeshadowedits

limitationofthekingtotheprincipalsumwhenJewishdebtscameintohishands.71

Thetheoryandsometimesthepracticeofsummoningnationalassembliesbefore1215laidthefoundationsfortheCharter’schapteronthesubject.72ManygovernmentmeasuresandpronouncementsenvisagedakingdomofEnglandwithits

ownpeopleandlaws,whosesafetyand‘commonutility’neededtobeconsidered.73

Inallthis,onepowerfulinstructorwastheassizeofnoveldisseisin,whichdevelopedintheyearsafter1166.Thekeyquestionforthejurywaswhetherthecomplainanthadbeendisseisedofproperty‘unjustlyandwithout

judgement’.Largenumbersofknightsandfreetenantswereusingtheassize.Theyalsostaffedthejuriesdecidingthecases.Theideathatthekinghimselfshouldactuptotheprinciplesoftheassizeanddisseizenoonewithoutjudgementwasinescapable.Essentially,whathappenedin1215wasthatthekingdomturnedaround

andtoldthekingtoobeyhisownrules.

IMPACT

Thereisplentyofevidencethattheideasjustdiscussedinfluencedattitudesandactions.WhilethesubstanceofthelawsetoutbyGlanvillwasindigenous,thewayitwascategorizedanddescribedwasinfluencedby

Romanexamples,forexampleinthedivisionbetweencriminalandcivilpleasandthediscussionofthedifferenttypesofdower.74TheauthoroftheDialogus,RichardfitzNigel,eventuallybishopofLondon,scoffedattheschoolmenwhomadetheirlearningallthemoreexclusivebywrappingitupincomplexandobscure

language.He,bycontrast,wouldwritenotabout‘subtilia’but‘utilia’.YetfitzNigelframedtheDialogusintheformofauniversitydebatebetweenamasterandapupil,andmadesixty-tworeferencestotheBible,andthirty-seventoclassicalandpatristictexts,includingseveraltoRomanlaw.75

Theimpactofthe‘iuscommune’,andmoredirectlythecanon-lawelementwithinit,wasresoundinglyclearinchapter1ofMagnaCarta.ThechaptersetthechurchfreeandproclaimedthepapalconfirmationofJohn’scharterofNovember1214promisingfreedomofelections,freedomthatisforthechurchitselftoelectits

bishopsandabbots.The1100CoronationCharterhadequallypromisedfreedomtothechurch,buthadsaidnothingaboutelections.Thatwasameasureofhowfarthechurch’spoweranditslawhadadvancedintheinterveninghundredyears.MagnaCartaalsoreflectedcanonlawinotherways.Thus,inchapter22,clerks

weretobeamercedaccordingtothevaluenotoftheirecclesiasticalbeneficesbutoftheirlayproperty,whichrecognizedthecanon-lawprinciplethatclericsdidnotholdbeneficesaspersonalpossessions.Likewise,inchapter27,thegoodsofthosewhodiedintestateweretobedistributed‘underthesupervision’ofthechurch,

whichrecognizedthegrowingclaimsofthechurchintestamentarymatters.HereMagnaCartawasadvancingbeyondboththe1100CharterandtheUnknownCharter,whichsaidnothingaboutthechurch’ssupervision.Thelaw,asitwasbeingdefinedbythechurch,alsoimpactedverymuchtoJohn’sbenefitwhenitwasdecidedin

chapters52,53and57thatheshouldenjoythe‘crusader’srespite’.Hecould,therefore,delaydealingwiththeabusesofhisfatherandbrotheruntiltheendofhisprospectivecrusade.Asfortheotherchaptersof

theCharter,ProfessorHelmholzhasworkedthroughnofewerthantwenty-threeofthem,

demonstratingparallelswiththeiuscommune.76Sometimesthisisacaseoftheiuscommuneconfirminglongstandingprinciples.MagnaCartapreventedwidowsbeingforcedintore-marriage.SodidtheputativeCoronationCharterofKingCnut.Buttheideawasreinforcedbythestressplacedonfreeconsentby

bothGratianandPopeAlexanderIII(1159–81).IfLangton’sdiocescanstatutesstrengthenedtheviewthatthereshouldbeachapterforbiddingthesaleanddeferralofjusticeinMagnaCarta,thatjusticeshouldnotbesoldwasacknowledgedintheDialogus.Thatitshouldbeexpeditiouswasacentralaimofthecommonlaw.

Indeed,RanulfdeGlanvillhimself,asHenryII’schiefjusticiar,boastedthatjusticeinroyalcourtswasfarquickerthaninthoseofthechurch.77Inothercases,theiuscommuneseemstohaveinfluencedtheEnglishlawsetoutinGlanvill,whichthenfounditswayintoMagnaCarta.Anexampleistheprotectionofferedtosureties

foundinchapter9oftheCharter.78Inafewcases,theiuscommunearguablyhelpedthedraftersofMagnaCartaactuallyextendEnglishlawandpractice.Glanvillaverredthatamercementsshouldnotdamagethevictim’smeansoflivelihood,his‘contenementum’,whichwaspreciselyhowMagnaCartaputitinchapter20when

dealingwithfreemen.79ButneitherGlanvillnoranyothersourcebefore1215extended,asMagnaCartadoes,theprincipletoprotectingavillein’s‘wainagium’,thatishismeansofcultivation,sohiscropsundercultivation,seedcorn,ploughsandploughteams.Isthere,however,alinkherewithachapterinJustinian’sCodex?

There,slaveswhodoploughing,ploughsandploughoxenareallprotectedfromseizurefordebt,ifthatwoulddelaythepaymentoftaxes.80IntheCodex,thepointistoprotectagriculturallabourerssothattheirlordscanpaytaxestothestate.InMagnaCarta,itistoprotectthem,andthustheirlords,fromamercementsimposed

bythestate.Buttheonestipulationmayhavehelpedshapetheother.81

InthedecadesbeforeMagnaCarta,manyoftheideasbehinditcanbeseeninaction.TheturmoilthatfollowedKingRichard’sabsencenaturallyenhancedtheneedforcounselandconsent.Thenewformofgovernmentin1191was

agreedbybishops,earls,baronsandindeedthecitizensofLondon.ThegigantictaxforRichard’sransom,paidbyeveryoneinthekingdom,waslikewiselevied‘bycommonassent’,althoughbeingforransomingtheking’sbody,suchconsentwasnotstrictlynecessary.AsMaddicottobserves,theprinciplethatnationaltaxationneeded

generalconsent,establishedbythegrantofthecrusadingtax(‘theSaladintithe’)of1188,wasthusconfirmed.82

Protectionwasalsosoughtagainstarbitrarydispossession.Inthepeacetreatyof1191layandecclesiasticalmagnates,knightsandfreetenantsweretobedeprivedoftheirlandsandchattelsonly‘by

judgementofthecourtofthekingaccordingtolegitimatecustomsandassizes’.Theywerenottobedisseisedsimplyby‘will’oftheking’sministers.83Aroundthesametime,RogerBigodwasofferinghisfinenottolosehisinheritance‘savebyajudgementofthecourtofthekingmadebyhispeers’.Bigod’sfineisjustoneof

manywherepeopleoffermoneyforconcessionsthattheywouldlatergetfreeofchargeinMagnaCarta.Suchfinesshowthepoliticalmindoftheking’ssubjects.Theywereveryawareofthestandardstheywishedtoregulatetheirrelationswiththeking.Theywerealsoawarethat,formoney,theycouldhavethemapplied.

Whatwasobtainedindividuallybefore1215,andformoney,wasobtainedgenerallyandbythepressureofrebellioninMagnaCarta.Thepiperollsandfinerollsarethusfullofoffersofmoneyforjusticeandjudgement,‘reasonable’sharesofinheritances,‘reasonable’dowersandfreedomforwidowstomarry

orstaysingle.Onebarondefineda‘reasonable’reliefasoneof£100,justasintheCharter,althoughsincehehadtopay100marksinordertosecureit,whatheendedupwithwashardly‘reasonable’.84

Equallytellingaretheconcessionsobtainedbycommunities.Themenofvariouscountiesgavelarge

sumsofmoneytoremovetheroyalforest,getridofincrementsandhavesheriffswhowerelocalmen.85

Numeroustownssecuredchartersthatconcededthemlibertiesandconfirmedancientcustoms,orcustomstheylikedtothinkwereancient.Johnhimselfgrantedatleastseventycharterstooverfiftytowns.Thesewere

theurbanlibertiesandfreecustomsthatMagnaCartaconfirmedinchapter13.ThetownchartersanticipatedMagnaCartainhavingamercementsassessedbylocalmen,andgivingfreedomoftrade‘throughallEngland’.Theyconcededthatofficialscouldbeelectedby‘thecommoncounsel’ofthetown,andlaiddownthatsuch

officialsshouldmonitortheprovost(alsoelected)andensurethathetreatedrichandpooralikerightlyandjustly.KingRichard’schartertoLondonabolishedthefishweirsontheMedwayandtheThames,justasdidchapter33oftheCharter.86

Therealsostrikingexamplesofunder-tenantsanticipatingthedemandsof

MagnaCarta.ThetenantsofRobertdeMortimerwerecleartheyowedaidsonlyonthethreeoccasionsthattheCharterwastospecify.87

PeterdeBrus’sknightsandfreetenantsinhiswapentakeofLangbarghinnorthYorkshiresecuredconcessionsthatforeshadowedtheCharter’sregulationsaboutboth

bringingmentotrialandpenaltiesmatchingtheoffence.Indeed,thewordforoffence–‘delictum’–isthesameasintheCharter.Brus’sconcessionswereembodiedinacharteranddescribedas‘liberties’tobeheld‘inperpetuity’.88Hereonecanseeunder-tenantsdevelopinganagendaofdemandsboth

againstthekingandagainsttheirlords.Thewayideaswere

movingagainsttheAngevinkingsisseeninaseriesofearlythirteenth-centuryadditionsmadetoaLondonlegalcollectioncontainingcopiesoftheLegesEdwardiConfessorisandrelatedtexts.‘Rightandjusticeoughttoreigninthekingdomrather

thanperversewill;lawisalwayswhatdoesright;forwillandforceandviolencearenotright’,ranonesuchpassage.89Anotherinterpolationinthesamecollectionshowedhowthesameprinciplesmightapplyatthelocallevel.Thusinthehundredcourtnothingwastobetaken‘savebylawandreason,bythelawoftheland

andjustice,andbyjudgementofthecourt,withoutdeceit’.90

TherewasacloseconnectionbetweenLondonandtherebels.Oneofthebaronialleaders,RobertfitzWalter,waslordofBaynard’scastleinthecity.Theseideas,therefore,werealmostcertainlycirculatinginbaronialcircles.91Therewasnothingoriginalaboutthem.

TheycouldhavebeenwrittenundertheCarolingians.WhatisstrikingisthatsomeoneinLondon,intheearlythirteenthcentury,thoughtsuchassertionsweresufficientlyimportantandtimelytodeserveinterpolationintoalegalcollection.Hehadaverygoodreason,forwhiletheLegesEdwardi,intheir

originalform,showedthatthekingshouldacceptthelawasrevealedbyhispeople,theysaidnothingabouttheconflictbetweenlawandwill.ItwaswithasharpappreciationofhowJohnactuallyoperatedthattheinterpolatordealtwiththatissue,givingtheLegesanditsassociatedtextsteethandbringingthemuptodate.

ThatisameasureofwhatJohnwasupagainst.

JOHN’SDEFENCE

By1215,therefore,thebasicideasofhowthekingshouldrule,asfoundintheCharter,werethereverseofnovelties.TheywerepartoftheveryfabricofEnglishsociety.Johninthe1200swasjudgedbyfarmoreexactand

exactingstandardsthanHenryIhadbeenahundredyearsbefore.Oldideasaboutgoodandbadkingshiphadbeenstrengthenedbytheliteratureandlearningofthetwelfthcenturyandbythepreceptsandproceduresofroyalgovernment.Thesestandardschallengedoldabuses,likepunitivefines,arbitrarydisseisinsandthe

takingofhostages,whichJohnwasnowpractisingonanewscale.Theychallengedfinancialexactionswhich,afterthelossofNormandy,werebeingcarriedtoaltogetherunprecedentedheights.John’srulewasbecomingverydifferentfromthatofhisfatherandbrother.Whathedesperatelyneededwastoprovideitwithan

ideologicalrationale,whichcouldjustifywhatwasineffectanewmonarchy.OnereasonforMagnaCartawashisfailuretodoso.NeitherJohnnorhis

predecessorseverreallytackledacentralcriticismoftheirrule,namelythewaythattheiractsofwillseemedcontrarytolaw.Whenthe1191agreementsaidthatmen

mustbedeprivedoflandbyjudgementandnotbywill,itthen,indeferencetotheabsentRichard,addedthattheycouldalsobedisseised‘bytheorderoftheking’.Thisadmittedtheking’sreserveofpower,butdidnothingtojustifyit.Itstoodtherebrazen,undefendedandindeedunderminedbytheimmediatelyprecedingappeal

tojudgement.Therewereweaponstohand,bothintheBibleandinRomanlaw,fromwhichanewtheoryofmonarchymighthavebeenconstructed.Yettheagentsofroyalgovernmentdidnomorethanpullthemfromtheirscabbardsonlytohastilyresheathethem.Glanvillitselfquotedthefamousmaximfoundatthestartof

Justinian’sInstitutes,‘thewilloftheprincehastheforceoflaw’.Butinsteadofelaboratingandgloryingintheprinciple,GlanvillhurriedontosaythatthelawsofEnglandwerethosethings‘settledincouncilontheadviceofthemagnatesandwiththesupportingauthorityoftheprince’.Johnhimselfcouldinvokethe‘common

utilityofourkingdom’,buthenever,likeEdwardI,observedthat‘forthecommonutilitybyhisprerogative,thekingisinmanycasesabovethelawsandcustomsusedinhiskingdom’.92Johncouldalsospeakofhis‘necessity’,butunlikeHenryIII’squeen,heneverdeclaredthat‘allthings

belongtotheprinceincasesofurgentnecessity’.93

Inallthis,Johngotlittlehelpfromhisprofessionaljudges.Someofthemmightwellbevenal.RalphofCoggeshallgivesavividpictureofthejudgeOsbertfitzHerveyinHell,beingforcedtoswallowandthenregurgitateburningcoins.Yettheseweremensteepedinthe

principlesandpracticesfoundinGlanvill.TheywouldallhaveascribedtothedeclarationmadebythejusticesvisitingLincolnshirein1218:‘weareboundtogivejusticetoall,richandpooralike,withoutexceptionofpersons’.AnotherofJohn’sjudges,theknight,andlaterrebel,JohnofGuestling,wasatenantofthe

archbishopofCanterbury,andbecameclose,havingleftJohn’sservice,toArchbishopLangton.Inacharterthatheissuedtolocalmenaboutthemutualexploitationofmarshland,helimitedtheamercementswhichcouldbeimposedbyhiscourttotwoshillings,verymuchinthespiritofMagnaCarta.94Iftherewasgoingtobeatract

justifying,indeedcelebrating,absolutism,itwouldsurelybetheDialogus,writtenbytheking’sowntreasurer.Butnotabitofit,oratleastnotmuchofit.TheDialoguscertainlygotofftoagoodstart.WithasmatteringofquotationsfromtheGospels,itdeclaredthat:

withallduereverence,wemustsubjectourselvesandgive

obediencetothepowersordainedbyGod,forallpowercomesfromGod.Thereforeitispropertoservekingswhosurpassallothers…Itisnotfortheking’ssubjectstoquestionorcondemnhisactions.Forprinces,whoseheartsandconsciencesareinGod’shand,andtowhosesolecareGodhimselfhasentrustedhissubjects,standorfallby

divine,nothuman,judgement.95

Afterthisringingpassage,however,theDialogusthencontinuedinamorecautionaryvein.‘Letnooneflatterthemselvestheycanmisbehavewithimpunity.’God,herequotingtheBookofWisdom,would‘punishthepowerfulwithpowerfultorments’.Andofcourse,the

LastJudgementportals,likethatshowntoKingJohnatFontevraultbyBishopHugh,oftenfeaturedkingsamongthosebeingdraggeddownbygruesomedevilsintothejawsofHell.TheDialogusmightpreachnon-resistance,butitdidnotjustifyarbitraryrule.Historiansoftenscoffatcontemporaryreferencestothelawoftheexchequer,

suggestingitwasmoreorlessthesameasthewilloftheking.InJohn’sexchequer,underPeterdesRochesandWilliamBrewer,itmaywellhavebeen.YetitisquiteclearthattheDialogusdidnotlookatitinthatway.Whileacknowledgingthattheking’swealthmightcomeby‘hisarbitrarywill’–‘voluntatisarbitrio’–aswell

asbylaw,ithardlyseemedcomfortablewiththefact.Theproceduresor‘laws’oftheexchequer,itexplained,werefortheking’s‘utility’,but‘savingequity’.Theywouldensurethatthekinggothisduesandeveryonetheir‘right’.Nooneshouldbeoffendedbytheproceduresoftheexchequer,provided‘theydonotstray

fromthepathofwhatisestablishedbylaw’.TheDialogusalsoaverredthatthekingoughtnottorevokehisgiftsandpardons,aprinciplewhichconstitutedavitalbarrieragainsttyrannysinceitmeantthatthelandsandrightsgrantedbyroyalcharterweresafe.Thekingcouldnotjustregrethis

concessionsandoverturnthem.96

TheproblemforthekingwaspartlythatthebiblicalandRomanlawtextsdidnotgiveanyconsistentmessage.TheBiblemightshowthekingasthelord’sannointed,butitalsogaveplentyofexamplesofkingswhohadgonetothebad,andindeed(asinthecaseofSaul)had

beenremoved.Romanlawassertedboththattherulerwasabovethelaw,andthathewasboundbyit.Itstressedboththeprince’sroleinmakinglawandalsothepeople’s.ThetendencyoflegalteachinginEngland,asrevealedinVacarius’sLiberPauperumandrelatedtexts,wastoplaydowntheabsolutistelementsinRoman

law.Thusaglossonthemaximthatoneshouldnotdisputetheruler’sactsread‘Thisisnottruewhentheprincedoesanythingbyhimselfwithoutthesuggestionofanyone,forinthatcaseitispermissibletodisputehisact.’‘Thevigourofthelawcomesfromcustomandthewillofthepeople’,rananothergloss.97

RhetoricunderJohnandhispredecessorscertainlyemphasizedtheking’selevatedstatus.Glanvillwroteof‘yourhighness’,theDialogusof‘yourexcellency’.98Actionscouldbestigmatizedasagainst‘theroyaldignityandexcellency’,orasoffences‘againsttheroyalmajesty’.99Johnalsoenhancedthedignityofhis

kingshipthroughhislavishhospitalityandburnisheditsimagethroughhisexpenditureoncrowns,swords,jewels,clothesandbuildings.Oneoftheswordsinhistreasurywascalled‘Tristan’afterthat‘swashbucklinghero’ofchivalricromance.Wehaveseentheextraordinaryapartmentshebuiltfor

himselfatCorfecastle.100YetJohnfailed,inanydecisiveway,toimprovetheimageofmonarchyonthesilverpenny,althoughitwasfarmorefamiliarthananyother.Intherecoinageof1205,heneitherplacedhisownnameonthecoins(thekingwasstill‘Henry’)norgavetheking’sheadapropercrown.ItwaslefttoJohn’sson,inhis

recoinageof1247,toassumeacrownandstamphisownname,‘HenricusIII’or‘Henricustercius’,onthecoins.101

AttheheartofJohn’sdefencewereverytraditionalideas.Hechallengedhisopponentsontheirownground,byarguingthathisdemandswereancientandcustomary,whileitwasthey

whowereactingwilfullyandunjustly.Thusthepope,backonJohn’ssidein1215,opinedthattheking’s‘ancient’righttoscutagewasbeingdenied‘withoutjudgement’byabaronialactof‘will’.Inthesameyear,JohnsummonedWallingfordhonourknightstogarrisonitscastle,astheywere‘ancientlyaccustomed’.102Insome

cases,Johnhadeveryrighttodenytheexistenceofthe‘ancientcustoms’thatwerebeingappealedto.Chapter2oftheChartermadeoutthatthe‘ancient’reliefofanearlorabaronwas£100,butbothGlanvillandtheDialogusagreedthatthesumwasdeterminedbytheking’spleasureandwassubjecttowhatevercouldbenegotiated.

Theexchequer’spiperollsshowthatthatwasindeedtheactualpractice.103Adifferentpointcouldbemadeaboutchapter25,whichsaidthatthecountiesshouldbeheldattheirancientfarms,withoutanyincrement.Certainlythefarmswere‘ancient’,butitwassurelyperfectly‘reasonable’forthekingtotrytoexactsumsabovethem,

giventheincreasingpopulationandwealthofthecountry.Andwhatoftheforest?ThatitshouldextendnofurtherthanatthestartofthereignofHenryIIwasthedemand,butwasthat‘reasonable’givenallthelossesofroyalforestunderStephen?Inallthesethings,itwassurelyJohn’scriticswhoweretheinnovators.Magna

Cartamightbetryingtosubjectthekingtolaw,yetinmanycasesitwasnotancientlawbutthelawthattheCharteritselfwasmaking.Johnalsosoughttoexploit

oneofthemostbasicstrandsofroyalauthority,namelytheloyaltyandserviceduefrommenwhohaddonehimhomageandswornhimfealty.Againandagain,John

harpedonthesebondsandtriedtostrengthenthem.Hedidsoin1205whenfacinginvasion,in1209inthegreatoathofMarlborough,and,onseveraloccasions,in1215.104

Itwashisnaturalreactioninanymomentofcrisis.AsThomasBissonhasremarked,‘Johnlivedbyoaths.’105Johnsawthecriseshefacedascrisesoflordship,causedby

thefailureofhismentoliveuptotheirobligations.Theyweresolvablebyinsistingthattheobligationsbefulfilled.ThusJohndemandedthatWilliamMarshalandWalterandHughdeLacyshouldsurrenderWilliamdeBriouze‘inthefaiththeyareheldtous,astheyareourliegemen’.Theconsequencesof

breachingfaithweremadeveryclearbyJohn’sthreatsagainsttheMarshalin1206,utteredforhimbyJohnofBassingbourn.‘Icannotseeorunderstandwhyorhowanyoneshouldholdlandifhefailshislordinhishourofneed.’106Johnwashereexploitingpowerfulideas.True,thosewhoremainedloyalusuallyhadstrong

materialreasonsfordoingso.John’sunpopularcastellansandsheriffshadnowhereelsetogo.ThealliancebetweentheWelshrulersandtherebelsgavethemarcherbarons,includingRanulf,earlofChester,andWilliamMarshal,stronggroundsforremainingontheroyalside.TheMarshalhadalsotoconsiderhispositionin

Ireland,wherehehadmanyenemiesandtherebellionhadnofooting.Yetthedutyofloyaltytoone’slord,whichrunsthroughouttheHistoryofWilliamMarshal,wasfarmorethanpoeticrhetoric.TheMarshalhimselfsawhiscareerinthoseterms.Inaletterof1216theyoungHenryIIIdescribedhowtheMarshal‘hadalwaysstood

faithfullyanddevotedlybyourfatherwhenliving,andnowadheresconstantlytous…havingprovedhimselfasgoldinthefurnace’.107

Likewise,ReginaldofCornhill,assheriffofKent,acknowledgedthatheshouldmakeanannualpaymentinalmsfor‘thegloriouskingofEngland’:

asIamafaithfulman[fidelis]ofthelordkingandhavedonehimhomagenoroughtItowanthishonourorutilityevertosuffer,particularlyinthosethingswhichespeciallybelongtothepreservationofhisbodyandsoul.108

Rebellioncouldseemdishonourable.TheHistoryofWilliamMarshalmakesno

referencetothatofWilliamMarshaljunior.TheAnonymousofBéthunelikewisepassedoverhispatron’sdesertionofJohn.109

SomeofJohn’senemiesmaywellhavewrestledwiththeirconsciencesbeforetakingthefinalstepintorebellion.Butthetroublewastheydidtakethestep.Therewasawholearrayofargumentstojustify

rebellionandindeeddeposition,aswewillsee.110

AndJohnprovidedsomanymaterialreasonstoembracethem.ReginaldofCornhill’sson,anotherReginald,whofollowedhisfatherassheriffofKent,himselfrebelledin1215.Hehadbeenmadetooffer10,000markstohavehisfather’slandsandbeforgivenhisdebts.111

John,likehispredecessors,alsostressedhisabsolute,overarchingdutytopreserveanddefendhisownrights,therightsof‘my’crown,ortherightsof‘my’kingdom.112

ThiswasaconstantthemeinhisdisputewiththemonksofBuryStEdmundsbetween1213and1215overtheappointmentoftheirnewabbot.‘Welcomemylord

abbotelect,savingtherightsofmykingdom’washisgreetingononeoccasion.‘Whatdoyouwantmetosaytoyou?’heangrilyaskedonanother.‘Ihavetoconsidermyselfandmycrownbeforeyouandyourhonour.’113

Linkedtotheideaofthecrownwastheargumentthatthekingcoulddoashelikedwithcertainpossessions

whichwerepeculiarly‘hisown’.Johnevidentlydeployedtheargumenttosomeeffectin1215,fortheking’sdemesnemanorswereexemptedfromtheCharter’srestrictions,inchapter25,ontheraisingofrevenuefromthecountiesandhundreds.Hewouldalsohavedeployedittodefendhisrighttotallage

boththeJewsandroyaltownsashepleased.114

Suchideas,however,werenotwithoutdanger.Wasthereanyconnectionbetweentherightsofthekingandthewelfareofhissubjects?JohndidnotsuggestsowhenhedemandedsupportfortherecoveryofNormandysimply‘asyouloveusandourhonour’‘inourmosturgent

need’.AllJohnofferedinreturnwastogiveagoodhearingtohissubjectswhentheybrought‘theiraffairs’beforehim.Hecouldnothaveshownmoreclearlythathis‘affairs’werequiteseparatefromtheirs.115

SometimesJohndidstrikeamoreinclusivenote.In1205,facinginvasion,hesummonedhismagnatesto

discuss‘ourgreatandlaboriousaffairsandthecommonutilityofourkingdom’.Likewise,thetaxof1207wasfor‘thedefenceofourkingdomandtherecoveryofourright’.116In1213,withanotherinvasionthreatening,thekingsummonedbarons,knightsandallfreementoDovertodefend‘ourhead,theirheads

andthelandofEngland’.117

Johncouldalsoindicatehowhisinterestsandthoseofthekingdomwereconnected.‘Youshoulddefendourrightsbecauseweareboundtodefendyours,’heopinedinoneproclamation.118Suchrhetorichadanimpact.InterpolationsintheLegesEdwardicollectionincludedoneabouttheobligationto

servetheking‘fortheprotectionofthekingdom’.Ontheotherhand,anotherinterpolationstressedthedutytomusterindefenceof‘thehonourandutilityofthecrownofthekingdom’,whichalmostsuggestedthekingdomhadwrestedthecrownfromtheking,andhaditsowninterestsseparatefromhis.119

Evenatitsbest,Johnwasdoingnothingtojustifythearbitraryfeaturesofhisrule.Indeed,hisbasiclinewassimplytopretendthattheydidnotexist.Hisgovernmentwasconsensualandcongruentwiththelaw:

Wedonotwishthatyoushouldbetreatedhenceforthsavebylawandjudgement,northatanyoneshalltake

anythingfromyoubywill,northatyoubedisseisedofyourfreetenementsunjustlyandwithoutjudgement.

SoranoneproclamationtoIreland.120ThusJohn’sletters,likethelegalrulingsanddecisionsofhisjudges,frequentlystressedthathewasactingreasonably,accordingtothelawandcustomofthekingdom.121

WhenJohnactedagainstthemonksofStAugustine’s,Canterbury,heclaimedthattheywerechallengingthedignityofthecrown,andviolatingthelawofthekingdom,whilehe,inejectingthemfromFavershamchurch,wasacting‘ontheadviceofournoblesaccordingtothecustomofthekingdom’.122

John’slonganddetailedaccountofhisproceedingsagainstWilliamandMatildadeBriouzewasinexactlythesamevein.John’sargumentshave

convincedthegreatestMagnaCartahistorianofthevalidityofhiscase.HolthasdeclaredthatJohnandhispredecessors‘werenormallyabletotakeactionagainstthe

recalcitrantbylawfulandacceptedprocedure’.‘John’sconductofaffairswasnotinthemainunlawfulorcontrarytocustom.’123InHolt’sperspective,John’srulewasthusbroadlycongruentwithMagnaCartachapter39,themoreespeciallysincethechapterofferedtreatmentaccordingto‘thelawofland’asanalternativetojudgement

bypeers.124TheimmediateprecursoroftheclausewasanofferofJohnhimselfinthedaysbeforeMagnaCarta.Inaletterissuedon10May1215,hepromisedthebaronsthathewouldnotarrest,disseizeorgoagainstthembyforceorbyarms‘savebythelawofourkingdomorbythejudgementoftheirpeersinourcourt’.125Therewas

certainlymuchinthelawofthekingdomthatJohncouldexploit.TheCharteritselfaccepted,inchapter9,thatchattelsandlandmightbeseizedtocompelthepaymentofadebt.Inlawsuits,propertycouldlikewisebeseizedandpeoplearrestedinordertocompelattendanceatcourt.Thelawalsopermittedpre-trialarrestincriminal

cases,astheCharteracknowledgedinchapter54whenitsaidthatnoonewastobearrestedandimprisonedontheaccusationofawomanforthedeathofanyoneotherthanherhusband.Inacriminalcasesbeforethejusticesineyre,guiltorinnocence,wasusuallydeterminednotbyjudgementofajurybutbytheordeal.

Yetitisveryunlikelythatin1215‘thelawofthekingdom’wasseenasweakeningtheforceofjudgementbypeersandgivingthekingsomekindofleeway.Johnmadetheoffertoconciliatehisenemies,andprobablyinanswertotheirdemands.Thebaronsaltered‘thelawofourkingdom’to‘thelawoftheland’,the

latterbothmoreindependentofthekingandmorerespectfuloflocalcustom,andthenincorporated‘byjudgementoftheirpeersorbythelawofland’intotheArticlesoftheBaronsandthenceintoMagnaCarta.Thelawofthelandwasseenastighteningnotlooseningthebondsaroundtheking.Itmeantheshouldrulein

concertwithhisnobles,forGlanvill,aswehaveseen,insistedthatthelawsofEnglandweremadebythemagnatesandtheprincetogether.Thelawofthelandmightrepresentnomorethanageneralsenseofwhatwasrightandcustomary,butthatmadeitalltheeasiertoaccuseJohnofcontraventions.Itcouldalso

beseenasofferingquitespecificprotections.Itallowedanindividualtodefendhimselfbytrialbybattle,astheMarshalwishedtodoin1206.126Itmeanttheprocessofoutlawrymustfollowpropercustomaryprocedures(amajorissuegiventheoutlawriesofWilliamdeBriouzeandlaterRobertfitzWalterandEustace

deVescy.)Anditmeant,unlesstherewereotherlocalcustoms,thatpre-trialarrestshouldtakeplaceafteraccusationbyaprivateindividualorajury,hereoverlappingwithchapter38whichinsistedthatabailiffwasnottoputanyone‘tolaw’andsoontrialonhisownunsupportedaccusation.John’sproblemwasthat

howevermuchhesaidhisconductwaslawful,nooneatthetimebelievedhim.HissubjectswerefarlesspersuadablethanHolt.Withhisarbitraryconductandfinancialexactions,Johnwascreatinganewtypeofkingship,butakingshipnewinitsactions,notinitsjustifications,akingshipofgreatphysicalpowerwithout

anykindofideologicalsupport.Johnwasreducedtotellingeveryonethatitwasjustkingshipasofold.Thewholepoliticalcommunityknewthiswasuntrue.IthadplentyofstandardsbywhichtojudgeJohn,andinessence,liketheannalsofWaverleyabbey,itjudgedhimatyrant.ThequestionforJohn’senemiesbecamewhattodo

aboutit,andhowtojustifywhattheywishedtodo.

THEEUROPEANCONTEXT

SomeanswerstothatquestionwerebeinggivenelsewhereinEurope,whereideassimilartothoseinEnglandwerebeingelaboratedinlegislation,embodiedinconcessionsmadebyrulersandappealed

tobythoseinoppositiontotheking.MagnaCartacertainlydidnotstandalone.127IntheSpanishkingdomofLeónandCastile,legislationcoveredtherightsofwidows,royalcourtsmeetinginfixedplaces,duelegalprocess,judgementofpeersandthelevyingoftaxation,allissuesfoundinMagnaCarta.128Rulerswere

alsomakingdetailedconcessions.In1205KingPedroIIofAragondrewupforhissubjectsinCataloniaacharter(probablyneverpromulgated)thatgrantedprivilegesintheareasof‘taxation,administrativepractices,justiceandcoinage’.Intheprocesshepromisedthatlocalofficialsshouldbeknightsoftheland,

chosenby‘thecounselofthemagnatesandwisemenofthatland’.129HowEnglishlocalsocietywouldhavelikedthatinMagnaCarta!Then,inDecember1212,SimondeMontfortissuedtheStatuteofPamiersforthestatewhichhewasfoundinginBéziersandCarcassoneaftervictoryinhiscrusadeagainsttheAlbigensians.The

Statuterantooverfortychapters.Manyofthesedealtwithrelationswiththeheretics.ButtheStatute,havingbegunlikeMagnaCarta,byprotectingtherightsandlibertiesofthechurch,alsomadejusticefree,limitedtheobligationtoperformmilitaryservice,gavesafeguardsagainstimprisonment,allowed

Frenchwidows,magnatesandheiressestomarryamongthemselveswithoutpermission,andupheldFrenchcustomsofinheritanceforbarons,knightsandburgesses.Therewasevensomeprotectionformenagainstthe‘malice’oftheirlords.130GiventhatSimondeMontfort,aswewillsee,wascanvassedin1212askingof

England,ifJohnwasdeposed,itishighlylikelythatthisexamplewasknowntoEnglishbarons.131WhatthencouldtheydotoresistJohninEngland?

9

Resistance,1212–1215

TherewereplentyofreasonstojudgeJohn’sruleoppressiveandtyrannical.Thequestionwaswhattodoaboutit.Signsofananswerwerealreadyapparentinthefirstpartofthereign.In1205,accordingtoGervaseofCanterbury,afterthekinghadconvenedthe‘magnatesofEngland’atOxford,they‘compelled’himtoswearto

upholdthe‘rights[jura]ofthekingdomofEngland’‘withtheircounsel’.John,inreturn,extractedanoathfromtheearlsandbaronsthattheywouldgivehimtheirdueservice.Weknownomoreaboutthisepisode,whichwasprobablyrelatedtotheschemefornationaldefenceagainstinvasionthatJohnpromulgatedafewdays

later.1Itreveals,however,twokeyelementsintherevoltof1215:first,theabilityofthebaronstotakecollectiveactionagainsttheking;andsecond,thewaythatactionwasinsupportofapoliticalprogramme,howevervagueandinsubstantial.ThereseemsheretohavebeenamajoradvancefromthesituationunderStephen,

whenthebaronshadpressedtheirindividualclaimsuponthecontestantsforthethroneandextractedtheirownindividualchartersofconcession.Therebelsof1173–4probablyhopedforsimilarindividualsolutions.Thebaronsin1215certainlyobtainedredressoftheirownindividualgrievances,buttheydidsounderprocedures

setupbyaCharterconcededtothekingdom.TheCharteralsolaiddowngeneralrulesofconductforthekingfromwhichallbaronsmighthopetobenefit.Thischangefromindividualtocollectiveremedyhadaboveallbeenproducedbythepressuresandabusesofroyalgovernment.Thesehadgiventhebaronsacommunityof

interestintheirresistancetothecrown.

THEPLOTOF1212

Iftheepisodein1205suggestsacoursewasbeingsetthatwouldeventuallyleadtoMagnaCarta,in1212ittookaradicallydifferentdirection.ThebaronsconspirednottomakeJohnrespecttherightsofthe

kingdom,buttogetridofhimaltogether.ThefirstcrackinJohn’sauthorityhadcomeinWales.There,inthesummerof1212,LlywelynformedacoalitionofWelshrulers,includingthemaltreatedGwenwynwynofsouthernPowys.TheywerestrengthenedbyanalliancewithPhilipAugustus,andsooninformedhimthatthey

hadwrested‘agreatpartofthelandandthestrongestcastlesfromtheyokeofEnglishtyranny’.2LlywelynhimselfcertainlyrecoveredallthelandbetweentheConwyandtheDeewhichhehadcededinthetreatyof1211.Johncouldnotpossiblyletthisgo.Quiteapartfromhislossofterritory,thealliancewithKingPhilipseta

perniciousexample.John,therefore,musteredanarmyforanotherWelshcampaign.Onlythen,whilehewasatNottinghaminmid-August,onhiswaytotherendezvousatChester,didhehearofaconspiracyagainsthim.WhenJohntookaction

againstoneringleaderoftheconspiracy,RobertfitzWalter,itwasforplotting

‘ourdeath,betrayalandimprisonment’.3Theforthcomingcampaign,whenthekingwouldbesurroundedbytreacherousbaronsandWelshenemies,couldclearlyfacilitate‘somethinghappening’onthoselines.WithJohnoutoftheway,theaimthen,accordingtoastorythatreachedtheDunstableannals,wastogivethethrone

tothegreatFrenchnobleSimondeMontfort,lordofMontfortl’AmaurynearParis.HehadjustcarriedthepapalbannerinthecampaignagainsttheAlbigensianhereticsinthesouthofFrance,andhadaclaim(whichJohnhadbrieflyrecognized)totheearldomofLeicester.4

Assoonasheheardoftheplot,Johncalledoffthecampaign,dismissedhisbaronialarmyandhurriedforeignmercenariestohisside.5Onlytwomagnatesweredirectlyfingeredasconspirators,fitzWalterhimselfandEustacedeVescy.FitzWalterwaslordofDunmowinEssexandBaynard’scastleinthecityof

London.VescywaslordofAlnwickinNorthumberland.Eachhadmanyknightlytenants.Bothrankedamong‘themosthighmenofEnglandandmostpowerful’.6

Theremayhavebeensomethingdeeplypersonalabouttheirrevolt.FitzWalterwheninexileinFranceallegedthatJohnhadtriedtoseducehisdaughter.7

Accordingtoastorycurrentinthelatethirteenthcentury,JohnhadlikewisemadeadvancesonVescy’swife.8

Therewerealsomaterialgrievances.Vescy’shadbegunwithhis1,300-markfinetoenterhisinheritancein1190.UnderJohn,havingmadeseveraloffersforjusticeandjudgement,hewasamerced300marksforlosing

onelawsuit,andthenlostanotherinwhichhewastryingtoestablishhisoverlordshipoveraknightlytenant.The300markswerepardoned,butinawritattestedbyPeterdesRoches–andPeterdidnotdosuchthingsforfree.MeanwhileVesciowedmoneytotheJews.9Inthemselves,manyoftheseweresmallthings,but

theymountedup.Comparedtothedarkly

formidableVesci,RobertfitzWalterappearsafarmoredashinganddramaticfigure.Onhissilversealdie,weseehimgallopingalong,inagreathelmet,brandishinghissword,theheraldicdevicesproclaiminghisalliancewithSaerdeQuincy,earlofWinchester.10Thetwo

togetherhaddefendedthecastleofVaudreuilinNormandyin1203,andhadliveddowntheapparentlyignominiouscircumstancesofitssurrender.FitzWalterhadoneclearmaterialgrievance,overHertfordcastle,whichJohnhadgivenhimandthen,in1209,takenaway.FitzWalter’srighttothecastlewastoberecognizedat

Runnymede.11Inonestory,toldbytheAnonymousofBéthune,whenJohnthreatenedtohangfitzWalter’sson-in-lawduringaquarrelatcourt,fitzWalterriposted‘Youwouldhangmyson-in-law!ByGod’sbodyyouwillnot.Youwillsee2,000lacedhelmsinyourlandbeforeyouhanghim.’12AtStAlbans

abbey,fitzWalterwasrememberedforlayingsiegetoBinhamprioryinanattempttoasserthisrightsasitspatron,makingJohncryout‘IsheormekinginEngland?’MatthewPariscaughttheessenceoftheman:

TherewasscarcelyanearlinEnglandwhowashisequal.Hewas

vigorousinarms,courageousandproud,aboundinginmanypossessions,ofnoblebirth,withnumbersofpowerfulrelations,supportedandstrengthenedbyamultitudinousaffinity.13

In1212theremusthavebeenmoreconspiratorsthansimplyVescyandfitzWalter,althoughtheyclearlyescaped

discovery.VescyandfitzWalterthemselveswereapparentlyunconnectedandcamefromdifferentpartsofthecountry.Johnsuspectedanothernorthernbaron,RicharddeUmfraville,andalsoEarlWilliamdeWarenne,lordofConisbroughinYorkshireandLewesinSussex.(HissisterhadbeenJohn’s

mistress.)TherewasclearlyaBritishdimensiontotheplot,justastherewastotherebellionin1215.Indeed,accordingtoonestory,itwasJoan,John’sillegitimatedaughter,thewifeofLlywelyn,whowarnedherfatherwhatwasafoot.AnotherstorywasthattheleakcamefromtheScottishcourt.14EustacedeVescy’s

wife,therecipientofJohn’sallegedattentions,wasanillegitimatedaughterofWilliamtheLion,kingofScots,anditwastoScotlandthatVescyfled.AnothersuspectwasKingWilliam’sbrother,EarlDavidofHuntingdon.Theopportunitiesoffered

bythecampaigninWalesweredoubtlesstheimmediate

triggerforthe1212plot.BehinditlaythetransformationofroyalgovernmentthatJohnhadeffectedsince1205,aboveallintheareaoffinancialexactions.Onecansenseboththemountinggrievances,andthebeginningsofcollectiveaction,inthegroupsofsupporterswhoralliedbehindindividualbaronsassureties

forthepaymentoftheirgiganticdebts.By1212,moreover,themurdersofMatildaandWilliamdeBriouzejuniormusthavebeenwellknown.OneofthosewhocameundersuspicionwasEarlRicharddeClare.HehadtohandoverasahostagehisdaughterMatilda,whowasWilliam’swidow.15Theyear1212also

sawanexigentforesteyreandathreateninginquiryintolandtenure.Johnhadlaunchedthelatteron1June.Hewantedinformationaboutthefeesthatwereheldfromhiminchief,andalienationsmadefromthemwhichmightimpairtheserviceowedthecrown.Thereturnsinsomecountieswereextraordinarilydetailed(inLincolnshire,ina

modernedition,theyruntoforty-fourprintedpages).Theycoveredtheholdingsofmanylaterrebels,baronsandknights.Infact,theknightlyjurorsgavelittleinformationaboutalienationsandoftenstoutlydeniedthattherehadbeenanytotheking’sdetriment.Withthedisintegrationofhispoliticalposition,Johnneveractedon

theresults.Yettheintentionofpenalizingalienationsorbringingthembackunderroyalcontrolmusthavebeenalarminglyclear.16

Justexactlywhatwasplannedbytheconspiratorsin1212wedonoknow.Presumably,atsomepoint,agreatcouncilwouldhavemettoofferthethronetoMontfortorsomeoneelse.

Thisiswhathappenedin1215,afterthefailureofMagnaCarta,whenthebaronschoseLouis,theeldestsonofKingPhilipofFrance,inJohn’splace.17Ideasaboutremovingtyrannicalkingswerecertainlyaround.JohnofSalisburyillustratedtheterribleendsmetbytyrants,andsaiditwas‘equitableandjust’tokillthem.18Therewas

alsoafamousexampleinthepastofthepopesanctioningtheremovalofkings.OutlawedwithRobertfitzWalterin1212wasthecanonofStPaul’s,GervaseofHowbridge.GervasewassurelyfamiliarwiththeLegesEdwardi,ofwhichtherewasatextinLondon.Thistoldhowthepopehadsanctionedthetransferofthekingship

fromtheMerovingianstotheCarolingians,theformerhavingsosignallyfailedtodefendchurchandpeople.19

SimondeMontfort,singledoutasJohn’ssuccessor,wasprobablyfamiliarwithCarolingianprecedents.HissonwaslatertotellHenryIIIthathedeservedtobeimprisonedlikethe

CarolingiankingCharlestheSimple.20

Infact,InnocentIIIneverwentasfarasdeposingJohn,butitwaseasytobelieve,ormanufacturethebelief,thathehadorwasabouttodoso.21ArchbishopLangtonhadurgedtheknightsoftherealmtodefendthechurchwiththeirswords,andmadeclearthatJohn’ssubjectswouldbe

absolvedfromtheirfealtyifhepersistedinhisdisobedience.22InnocenthimselfinaletterofApril1211hadthreatenedJohnwith‘ruin’ifhedidnotrepent.23Whatthatmeantwasveryclear.Theyearbefore,InnocenthadabsolvedthesubjectsofJohn’snephewandally,theEmperorOtto,fromtheirallegianceand

forbiddenthemtoobeyhim.24

ThejustificationfortheWelshrevoltagainstJohnin1212wasthebeliefthatInnocenthadabsolvedtheWelshrulersfromtheirallegiancetoJohnandhadurgedthemtomakewaronhim.25SimondeMontforthimselfperfectlyfittedthisscenario.Havingledthecrusadeagainstthe

Albigensianheretics,hewasafavouritesonofthechurch.Agreatbaron,wouldhenotalsobesympathetictobaronialaspirations?Indeed,inDecember1212hewastoissueforhisstateofBéziersandCarcassonneprovisionsthat,inprotectingtherightsofhissubjects,anticipatedMagnaCarta.26TherecouldbenogreatercontrasttoKing

Johnandnomoresuitablereplacement.

CONCESSIONANDOPPRESSION,1212–1214

Johnwasprofoundlyshockedbytheplotof1212.InJanuary1213hewentnorthandreachedAlnwick,inorder,ashesaid,toensurehisholdover‘thenorthernpartofEngland’.27Runninginto

1213,hemadeaseriesofconcessionsdesignedtore-establishhisposition.Hetreatedwidowswithmoreleniency,reformedtheadministrationoftheforests,promisedtodemandonlythecapitalindebtsowedtotheJews,andabandonedhispolicyofextractingprofitsfromthecounties.Healsodismissedsomeofthe

northernsheriffs,and,‘moved’bythecomplaintsagainstthem,mountedaninquiryintotheiractivities.28Theconcessionsweredeliberatelydesignedtoappealtoknightsandfreetenantsasmuchastoearlsandbarons.Indeed,thelatterwerespecificallyexcludedfromthemeasureontheJews.29Johnknewwhathe

wasabout.TheCrowlandchroniclerthoughthisconcessionswereworthyof‘memoryandpraise’,andseveralofthemwereaffirmedandelaboratedinMagnaCarta.30Johnalsosettledhisgreat

quarrelwiththepapacy.ThecatalystherewasthethreatenedFrenchinvasionof1213.PhilipAugustushad

decidedtoinvadeatagreatcouncilheldatSoissonsearlyinApril.Whatherepresentedasapiousenterprise,designedtoavengetheinjuriestothechurch,wasinrealityapre-emptivestrikeagainstJohn’scontinentalcampaign,plansforwhichwerenowreachingcompletion.IfPhilip,asheintended,couldputLouis,his

eldestson,ontheEnglishthrone,hewouldendtheAngevinthreatonceandforall,andmaketheCapetianssupremeinEurope.Accordingly,anarmywassummoned,afleetwasassembledandLouisissuedachartersubjectinghimself,ifhebecamekingofEngland,tohisfather’s‘willandcounsel’invariousmatters,

onebeingwhatwastohappentoJohnifhewerecaptured.31

Inresponsetothisgrievousthreat,JohnmusteredagreatarmyinKentandtookactionagainstFrenchshipping.On30MayanavalforceundertheearlofSalisburydestroyedtheFrenchfleetatDammeinFlanders,thuseliminatingthethreatenedinvasion.32

ItwaswhilethetwoarmieswerefacingeachotheracrosstheChannelthatJohnreachedhissettlementwiththepope.HehadalreadybeenweakeninginhisrefusaltoacceptStephenLangtonasthepapallyimposedarchbishopofCanterbury,buthehadcontinuedtohaggleovertheextentofcompensationduetothe

church.Nowhegavewayandon13May1213bowedtothepapalterms.Twodayslater,hewentevenfurtherandmadeEnglandapapalfief.On20July,inaceremonyatWinchester,sealedbyagreatfeast,JohntearfullyprostratedhimselfbeforethebishopsandwasabsolvedfromhisexcommunicationbyLangton

himself.33Johnalsosoughttoappeaseindividualbishops.Immediatelyafterhisabsolution,hegrantedLangtonandhissuccessorsthekeepershipofRochestercastle,thusmeetingalong-standingCanterburygrievance.34Nextyear,aspartialcompensationforthechurch’slossesduringtheInterdict,Johnalsooffered

Langtonhalfofa20,000markfinehewasextractingfromGeoffreydeMandeville.Thisfine,aswewillsee,wasoneofJohn’smostnotoriousexactions.IfLangtonacceptedmoney,hewouldbebenefittingfromJohn’soppressiverule.YetacceptitLangtondid.HowJohnmusthavelaughed.Hehadcompensatedthechurchand

compromisedthearchbishopallinonego.ThecynicismwithwhichhedoubtlessregardedpietisticandpratingprelateslikeLangtonseemedamplyjustified.35Infact,notforthelasttime,Johnhadmiscalculated.Langtonhimselfdidnotfeelcompromisedintheleast.Ifhehesitatedovertakingmoneyfromsotainteda

source,hetookitintheendwithaclearconscience.Theneedsofthechurchmustcomefirst.In1215,Langtonsteeredhisowncourseandplacedthewelfareofthekingdom,ashesawit,aboveanynarrowallegiancetotheking.Quiteapartfromlosing

halfoftheMandevillefine,thesettlementwiththechurch

wasexpensive.HowmuchJohnrepaidofdamagesputat£100,000isunknown.Intermsofhardcash,hecertainlyhandedoveratleast£25,000.36Moreseriouswasthepoliticalcost,forJohnhadtoacceptthereturntoEnglandofEustacedeVescyandRobertfitzWalter,whohadcleverlylinkedtheircausetothatofthechurch.

Bothplayedcentralpartsinthecomingrebellion,Vescybeingtheonlynoblewhoearnedapersonalletterofrebukefromthepope.37

MakingEnglandapapalfiefwasalsothoughtbymanytobehumiliating.IndeeditseemedtofulfiltheprophecyofthehermitPeterofWakefieldthatJohnwouldnotreignbeyondhis

fourteenthyear,whichendedonAscensionDay1213.Johnspentthedayholdinganopen-airfeast,beforehavingPeterdraggedfromCorfecastletoWarehamandtherehanged.Many,however,saidthathandingthekingdomovertothepopehadmadetheprophecycometrue.Forallthesedisappointmentsanddisadvantages,John’s

settlementwiththechurchwasstillamasterstroke.Itmeantthathenceforththepopestoodsteadfastlybehindhim.Withoutthatsupport,hewouldnothavesurvived.Innocent’ssupportwasgivenmaterialshapebythepresenceinEnglandforoverayearfromSeptember1214ofapapallegate,NicholasofTusculum.Hewasthereto

lifttheInterdict,havingensuredpropercompensationforthechurch.HealsounderminedLangton’sauthorityandseemedtofavourtherightsofthecrownmorethanthelibertiesofthechurch.38Onhisdeparture,Pandulf,thepapal‘familiaris’–amemberofthepapalhouseholdandthussomeoneveryclosetoInnocent–

remainedinEngland,andwasnamed,ofcourse,asoneofJohn’scounsellorsinMagnaCarta.ForallJohn’sconcessions,

whentheyreturnedtoEnglandbothVescyandfitzWalterfoundasimmeringpotjustwaitingtobestirred.HoweverjustifiedinJohn’seyes,histreatmentoftheconspiratorscouldseem

furtherevidenceofhistyranny,involvingasitdidafreshroundofhostagetakinganddisseisins.InMay1212,soevenbeforetheplot,JohnhadconfiscatedGodmanchesterinHuntingdonshire,oneofEarlDavid’srichestmanors.HeadmittedatRunnymedethatthiswasadisseisincommitted‘byourwill

withoutjudgement’.EquallydisseisedweretwelveofDavid’stenants,agoodexampleofhowJohn’sarbitraryconductimpactedatthelevelofknightlysociety.Aftertheplot,Davidwasmadetogivehissonashostage,and,underthreatofsiege,surrenderhiscastleofFotheringhay.39AlthoughJohnhadtoacceptback

VescyandfitzWalter,hemadesuretopulldownAlnwickcastleandBaynard’scastlefirst.40

Therewasalso,almostcertainly,criticismoftheprocessesbywhichfitzWalter,VescyandearlierWilliamdeBriouzehadbeenoutlawed.InfitzWalter’scaseonepartofthecustomaryprocesshadundoubtedlybeen

followed.FitzWalterhadbeensummonedtofoursuccessivecountycourts(inEssex)andhadbeenoutlawedbyjudgementofthecourtonfailingtoturnup.Anotherpart,however,hadbeenviolated.Accordingtothelawandcustomonoutlawry,proceedingshadtobeinitiated,notbyorderoftheking,butthroughan

accusationmadebythe‘famapatrie’,whichprobablymeantbytheindictmentofajury.YetitisclearthatintheoutlawryoffitzWalter,proceedingshadbeenbegunbyaroyalorder.TheverywrittothesheriffofEssexwasenrolledonthecloseroll.Nomentionwasmadeofthe‘famapatrie’.Whenchapter39oftheChartersaidthatno

freemanshouldbedisseisedoroutlawed‘savebythelawfuljudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland’,itwasthinking,amongotherthings,ofthedisseisinsandoutlawriesfollowingtheconspiracyof1212.Indeed,thestipulationaboutthe‘lawoftheland’hadparticularrelevancetooutlawrywherethecorrectprocedures,aswe

haveseen,requiredindictmentbyajuryandasummonstofoursuccessivecountycourts.41

Quiteapartfromhistreatmentoftheconspirators,Johnhadcontinuedtobeardownheavilyonbaronialfamilies.42Thenewoffersmadetothekinginthepiperollof1213–14includedWilliamdeMonteCanisio’s

2,000markstohavehisinheritanceandbequitofdebtstotheJews,WilliamfitzAlan’s10,000markstohavethelandofhisfather,andRobertdeVere’s1,000markstoenterthelandsofhisbrother.Despitethislargefine,hewasstilldeniedtheearldomofOxford.ThesamepiperollshowsJohndeLacystillowing4,200marksofthe

7,000-markfineforhisinheritance,assecurityforwhichJohnhadretainedhiscastleofPontefract.Meanwhile,JohncontinuedtoexploitwidowsinwaysthatwouldbecleancontrarytotheCharter.Margaret,thewidowofRobertfitzRoger,thusagreedtopay£1,000tohaveherdowerandinheritanceandnotbeforced

intoremarriage.SibillaofEwyasHarold,thewidowofRobertdeTresgoz,offered800marksformuchthesameprivileges,onlyforJohnthentosellherremarriagefor£1,000totheWelshmarcherlordRogerofClifford.Johncontinuedtoexploitdownonthetowns,slappinga2,000-marktallageonLondon.43

Andhecontinuedtodisseize

‘bywill’,takingTrowbridgefromHenrydeBohun,earlofHereford,andgivingittoWilliamLongespee,earlofSalisbury,alawlessactthatwastobereversedatRunnymede.44

ThisperiodalsosawoneofJohn’smostextraordinaryimpositions,namelythefine,alreadyalludedto,madebyGeoffreydeMandeville.

GeoffreywasthesonofJohn’sjusticiarGeoffreyfitzPeter,whohaddiedin1213.Hehad,however,takenthesurnameMandeville,hisfatherhavingmadegoodonacontroversialclaimthroughmarriagetotheoldMandevilleearldomofEssex.Mandeville’sfirstwifewasthedaughterofRobertfitzWalter,and,iftherewas

anytruthinthestory,thesubjectofJohn’slibidinousattentions.45Onherdeath,Geoffreyagreedtopaythecolossalsumof20,000markstomarryIsabella,countessofGloucester,theIsabellawhoseunionwithJohnhadbeenannulledsothathecouldmarryIsabellaofAngoulême.Thecountess’sinheritance,whichincluded

Glamorgan,wasrich,eventhoughJohnheldbackthetitleofEarlofGloucester,buttherewasnowaythatMandevillecouldpaythe20,000marksinthestipulatedtenmonths.John’saimwassimplytoplaceMandevilleinhispower,andmakeasmuchmoneyashecouldfromhim.TheDunstableannalsstatedthatMandevilleenteredthe

marriageunwillingly,assurelywasthecase.Hehadagreedtoitbecauseofapromise(unfulfilled)thathewouldnowberecognizedasEarlofEssex.Moreimportantly,ifGeoffreydidnotgoahead,JohnwasthreateninghimwiththelossofthewholeMandevilleinheritance,thisthroughtherevivaloftheclaimsofthe

Says,whichGeoffreyfitzPeterhaddefeatedinordertosecuretheinheritanceinthefirstplace.Nowonderthismonstrousfine,astheCrowlandchroniclerrecognized,becameamajorissuein1215.ItwasaclassicexampleofthefinesmadeunjustlyandagainstthelawofthelandthattheCharter,in

chapter55,insistedJohnmustremit.46

DIPLOMACYANDDEFEAT,1212–1214

WhileJohnwassettlingwiththepope,resistingFrenchinvasionandstrugglingtoretainauthorityinEngland,hewasalsolabouringtobuildupthecontinentalalliancesthatwouldenablehimto

recoverhislostempire.ThedefectionofKingRichard’sallies,thecountsofFlandersandBoulogne,hadbeenamajorfactorinthefallofNormandy.Johnwouldnotmakethesamemistakeagain.Therewasmuchinthe

internationalsituationthatJohncouldexploit,beginningwiththepredicamentoftheemperoroftheRomans,Otto

ofBrunswick.OttowasJohn’snephew,thefruitofthemarriagebetweenHenrytheLion,dukeofSaxony,andMatilda,daughterofHenryII.Asemperor,OttobothruledinGermanyandclaimedauthorityinItaly.Inassertingsuchclaims,hehad,however,quarrelledwithPopeInnocent.In1210Innocentcalledonthe

GermanprincestodeposehimandelectaskingofGermany,Frederick,kingofSicily,theyoungsonofOtto’spredecessor,theEmperorHenryVI.InMarch1212FredericksetoffforGermany.InDecemberhewaselectedkingbyhissupportersandcrowned.SinceFrederickwasheavilybackedbyPhilipAugustus,

OttoandJohnbecamenaturalallies,allthemoresosinceJohnhadthemoneythatOttodesperatelywanted.InMay1212Johnjoyfullyproclaimedtheiralliance.ItwasanalliancethatalsoincludedRenaudDammartin,thecountofBoulogne.OustedbyPhilip,DammartinnowofferedhishomagetoJohn,whorestoredhimtohis

landsinEngland.NegotiationswerealsointrainwithFerrand,countofFlanders,thecountofHolland,andthedukesofLimbergandLouvain.JohnwasbuildingupagreatcoalitionagainstFrance’snorthernfrontier.47

Tantalizingpossibilitieswerealsoemergingforagreatallianceinthesouth.

TherepoliticalstructureshadbeentransformedbythesuccessofSimondeMontfortandhisFrencharmyinthecrusadeagainsttheAlbigensianheretics.Thefirstphasehadconcludedin1209withMontfortestablishinghimselfaslordofBéziersandCarcassonne.InthecauseofresistingtheFrenchadvance,thismade

naturalalliesofRaymondVI,countofToulouse,andKingPedroofAragon.Thetwowerealso,therefore,naturalalliesofKingJohn.RaymondwasJohn’sbrother-in-law,havingmarried(thankstoKingRichard)adaughterofHenryII,Joan.Pedro,afterhisdestructionofMoslempowerinSpainatthebattleofLasNavasdeTolosainJuly

1212,wasfreetochallengeMontfort,ratherthan,ashehaddonehitherto,compromisewithhim.In1212and1213envoysweregoingbackandforthbetweenJohnandbothRaymondandPedro.Withhisnorthernalliance

fallingintoplace,andhissouthernoneatleastintheair,Johnin1213waseagerto

beoff.HesummonedanarmytomusterforacontinentalcampaigninMarch,onlythentoabandonhisplanswhenfacedwiththethreatofaFrenchinvasion.Withthatover,buoyedupbyhissettlementwiththechurch,hesummonedanotherarmyforAugust.Thesummonsmetahostilereception,especiallyinthe

northofEngland.Resistancewasfortifiedbytheargument,setoutlaterintheUnknownCharter,thatmilitaryserviceoverseaswasonlyowedinNormandyandBrittany,sonotinPoitou,whereJohn’scampaignnecessarilymustbegin.Asameasureofhisdetermination,JohnembarkedanywayandgotasfarasJersey,beforeaccepting

thathelackedtherequisiteforcestocontinue.OncebackinEngland,

JohninlateAugustsetoffforthenorthinordertopunishthosewhohaddisruptedhisplans.ThiswasthemomentforadecisiveinterventionbyArchbishopLangton.HehurriedafterJohn,caughtupwithhimatNorthamptonandwarnedhimnottoattackhis

opponentswithouthavingfirstsecuredajudgementagainstthem.48Johncontinuedtothenorth,butthendecidedonnegotiations.AtthestartofNovember1213hemetcertainnorthernersatWallingfordandpromisedtoobservetheir‘ancientliberties’.Theagreementquicklycollapsed.On7NovemberJohnordered

theknightsfromeachcountypreviouslysummonedtoameetingatOxfordtocomearmed,whilethebaronsweretocomeunarmed–apparentlyanattempttousetheonetointimidatetheother.AtthesametimeJohnreachedouttoasecondgroupofknights,summoningtotheassemblyfourknightsfromeachcountytodiscusswith

himtheaffairsofthekingdom.49

Itisintheresistancetothecontinentalcampaignof1213thatthe‘northerners’firstappearincontemporarynarrativesastakingtheleadintheoppositiontoKingJohn.Theyare,ofcourse,thesubjectofHolt’sclassicbook.Contemporariesdidnotusethetermwithany

geographicalprecisionbuttheywouldcertainlyhaveseenas‘northerners’menfromLincolnshire,NottinghamshireandDerbyshire,aswell,ofcourse,asmenfromYorkshire,NorthumberlandandCumberland.John’sgovernmenthadlainheavyontheseareasthroughtheexploitationoftheroyal

forestandtheoppressionsofthesheriffs.PhilipMarc(dismissedfromofficeunderMagnaCarta)wassheriffofNottinghamshireandDerbyshire.Johnretainedtheloyaltyofsomemagnateswithinterestsinthenorth.HehadagriponWestmorlandthroughRobertdeVieuxpont,towhomhegrantedthesheriffdominhereditary

right.Ranulf,earlofChester,waslordofRichmondinYorkshire,andWilliam,earlofWarenne,waslordofConisbroughinthesamecounty.Butthereweremanymorenorthernersattheheartoftheoppositiontotheking,notablyEustacedeVescy,WilliamdeMowbray,RicharddePercy,RogerdeMontbegon,Nicholasde

Stuteville,GilbertdeGant,PeterdeBrus–and,atalaterstage,RobertdeRosandJohndeLacy.Inindividualtermsthe

grievancesofthesemenwerelittledifferentfromthegrievancesofmenelsewhereinEngland.Buttheyweregivenaspecialedgebythewaythenorth,underJohn,hadfeltthedirecthandof

kingshipasneverbefore.HenryIIonlyvisitedthenorthonelevenoccasionsduringareignofthirty-fiveyears.RichardtookabrieflookatSherwoodforest(helikedit),andwentnofurthernorth.John,bycontrast,penetratednortherncountiesineveryyearofhisreignsavethefourwhenhewaslargelyabroad.Onwhatwere

sometimeslongtoursofinspection,heextractedlargesumsinfinesforfavoursandbenevolence.Allthisimpactedonabaronialsocietythat,insomeways,wasmoreself-containedandcohesivethanelsewhereinEngland.Manyofthenorthernbaronshadcompactbaroniesandlimitedinterestsfurthersouth.Theyrallied

behindeachother,actingassuretiesfortheenormousamountsofmoneytheyowedtheking.Atthesametime,thenorthernbaronsgainedstrengthandindependencethroughtheirproximitytoScotlandandconnectionswiththeScottishcourt.Attheveryleast,Scotlandcouldbeabolt-hole.Atmost,thekingofScotsmightallywiththem

againstKingJohn.Andtherewasonefinalfactor.Thenorthernbaronshadleadership,leadershipfromEustacedeVescy.Hewasatthecentreoftheplotof1212andlater,aswehavesaid,wassingledoutforreprimandbythepope.ItwasEustaceaboveall,onemaysuspect,whoralliedthenorthagainsttheking.

Afterhisabortivesettlementwiththenortherners,Johncontinuedhispreparationsforhiscontinentalcampaign.HefinallysetsailinFebruary1214.Bythistimehispositionwasweakerthantheyearbefore.InSeptember1213,SimondeMontforthadwonacomprehensivevictoryagainstKingPedroand

RaymondofToulouseatthebattleofMuret.50Pedro,refusingtosurrender,hadbeenkilled.Hisdemisewascaused,hissonlaterthought,bothbybadtacticsandbyajudgementofGodforhavinglainwithawomanbeforethebattle.51RaymondofToulouseescapedandcametoEngland.HereturnedhomeinJanuary1214with,itwas

said,10,000marks,buthispowerwasbroken.52

TherestofJohn’splans,however,werewelllaidandverymuchintact.InJanuary1214hereceivedthehomageofFerrand,countofFlanders,whohadcometoEnglandwiththecountsofHollandandBoulogne.TheythenreturnedtoFlanderswithanEnglishforceundertheearl

ofSalisbury.John,meanwhile,landedatLaRochelleinPoitouon15February.Thestrategy,ofcourse,wastoforcePhilipAugustustodividehisforcesbetweennorthandsouthanddefeatthemindividually.Despiteoppositiontothecampaign,Johnhadwithhim,apartfromalargenumberofforeignmercenaries,agood

bodyoftenants-in-chiefofbaronialandknightlystatusaswellashouseholdknights.53AsinIrelandin1210,Johnsupportedsuchmenbygivingthemloans.Atfirstallwentwell.JohnsecuredPoitou,ifnotPoitiersitself,andinMay1214hereceivedthehomagesoftheLusignans,thusatlastsmoothingovertheoffenceof

hismarriage.InJunehecrossedtheriverLoireandby17JunehewasatAngers,capitalofAnjou,theancestralhomeofhisdynasty.Here,however,hewasstillovereightymilesfromtheNormanfrontier.Itwasthenearesthegot.FromAngers,Johnmovedsouth-westandlaidsiegetothecastleatLaRoche-aux-Moines.Itwas

therethatLouis,KingPhilip’seldestson,cametomeethiminbattlearray.Johnwaseagertofight.TheLusignansandtheirPoitevinallieswerenot.ItwasonethingtoridewithJohnandtakehismoney.Itwasquiteanothertoriskeverythinginabattle.Desertedbyhisallies,JohnabandonedthesiegeofLaRoche-aux-Moineson2

Julyandfledsouth.By9JulyhewasbackatLaRochelle.Fromthereheaddressedanalltoorevealinglettertotheearls,barons,knightsandfaithfulmenofEngland.Hisclaimthatallwasgoingwellwasimmediatelycontradictedbyanappealforthemtojoinhim.Theycouldthenhelphimrecover‘his’rightsandconquer‘his’land,which

showedplainlythatnooneelse’srightsandlandswereinvolved.Johnaddedthatthosewhofelttheyhadincurredhis‘indignation’couldputmattersrightbyjoininghim.ClearlyherecognizedverywelltheillfeelingsbackinEngland.Howsensitivethepointwasisrevealedbythewaytheletterwasredraftedsothat

‘indignation’replacedtheoriginal‘rancourofmind’,perhapsbecauseitcarriedastrongersenseofjustifieddisapproval.54Itwas‘rancour’,however,aswellas‘indignation’,thatchapter62ofMagnaCartagotJohntoremit.ThetruthwasthatJohn’scampaignwasover.Ithadbeenacompletefailure.

Everythingnowdependedonhisnorthernallies.AfullmusterofJohn’s

allies,withOttoattheirhead,hadtakenplaceatValenciennesinnorthernFranceinJuly.55Everyonewasthereandconfidencewashigh.KingPhilipmusteredhisownforcesatPéronne.Theconfrontationeventuallytookplaceon27Julyoutside

thevillageofBouvinesinthemuchfought-overborderlandbetweenFranceandFlanders.Itwasaclose-runthing.Atonepoint,KingPhilipwascaughtbythehookofahalberdanddraggedtotheground,beforebeingrescuedbyhisbodyguard.Intheend,however,hewonatotalvictory.Ottofled.ThecountsofFlandersandBoulogne,

togetherwiththeearlofSalisbury,weretakenprisoner.Bouvinesisrightly

regardedasoneofthemostdecisivebattleseverfought.ItestablishedFrederickIIinGermany,endedtheAngevinempire,assuredthesupremacyofFranceandledtoMagnaCarta.JohnarrivedbackinEnglandon13

October1214.Histreasureinmoneywasgone.Hisrevenuewascollapsing.Thatrevealedbythepiperollof1214was£25,700,lessthanhalftheleveloftwoyearsbefore.Individualbarons,suchasWilliamdeMowbray,wereceasingtopaytheirdebts.56

John’sprestigewasintatters.Allhisworkoftenyearslayinruins.

TheanimositytowardsJohn,whichhehadacknowledgedinhisletterof9July,hadalsobeenaggravatedbyeventsinhisabsence.AsignificantnumberofnorthernershadrefusedtogowithhimtoFranceandhadalsorefusedtopaythescutage,whichwasfixedatthehighrateof£2afee.InYorkshire,itcouldnot

becollectedatall.InNovemberthepopewrotetoEustacedeVesciwarninghimnottoobstructtheking’sagentsintheperformanceoftheirduties.ProbablyitwasEustacewholedtheopposition.57AllthiswasmadeworsebyJohn’snewchiefjusticiar,PeterdesRoches,bishopofWinchester.Inplaceofthe

cautiousandemollientGeoffreyfitzPeter,sokeentobeacceptedasamemberofthehighnobility,thegovernmentwasnowrunbyanarrogant,abrasive,armour-platedforeignprelate(hewaslaterinthethickofthebattleofLincoln)whowasveryreadytopushJohn’spoliciestothelimit.DesRocheshadVescy’schattelsseizedfor

hisfailuretopaythescutage,andhethreatenedconsequencesforEarlDavid’shostagesifDavidfailedtoattendameeting.DesRocheswasequallydomineeringinthelocalities.58WhenagroupofDevonknightsresistedthesheriffindefenceoftheircharterofliberties,hedescendedonExeter,and

threatenedthesheriffwithlossoflifeandchattelsifhefailedtodefendtherightsof‘thecrown’.59NowonderthatRalphofCoggeshalldeclared‘thenoblesofallthekingdomcomplainedthatanalienmanwasplacedoverthem’.60

ThepoliticalnarrativeafterJohn’sreturntoEnglandinOctober1214hastwomainstrands.Thefirstistheway

John’sopponentsevolvedtheprogrammethatbecameMagnaCarta.Hereonecardinalfacthadtransformedthesituationsincetheattempteddepositionin1212.This,ofcourse,wasJohn’ssettlementwiththechurch.Thekingnowseemedtothepopeawonderfulexampleof‘theboundlessandinfinitegoodnessofGodwhich

makesjustmenoftransgressorsandturnssinnersintosaints’.61Wherenowwastheexcommunicatedtyrantwhomthepopewasurgingeveryonetoresist?SinceJohn’snewstatusmadeitmuchhardertocontemplatehisdeposition,hisopponentslookedtootherremedies.Theirdetaileddevelopment

wewillexploreinthenextchapter.Thesecondstrandisthe

wayJohn’senemiesmusteredtheforcenecessarytocoercetheking.Itisherethatwecometoanothercardinalpoint,whichshapedboththeeventsof1215andthenatureoftheCharter.JohnwasgravelyweakenedwhenhegotbacktoEnglandin

October1214.Hisenemiessawtheirchance,andwereconcertingactionevenbeforehisreturn.Yetthekingremainedaformidableopponent.AsthestartoftheChartershowed,heretainedtheloyaltyoftheearlsofPembroke,Salisbury,WarenneandArundel,ashedidalsothatoftheearlsofChesterandDerby.Whilehe

increasinglylostcontrolintheshires,hiscastlesremainedfirmlyinhishands,manygarrisonedbyhisruthlessforeignagents.AlthoughJohn’scashmountainwasgone,hestillhadthousandsofpoundswithwhichtohireforeignmercenaries.62InEngland,duringthewholeperioddowntoMagnaCarta,hewasnever

defeatedinthefield.TheCharterwasthusanegotiateddocument.ItmighthavelookedverydifferenthaditbeendictatedtoJohnonhisknees.

THEOATH

ThefirstandmostcrucialtaskofJohn’sopponentswastoformthemselvesintoanassociation,acorporatebody

thatcouldholdtogetherindefianceoftheking.Itneededtobeofatypethatcouldexpandbutnotcontract,stoppingmemberscomingandgoingastheypleasedasthoughheldtogethermerelybyaropeofsand.Allthiswasachievedbyanoath.ThegreatoaththatledtoMagnaCartaislittlediscussedbyhistorians,

yetitsimportanceisclear.Thepopefulminatedagainstthe‘swornassociations’formedagainsttheking,whileJohnin1215gavelettersofconducttorebels‘withdrawingyoufromtheoathandconfederationmadeagainstus’.63Noformaltextoftheoath

isknown,althoughonemaycometolight–agreat

discoverywaitingtobemade.Theoathwasprobablydevelopedfromearlier‘confederationsandswornassociations’madeduringtheInterdict,towhichInnocentIIIrefers.Therewasalmostcertainlyanoathtakenbytheconspiratorsof1212,whileRalphofCoggeshallin1213referstowhatwasclearlyanotherswornassociation,

havingjustnarratedtheattemptedsettlementwiththenorthernersthatNovember:‘nearlyallthebaronsofEnglandconfederatedtogethertoprotectthelibertyofthechurchandallthekingdom’.64Thislinksverywellwiththefullestdescriptionoftheoath,asitwasin1215,whichappears

intheWelshchronicletheBrut:

AlltheleadingmenofEnglandandalltheprincesofWalesmadeapacttogetheragainstthekingthatnotoneofthemwithouthisfellowwouldhavefromthekingeitherpeaceorallianceortruceuntilherestoredtothechurchestheirlawsandtheirrightswhichheorhis

ancestorshadbeforethattakenfromthem,andalsountilherestoredtotheleadingmenofEnglandandWalesthelandsandthecastleswhichhehadtakenfromthemathispleasurewithouteitherjusticeorlaw.65

Thattheoathhadaclausepreventingmembersmakingaseparatepeaceisconfirmed

bytheSouthwarkandMertonannals’descriptionoftheconfederationbetweenthebaronsandtheLondoners.66

Thattheoathbeganwiththechurchwastobeexpected,andhelpsexplainhowRobertfitzWalter,asgeneraloftherebelforces,couldstylehimself‘marshalofthearmyofGodandholychurch’.Thatithadclausesaboutthe

restorationoflandsandcastlestakenlawlesslybythekingfitsexactlywithchapter52ofMagnaCarta.

THEMEETINGATBURYSTEDMUNDS

Aconfederationbindingmentogetherinsupportofapoliticalprogrammewasworthlittleunlessitincorporated,orsatalongside,

anagreementtoimposethatprogrammebyforce.EveryoneknewthatJohnwouldnevergivewaywillingly.ThecrucialmeetingatwhichresorttoforcewasagreedisdescribedbyRogerofWendoverandtookplacein1214atBuryStEdmundsinSuffolk.Theprecisedateisdiscussedbelow.Accordingto

Wendover,theearlsandbarons,havinggatheredatBuryfora‘colloquium’,camebeforethehighaltarandsworethat,ifthekingrefusedtoaccepttheCoronationCharterofHenryIandthelawsofEdwardtheConfessor,theywouldwithdrawfromtheirfealtyandmakewaronhim,untilhemadethedesired

concessionsinasealedcharter.TheyalsoagreedtopresstheirdemandsonthekingafterChristmasandmeanwhileprovidethemselveswithhorsesandarms.67Holtishighlysceptical

aboutthisaccount,forwhichWendoveristheonlysource.68Credenceisnothelpedbylaterelaborations.

Onthenorth-eastpierofthepresbyteryatBury,atabletproudlyproclaims:

NEARTHISSPOTONTHE20TH

NOVEMBERA.D.1214,CARDINALLANGTON

&THEBARONSSWOREATST

EDMUND’SALTARTHATTHEYWOULD

OBTAINFROMKINGJOHN

THERATIFICATIONOFMAGNACHARTA.

WHERETHERUDEBUTTRESSTOTTERSTO

ITSFALL,ANDIVYMANTLES

O’ERTHECRUMBLINGWALL;

WHEREE’ENTHESKILFULEYECANSCARCELYTRACETHEONCEHIGHALTAR’SLOWLYRESTINGPLACE–

LETPATRIOTICFANCYMUSEAWHILE

AMIDTHERUINSOFTHISANCIENTPILE.

SIXWEARYCENTURIESHAVEPAST

AWAY;PALACEANDABBEYMOULDERINDECAY–

COLDDEATHENSHROUDSTHELEARNED&THE

BRAVE–LANGTON–FITZ

WALTER–SLUMBER

INTHEGRAVE,BUTSTILLWEREADINDEATHLESSRECORDS

HOWTHEHIGH-SOUL’DPRIESTCONFIRM’DTHEBARONS’VOW;ANDFREEDOM,

UNFORGETFULSTILLRECITES,

THISSECONDBIRTH-PLACEOFOURNATIVE

RIGHTS.

J.W.DONALDSON,Scripsit.J.

MUSKETT,Posuit,1847.

WendoverwoulddoubtlesshavebeendelightedtohearhisFloresHistoriarumdescribedasa‘deathlessrecord’,yetinfactheneithergaveaprecisedatefortheassemblynorsaidthatLangtonwaspresentatit.Indeed,henamednoneofthe

participants.NeitherlapidaryeffusionsnorHolt’sreservations,however,shouldpreventusacceptingthegistofWendover’snarrative.Theargumentsinitsfavourarefarstrongerthanhaveeverbeenappreciated,inpart,aswewillsee,becauseofonefundamentalmisunderstanding.

Wendovercompletedhisaccountofthisperiodaroundtenyearsaftertheeventsdescribed.Hecanmakeegregiousmistakes,includingconflatingJohn’sCharterwiththoseofHenryIII.Yetitisequallyclearthatthesemistakesaresetinanarrativewhich,givenitsprecisionanddates,musthavebeenwrittenfairlyclosetotheevents.

Indeed,hisaccountoftheBurymeetingfollowsadateforJohn’sreturntoEngland,namely19October,whichisonlysixdaystoolate.69ThereisnothingintheaccountoftheBurymeetingthatisclearlyfalse,andindeeditlinksperfectlywiththeeventsofJanuary1215whenthebaronsdidindeedappearinarmsandpresstheirdemands

ontheking.Themisunderstanding

whichhasblightedpreviousdiscussionistheassumptionthatthemeetingtookplaceon20November.ThisisgroundedonWendover’sstatementthatthebarons,ascoverfortheirrealintentions,cametoBuryasif‘forthesakeofprayer’.Whatbetterday,then,tocometoBury

‘forprayer’thanthefeastdayofStEdmunditself,thatis,20November.Yet,ofcourse,itwasperfectlypossibletocometoBuryforprayeronotheroccasions.Johnhimselfmadesixvisits,noneontheday.Givenhisreputationforimpiety,perhapsthatisnotmuchofaguide,butevenhispioussononlytimedtwoofhismanypilgrimagesto

coincidewiththefeastitself.Moreimportantinunderminingthe20NovemberdateiswhatWendoveractuallysays.HavingstatedthatJohnreturnedtoEnglandon19October,heaffirmsthattheBurymeetingtookplace‘aroundthesametime’–‘subeademtempestate’.Wendover,then,thoughtthe

gatheringtookplacenoton20Novemberbutaboutawholemonthearlier.Thatseemsfarmorelikelyonpoliticalandprudentialgrounds.RatherthanwaitinguntilJohnwasathomeandatlarge,thebaronswiselyplannedtheirmeetingassoonastheyheardrumoursofhisreturn,andofcourseinthefullknowledgeofhisdefeat

atBouvines.Themeetingthentookplacearoundthetimeofthatreturn,sosometimearound(followingWendover’sdate)19October.Oncethisdateisaccepted,

muchelsefallsintoplace.70

OutinPoitou,HughofNorthwold,abbotelectofBury,hadwonJohn’sfavour.Hehadgoodreasontohope

thatwhenJohnreturnedtoEngland,hiselectionwouldbespeedilyconfirmed.Intheevent,bothHughandJohnarrivedbackonthesameday,13October.HughwentstraighttoBury,whichhereachedon24October,andthenreturnedsouthtoseetheking.Allseemedsetfair,for,between18and20October,Johnhadissuedaletter

protectingtheabbey’spossessionsandlookingforward,‘Godwilling’,toasolutionofthequarrel.YetwhenHughmetJohninLondonon28October,themoodwastotallydifferent.Johnnowaccusedhimofstirringup‘rebellion’–‘bellum’.HoltarguedthatthismeantnomorethanHugh’soppositiontoJohn’s

wishesovertheelection;itseemedunlikelythatitreferredtoanypoliticalrebellioninEngland,sincethathadyettogathersteam.Thissecondpointisdisposedofonceweacceptthere-datingofthemeeting.‘Bellum’inanycaseseemsastrongwordtouseforthedisputeoveranabbatialelection,howeverimportant.

Whathadhappenedisthat,by28October,JohnhadheardoftheBuryassembly.Nodoubtthenewscamefromhisownlocalofficials.ItalsocamefromJohn’ssupporterswithintheconvent,whosetofftoseehimassoonasHughgothome.OneofthemtoldJohndirectlythatHughwas‘workingineverywayandwithallhisstrengthto

depriveyouoftheroyalcrown’.71InaccusingHughofstirringuprebellion,JohnwasthuscharginghimwithinvolvementintheBurymeeting.IfthemeetingtookplacebeforeHugh’sreturntoBury,thatchargewas,ofcourse,unfair,butfairnesswasneverJohn’sstrongestsuit.If,ontheotherhand,itoccurredaroundthetimeof

Hugh’sbriefstayatthemonastery,thenJohnmightveryreasonablyhavethoughthimcomplicit.Whateverthetruthhere,Hughvigorouslydeniedthecharge,andJohnthenbackeddown:‘Ididnotsaythiswithreferencetoyouinparticular,butonaccountofcertainothers.’Evidently,Johnacceptedthatthemeetinghadnotbeenwith

Hugh’sconnivanceorconsent.Nonetheless,hestilldespatchedafierylettertothemonkssayingthatHughwasindeepdisfavour.Whathappenednextwas

equallyremarkable.LeavingLondonon1or2November,JohnmadeadramaticdashtoBury,whichhereachedon4November.Hetookhisprivysealinsteadofhisgreatseal,

whichheleftbehindinLondonwithPeterdesRoches.Johnhadpromised,soonafterhisarrivalinEngland,tovisitBuryandsettlethematteroftheelection,buthenowcameinverydifferentcircumstances.Hisdecisionwastakeninhaste,foraslateas25OctoberhewasplanningatourofKent,takingin

Rochester,CanterburyandDover.72ThatHugh,onhisreturn,wentstraighttoBury,andthencamesouthwiththeabbey’scharters,showsthathehadnoexpectationofanimminentroyalvisit.John’saimnowwasnotprimarilytosettletheissueoftheelection,whichinfactwasnotsettled.Themainmotivewastostamproyalauthorityonthe

placeoftherebelliousassembly.John’sanxietiesareclearfromotherorders.On30OctoberhedespatchedarcherstoboostthegarrisonsofCorfeandNottingham,increasedtheforcesunderthecommandofEngelarddeCigogné,thesheriffofGloucestershireandHerefordshire,andtoldTheodoricTeutonicus,at

BerkhamstedinHertfordshire,toattenddiligentlytothecastle’scustodyandkeephimfrequentlyinformedaboutitsstate.Then,onthewaytoBury,heorderedTheodorictoconductthequeentoBerkhamstedcastleunderarmedguard,andbyaprescribedroute.Meanwhile,inLondon,on4November,

PeterdesRochesorderedapaymentinconnectionwithwritsthatthepapallegatehadmadeout‘againstthosesworntogether’,inotherwordsagainstthosesworntogetherattherecentgathering.73

AtBury,JohnhadwithhimtheearlsofWinchesterandNorfolk,andprobablyalsoRobertfitzWalterand

GeoffreydeMandeville–allofcoursefuturerebels–sohemadeanimpressiveshowofhissupport.74Whenheenteredthechapterhouse,theswordwascarriedbeforehimbyPhilipofOldcoates,thesheriffofNorthumberland.Itsedgewasdirectednotjustattheabbeybutatthosewhohadsorecentlydefiedtheking.WhenoneofJohn’s

supportersamongthemonksbeggedthat‘theroyalmajestymayflameoutinanger“withpowerfularmandmightyhand”againstitsadversaries’,JohnleftthereplytoOldcoates:‘O,man,fencedinasyouareoneverysidewiththeking’speace,youneednotbeafraid’.75

Thisreassurancesummedup

verywellthewiderpurposeofJohn’sdescentonBury.JohnremainedatBury

merelyforaday.Thebirdshadflownandhehadmadehispoint.On5Novemberhewasonhiswaybacksouth.Heremained,however,acutelysuspicious.WhileatBuryhehadrefusedtoreleaseWilliamMarshal’shostages,despitethe

intercessionoftheearlofNorfolk,agreeingonlythatonecouldbeexchangedfortwoothers.76AllthisisthebackgroundtothemajorconcessionthatJohnmadeinLondonon21November.AttheNewTemple,heissuedhisfamouschartergivingthechurchfreedomofelections.Thiswasthecharterthatwastobeconfirmedinthefirst

chapterofMagnaCarta.John,therefore,aftertheshockofBury,wasdesperatelytryingtobindthechurchtohisside.Theissueofelectionswasaparticularlyliveone,giventhatsixbishopricsandthirteenabbeyshadbeenleftunfilledduringtheInterdictandneedednewpastorsappointed.77Howeverhedged

around,thecharter,inlegislatingforspeedyelections,alsopromisedagreatreductionintheking’srevenuesfromvacancies.JohnfollowedupthecharterwithapersonalconcessiontoArchbishopLangton,foritwason22NovemberthathegaveCanterburytheoverlordshipofthebishopricofRochester.Thereisno

evidencethatLangtonwasattheBurymeeting.Almostcertainlyhewasnot.Buttoitheowedthesegreatvictories.Inissuinghischartergrantingfreeelections,Johntriedtodosomethingelse,namelyshowthatthekingdomwasunitedbehindhim.Ofthethirteenwitnessestothecharter,fiveweretobenamedinMagnaCartaas

John’scounsellors,whilefourwereamongthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.78

WhothenwasattheBurymeeting?Intoearly1215,sourcescontinuedtodescribetheinsurgentsasnortherners,andtheyprobablymadeamajorcontributiontotheassembly.Thisisconfirmedbythestrikingappearanceat

BuryofPhilipofOldcoates.AssheriffofNorthumberland,Oldcoatesisveryrarelyfoundatcourt.On27OctoberJohnhadwrittentohimasthoughhewerestillathisnorthernpost.79Yet,afewdayslater,hesuddenlyturnsup,bearingtheswordbeforeJohn,intheBurychapterhouse.Mostprobably,Oldcoateshad

comesouthinthewakeoftheinsurgentsinordertomonitortheiractivities.Thenortherners,however,wereclearlykeentowidenthebasisoftheirsupport,hencethechoiceofBuryforthemeeting.OneLondonchroniclerlaterobservedthatthebaronsin1215weredescribedasnortherners,‘althoughtheycamefrom

diverspartsofthekingdomofEngland’,andincreasinglythatbecamethecase.80AgovernmentrecordfromJanuary1215describedRogerdeCressyasoneof‘theNortherners’whowereagainsttheking,but,infact,hismaininterestswereinEastAnglia.CressymaywellhavebeenattheBurymeeting.81John,however,

stillhadSaerdeQuincyathisside.Hewastheonelayman,apartfromOldcoates,tobewithhiminthechapterhouse,andwasthecustodianoftheMarshalhostages.DespitethestatementintheBurytablet,thepresencewithJohnoffitzWalter,likethatofMandevilleandNorfolk,arguesagainsttheirparticipation,butonecannot

besure.Theymayhavecometomaketheirexcusesandexplanations.

THERESORTTOARMS

InaccordancewiththeplanslaidatBury,whenthe‘magnates’appearedbeforeJohnattheNewTempleinLondoninJanuary1215theycameinmilitaryarray.Thepopelaterdescribedthemas

makingtheirdemands‘arrogantlyanddisloyallybyforceofarms’.82Justhowclosethesituationwastocivilwarisshownbytheway‘allthose’whohadcomebeforethekingwith‘grievances’weregiventheking’s‘peace’,untilanothermeetingatNorthampton,aswellassafeconductsguaranteedbyArchbishopLangton,seven

bishopsandfourloyalistearls.WhilefitzWalter,MandevilleandtheearlofClarewerestillsufficientlypersonagratatoattestroyalchartersinJanuary,noneofthegreatnorthernbaronsdidso,apartfromRobertdeRos.83ThedemandsputattheNewTemplecentredontheCoronationCharterofHenryI,quiteprobablywithsome

extraprovisionstackedon.John’sresponsewastocondemnthese‘novelties’,andcallforageneraloathoffealtytogetherwithassurances(embodiedinindividualcharters)thatsuchdemandswouldneverberaisedagain.Themeetingendedinstalemate.Allthatcouldbeagreedwastopostponetheissuesuntilthe

meetingatNorthampton,whichwasfixedfor26April.84Therewasnowahiatusas

bothsidesappealedtothepope,ameasureoftheextraordinaryrolehehadassumedinEnglishpoliticssinceJohnhadmadehimoverlordofthekingdom.John,onhisside,hadcleverlypreparedtheway.Duringthe

NewTemplemeeting,hehadreissuedhischarterconcedingfreeelectionstothechurch,andsentittoInnocentIIIforhisconfirmation.85John’senvoy,WalterMauclerc,atthestartofalongcareerinroyalservice,arrivedinRomeon19February,althoughdelayed‘byagreatillness’.Theenvoysoftheinsurgents,clerksofEustace

deVescyandanothergreatnortherner,RicharddePercy,arrivedatthestartofMarch.Inalettertotheking,Mauclercexplainedthathehadbeenunabletoseetheirletters,buthadlearnttheirgist.Thebaronscertainlymountedapowerfulcase,andmaywellhavehopedtochangeInnocent’smind.Theyclaimedthatthe

northernerswerenowjoinedby‘allthebaronsofallEngland’.TheyalsochallengedJohn’snewstatusasapapalfavourite,claimingthatitwastheirownstrugglesforthechurch’slibertyatpapalcommandwhichhadforcedhimtosubmitandmakeEnglandapapalfief.Theythemselveswereonlydemandingtheir‘ancient

liberties’concededbythechartersofJohn’sancestorsandconfirmedbytheking’sownoath,probablyareferencetotheoaththathemadeonhisabsolution.86

Duringthishiatus,Johntookanotherstepthatwasmeanttobolsterhisposition.On4March,AshWednesday,andsoatthestartofLent,hetookthe

crossinStPaul’scathedral,andcommittedhimselftogooncrusade.87Fromnowon(onecanimaginehimthusatRunnymede),heworeonhisshoulderawhitecrossthatproclaimedhisnewstatus.Johnthushopedtogaintheprotectionsofacrusader,whichmightallowhimtoshelvesomeofthecomplaintsagainsthim,as

indeedhappenedinMagnaCarta.88Hehadalsoboundhimselfyetmorecloselytothepope.ForInnocent,thekingwasnowthreefoldblessed:hehadrestoredlibertytothechurch,subjectedhiskingdomtothepapacy,andthentakenthecrosssothathecould‘liberatethelandwhichChristhadpurchasedwithhis

ownblood’.Godwouldnow‘onearthsecureandconfirmthethroneofthekingdomtoyouandyourheirs,andinheaventherighteousjudgewillgiveyouacrownofglorywhichfadethnotaway’.Bythesametoken,asInnocentmadeclear,theobstructionofferedtoJohn’sholypurposesbythe

recalcitrantbaronswasallthemoreillegitimate.89

Johnwasnowinaconfidentmood,andveryreadytoamusehimselfbyplayingcatandmousewithBury’sstillunconfirmedabbotelect.WhenthetwometridinginSherwoodForest,towardstheendofMarch,Hughdismounted,wentdownonhiskneesand

beggedJohntoconfirmhiselection.Johnwasgracious,raisedhimup,welcomedhimasabbotandspoketohimlengthilyinprivate,althoughalways‘savingtherightsofmykingdom’.Butnextday,whenHughsoughtanotheraudienceafterMass,hewasfobbedoffandtoldtospeaktoWilliamBrewer.BrewerthenupbraidedHughfor

showingcontemptfortheking’sliberties,andtoldhimtocomebeforeacouncilthatwastomeetatOxfordon6April.ThereJohnrefusedtoaccepttheelectionunlesshewasgivenmoney(whichHughrefusedonLangton’sadvice),andthenpostponedthewholematteruntilthereturnoftheenvoyssenttoRometoprotestabout

electionsbeingheld‘incontemptformyliberties’.Onthesameday,Johnorderedforhimselffivetunicstowearunderhisarmourandfivebannerswithhiscoatofarms,trimmedwithgold.90JohncelebratedEasterDay,whichfellon19April,attheNewTempleinLondon.Afewdayslaterhemadethetraditionalpayment

totheclerksofhischapelwhohadsungthe‘Christusvincit’inhispresence:

Christconquers,Christreigns,Christrules,hearOChrist,TothekingoftheEnglish,crownedbyGod,salvationandvictory.91

HowJohnmusthavehopedthatwouldnowcometrue.

Hewasquicklydisabused.Johnhadbeentooclever

byhalf.Histakingthecrossonlyprovokedthebarons,whothoughtrightlythathehadactedmerelyto‘defraudthemoftheirproposals’.92

Therewassoonfurtherprovocationinthelettersof19Marchinwhichthepopegavehisjudgement.Thereisapuzzleoverwhentheletters

arrivedinEngland.PopeInnocenthimself,inhislaternarrativeofevents,seemstoindicatethatitwasafterthebaronialdefianceofthekingthattookplaceon5May.Thisseemsratherlate,giventhatthejourneybetweenEnglandandRomecouldtakeaboutamonth,andthiswascertainlyaletterofsomeurgency.93TheCrowland

chroniclerhasthelettersarrivingwhenJohnwasinandaroundOxford,whichwasbetween7and13April.Thisisimpossiblyearly.Thereisnothing,however,impossibleaboutthelettershavingbecomeknowninEnglandduringEasterweek,whichwastheweekof19–26April.Probably,inanycase,thelikelytenoroftheletters

wasalreadyknownfromearlierreportssentbythebaronialenvoys.Ifso,theintelligencemusthavebeenamajorfactorinthegreatescalationofthecrisis,whichnowtookplace.PopeInnocentputhis

judgementintothreeletters,onetoJohnhimself,onetothebaronsofEnglandandonetoLangtonandhis

suffragans.94Johnwasurged,‘ashehopedtohavehissinsremitted’,totreatthebaronskindlyandlistentotheirjustpetitions.Thebaronsweretomaketheirclaimsnotbyforceofarmsbut‘inhumilityandloyaldevotion’.Langtonandhissuffraganswereblamedforfailingtosupportthekingandforgivingtheimpressionthattheyfavoured

thebarons.Thepopenowdenouncedall‘conjurationsandconspiracies’onpainofexcommunication.95Thelettersmadeitabsolutelyclearthatthebaronscouldreceivenohelpfromhim.TheideathattheyshouldapproachJohnhumblyandwitnesshisGod-givenchangeofheartwasludicrous.Theyhadnoweithertoputupor

shutup.Theyputup.ItwasduringEasterweekthatthebaronsmusteredinarmsatStamfordinLincolnshire,afamoustournamentground.Previouslythebaronshadbeenindividuallyinarms.Nowtheyweregatheringanarmy,withwhichtheymarchedfromStamfordtoNorthampton.Therewas,ofcourse,noquestionof

meetingJohnthereon26AprilasagreedbackinJanuary.Instead,therisinggainednewforcewiththenortherners,astherebelswerestillcalled,beingjoinedbyRobertfitzWalter,GeoffreydeMandevilleandGilesdeBriouze,bishopofHereford.FitzWalterstyledhimself‘marshalofthearmyofGodandholychurchin

England’,anambitiousattempttoretainthestatusoffightingforthechurch,despitethepapalcondemnation.BishopBriouzewasayoungersonofthemurderedMatilda,andnowheirtothefamilylordships.InMarch,Johnhadactuallyrestoredthesetothebishop,onlythentocreatea

freshgrievancebydemanding9,000marksinreturn.96

OnMonday,27April,nowatBrackleyinNorthamptonshire,anothertournamentground,theinsurgents,throughthegoodofficesofArchbishopLangtonandWilliamMarshal,sentJohnaschedulesettingouttheirdemands.AccordingtoRogerof

Wendover,thesewereanamalgamoftheCoronationCharterofHenryIandtheLegesEdwardi.Moreprobably,theywereanearlydraftoftheArticlesoftheBarons.Thefactthattheyweredividedupinto‘capituli’justliketheArticles,andthatthebaronswantedthemsealedbytheking,astheArticles

eventuallywere,supportsthisidea.97John’sviolentreactionisthusunderstandable.Thedemands,heangrilydeclared,wouldmakehimaslave;whydidtheynotaskforhiskingdom?YetJohnalsonowmadeanattemptatconciliation.98HeofferedtoabolishtheevilcustomsintroducedbyhimselfandhisbrotherRichard,anddeal

withthoseofhisfatherHenry‘bythecounsel’ofhis‘faithfulmen’.Thismightseemfairenough,butitwasapatheticallyvagueresponsetothedetailedconcessionsbeingdemanded.Itwasalsoallsubjecttoappealtothepope.Notsurprisingly,thebaronsrejectedtheoffer.JohnnextaskedLangtontoexcommunicatethe

insurgentsunderthetermsofthe19Marchpapalletter.Thearchbishoprefused.Heusedtheconventionalexcuseofknowingthemindofthepope,whichmeantthat,inhisjudgement,Innocentwouldhavewrittendifferentlyhadheknowntherealsituation.99

ThetruthwasthatLangtonwoulddonothingthatthreatenedtoescalatethe

crisis.Hewouldnotsidewiththebarons,butequallyhewouldnotcondemnthem.Thatinitself,however,wasenough.Thearchbishop’spassivitymaywellhaveencouragedtheirnextdecisivestep.

DEFIANCE

On5May1215,atReading,amonkformallydefiedJohn

onbehalfofthebaronsandreturnedtheir‘homages’.100Injustifyingwhatineffectwasrebellion,thiswasavitalstep.Inthethoughtoftheperiod,anybreachoffaithtoalordcouldbejudgedastreason;‘seditio’and‘proditio’wasthecontemporaryword.Therecouldbenomoreblatantexampleofthatthanthe

takingupofarms.Equally,itwasuniversallyacceptedthatthepenaltyfortreasonwaslossoflifeorlimb,soexecutionormutilation.Yetitwasalsoacceptedthatatenant,incasesofdeadlyenmity,coulddefyhislordandreturnorrenouncehishomageandtheobligationsthatwentwithit–the‘diffidatio’.101Havingdone

that,hecouldthentakeuparmswithoutbreakingfaithtohislord.Henolongerhadalord.Hewasfreefromanytaintoftreason.102Fromonepointofview,in

escapingtheconsequencesofrebellion,the‘diffidatio’onlywentsofar.Itmightcleansetheinsurgentsfromthetaintoftreasonintheirowneyes,buthardlynecessarilyin

thoseoftheking.Thekingmightsimplyignorethedefianceandtreatthosewhoissueditastraitors.Evenifheacceptedthata‘diffidatio’wastheproperprocedure,andindeeddefiedhisopponentshimself,itwasnotbecausehewishedtoplacethewaronsomegentlemanlyfootinginwhichbothsidesfoughtaccordingtoMarquessof

Queensburyrules–quitethereverse.Hewishedtobefreefromallrules.Theinsurgentswouldbecomehisenemieswhomhecouldattackandkillwithoutletandhindrance.Themedieval‘diffidatio’thereforeled,intheoryatleast,intoalawlessjunglewherewarfareandpoliticscouldbenastyandbrutish,notintoaneatplayingfield

wheretheyweresanitizedandcontrolled.Intheory,butnotinpractice.Inpractice,itwasrarefornoblestobekilledinbattle,forwhenunabletofightontheywereallowedtosurrender.Itwasunheardoffornoblestobeexecutedforpoliticalcrimes.103EvenJohnwasnotexpectedtobreaktheserulesofconduct.Thatwasnotthe

leastreasonforthereadinesstotakeuparmsagainsthim.Therebelswerenotwronginthiscalculation.Inthewholeofthe1215–16civilwar,Johnexecutednotasinglenoble.Havingdefiedthekingon

5May,thebaronsmarchedfromBrackleytoNorthampton.Lackingsiegeengines,theyfailedtotakeit,

butthiswasthefirstopenactofwarfare.Johnnowshiftedhisground,ifonlyalittle,byputtingfleshandboneonhisearlierproposals.On9May,atWindsor,heissuedacharter,addressedto‘allthefaithfulofChrist’.Itwaspointedlynotaddressedtoallhisfaithfulsubjects,formanyofthesewerenolongerfaithful,butatleastJohn

acknowledgedthattheywerestillfaithfulChristians.John’sofferwasthatthe‘complaintsandarticles’beingpresseduponhimshouldbeconsideredbyfourbaronschosenbyhimselfandfourchosenby‘thebaronsagainstus’,withthepopeashead‘abovethem’.Johnwouldthenabidebywhatevertheydecided.Nextday,ina

furtheractofconciliation,Johnpromisedthat,untiltheworkofthearbitratorswascompleted,hewouldnotseize,dispossessormakewaruponthebarons‘savebythelawofourkingdomorbyjudgementoftheirpeersinourcourt’,hereofcourseanticipatingchapter39oftheCharter.104Atthesametime,Johntriedindividualactsof

conciliationandpromisedtodeal,byjudgementofhiscourt,withtheexorbitantfinesimposedonbothGeoffreydeMandevilleandBishopBriouze.105

Johnmaywellhavehopedthatthisproposalwouldleadtosomeminimalconcessions,afterwhichpeacewouldberestored.Giventhatthepopewouldhavethelastword,

therewaslittledangerinthekinghavingtoconcedetoomuch.Thebaronsthoughtsotoo.Theproposallednowhere.John’sreactionwasaggressive.On12Mayheorderedthelandsofhisenemiestobeseizedbythesheriffs.106

THEFALLOFLONDON

Aneventnowoccurredthatchangedthesituationcompletely.Earlyon9May1215,beforeheleftforWindsor,JohnhadbeenattheLondonTemple.Thereheagreedthata1,100-markloanwhichhehadreceivedfromtheTemplars,tofinancethebringingof200knightstoEngland,could,ifnecessary,berepaidfromhisgoldin

theircustody.107JohnalsotookstepstosecuretheloyaltyoftheLondoners,issuingacharterfreeofchargeallowingthemtherighttoelectannuallytheirownmayor.108TheconciliationoftheTemplarssucceeded.ThemasteroftheTemplewasatRunnymedebyJohn’ssideandisnamedasoneofhiscounsellorsin

MagnaCarta.TheconciliationoftheLondonersfailed.ItmaybethatJohnofferedthemtoolittle.Certainlyhewassoonoutbidbytherebels,who,intheArticlesoftheBarons,madethelevyingoftallageonthecitysubjecttothecommonconsentofthekingdom.On17May,whilethecitizenswerestillatMass,or

pretendedtobe,apartyofbaronsclamberedupsomestepsplacedoutsidethewallsinthecourseoftheirrepair,andgotintothecity,wheretheyopenedthegatestotheirfellows.JohnstillheldtheTower,buthisforcestherewereinsufficienttoregaincontrolofthecapital.HisviewwasthattheLondonershadsurrenderedthecity‘of

theirfreewill’.Theycertainlysealedanalliancewiththerebels,gottheirdemandsintotheArticlesoftheBaronsandhadtheirmayorasoneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofMagnaCarta’ssecurityclause.109

ThelossofLondonwasahammerblowforJohn.Itsfinancialresourceswerenowatthedisposaloftherebels.Itswallsnowprotectedthem

fromanydangerofattack.London,ifproperlydefended,wasvirtuallyimpregnable,foritwasfartoolargetobesiege.Andproperlydefendeditwas,forthebaronsimmediatelyplacedguardsonthewalls.110TherewasnowaynowthatJohncouldeasilywinthecivilwar.Hewasalsodamagedinanotherway,forthelossof

LondonmeanttheclosureoftheexchequeratWestminster.111Ithadhithertobeenatworkhearingtheaccountsofthe1213–14financialyear.ThoseforYorkshirewereheardafter5March1215,sinceapardonissuedtoJohndeLacyonthatdaywasincludedinthepiperoll.112Howmuchrevenuewasactuallyarriving

intotheexchequerwasanothermatter.On5MayJohnhadwantedtorepaytheTemplarstheir1,100marksfromthefirstmoneysreceivedbytheexchequer,onlyfortheTemplarstoinsisttheloanbesecuredontheking’sgold.113Theyobviouslythoughtnomoneywascomingin.OnceLondonhadfallen,theexchequer’s

sealandsomeofitsrollsweretakentoReadingabbey.OtherrollswereleftbehindatWestminster,wherenextyeartheyfellintothehandsofPrinceLouis.John,recognizingthetreasurywasempty,ceasedtoissuewritsorderingtheexchequertopayoutmoney.114

AfterthefallofLondon,theriverofsupportersjoining

therebelsnowbecameaflood.Therebellionhadexpandedwaybeyonditsoriginalnorthernbase.Ofthetwenty-fivebaronseventuallynamedinMagnaCarta’ssecurityclause,onlyeightcouldbedescribedasnortherners.Baronsfromtheeasternandhomecountiespredominated.Thetwenty-fiveincludedsevenearlsand

threesonsofearls.Nearlyalltherest,apartfromthemayorofLondon,weregreatbarons.115ThefactthattheeldestsonofWilliamMarshalwasonthesideofthebaronsshowstheweaknessoftheking’sposition.TheCrowlandchroniclernotedhowyoungmenwereattractedtotherebelcause,wishingtomake

anameforthemselvesthroughdeedsofarms,sometimespullingtheirfathersinwiththem.116Johncouldnameasmanyearlsamonghissupporters,buttherestofthosewhoappearedashiscounsellorsatthestartoftheCharterhardlycomparedintermsofstatuswiththetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.

SCOTLANDANDWALES

ThegatheringrebellioninEnglandposedadifficultchoiceforAlexanderIIinScotland.117Alexanderhadsucceededtothethroneonthedeathofhisfather,WilliamtheLion,inDecember1214.Itwasatimeofacuteanxiety.AlexanderknewfullwellthatJohnwouldnowexpecthim,under

thetermsofthe1209TreatyofNorham,todohomageforthekingdom.Hehad,therefore,everyreasontowelcomethebaronialrevoltandthecollapseofJohn’spower.Ontheotherhand,hehadtobecareful.IfhejoinedthebaronsandJohncrushedthem,theconsequencesforhiscountrywouldbedisastrous.Alexander,until

June1215,alsohadhishandsfullinScotlanddealingwiththerisingofGuthredmacWilliam.InMagnaCarta,theconstableofScotland,AlanofGalloway,isnamedatthestartasoneofJohn’scounsellors.This,however,islesssignificantofAlexander’sattitudethanitmightseem.Alan,rulingGallowayasvirtuallyhisown

kingdom,spentlittletimeattheScottishcourtandwasessentiallyanindependentpotentatewhomJohnhaddrawntohissidein1212,notablybyencouraginghimtoconquerUlsteraftertheexpulsionofHughdeLacy.Bycontrast,Alexander’suncle,EarlDavidofHuntingdon,joinedtherebels,despiteJohn’sbelated

grantofthethirdpennyoftheearldom.118Davidwasoldandsick,buthisactionsweremorethansymbolic,forhisillegitimateson,Henry,wasactiveinthebaronialcauseandwaslatercapturedatthebattleofLincolnin1217.Itwashewho,atRunnymede,recoveredGodmanchester.119

AsforKingAlexanderhimself,hewascertainly

abreastofbaronialintentions.Hewelcomedhisbrother-in-lawEustacedeVescytocourtinMarch1215,andSaerdeQuincy,earlofWinchester,probablynowplayingadoublegame,inApril.NofewerthanfivemembersofMagnaCarta’stwenty-fivebarons(theearlsofHereford,OxfordandWinchester,andEustacedeVescyandRobert

deRos)wereAnglo-Scottishlandowners,andthusinAlexander’sallegianceaswellasJohn’s.MyownviewisthatAlexanderhadmadepromisestothebaronialleaders,andhadagreedtojointhemwhenthetimewasright.HencetheconcessionstohimintheArticlesoftheBaronsandMagnaCarta.BoththeCrowlandand

Dunstablechroniclershadheardofsuchanalliance.120

Ofcourse,thatstillleftopenthepossibilityforAlexanderthatthetimemightneverberight.ThesituationinWaleswas

verydifferent,forheretherebelsdidgetverymaterialhelpfortheircause.Johnhaddonehisbesttoshoreuphispositionafterthedisastersof

1212.HehurriedWilliamMarshalintothecustodyofCardiganandCarmarthen.From1213healsobegantorestoreWalterdeLacytohisWelshlordshipsandfinally,on12April1215,returnedLudlowcastletohim.121ThekingalsodangledbeforehimtheprospectofrestoringhisestatesinIreland.Bolsteredinthisway,intheearly

monthsof1215,JohntriedtodrawLlywelynandhisalliesintonegotiations,buttonoavail.BoththeDunstableandCrowlandchroniclersreportthealliancebetweenthebaronsandtheWelshrulers.TheBrut,aswehaveseen,goesintoitsdetails.AroundthetimeofthefallofLondon,LlywelynseizedShrewsbury,whilefurthersouththeWelsh

aidedtheBriouzesinrecoveringthefamilylordshipsinandaroundBrecon.Johnretainedtheloyaltyofmanymarcherbarons,buttheuprisingdisabledthemfromgivinghimmuchhelpinEngland.ApartfromWilliamMarshalandPeterfitzHerbert,nonefeatureamongtheking’scounsellorsintheCharter.122

THEKNIGHTS

AfterhisreturntoEnglandintheautumnof1214,Johnhadsoughttooutflankhisbaronialopponentsbywinningoverknights,nowheremoresothanintheWestCountry,aparticularcentre,aswehaveseen,oflocalfeelingsandindependence.InDecemberJohnorderedthesheriffsof

Somerset,DevonandCornwalltosendhimtwelveknightsfromeachoftheircountiestodiscusspossibleconcessionsovertheroyalforest.Oneresultwasafineof1,200marksmadeinApril1215bythemenofCornwallfordeforestationandotherliberties.Exeter,however,onwhichPeterdesRocheshaddescendedtheyearbefore,

wasstilltobeacentreoftherebellion.Inthesouth-westgenerallytherevoltwastobelessoneofgreatbaronsthanofcountysociety.123

Thereweretwowaysinwhichknightscouldparticipateintherebellion.OnewasbyjoiningthemainbaronialarmythatgatheredatStamfordandswelledthereafter.Theotherwasby

participatinginlocalactivity,wheretheymightchallengetheking’sgovernmentintheshires.Thegeneralimpressionisthatknightsjoinedtherebellioninlargenumbers.AccordingtoWendover,2,000musteredatStamford,afigurethatisfarfromimpossible.124Bymid-May,knightsfromthehonourofTrowbridgewerethrowing

intheirlotwiththeiroustedlord,theearlofHereford,againsthisreplacement,theearlofSalisbury.125Aroundthesametime,aCambridgeshireknight,JocelynofStukeley,wasprobablyintherebelcamp,forhewasgivenlettersofsafeconduct.Heisearlierfoundasagrand-assizejuror,custodiansheriffof

Cambridgeshire-Huntingdonshire,stewardoftheabbotofRamseyandbrieflyajusticeatthebench.126HegivessomeideaofwhatJohnwasupagainst.AtRunnymedeitself,wenowknowfromNicholasVincent’sdiscovery,thebaronsappointedfourknightsineachcountytohelpimplementthetermsofthe

Charter,andpresumablyalltheseknightswerealreadyontherebelside.TheirnamessurviveforKentandaretypicalofthemiddleandupperlevelsoftheknightlyclass,rangingfromthosewhosatonlocaljuriestothoseofvirtuallybaronialwealthandstatus.127

Listsofrebelsfromafewcountiesdrawnupin1216

and1217confirmthisimpressionofextensiveknightlyparticipationintherevolt.128In1216Johnwastoldbyhislocalagentsthat‘thewholecounty’ofHerefordshireand‘alltheknights’ofShropshirehadbeenagainsthim,althoughtherebellionhadmuchlesspurchaseinStaffordshire.Onestrikingfactaboutthe

rebelknights,whenwehavetheirnames,isthenumberswhoappearongrand-assizejuries.Inotherwords,therebellionhadpenetratedfardeeperthanjusttheeliteoftheknightlyclass,whowereabovesuchwork.InYorkshire,amongthosereturningtotheking’sallegiancein1217,HughThomasfoundforty-sixsuch

knights,andthoughtmanymorewereofcomparablestatus.KathrynFaulknerfoundthirtyfromNorthamptonshire,andtwenty-sevenfromCambridgeshire.ARutlandreturnhasfiveknightswhosattogetheronagrand-assizejuryin1211.AshortlistofLeicestershirerebels,withonlysixnames,includedtwo

grand-assizejurors.129AGloucestershirelisthasaroundadozen.Knightlyconductinthis

periodwasgoverned,invaryingdegrees,bytiesoflordship,neighbourhoodandfriendship,aswellasbypersonalgrievancesandpoliticalideas.Theforceoflordshipwascertainlystrong.TheloyalistearlsofChester

andDerbykepttherebellionoutoftheirkeylands.Ontheotherside,thegreatnorthernrebels,Holtconcluded,werefollowedbytheirparticulartenants‘almosttoaman’.InHerefordshirethecountyrebelledwithBishopBriouzeintheearlysummerof1215butreturnedwithhimtoJohnintheautumn.130

Itwouldbeagreatmistake,however,toconcludethattheknightsin1215weremerepuppets.Theywerequiteabletopushtheirownagendas,evenagainsttheirlords.TheknightsofCheshireextractedfromEarlRanulftheCheshire‘MagnaCarta’.RalphofCoggeshall’simpressionwasthatthe

knightsoftheloyalistearlsandbaronsdesertedtotheopposition,whichwasanexaggeration,butitsuggeststheflowofthetide.131Indeed,outsideCheshire,inEarlRanulf’shonourofRichmond,whichhehadonlyacquiredin1205,thereweremanyrebels,astherewereintheFossardbaronyinYorkshire,intowhichPeter

deMaulayhadbeenintruded.Someknightsmaywellhavepushedtheirlordsintorebellion.OnesuspectsthatwasthecasewithOxfordshire’sineffectualbaronHenryd’Oilly.ThefourknightlytenantswhojoinedhimwereallactiveinlocalgovernmentandtwohadbeentoIrelandinKingJohn’sarmyof1210.132The

baronRogerdeCressyandtheknightWilliamfitzRoscelinclearlyformedateam.TheybothhadtheirlandsseizedwhenCressyquarrelledwithJohnin1207.FromEaster1215theywererunningNorfolkandSuffolktogether,withfitzRoscelinactingasCressy’sunder-sheriff.Hewaswellqualifiedtodososincehehadalready

beenthecounty’sunder-sheriffin1211.133TherebellioninShropshireclearlyhadmuchtodowiththefitzAlanlordsofClun,labouringundera10,000-markrelief,buttwooftheirtenants,VivianofRosshallandThomasdeCostentin,bothgrand-assizejurors,weresingledoutfromtheother,unnamedknightsinthelistof

rebels,andwereclearlyinfluentialmen.134InotherareassuchasCambridgeshireandNorthamptonshirewheretherewerefewdominantlords,manyknightswereabletochoosetheirowncourse,and,aswehaveseen,numbersofthemdidsoinfavourofrebellion.135

Manyoftheseknightshavecareersandbackgroundsthat

canbetracedindetail,althoughthereisnotthespacetodothathere.InRutland,firstonthelistwasthegrand-assizeknightThomasdeHotot,whosedescendantscompiledafamilycartularywithcopiesofthe1217ForestCharter,the1225MagnaCartaandJohn’schartersubmittingthekingdomtoPopeInnocent

III.136InLeicestershire,firstupwasanothergrand-assizejuror,RalphdeMartinwast,fromaveryprominentknightlyfamilyinthecounty.137OneoftheGloucestershireknights,WilliamdeParco,hadbeenarrested,alongwithseveralotherleadingknights(theywereknicknamed‘bigshots’(‘buzones’)),forallegedly

givingfalsejudgementsinthecountycourt.AnotherGloucestershireknightcertainlyhadhisownopinionsaswellasadirectinterestinchapter50ofMagnaCarta,dismissingfromofficetherelationsofGerardd’Athée,includingGiodeCigogné.ThiswasWilliamdeMara,whowas

arrestedbyGioforspeakingillofKingJohn.138

Conspicuousamongknightsactingforthemselveswerethoseholdingfrombaroniesinthehandsoftheking.ManyfromwithinthehonoursofTickhillinYorkshireandPeverelinNottinghamshirejoinedtherebels.InAprilandMay1215,Johnsentouturgent

orderstotenknightsinthehonourofWallingfordaboutgarrisoningWallingfordcastle.Halfofthosethusharriedarelaterfoundinrebellion.AnotherWallingfordknight,WilliamfitzEllis,hadhisgrievancesoverunjustdisseisinremediedatRunnymedeitself.Doubtlesssuchmenpressedforchapter43ofthe

Charterwithitsprotectionforthoseholdingfromsuchhonours,thoseofWallingfordandNottingham(soPeverel)beingmentionedbyname.139

ByfarthelongestlistofrebelsisthatfromGloucestershire,withsomeeighty-onenames.Aboutathirdofthese,inAdrianJobson’sanalysis,areofmenwhoserebellionandindeed

whoseveryexistenceisotherwiseunknown.140Manyoftheunknownprobablycamefromtheranksofthenon-knightlyunder-tenants,asdidagoodproportionofthoseforwhomsomepropertycanbefoundbutwithoutevidencethattheywereknights.Thissuggeststhattherebellionembracedthekindoffreetenantsfound

onthehundredjuries,whoseimportancewehavealreadydiscussed.141InRutlandandLeicestershire,thesheriffmadesomeefforttoindicatealevelofinvolvementbeneaththeknights,sincehealsogavethenamesoffourteenrebel‘serjeants’.Probablytheseweresubstantialfreetenantsoflessthanknightlystatus.Atthe

musteratStamford,besidesthe2,000knights,RogerofWendoverlikewisementionedthattherewere‘serjeants’bothonhorseandfoot.Detailedinquiriesintotherebelsofthe1215–17civilwar,likethosesurvivingforthecivilwarof1263–7,wouldprobablyhaverevealedtheveryconsiderablesocial

depthoftherebellionagainsttheking.142

THELASTSTEPTORUNNYMEDE

Johnhadnowtoacceptthathewaslosingauthoritythroughoutthecountry.FromEasterin1215,NorfolkandSuffolkweretogethercontrolledbyRogerdeCressyandWilliam

fitzRoscelin.143Herefordshire,aswehaveseen,hadgonewiththedefectionofBishopBriouze.IntheWestCountry,Exeterwasbrieflyoccupied.AlargepartofNorthamptonwasburntinaconflictbetweenthetownsmenandthecastlegarrison.InLondon,theTowerwasattacked,whileanorthernarmy,hearingof

eventsfurthersouth,occupiedLincolninWhitsunweek(7–14June).144Majordefectionsalso

continued,includingthoseoftwogreatnortherners,RobertdeRosandJohndeLacy,whomJohnhadstruggledtokeeponside.LacyhadgonewithJohntoPoitouandtakenthecrosswithhimon4MarchinStPaul’scathedral.

Hehadthenbeenpardonedallhisdebts.JohnstillthoughtLacywasloyalon31May.Probablyhewasalreadywiththerebels.AtRunnymede,Lacy,likeRos,becameoneofthetwenty-fivebaronsofMagnaCarta’ssecurityclause.145EvenworsewasthedefectionofSaerdeQuincy.HetoohadtakenthecrosswithJohnon4March

andwasstillthoughttobeloyalon6May.Yeton25MayhewastheonlybaronialnegotiatornamedinasafeconductthatJohnissued.GivenhisalliancewithRobertfitzWalter,Saer,onemaysuspect,hadlongbeeninbaronialcounsels.146JohnhadbeengenerousinmakinghimearlofWinchester,buthadthendeniedhimthecastleof

Mountsorrel,leavinghimanearlwithoutacastle,almostasbadasaknightwithoutahorse.Saer’sthrowingoffthemaskoffealtytohiskingwasamajorgainforthebarons,sinceheknewJohn’sgovernmentfromtheinside,havingbeenforawhileabaronoftheexchequer.Ashisroleon25Maysuggests,heprobablyplayedalarge

partinthenegotiationsatRunnymede.Whenhefinallyre-enteredtheallegianceofJohn’sson,HenryIII,in1217,theclerkrecordingthefactonthecloserollswroteinthemargin:‘IwillhateaslongasIamable;ifnot,unwillingly,Iwilllove.’147

Nootherbaronprovokedacomment.

Withhissituationthusdeteriorating,Johnexecutedafundamentalchangeofcourse.On16May,thedaybeforethefallofLondon,hewasstillofferingtheinsurgentsjustatruce.148Buton25May(whileatOdiham)thesafeconducthegavetoSaerdeQuincywastotreatabout‘peace’,whichclearlymeantasettlementthatwould

leadtopeace.Evidentlythekingwasnowengagingseriouslywiththebaronialdemands.Johnfollowedupthesafeconductof25Maywithanothertwodayslater,allowingArchbishopLangtontocometoStaines,againtotreatof‘peace’betweenthekingandthebarons.149Quiteprobably,theenvisagedlocationwasalready

Runnymede.Inthesecircumstances,theking’sofferon29Maytosubmitthedemandsofthebaronstothepopewasmerelygoingthroughthemotionsforpapalconsumption.Johnknewverywelltherewasnowayforwardonthatbasis.150On8June,nowatMertonpriory,heissuedanothersafeconducttolastuntil11June

forthosecomingtoStainesonbehalfofthebarons‘tomakeandsecurepeace’.151

ThenegotiationsatRunnymedewereabouttobegin.

10

TheDevelopmentoftheOppositionProgramme

Whiletheinsurgentshadbeenturningthescrewsontheking,theyhadalsobeendevelopingtheprogrammethattheywishedhimtoagreeto.Thereismuchthatisunknownaboutthisprocess.Therewereprobablymanyschemesofreforminplayatthesametime.TheschemefoundintheUnknownCharteristheonlyonethat

survives.Inthebroadestterms,however,thetrajectoryseemsclear:fromthelibertiesofthekingdomandthelawsofEdwardtheConfessor,ontotheCoronationCharterofHenryI,theCoronationCharterwithadditionaldemands,theArticlesoftheBaronsandthenMagnaCartaitself.

ANCIENTLIBERTIESANDTHELAWSOFEDWARDTHE

CONFESSOR

AccordingtoRogerofWendover,beforeJohnwasabsolvedin1213hesworetoabolishevilcustoms,judgejustly,giveeveryonetheirrightsandupholdthelawsofhisancestors,especiallythoseofEdwardtheConfessor.CoggeshalltoohasJohn

swearingtouphold‘ancientliberties’.1Respectfor‘ancientliberties’waslikewisethebasisofJohn’sabortivesettlementwiththenorthernersinNovember1213.Whetherthesewerefleshedoutinanydetailwedonotknow.AsforthelawsofEdwardtheConfessor,Wendovercontinuestofeaturethem,withthe1100

Charter,inthebaronialdemandsof1214–15.ThetwoarealsolinkedtogetherintheWelshchronicleknownastheBrut.2IfJohndidtakeanoathin1213toupholdthelawsoftheConfessor,heprobablysawitasnomorethanageneralizedpromiseofgoodgovernment.Buttheoppositioncouldregarditasrathermoretangiblebecause,

aswehaveseen,therewasanactualtextoftheLegesEdwardiConfessoris.Itshowedthekingacceptingthelawsofthekingdomasenunciatedbothbyhisnoblesandbytwelvemenchosenfromeachcounty.TheadditionsmadetotheLondonversionoftheLegesinJohn’sreignstressedtheking’sobligationtogovernnotby

willbutbycounselandjudgement.Otherinterpolationsinthesamecollectionwhichwouldhaveappealedtolocalsocietylaiddownthatexactionsinthehundredcourtweretobereasonableandaccordingtothelawoftheland.3

TheLegesEdwardiwere,therefore,wellworthlayingbeforetheking,yetthey

hardlyrestrictedhisruleinanykindofdetailedandeffectiveway.Theyincludednothingatallaboutrelief,wardships,ormarriagesofheirsandwidows,issuesthatsoexercisedthebarons.Indeed,forthemostpart,Johncouldprobablyhaveagreedeasilyenoughtotheactualtext.Itwasnotgeneralprinciplesofgoodrulethat

hisenemiesneededtoassert(towhichJohnwouldalwaysgivelipservice),butthedetailofhowtheyshouldoperate.Notsurprisingly,therefore,theLegesEdwardigraduallyfadedintothebackground.TheyarenotmentionedbytheCrowlandorCoggeshallchroniclersandeveninWendover’saccountaresooneclipsedbythe

CoronationCharterofHenryI.

THE1100CORONATIONCHARTEROFHENRYI

ThedemandthatJohnshouldconfirmtheCoronationCharterofHenryIrepresentedaquantumleapintheoppositionprogramme,andthisintwoways.First,Johnwasnolongertomake

justvaguepromises,forthe1100Chartercoveredindetailthetreatmentofrelief,wardships,marriagesandwidows,issuesthattheLegesEdwardisosignallyneglected.Indeed,onthesemattersthe1100CharterdirectlyinfluencedtheorderaswellasthecontentoftheArticlesoftheBarons,andthenceofMagnaCarta,since,

inallofthem,relief,wardshipandmarriagescomeatthestart.Inaddition,the1100Charter’sstipulationthatpenaltiesshouldbe‘accordingtothedegreeoftheoffence’anticipatedasimilarstipulation(bothusethesameword‘modum’for‘degree’)intheArticles.4The1100Chartermightalsoappealtoknightsandunder-

tenants,sinceitmadeconcessionstoknights(overthesubjectofthegeld)andwasspecificthatthebaronsshouldpasstheconcessionsonrelief,wardships,marriagesandwidowsdowntotheirmen.5Ingeneral,itwasfarmorefitforpurposethantheLegesEdwardi.Therewasasecondwayin

whichthe1100Charterwas

instructive,awayobviousbutimportant:itsuggestedthatJohnshouldbeboundtoconcessionsembodiedinacharter.Thatideacoincidedwithacademicthought,asseeninthewritingsofArchbishopLangtonandtheschoolofPetertheChanter.6

Italso,ofcourse,coincidedwithlong-standingpractice,inwhichkingshadmade

concessionsbychartertoindividuals,towns,counties,ecclesiasticalinstitutionsandthechurch,themostconspicuousexampleofthelastbeingJohn’s1214chartergrantingfreeelections.Manyofthesegrants,moreover,justlikeMagnaCarta,weretobeheldfromthekingandhisheirs‘inperpetuity’.7

Therewasalsoawell-known

Europeanexampleofawrittenconstitutionbindingaruler,namelyinSimondeMontfort’s1212StatuteofPamiers.8

Theimportanceofthe1100Charterisshownbythewayinwhichnofewerthanfourversions,allwithslightlydifferenttexts,werecirculatinginJohn’sreign.OneofthesewasinLondon;

anotherwasatStAlbansabbey;anotherwasthatcopiedoutwiththescheduleofadditionaldemandscalledbyhistorianstheUnknownCharter.AnotheragainwastranslatedintoFrench,alongwiththecoronationchartersofStephenandHenryII.Evidentlytheytoowerebeinginspected.9Thefactofthetranslationshows,ofcourse,

thedesiretomakethecharterseasilyaccessibletoFrench-speakingbaronsandknights.ThechartersofStephenandHenrywerebriefaffairsbutgaveaddedstatustothe1100Charterthattheycouldbereadasconfirming.Indeed,theBurychronicler,narratingthestoryofhisabbot’selection,thoughtthatthewholequarrelin1215was

causedbyJohntryingtoannultheCoronationCharterofHenryI,whichhisfatherhadconfirmed.10

Whenandhowthe1100Charterenteredthepoliticalnarrativehaslongbeendebated.AccordingtoRogerofWendover,itwasLangtonhimselfwhointroducedthebaronstothecharteratagatheringatStPaul’s

cathedralinAugust1213.Langtonbelievedintheprincipleofbindingthekingtoacharter,buttherearereasonstobescepticalhereaboutWendover’sstory.WhilehisdatingoftheStPaul’sassemblyisaccurate,hehimselfgivesahealthwarningwhenitcomestoLangton’srole:itismerely‘asrumoursays’.11When

Wendoveradmitsthat,alarmbellsshouldberinging.TheyshouldalsobesetoffbyhisfurtherstatementthatLangton,atthispoint,joinedthebaronialconfederationandpromised,whenthemomentcame,tohelpfightforitslibertiestothedeath.NothingintherecordoftheperiodsuggeststhatLangtonactuallythrewinhislotwith

thebaronsinthisway.Incontrast,RalphofCoggeshall,theCrowlandchronicler,theAnonymousofBéthuneandtheBruthavethe1100charterappearingonthesceneayearlater,afterJohn’sreturnfromFrance,andnoneofthemassociateLangtonwithit.12TherewascertainlyacopyoftheCoronationCharterinthe

Canterburyarchives,buttherewasnoneedforLangtontoproduceatextinsomemagicalway,since,aswehaveseen,othercopieswereabout.Whilethetranslationofthe1100ChartermentionedabovecomesfromatextlikethatatCanterbury,therearereasonstothinkthatthisversionoriginatedatWestminster,

sinceitinterpolatesintothewitnesslistthenameofWestminster’sabbot,GilbertCrispin.13Canterbury,moreover,apparentlyhadnocopyofthecoronationchartersofStephenandHenryII,whichwerealsotranslated,whilebothoftheseweretobefoundinLondon.14

ProbablyWendoverknewnomorethanthatthe1100

Chartercameontotheagendaatsomepointbefore1215,anddecidedtopinitonLangtonandthe1213council.OnecannotruleoutthepossibilitythatLangtondrewattentiontothe1100CharterbuthisdoingsowasneitherasdramaticnorasdecisiveasWendovermakesout.Asforthetiming,myview,likeHolt’s,isthatthe

1100charterwasonlyseriouslypressedonJohnafterhisreturntoEnglandinOctober1214.15Itisatthispoint,bythesametoken,thatthemoregeneralideaofbindingJohntoacharterentersthediscourse.Forallitsutility,the1100

Charterwasnototalsolutiontotheproblemof1215.Muchofitwasoutofdate.Itdealt

withgeld,nowmoreorlessobsolescent(itisnotmentionedinMagnaCarta),andsaidnothingaboutscutagesandaids.ItdirectedthattheforestsweretobekeptasunderWilliamtheConqueror,buthowdidthatrelatetotheforestsunderJohn?Andwhatwastheuse,saveasanexample,ofthechapterthatpardoned(with

someexceptions)alldebtsowedtoWilliamRufus?16

Therewasalsoawholerangeofconcernsaboutlaw,legaladministrationandlocalgovernmentwithwhichthe1100Charterdidnotdealatall.Morewasneeded.

THEUNKNOWNCHARTER

Oneattemptatprovidingmoreisseeninthedocument

calledbyhistorianstheUnknownCharter.17HeretwelveadditionalconcessionsallegedlymadebyKingJohnwereappendedtoacopyofthe1100Charter.SinceitiscertainthatJohnnevermadetheconcessionsinquestion,whatwehavehereareessentiallyaseriesofdemandswhichwerebeingcanvassedbyJohn’s

opponents.ItisapitythattheUnknownChartercannotbedated,foritwouldhelpshowjustwhentheprogrammewasmovingbeyondthe1100Charter.Agoodcasecanbemadeforthinkingthatthiswasquiteearly,preciselybecausethe1100Charterissoinadequate.ThattheUnknownCharterhasnothingaboutLondonsuggestsitpre-

datesthefallofthecityon17May1215.ThatitstartsbymakingJohnagreenottoarrestanyonewithoutjudgementsuggestsitmaypre-datehispromisetothateffectissuedon10May.SuchademandwouldfitwellwiththeNewTemplemeetinginJanuary,whenJohn’sopponentsmusthavefearedviolentretribution.If

thedemandsintheUnknownCharterwereputtoJohnattheNewTemple,onecaneasilyunderstandwhyhedismissedthebaronialproposalsas‘novelties’.18TheUnknownCharterwas

drawnupverymuchwithreferencetothe1100Charter.Thusittoohastheissuesofrelief,wardshipsandmarriagesatthestart,and

echoesitsphraseologyaboutwills.19ButwhereitcoveredthesamegrounditbroughttheprovisionsuptodateinwaysthatoftenanticipatedtheArticlesoftheBaronsandMagnaCarta.Thusheiresseswerenowtobemarried‘withoutdisparagement’;widowsweretostayintheirlatehusband’shouseforfortydayswhiletheirdowerwas

assignedthem;reliefwasnottobechargediftheestatehadbeeninwardship;andpropertyheldinwardshipwasnottobepillaged.20

Inotherareas,theUnknownCharterwentbeyondthe1100Charteraltogether.ThusJohn,rightatthestart,promisedtoarrestnoonewithoutjudgement,toreceivenothingfordoing

justiceandtocommitnoinjustice,theessenceoftheCharter’smostfamouschapters.Thepenultimatechapter,againanticipatingtheArticlesandMagnaCarta,laiddownthatinterestondebtsowedtoJewswasnottoaccrueinaminority.TheUnknownCharteralsodealtwiththehighlycontentiousissueofoverseasservice,

stipulatingthatitwasonlydueinNormandyandBrittany–sonotinPoitouasin1214.Thenextchapterfixedscutageatonemarkperknight’sfee,asopposedtothethreemarksJohnhadtakenin1214.Thesewereradicaldemands,aswasthechapterontheroyalforest,whichdirectedthateverythingmadeforestby

John,RichardorHenryIIwastobedeforested.Thiswastovirtuallytoremovetheroyalforestfromlargepartsofthecountry.Thesedemandsclearly

formanimportantbridgebetweenthe1100CharterandtheArticlesoftheBarons.HoltpointsoutthatsevenchaptersoftheUnknownCharterhavecorresponding

chaptersinMagnaCarta.21

Arguably,abetterfigureisninebecausethegrievancesoverscutage,andindirectlyoveroverseasservice,wereinsomewaysmetinMagnaCarta’schapters12and14.TheUnknownCharter,however,hadnothingonLondon,townsandtrade.IthadnothingongrievancesoftheWelshandtheScots.It

hadnothingonredressofpastinjusticesorhowtheconcessionsmightbeenforcedinthefuture.Ithadnothingabouttheworkingsofthecommon-lawassizesandtherunningoflocalgovernment.Under-tenantswouldhavewelcomedtherestrictionsonscutageandtheprivilegesgrantedto‘knights’withintheroyal

forest,buttheUnknownCharterappears,forthemostpart,anarrowlybaronialdocument.Johnissaidtomaketheconcessionsto‘mybarons’orto‘mymen’,sotohistenants-in-chief.22Thereisnostatementthattheconcessionsaretobepassedonbythebaronstotheirownmen.Whenwereachthe

Articlesweareinadifferentworld.

THEARTICLESOFTHEBARONS

TheadvanceintheoppositionprogrammebetweentheUnknownCharterandtheArticlesoftheBaronsisnothingshortofsensational.TheUnknownCharterhastwelvechapters.TheArticles

oftheBaronshasforty-eight,followedbythelengthysecurityclause(chapter49).TheUnknownCharterhadnoinputintothephraseologyoftheeventualCharter.TheArticlesarethefoundationsforitastheyarealsoofitsorder.Indeed,theyweredraftedwiththeeventualCharterinmindsinceitis

referredto,inchapters1and49,onthreeoccasions.TheArticlescovereda

muchbroaderrangeofissuesthanboththeUnknownCharterandtheCharterof1100.Legalprocedures,localgovernment,London,towns,merchants,thekingofScotsandtheWelshallappearasissues.Scutagesandaidshadnowtobeleviedwiththe

commonconsentofthekingdom.Agreatdealofthoughthasgoneintothequestionofenforcingtheconcessions,withtwenty-fivebaronsinthesecurityclausebeingempoweredtodoso.Thoughthasalsogoneintotheredressofpastgrievances,thusopeningupahighlycontentiousarea.Underchapter37oftheArticles,

amercements,andfinesfordowers,inheritancesand‘maritagia’(meaningbothmarriageportionsandmarriages),madeunjustlyandagainstthelawofthelandweretobecompletelyremitted,ortheissuewastobedecidedbythejudgementofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause,alongwithArchbishopLangtonand

thosehewishedtobringwithhim.Thisdealtwiththegrievancesofwidows,forcedtoofferlargesumstogaintheirdowers,marriageportionsandinheritances.ItcoveredthegiganticfineofGeoffreydeMandevilletomarryIsabella,countessofGloucester.Anditcoveredallthefines,somecolossalinsize,forinheritanceswhich

Johnhadexactedinplaceofreasonablereliefs.TheArticlesalsosoughttoremedyunjustdisseisins.Underchapter25,thosedisseisedbyJohnwithoutjudgementoflands,libertiesandrightsweretohavetheirpropertyimmediatelyrestored,somethingofrelevancetoagreatmanyoftheinsurgents.Iftherewas

anydispute,itshouldagainbesubmittedtothetwenty-fivebarons.AsforthosedisseisedbyHenryIIorRichard,theyweretohavejudgementwithoutdelaybytheirpeersintheking’scourt,unless,thatis,Johnsecuredtheexemptionsofacrusader,inwhichcasejudgementwouldbepassedbyLangtonandthebishops.

TheveryfactoftheArticlestestifiestothecohesionoftheopposition.Ithadheldtogetherandcombinedwhatwereprobablymanyschedulesofgrievanceintoasinglepowerfuldocument.TheArticlesareundatedandjusthowtheycameintobeingisdifficulttosay.The‘schedule’thatthebarons

senttoJohnfromBrackleyinNorthamptonshireon27April,demandingitbesealed(astheArticlesoftheBaronseventuallyweresealed),mayhavebeenanearlydraft.23

Quiteprobably,JohnengagedseriouslywiththeArticlesfrom25May,whenhegaveSaerdeQuincyasafeconducttocomeandtreataboutpeace.Aswewillsee

inthenextchapter,therearereasonsforthinkingthatthekingsealedthefinalversionon10JuneatRunnymede,thusindicatinghisacceptanceoftheArticlesasthebasisforthecomingsettlement.HowtheoppositionmovedfromadocumentliketheUnknownChartertotheArticlesisunclear,butquiteprobablythedemandsgrewasthe

confederationgrew.Indeed,tosomeextentonecanseethathappening.ThechaptersonLondonandmerchantshavetheappearanceofbeinginsertedintoanexistingdocument,presumablyafterthebaronialseizureofthecapitalinMay1215.Inchapter9onamercements,therefore,thesectiononmerchantsistaggedonatthe

endaftervilleins,anorder,defyingsocialstatus,thatwasreversedinMagnaCarta.24

Likewise,theissueofLondon’stallageswasadded,quitelogically,totheendofchapter32ontaxation,whilethechaptersonmerchants,andonentryandexitfromthekingdom,wereputeithersideinwhatbecamechapters31and33.Thechapteron

gettingridofthefishweirsfromtheThamesandMedway,whichreplicatedconcessionsmadetoLondoninroyalcharters,wasinsertedmorerandomlyaschapter23,whereitbrokeupwhatwouldhavebeenacoherentsectiondealingwiththeking’sadministrationofjustice.Thatthechaptersonthe

WelshandthekingofScots

comeveryneartheendoftheArticlessuggeststheytoowereaddedafterthebaronshadmadetheiralliancewiththeWelshrulers,andhadcometoanunderstandingwithAlexander.TheimportanceoftheWelshallianceisreflectedinthesubstantialnatureoftheconcessionsdemanded.Underchapter44,Welshmen

disseisedbyJohnoftheirlands,libertiesorrightsinEnglandorWalesweretobeimmediatelygiventhemback‘withoutplea’,whichmeantwithoutanychallenge.HeretheyhaddonebetterthantheirEnglishcounterparts,forwhom(inchapter25)thepossibilityofachallenge,obviouslybyJohn,wasrecognized.Chapter44went

ontosaythatWelshmenwhohadbeendisseised‘withoutjudgementoftheirpeers’byHenryIIorRichardweretoreceivejusticeinthesamewayastheEnglish,whichmeantundertheproceduresetoutinchapter25–althoughthiswastobeaccordingtothelawofEngland,WalesortheMarch,dependingonwherethelandsweresituated.

(TheMarchwastheborderlandbetweenWalesproperandEngland.)Chapter45directedthatLlywelyn’sson,takenunderthetermsofthetreatyof1211,wastobereturned,aswereallWelshhostagesandchartersofsecurity.Here,however,therewasaqualification,forJohnevidentlyclaimedthatunderhischarters(presumably

thosecoveringthetreatyof1211)hewasnotboundtomaketheserestorations.HisclaimshereweretobedecidedbyLangtonandthosehewishedtobringwithhim.25

AsforKingAlexander,inchapter46Johnpromisedtotreathislibertiesandhisrights‘accordingtotheform’inwhichhewasgoingdeal

with‘thebaronsofEngland’,althoughheretootherewasthequalificationaboutwhetherthingsshouldbedifferentbecauseofthechartersthatJohnpossessed.John’snewlydiscoveredaccountofthe1209TreatyofNorhamgivesthesestipulationsfreshmeaning.Underthetreaty,JohnwasexpectingAlexandertodo

himhomageforthekingdomofScotland.TheimplicationoftheArticlesoftheBarons,bycontrast,wasthatthetreatywasdead.TheonlyrelationshipthatAlexandernowhadwithJohnwasasanotherbaronofEngland.ThusthelibertiesandrightsthatAlexanderwasseeking,onemaysuspect,concernednotScotlanditself,buthis

claimstothethreenorthernmostEnglishcounties,claimswhichhadbeenreservedunderthe1209treaty.HewasnowseekingtoholdthecountiesfromtheEnglishking,likeanyotherbaron.SinceAlexander’sclaimsweretobetreatedlikethoseoftheotherbaronsofEngland,thatmeant,undertheArticles’chapter25,they

wouldbejudgedeitherbythetwenty-fivebaronsorbyAlexander’speersintheking’scourt.26ThechapteronAlexanderalsodealtwithhishostages,whichwerealmostcertainlythosetakentoguaranteethe1209treaty.ThesetoowerenowtobetreatedlikethosetakenfromEnglishbarons,whichmeant,underchapter38,thatthey

weretobereturned.Heretoothesavingclauseapplied:‘unlessitshouldbeotherwisebythecharterswhichthekinghas’.Johnevidentlywastryingtoassertthatthe1209treatystillhadvalidity.Mostimportantofall,in

movingfromalargelybaronialdocumentsuchastheUnknownCharter,wastheinfluenceoftheknights

whowerejoiningtherebelarmyinlargenumbersandobstructingtheking’sagentsintheshires.Knightsweresteepedintheworkingsofthelaw,andhadplentyofexperienceinextractingconcessionsabouttherunningoflocalgovernmentfromtheking.TheycoulddrawinspirationfromtheCoronationCharterofHenry

I,withitsdirectconcessiontoknightsovergeld.Indeed,theversionoftheCoronationChartermostcloselylinkedtothedemandsof1215,thatattachedtotheUnknownCharter,isonewhichincludesablatantappealtotheknights.Henry,inmakinghisconcessionovergeld,hopesthat‘asmykindnessisthemorefeltbythem,sothey

maybefaithfultome’.27

SomeknightsmayhaveknownofthetwelvemenineachcountydeclaringthelawintheLegesEdwardi,andtheinterpolationsinthesameLondoncollectionabouttheexactionsinlocalcourts,andthesheriffsbeingelected‘infullfolkmoot’.28Furtherafield,KingPedrohadconcededthathisofficialsin

Cataloniashouldbeelectedknights.29Knightsalsohadexperienceofextractingconcessionsfromtheirlords,asthecharterofPeterdeBrusshows.Therewasalsotheexampleofthe1100Charterwherethebaronsweretopassontheconcessionsoverrelief,marriagesandwidowstotheirmen.

Viewedfromthisperspective,theknightswouldhaveseenadocumentliketheUnknownCharterasdeeplydisappointing.TheymustalsohavehadreservationsaboutthefirstchaptersoftheArticlesoftheBarons,whichdealtwithrelief,wardship,marriageofheirsandtherightsofwidows.Thesecompletely

lackedtheinjunctionsaboutbaronspassingdowntheconcessiontotheirmenfoundintheequivalentchaptersintheCoronationCharterofHenryI.True,theArticlessimplyreferto‘heirs’and‘widows’withoutanyindicationoftheirtenurialstatus,sotheycouldbetakenasreferringequallytotenants-in-chiefandunder-

tenants.Butthatthechaptersonreliefandwardshipwereintendedtoapplytotherelationshipbetweenthekingandhistenants-in-chiefwasshownbythewaytheywereredraftedatRunnymede.Baronsmaywellhavewantedthesametobetrueofthechapteronthemarriageofheirs,sinceintheArticlesithadbeenpartofthe

wardshipschapter.BaronialconcerntocontroltheirtenantsisrevealedinthewayachapterintheArticleswasredrafted.Thiswaschapter17,whichpreventedawidowbeingforcedintoremarriage.Itwascertainlyaimedatbothkingandlords,andforthatreasonprovidedasafeguardforboth.Itthusinsistedthatawidowneededtogetthe

consentoftheking,orthelordfromwhomsheheld,ifshewishedtoremarry.ThischapterseemsoutofplaceintheArticles,whereitcomesafterchapter16onwills,ratherthanmorelogicallyafterchapter4abouttherightsofwidowsovertheirproperties.Probably,thechapterhadinitiallylackedthesavingclauseand,when

redraftedtoincludeit,droppedoutofitsoriginalplace.InMagnaCartaitwasputbackthere.Ifknightswereindeed

disappointedwiththeearlyschemesofbaronialreform,theremaywellhavebeenparallelsin1215witheventsattherevolutionaryparliamentsof1258–9.AtOxfordin1258,thegreat

menhadlikewisemusteredwithlargenumbersofknights,andthatexplainswhytheso-called‘PetitionoftheBarons’infactcoveredfarmorethanbaronialinterests.30AttheWestminsterparliamentofOctober1259abodyofknights,describedas‘thecommunityofthebachelryofEngland’,protestedthatthe

baronshadonlylookedaftertheirowninterestsanddonenothingfor‘theutilityoftherepublic’.TheresultwasthespeedypublicationoftheProvisionsofWestminster,withtheirearlyclausesdealingwithgrievancesofunder-tenantsaboutbeingforcedtoattendthecourtsoftheirlords.31Wasitcomparableknightlypressure

thatshapedthenatureoftheArticles?Thus,afterthechaptersonrelief,wardshipsandmarriages,comeaseriesofconsecutivechapters,beginningwithchapter6,dealingwiththeinterestsofunder-tenants,sometimesasagainsttheirlords.32Onereadschapter6withastart.Afterall,theheadingoftheArticlesis‘thesearethe

chapterswhichtheBaronsseek’.Yetchapter6isspecificallyaimedat‘thebaron’.Thekingisnottogivehimpermissiontotakeanaidfromhisfreemensaveonthethreespecifiedcustomaryoccasions.Whatonearthisgoingon?Theanswermostprobablyisthatthiswasachapteronwhichknightsandunder-tenants

insisted.Chapter7wasinthesameveinandlaiddownthatnoonewastodomoreserviceforthefeeofaknightthanwasowed:ageneralstatement,butclearlyverymuchintheinterestofunder-tenantsagainsttheirlords.Chapter8movedontothemajorconcernofknightsandfreetenantsovertheworkingofthecommon-lawassizes,

andcalledintheknightselectedbythecountycourttositwiththeking’sjudges.Andthencamethechapteronamercements,beginningwiththoseleviedonfreemen.Howlittletheearlsandbaronswereconcernedwiththesechaptersisshownbythewaytheywerenotmentionedatallwithinthem.Aspecialchapteraboutthe

amercementsimposedonearlsandbaronshadtowaituntilRunnymede.Afterthechapterson

amercementsintheArticles,therefollowsarunofchapters,between11and21,verymuchintheinterestsofknightsandunder-tenants,fortheydealtwithlocalgovernmentandlocalofficials.Herechapter14

bannedtheincrementsabovethefarmsofthecounties(andbyimplicationtoothewholepolicyofprofits),thusechoingtheconcessionthatthemenofSomersetandDorsethadobtainedfromtheking.Thesamechapterstipulatedthatthesheriffswerenottointerferewithpleasofthecrownwithoutthecoroners.Theprovision

thusfocused,notontheabuseofthesheriffshearingthepleasofthecrowninsteadoftheking’sjudges,butontheirignoringthecoroners,whosejobitwastokeeparecordofcrownpleas,aswellasholdinquestsondeadbodies.Sincecoronerswerecountyknights,probablyelectedbytheirfellows,theArticlesweremakingsurethesheriffs

didnothereescapelocalsupervision.33Onlyoneofthesechapters(chapter16)hadanyequivalentintheUnknownCharter,andthatwasnowmadesociallymorecomprehensive.Dealingwiththosewhodiedintestatethischapterbenefited‘anyfreeman’,whereasintheUnknownCharter(chapter5)

thebenefithadonlybeenfortenants-in-chief.Knightsandunder-tenants

werealsoprotectedagainstbothkingandlordsbychapter28onaccusationsbybailiffsandchapter29,whichpreservedafreemanfromarrestanddisseisinsavebyjudgementofhispeersorbythelawoftheland.Itwasonlyinthesecondpartofthe

chapter,whenitcameto‘goingagainst’anyone,thatitbecamesimplyapromisemadebytheking.Chapter30,forbiddingthesale,delayanddenialofjustice,wassimilarlygeneralinitsapplication.BothchapterscontrastedwiththeirequivalentsatthestartoftheUnknownCharter,whichonlyconcernedtheconduct

oftheking.OtherchaptersintheArticlesbenefitedknightsandunder-tenantsmoredirectly.Thuschapter27ensuredthatfreemendidnotlosetheprivilegesofknighthoodbecausetheyheldsomekindofnon-knightlytenure.Chapter34,whichpreventedinterestonJewishdebtsaccruinginminorities,plainlyembracedunder-

tenants,foritconcernedtheheir‘fromwhoeverheholds’.ItwasagainmuchbroaderthantheequivalentchapterintheUnknownCharter,chapter11,whichwaslimitedtotenants-in-chief.Chapter35,whichensuredthatwidowsandchildrenwerestillprovidedforwhenJewishdebtswerepaidduringminorities,likewise

appliedtounder-tenants,somuchsothatherelordsputinanothersafeguard.Suchdebtsweretobepaid‘savingtheserviceoflords’.Chapter36protectedtheknightlyunder-tenantsinhonours,suchasWallingford,thatwereintheking’shands.IntheArticlesanotherrun

ofchaptersonlocalgovernmentbeganwith

chapter39.Thischapteritselflimitedtherangeofthosewhohadtoappearbeforethejusticesoftheforest,andthenwentontocommissiontheinquiryofthetwelveknightsineachcountyintotheabusesoftheking’sofficials.Theinquiryplacedtremendouspowerinthehandsoftheknights.Theywerenotsimplytoinquireintowhat

waswrong;theywerealsotoputitright.Andtheyweretobechosennotbythebarons,butbythecountycourt.34

Chapter39isfollowedbyanotherchapterofconcerntoknightsandlocalsociety.ThisdismissedtherelationsofGerardd’Athée,whoweresheriffsofGloucestershire,Herefordshire,Nottinghamshireand

Derbyshire.WehaveseenhowthischaptermusthavepleasedtherebelknightWilliamdeMara,arrestedbyGiodeCigognéforbad-mouthingKingJohn.Athée’sclanwerealsomilitaryexperts,sothenextchaptercalledforthedismissalofalltheforeignsoldierswhomJohnhadbroughttoEngland.ThentheArticlesreturned

againtolocalissues,andlaiddownthatsheriffsandotherofficialsshouldknowthelawofthelandandmeantoobserveit.Sincesuchalawmightvaryaccordingtotheregion,thechaptercarriedtheimplicationthatthesheriffshouldbeanativeofhiscounty.TheArticlesconcludedin

chapter48bystatingthat

everyoneshouldobservetowardstheirmenthoselibertieswhichthekingwasgivingtohismen.Alltheconcessions,therefore,weretobepasseddowntounder-tenants.ThechapterthusprovidedsomecompensationfortheabsenceofanysimilarinjunctionswithinindividualchaptersearlierintheArticles.Noequivalent

statementisfoundineithertheCoronationCharterortheUnknownCharter.Knightscertainlygotless

thantheymighthavehopedforfromtheArticles.Thestipulationthatthesheriffsshouldknowthelawofthelandwassomething,butapoorsubstitutefortheconcession,boughtfromJohnbysomecounties,thatthey

shouldbelocalknights.Therewasnosuggestionthatthesheriffsshouldbeelectedbythecountycourt,althoughsuchelectionswereconcededwhenitcametotheknightsinchapters8and39(chapters18and48intheeventualCharter).Knightsandunder-tenantswerealsogivennoopportunityineithertheArticlesortheCharterto

complainabouttheirlords,whethertothetwelveknightsineachcountyortothetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.Theopportunitytomakesuchcomplaints,alongwithlocallyelectedknightlysheriffs,hadtowaituntilthereformsof1258–9.35

Nonetheless,evenwiththesequalifications,thebaronial

demands,asrepresentedintheUnknownCharter,hadbeentransformed.TheArticleswerefarmorerepresentativeofthewiderrealm.TheArticleswereafair

copy,buttheclerkmaywellhavebeenworkingfromadifficultdocumentwithinterlineations,andattachments,producedbythe

additionsandchangeswehavedescribed.Hemaysometimeshavefailedtoseewhereaclauseshouldgo.Hemaysometimeshavemadehisowndecisionsaboutboththesequenceandthebreakingupintochapters,aswhenhetackedontochapters14,35and39newsectionswitharatheruneasy‘andthat’.36

Therewasalogictomuchof

thearrangement,especiallyinthefirsthalfofthedocument,althoughMagnaCartaimproveduponit.Thusthechaptersonamercementsleadnaturallytothechaptersbetween11and21onlocalgovernment,sincethefirstherewasabouttheamercementsofvillagesforfailuretoperformbridgework.Theintentiontodo

somethingaboutmeasuresatchapter12mayhavecomeatthispointbecauseoftheamercementsimposedonlocalcommunitieswhenthemeasureswerefalse.37Onepuzzlesastowhychapters29and30,demandingjudgementbypeersandforbiddingthesaleanddenialofjustice,appearrelativelylowdownintheArticles,and

thuslikewiseinMagnaCarta,whereasintheUnknownChartertheycomefirst.PerhapstheArticleswishedtofollowthe1100Charterandthusbeganwithreliefsandwardships.Perhapsthechaptersdroppedfromtheiroriginalplacebecauseofdebatesoverwording.WhereasJohn’sletterof10May,asanalternativeto

judgementbypeers,mentionedtreatment‘bythelawofourkingdom’,theArticles,moreevocativeandindependentoftheking,havetreatment‘bythelawoftheland’.ThereweretobefurtherchangestobothchaptersatRunnymedeitself.

THEINPUTOFKINGJOHN

HolthassuggestedthattheArticleswere‘notproducedinapurelybaronialgatheringbutbybothsidesinconcert’.Indeed,theywere‘theworkofasmallcommitteeslowlyreachingcommongroundoveraperiodofafortnight’.38

Assumingthatseriousnegotiationsbeganon25May,whenSaerdeQuincywasgivenhissafeconductto

treatof‘peace’,therewascertainlytimeforsuchworkbeforeJohn,probablyon10June,agreedtotheArticlesasthebasisforthefinalsettlement.Buttherewasnotmuchcommonground.True,therewerepartsoftheArticlesthatJohnmightseeasadvantageous.Hehadmuchtogainfrommakingcommon-lawlitigationmore

accessible,forhecouldthuswinthefavourofknightsandfreetenants.Forthesamereason,hemightwelcomethestipulationthateveryonemustpasstheconcessionsdowntotheirownmen.IngettingsuchchaptersintotheArticles,knightsandfreetenantsshouldhavehadJohn’sfullsupport.These,however,weresmall

compensations.JohnmusthaveregardedthegreatbulkoftheArticlesasutterlyunpalatable.Hehadoriginatednoneoftheproposals.TheheadingoftheArticleswasquiteright.‘ThesearethechapterswhichtheBaronsseekandthelordKingconcedes.’Johnwasengagedessentiallyinanexerciseofdamage

limitation.Hereheachievedsomething,butfarlessthanhemighthavehoped.Intheareaofdamage

limitation,Johnscoredonemajorvictory.TheUnknownCharterhaddemandedthedeforestationofwhateverHenryII,RichardandJohnhadmadeforest.HereitwastheafforestationsofHenrythatcountedmost.Yetthe

ArticlesoftheBaronssaidnothingaboutRichardandHenry,andonlycalledfortheremovalofJohn’safforestations.ThatthesubjectwaslongdisputedmayexplainwhythechapteraboutJohn’safforestationsisattheendoftheArticles,asthoughuntilthelastmomentthebaronshopedformore.

Insomeotherareas,Johnseemstohavemodifiedthedetailofthedemands.TheArticlesacceptedthathischartersmightaffecttherestorationsduetotheWelshandthekingofScots(chapters45and46);thatredressforthosedisseisedbyHenryandRichardmightbeaffectedbyhisprivilegesasacrusader(chapter25);and

thatJohnmightchallengewhetherdisseisins,finesandamercementsinhistimewereunjust(chapters25and37).Inallthesecasesproceduresweresetuptodealwithsuchcontingencies.TheArticlesexemptedJohn’sdemesnemanorsfromtherestrictionsoncountyrevenues(chapter14).Theyleftthesizeofrelieftobedecidedinthe

Charter,presumablybecausetherehadbeennoagreementaboutit.Johnwonavictorywhenitcametowardships.TheUnknownCharterhaddemandedthattheyberunbyfourknightsofthefee.Althoughtheknightsweretoanswerfortheissuestotheking,thisstillmeantthathecouldneithersellwardshipsnorexploitthemthroughhis

ownagents.TheArticlesoftheBarons,bycontrast,leftJohnquitefreetogivewardshipstowhomheliked,onlysayingthattheguardiansshouldlosethemiftheycommittedwaste.Johnwonanothervictory,althoughitwasapyrrhicone.TheUnknownCharterhadbannedserviceoverseassaveinNormandyandBrittany,and

hadfixedtherateofscutageatonemarkperknight’sfee.NeitherofthesedemandsappearedineithertheArticlesortheCharter.Yetthatonscutagewasunnecessary,becauseithadbeenreplacedbyafarmoreradicaldemand.TheUnknownCharterhadallowedthekingtolevyascutagehigherthanamark‘bycounselofthebaronsof

thekingdom’.IntheArticles,thiswastransformedintothedemandthatnoscutagewastobeleviedatallsavebythekingdom’scommoncounsel.MagnaCartawentontomakeclearthatthiscounselcoveredtherateaswellastheincidenceofscutage.Thebaronshadthusgainedtotalcontrolofthetax.Thatwascertainlyagrievousintrusion

intotherightsofthecrown,sincethekinghadhithertoleviedscutagewithoutanyconsent,deemingitdueunderthetenurialobligationsofhistenants-in-chief,iftheydidnotsendtheiractualmilitaryservice.ThechapterintheArticles(32)alsohadabearingonoverseasservice.Johnwasnotstoppedfromdemandingthis,butthe

baronsdidgainthepowertopreventhimlevyingascutagetosupportit,which,inpractice,cameclosetothesamething.Thesedefeatsweregrievousenough.Theypaledintoinsignificancebesidethemonstrosityofthesecurityclause.

THESECURITYCLAUSE

HavingsetoutJohn’sconcessions,theArticlesleftafour-linegapandthencontinued,‘Hereistheformofthesecurityfortheobservationofthepeaceandthelibertiesbetweenkingandkingdom.’Thegaphasledtotheideathatthesecurityclause,asitiscalledbyhistorians,wasinitiallyintendedasaseparate

document,butthiswascertainlynotthecasebythetimeoftheArticles,fortheyleaveadetailintheclausetobesettled‘inthecharter’.39

Thesecurityclausewasindeedmomentous.Itrepresentedbyfarthemostrevolutionary,asalsothemostoriginal,partoftheArticlesandtheeventualCharter.John’sdetailed

concessionscouldallbeseenasextensionsofthosemadebyHenryIin1100.Therewasnowaythesecurityclausecouldbeseeninthatlight.Theformofitscoercionofthekinghadnoprecedent.V.H.Galbraithwasrighttosayitrepresented‘themostfantasticsurrenderofanyEnglishkingtohissubjects’.40Itwasseenin

thosetermsatthetime.TheAnonymousofBéthune(whosepatronatthispointwasonJohn’sside)thoughtthereweregoodthingsintheCharter,butdescribedwithastonishment(andwithsomeexaggeration)thepowersassumedbythetwenty-fivebarons.Whilenotreferredtospecifically,suchpowersunderlaythecommentsonthe

eventsof1215madeinacontemporarypoemcopiedintotheMelrosechronicle.ThisacknowledgedJohn’styrannicalrule,butnonethelessbeganbysayingthat:

Englandhasratifiedaperverseorder;Whohasheardsuchanastonishingeventbeassertedinverse?

Forthebodyaspiredtobeontopofthehead;Thepeoplesoughttoruletheking.41

Underthetermsofthesecurityclause,thebaronsweretochoosetwenty-fiveoftheirnumber.Thesewere,astheArticleshadalreadyindicated,tositinjudgementontheking’sunjustdisseisins,finesand

amercements,iftherewasanydisputeovertheirimmediatereversal.Inthesecurityclauseitself,thetwenty-fiveweregivenawiderbrief.Thiswastoensure,withalltheirstrength,that‘thepeaceandthelibertieswhichthekinghasconcededandconfirmedinhischarter’wereobserved.Ifthekingorhisministers

offended‘anyoneinanything’ortransgressedanyofthe‘articlesofpeaceorsecurity’,thevictimsweretocomplaintofourofthetwenty-five.Thefourwouldthenbringthecomplaintbeforetheking.Ifhedidnotredressthegrievance,withatermtobedecidedintheCharter,thenthefourweretogototherestofthetwenty-

five,andthetwenty-five,‘withthecommuneofalltheland’,wouldthendistrainanddistressthekingineverywaytheycould,namelybytakinghiscastles,landsandpossessions,untilthewrong,intheiropinion,hadbeenrighted.Atthatpoint,everyonewouldobeythekingasbefore.Theclausethenwentontoexplainthe

oaththatwouldform‘thecommuneofalltheland’,beforereturningtothetwenty-fiveanddealingwithsubstitutes,majorityverdictsandanoathofoffice.Finally,summingupthetotaldistrustwhichmadethewholeclausesonecessary,therewasthestipulationthatJohnshouldgivesecurity,throughchartersofthearchbishop,the

bishopsandthepapalrepresentativePandulf,thathewouldseeknothingfromthepopewhichwouldoverturntheagreement.Onestrikingfeatureofthe

clause,rarelycommentedupon,isthatitgavethetwenty-fiveabroaderremitthansimplythatofenforcingtheCharter.Theywerealsotohearcomplaintsiftheking

orhisministersoffended‘anyoneinanything’.Thisextraordinaryprovisionmeanttheycouldtakecognizanceofanythingtheyliked,andgavethemvirtuallyapermanentbrieftomonitortheactivitiesofroyalgovernment.Voiceswereevidentlyraisedtogivethetwenty-fiveevenmorepower.TheAnonymousofBéthune

thoughttheyweretochoosethe‘bailiffsoftheland’.OnedraftoftheCharterhadthemchoosingthecastellansofstrategiccastles.42Johnevidentlybeatthatoff,butwhatwastherewasbadenough.True,ifthekingdidoffend,thentheproceduregavethechanceofreform.Whenthefourbaronsbroughtthecomplainttohisattention,

hewouldhavetheopportunitytoputmattersright.If,however,hefailedtodoso,‘withinareasonabletimetobedeterminedintheCharter’,therewerenosimilarstagesintheratchetingupofpunishment.Theirwholeweightcrasheddownatonceonhishead.Whereaschapter5oftheArticleslaiddownthatJohn’s

debtorsshouldbedistrainedfirstbytheirchattelsandonlyifthatfailed,bytheirlands,inthesecurityclausethetwenty-fiveweretoseizeatoncetheking’scastles,landsandpossessions.Itwas,moreover,entirelyuptothetwenty-fivetodecidewhenJohnhadputmattersright,andeveryonecouldobeyhimasbefore.

Toenforceallthis,thetwenty-fiveenlistedthe‘communeofalltheland’.Thiswasformedbyanoathtobetakenbyeverybody,whichiswhy‘communitas’intheLatinisalwaystranslatedas‘commune’,meaningaswornassociation.Theoathwasitselfastonishing.Unlikethelateroathof1258,whichwasto

upholdthereformsofthatyear,itwasanoath,nottoupholdtheCharter,buttoobeytheordersofthetwenty-fiveinharmingtheking.Theoaththusestablishedthetwenty-fiveinapermanentrelationshipwiththepeopleofthekingdom,withtheoathofloyaltytothemstandingnowalongsidetheoathofloyaltytotheking.Another

corollarywasthatanyonewhobroketheoathcouldineffectbeaccusedofbreakingfaithtothetwenty-fiveandbeliabletoattackinbody,landsandchattels.ThisindeedwaspreciselywhatJohn’snorthernagent,BriandeLisle,wasthreatenedwithlater,ifherefusedtoobeyajudgementofthetwenty-fivereturningKnaresborough

castletoNicholasdeStuteville.43Truly,Johnwasnowtobeonlyhalfmasterinhiskingdom.Thesignificanceofthe

oathisshownbythecuriousdouble-handedprovisionoveritsswearing.Onecouldeitherdosovoluntarily,orbemadetodosobytheking.Onthefaceofit,thebaronswereheretakingaremarkablerisk,

foracommonwayofnullifyinganoathwastosayithadbeentakenunderduress.Therewasnosimilarprovisionovercoercionintheoathof1258.44Thatthebaronsnonethelessrantheriskshowstheimportancewhichtheyattachedtogettingeveryonetoswear.Theyhoped,ofcourse,sincetheoathhadtobeswornanyway,

itwouldbeswornvoluntarily.Theywerealsoassertingsomethingaboutthesheerstatusoftheoath.Itwasineffectbeingmadeaconditionofbelongingto‘theland’.Inwasthusabsolutelyonaparwiththeoathoffealtytakentotheking,whichlikewiseeveryonehadtoswear,willinglyornot,tobeamemberofthekingdom.

Achiefaimofthesecurityclausewastoenablethetwenty-fiveandthecommuneofthelandtoattackthekingwithoutanytaintoftreason.Inotherwords,theyhadthelegalrighttoattackJohn’spossessionswhilethekinghadnolegalrighttodoanythinginreturn.SinceJohnhadsanctionedtheiractions,theywouldnotbebreaking

theiroathsoffealtytohim.Therewasnoneednowtoissueanykindofformaldefiance.Yetwhilethesecurityclauseclearlyworkedlegally,itishardtoseehowitcouldworkpractically.TheideathatJohnwouldsitquietlybywhilehislandswereseized,andhiscastlesbesieged,wasfanciful,aswastheideathat

afterwardseveryonewouldobeyhimasbefore.Manyhistorianshavethusseentheclauseasimpracticable,whichistomissthepoint.Thesecurityclausewasconceivedfromthestartasthemedievalequivalentofanucleardeterrent.ThepointwastothreatenJohnwithsuchmassiveandimmediateretaliationthatcomplaints

broughttohisattentionwereboundtoberedressed.Iftheywerenot,thesecurityclausehadalreadyfailed.Attheverymost,itwouldhelpjustifybaronialactionagainsttheking.Eventhatpossibility,whenitcametoit,thebaronsdidnotexploit.WhenJohnrenegedontheCharter,theyturnedtoan

altogetherdifferentremedyandchoseanotherking.Underneaththeumbrellaof

thesecurityclause’sdeterrent,thebaronshadeveryintentionofmakingthetwenty-fivedotheirwork,hencetherulesaboutmajorityverdictsandtheelectionofanewmemberifonedied.Thiswastobenotemporarycommission.

Indeed,itwouldlastaslongastheCharteritself,andsincethatwastobeinperpetuity,thetwenty-fiveweretohaveapermanentplaceinthelifeofthekingdom.Howthenwasthis

remarkableplanofcoercionandredressconceived?Thatisnoteasytosay,foritissooriginal.Thereisnothinglikeitearliernotmerelyin

Englandbutfurtherafield.HeretherearenoparallelsinSpanishjurisprudence.45Themostlikelyexplanationisthatthesecurityclausewasindeedanoriginalconceptionoftheopposition,bringingtogetheraseriesofdifferentthreads.Theprocessofpetitioningthekingtoputrightactsofinjustice,eithercommittedbyhimselforhis

predecessors,waswellestablished.Johnhimselfrespondedtosuchcomplaints,sometimesafterajudicialinquiry.ItwasthusthatherightedadisseisinofKingRichard,andcancelledoneofhisowncharterswhichhehadbeendeceivedintogranting.46Equallywellestablishedwereideasaboutbaronssittinginjudgement;

thatafterallwaswhatwasinvolvedinjudgementbypeers.Themonitoringroleofthetwenty-fivealsohadparallelswiththecouncilsfoundintownconstitutions.UnderthecharterJohngrantedtoNorthampton,fourmenoftheborough,chosenbycommoncounsel,weretoensurethattheprovost,thechieftownofficial,treated

justlybothpoorandrichalike.47In1200twenty-fiveLondonerswereelectedtocounselthemayor.48In1206JohnhimselforderedthebaronsofLondontoelecttwenty-fouroftheirfellowcitizenstocarryoutreforms.Theoaththetwenty-fourtookstillsurvives.49Asfor‘thecommuneofalltheland’,formedbyageneraloath,that

wasclearlymodelledon‘thecommuneofthekingdom’formedtoresistinvasionbytheoathof1205.50

Theideaoflegitimateresistancehaditselfmanyroots.Itwasafamiliarpartofthedebateinmonasticcommunitieswhentheywerequarrellingwiththeirabbots.AtEveshaminJohn’sreign,themonkThomasof

Marlboroughobservedthatwhilecivilandcanonlawforbadsubordinatesfrombringingaccusationsagainsttheirsuperiors,theywereallowedtodosoincertaincircumstances.Hethenwentontobringaseriesofchargesagainsthislicentiousabbot.51

Inthesecularworld,itwas,aswehaveseen,acceptedthatavassal,sufferingactsof

injustice,mightrenouncehisallegianceandmakewaronhislord.Thiswascloselyrelatedtotheideaof‘legitimatefeud’,wheretherewasthenecessityforajustcause,apropercomplaint,theopportunityfortheoffendertomakereparation,andwhere‘thepropergoalwasarestoredbalanceofsomekind’.52InMagnaCarta,

however,thereisnoneedforanyactofdefiance,resistancebeingsanctionedbythekinghimselfinthelawlaiddownintheCharter.TheappealtolawcanbeseeninacasefromthekingdomofJerusalem.In1198,whenRalph,lordofTiberias,wasaccusedoftreasonbytheking,heclaimedprotectionunderalawknownasthe

‘Assisesurlaligece’,anddemandedajudgementbyhispeersintheking’scourt.Whenthiswasrefused,hispeerswithdrewtheirservicefromthekingandofferedtomaintainTiberiasinhisrights.53Admittedly,theofferofsupporttoTiberiasnevermaterialized,anditisunclearwhatitwassupposedtoinvolve.Itwasnotinitself

sanctionedbythe‘Assise’,ofwhichTiberiaswasadvancingonlyonepossibleinterpretation.Nonetheless,inthiscaseresistancewasbeingjustifiedinthelightofwhatwasatleastallegedtobeawrittenlaw.AcloserparalleltoMagnaCartacomesfromHungary,forhereresistancewasindeedlegitimizedbythekinginhisowncharter.The

thirty-onechaptersoftheGoldenBull,issuedbyKingAndrewIIin1222,dealtwithsuchissuesasinheritance,dower,localofficials,taxation,dispensationofjustice,nationalassemblies,militaryserviceoutsidethekingdom,andarrestand‘destruction’(thesamewordasinMagnaCarta)withoutlawfulprocess.Attheend,

thekingconcededthatifheorhissuccessorsactedcontrarytotheconcessions,then‘bytheauthority’ofthebull,thenobleshadtherighttoresistandcontradicthimandhissuccessors‘withoutstainofinfidelity’.54UnlikeMagnaCarta,theGoldenBullgavenodetailsaboutthenatureoftheresistanceenvisaged,soitssanctions

weremuchweakerthanthoseofthesecurityclause.55

Nonetheless,resistance,ifthekingcontravenedhisconcessions,washerebeingpermittedbythekinghimself.TherewereconnectionsbetweenEnglandandHungaryintheearlythirteenthcenturyandMagnaCartamaywellhaveinfluencedtheGoldenBull.It

wasprobablyalsoacaseofsimilarproblemsspawningsimilarsolutions.InEngland,therewas

before1215atleasttheideathatmagnateshadadutytorestrainorlimittheking.GervaseofCanterburythoughtthat‘themagnatesofEngland’haddonethatin1205whenthey‘compelled’Johntotakeanoathto

preservetherightsofthekingdom‘withtheircounsel’.56InthegreatbookonthelawsandcustomsofEnglandknownasBracton,largelywritteninthe1220sand1230s,twoviewsaboutresistancewerecanvassed.OnewasthatthekingmustbelefttothejudgementofGod.Theotherwasthatthe‘universitas’ofthekingdom

shouldcorrecthisactsofinjustice‘intheking’sowncourt’.Anevenmoreextremestatementwasthatthebaronsoughtto‘putabridle’onalawlessking.Therewasnosuggestionthatifthishappenedtheyoughttodefyhimandwithdrawtheirallegiance.Thesesentimentswerepromptedbythe1233–4risingagainstHenryIII,a

risingindefence,itcouldbethought,ofMagnaCarta.57

ThejudgeWilliamofRaleigh,whowasprobablyresponsibleforthispassageinBracton,wasaprotégéofthePattishalldynastyofprofessionaljudges.InMay1215SimonofPattishall,John’sseniorjudge,hadhislandsseizedforjoiningtherebels.Heprotestedhis

innocence,butdidnotmakehispeaceuntilthefollowingDecember.58Pattishallhadmaterialreasonsforflirtingwiththerebellion,butonewonderswhetherhisviewsonMagnaCartaandthesecurityclauselaidthefoundationsforRaleigh’ssentimentsabouttheeventsof1233–4.

Insum,thesecurityclausedrewonproceduresforpetitioningtheking,theprincipleofjudgementbypeers,themonitoringactivitiesoftowncouncils,the1205‘communeofthekingdom’,andtheviolentactionsthatfollowedactsofdefiance.Butthatviolencewassanctionednotbyany‘diffidatio’butbytheking

himselfinhisowncharter.Whereasdefiancewaspotentiallyaone-wayprocess,forthekinghadnoobligationtoacceptthatitlegitimizedresistance,nowhewasboundtoacceptthatresistancewaslegitimate,forhehadsanctionedithimselfinhisowncharter.Thatwastheoriginaltrickthatmadethesecurityclauseso

empowering.Whyfinallythenumber

twenty-five?TherewassomeprecedenthereintheLondoncouncilof1200.TheLondoncouncilof1205waslikewisetwenty-fiveifthemayorwasincluded.Twenty-fiveinvolvedagoodlynumberofbarons,andensured(iftheyallturnedup)thatdecisionscouldbetakenbyamajority,

astheclauseenvisaged.Itwas,therefore,betterthantheevennumberoftwenty-four,althoughthatwasafamiliarnumberinsomelegalandbiblicalcontexts.Thenumbertwenty-fivealsofeaturedinbiblicalexegesis,althoughnotalwaysfavourably.59

Augustine,inawell-knownhomily,commentingonpassagesinStJohn’sGospel,

arguedthatthenumbertwenty-fivesignifiedthelaw,althoughhethenwentontosaythatthislawlackedperfectionasitprecededtheGospel.Infact,thirtywastheperfectnumber.Thenumbertwenty-fivewouldhardlyhaveappealedtoArchbishopLangton.Heequatedthetwenty-fivemen‘withtheirbackstowardthetempleof

theLord’inEzekiel(8:16)withthecarnalpriestswhorejectedChrist.ThisisbutoneofmanyindicationsthatLangtonhadlittletodowiththeArticlesoftheBarons.

THEROLEOFARCHBISHOPLANGTON

HistorianshavelongdebatedtheroleplayedbyArchbishopLangtonin

shapingoppositiondemandsbetween1213and1215.Ontheonehand,heisseenasintroducingthebaronstotheCoronationCharterofHenryI,havingamajorinputintotheArticlesoftheBaronsandbeingresponsibleforthewaytheCharterreachesoutbeyondtheselfishambitionsofabaronialelite.Ontheotherhand,ledbyHolt,he

hasbeenseenlargelyasapeacemakerandgo-between.Therearepersuasivereasonsforthinkingthatthesecondviewisthemorecorrect.60Thereisnodoubtthat

Langton’spoliticalideasputhimingeneralsympathywiththeCharter.61HehadpracticalexperienceofJohn’styranny,havingseenhisCanterburyestatesravagedin

theInterdict.HeknewtheevilsperpetratedbyGerardd’Athée’skin,havinglamentedthe‘violenceandgreatoppression’ofEngelarddeCigognéassheriffofGloucestershire.62LangtonmaywellhaveinspiredtheoaththatJohntookatthetimeofhisabsolutiontorespectancientlibertiesandcustoms.In1213allaccounts

agreethatthearchbishopurgedJohnnottoproceedagainstthenorthernerswithoutjudgementandlawfulprocess.Ontheotherhand,thereare,aswehaveseen,goodreasonsfordoubtingWendover’sstorythatLangtonintroducedthebaronstotheCoronationCharteratStPaul’sin1213andbecamea‘capital

consenter’tothebaronialleaguethereafter.63Whetherornothehadanyroleincirculatingthecharter,thecleartestimonyoftheCrowlandandCoggeshallchroniclesisthat,in1215,Langtonwasessentiallyanintermediarybetweenthetwosides.John’scomplaintagainsthim,echoedbythepopeinplaintiveletters,was

thatLangtonhadrefusedtocondemnthebarons,notthathehadopenlytakentheirpart.Essentially,thearchbishopwastryingtoholdthebalanceeven,andnotaggravatethesituation.64

ThebestevidencethatLangtonhadnoinputintothedevelopmentofthebaronialdemandsin1215liesinthedocumentsthemselves.The

UnknownCharterisanentirelysecularcreation,andhasnothingonthechurch.Indeed,whereasMagnaCarta,inchapter27,laiddownthatifafreemandiedinintestate,hisnearestrelativesandfriendsweretodistributehischattels‘underthesupervisionofthechurch’,theUnknownCharter,initsequivalent

chapter(5),saysnothingaboutthechurch’srole.AnomissionoffarmoremomentoccurredintheArticlesoftheBarons.Intheirinitialorderandcontent,theArticlesfollowedthe1100Charter,savethattheycompletelyleftoutitsfirstchapteronthechurch.ItwasnotevenasthoughtheArticlessaidthatthechurchwouldbe

introducedintheeventualCharter,asitdidaboutsomeothermatters.Evidently,thebaronshadnoexpectationthattherewouldbeachapteronthechurch,yettheymusthavebeenverykeentoincludeone.Afterall,defenceofthechurchfeaturedintheiroathofassociation,andRobertfitzWalterstyledhimself

‘marshalofthearmyofGodandholychurch’.ThatthechurchdidnotappearwasalmostcertainlybecauseLangtonwouldnotallowit.Furtherevidencethat

LangtondistancedhimselffromtheArticlesliesintheveryevidencethatfeatures,atfirstsight,toshowexactlythereverse.Langtonappearsinnofewerthanfivechaptersof

theArticles,surelyproofthathishandlayheavyuponthem.65NearlyalltherolesassignedhimwereinresponsetodifficultiesthatJohnwasmakingorwasexpectedtomake.ThusifthekingwastohavethedelayenjoyedbyothercrusadersonthedisseisinscommittedbyhisfatherHenryandbrotherRichard,thenLangtonand

thebishopsweretotakeoverandgivejudgementonthecases.66Ifthereweredisputesoverpardoningfines,thenthearchbishopwastojointhetwenty-fiveinjudgingthem(chapter37).Andagain,LangtonwascalledintogivejudgementonwhetherJohn’scharterswouldenablehimtoavoidtheconcessionsdemandedbytheWelshand

thekingofScots.Finally,inthesecurityclause,JohnwastogetchartersfromLangton,PandulfandthebishopsguaranteeingthathewouldseeknothingfromthepopebywhichtheChartermightbeoverturned.Allthisseemstoshow

Langtondeepinbaronialcounsels,andhelpingdirectlyinthestandagainsttheking.

YetthefactisthateverysingleoneofthereferencestoLangtonintheArticleswasalteredintheCharter.Thereason,itmaybesuggested,wasthatthebaronswereaskingLangtontodothingswhich,onceheengagedwiththeArticlesatRunnymede,heeitherrefusedtodooragreedtodoinamorequalifiedfashion.Themost

strikinginstanceofthis,onewhichhasdevastatingconsequencesfortheviewthatLangtonwasinvolvedwiththeArticles,comesattheendofthesecurityclause.ThereLangtonandhisfellowecclesiasticsweresupposedtoissuechartersguaranteeingthatJohnwouldseeknothingfromthepopetooverturntheCharter.Langtoncouldnot

possiblyhavedoneanythingofthekind.HewouldthushavebeenplacingabarrierbetweenJohnandthepope,apopewhowastheking’stemporaloverlordaswellashisspiritualfather.LangtonwouldhaveknownthattherewasnoquickerwaytodestroytheeventualCharterandhimself,insomegreatexplosionofpapalanger,than

toassenttothat.HadhebeeninvolvedwiththeArticles,hewouldhavesaidatoncethatthedemandwasimpossible.WhenhedidengageatRunnymede,thedemandwasscrapped.HowtheotherclauseswerealsoalteredatRunnymedewewillseeinthenextchapter.Langtonhadseveral

reasonsforactingatarm’s

length.Onewaspractical.Ifhethrewinhislotwiththerebels,hewoulddestroyhisroleaspeacemaker.Anotherwasideological.Langton,atthestartoftheInterdict,hadurgedthekingdom’sknightstoprotectthechurchwiththeirswords.Butthesituationin1215wasquitedifferent,forJohnwasnowreconciledtothepope.While,inhis

biblicalexegesis,Langtonarguedthatdisobediencetoanunjustcommandmightsometimesbelegitimate,heneverthoughtintermsofoutrightrebellion.Heaverredthatifpeopleknewthattherulerwastryingtoexecutesomeoneunjustlyandwithoutjudgement,thentheywereboundtoliberatehim,butsuchanobligationcould

hardlystretchtojustifyingtherebellionof1215.67Indeed,thepopepointedoutthatitwasthebaronswhoweretryingtodepriveJohnofhisrights‘withoutjudgement’.68

Once,therefore,thebaronstookuparmsagainstJohn,whichtheydidfromthestartof1215,therewasnowayLangtoncouldhelpdeveloptheirdemands.Whentheking

beganseriousnegotiationsafter25May,thesituationchanged,butLangtonstillheldaloof.ItwasonlyafterJohnhadmadehispositioncompletelyclearbysealingtheArticlesthatthearchbishopbecameinvolved.NoneofthismeansthatLangton’sattitudewasunimportantforthegrowinginsurgency.Hewascloseto

EustacedeVescy;indeed,hissteward,ElyasofDereham,appearsasVescy’sagent.69

Throughsuchchannels,Langton’ssympathyforthebaronsmusthavebeenclear,hencetheroletheyhopedhewouldplayintheArticles.Hisattitudealsomadeiteasierforhistenantstojointherebels.Threeoutofthefourknightsappointedbythe

baronialleaderstoenforcetheCharterinKentwereCanterburytenantsandclosetothearchbishop.AllthreewitnessedanimportantagreementhemadeoverRochestercastlein1213.70

MostvitalofallwasLangton’srefusaltolaunchsentencesofexcommunication.Therebellionwouldhavehadfar

lessimpetushadhesuccumbedtothepressuretodoso.

THECOMMUNITYOFTHEREALM71

Evenwithoutthefirstchapteronthechurch,theArticlesoftheBaronsseemedfarmorethanamerebaronialdocument.Thechaptersonamercementscoveredfree

men,merchants,villeinsandclerks.Thepositionoftheknightsinlocalgovernmentwasfullyrecognized.Allsectionsofsocietybenefitedfromthelimitationsontaxationandtheexactionsofthesheriffs.All,intheory,wereenlistedbytheoathinthesecurityclausetodefendtheCharter.Howhadthiscomeabout?Oneviewisthat

itwastheresultofvariousinterestgroupsgettingtheiragendasintotheCharter,asfarastheirpowerallowed,aswellaslowersectionsofsocietybenefitingwhentheirinterestshappenedtocoincidewiththoseoftheirsuperiors.Anotherviewisthatthebaronialleadersfeltasenseofresponsibilityfortherealm

asawhole.ThusSusanReynoldshaswritten:

ThebaronsofMagnaCartaspoke–andpresumablyspokemoreorlesssincerely–onbehalfofthecommunityoftherealm,notbecausetheythoughtmostofitsmembersweretheirequalsbutbecausetheydidnot.Itwastheaccepteddutyofthegreatmenofany

kingdomtorepresenttherest.

Thesedifferentviewsabouttheroleofidealismandself-interestin1215arenotmutuallyexclusive,andweighingthebalancebetweenthemisdifficult,sincewecannotseeintothemindsofthebaronialleaders.Thereisacontrastherewiththerevolutionof1258whenwe

haveabundantevidencefortheuneasyrelationshipbetweenprincipleandprofitinthecareerofSimondeMontfort.HowonewishesonecouldsaythesameforSaerdeQuincyandRobertfitzWalter!UnderKingStephenthe

baronshadfoughtforthemselvesandextractedindividualchartersof

concession,dealingwiththeirownparticulargrievances.In1215,bycontrast,thebaronscertainlythoughtofthemselvesasrepresentingthekingdom,akingdomwhoseexistenceandinterestsareevokedsooftenthroughoutMagnaCarta.Itisthusthebaronialtenants-in-chiefwhoanswerforthekingdomwhenitcomesto

taxation.Itislikewisetwenty-fivebarons,leadingthe‘communeofalltheland’,whoaretoenforcetheCharter.Thatthekingshouldhavea‘care’forallhissubjects,eventhosewhowereunfree,hadlongbeenaccepted.TheideaisfoundintheDialogusdeScaccario,inWilliamofNewburghandinthepictureoftherealmin

Lawman’sBrut.72Mightnotthebaronialleadershavefeltinthesameway?AtthestartofMagnaCarta,Johnsaidthathewasactingfor‘thereformofourkingdom’.Wasthatnotreallythebaronsspeaking?ArchbishopLangtonmightnothaveinfluencedthedetaileddevelopmentofoppositiondemands,buthisideascould

stillhaveinformedbaronialthinking.Oneofhisfundamentalconceptswasthatsecularauthorityderivedfromthechurchbroadlydefinedasthecongregationofthefaithful,bothclerksandlaymen.Mighttherethen,JohnBaldwinasks,beaconnectionbetweenthatideaandthebaronialviewoftheirprogrammeas‘representing

thecommunityoftherealm’?73

Baronialleadershipwasacceptedatthetimebycontemporarycommentators.OnthebackoftheLincolnengrossmentoftheCharter,itwasdescribedas‘theConcordbetweenKingJohnandtheBaronsinreturnfortheconcessionofthelibertiesofthechurchandthe

kingdomofEngland’.In1205GervaseofCanterburycouldwriteofthe‘magnatesofEngland’demandingthatJohnpreservetherightsofthekingdom‘withtheircounsel’.Theremustbesometruthinallthis.Afterall,barons,knights,freetenants,churchmenandtownsmenhadallsufferedfromJohn’soppressiverule.Theysurely

feltasolidarityinstandingagainstitunderbaronialleadership.Itwasthis‘equalityofoppression’thatmadeMagnaCarta‘theclassicstatementofregnalsolidarityagainstaking’.74

Yetthisperspective,ifpushedtoofar,ishardtosquarewiththecolddetailoftheArticlesandtheCharter.Thebarons’claimto

representtherealmcanthereseemmerelyacoverandsupportfortheirowninterests.MagnaCartacertainlystipulatedthat‘evenanunfreemanshouldbepunishedonlyinproportiontohisoffence’.Yet,aswehaveseen,thisclausewasspeciallydrawnsoastoexcludetheunfreefromanyprotectionagainsttheir

lords.75Therewasnotmuchcarefortheunfreepeasantthere,althoughtheymadeupalargeproportionofthepopulation.Thebaronsbelievedcertainlyinjusticeandjudgement,butmoststronglywhenitcametothemselves.Onecanhardlyagreewiththepremisethattheyhad‘relativelylittleseigniorialjurisdictionto

protect’.Throughout,theChartertriestopreservetheinterestsof‘thelordofthefee’.76Self-interesttoo,attheexpenseofthewiderrealm,isclearinwhattheArticlesoftheBaronsandtheCharterleftout.So,incontrasttotheinquiriesof1170and1258,thetwelveknightshadnobrieftodealwiththemalpracticesoflords.And

althoughtheCharterwastobeobeyedbyeveryone,notjusttheking,itwasonlyagainsttheking,underthetermsofthesecurityclause,thatitwastobeenforced.Themostimmediate

beneficiariesfromtheworkofthetwenty-fivewouldclearlybethebaronsthemselves.Whentheclausespokeofthebaronschoosing

twenty-fiveoftheirnumbertodoalltheycouldtopreserve‘thepeaceandlibertieswhichthekinghasconcededtothem’(myitalics),itgavethegameaway.Aseventsweretoshow,manyofthebaronialleaderswerereadywiththeirgrievances;hencethewayinwhichchapter37oftheArticlesstipulatedthata

memberofthetwenty-fivemuststanddownifhisownfineoramercementwasbeingconsidered.Althoughthetwenty-fivemadegreateffortstoseethattheoathofallegiancetothemwastaken,thiswasingoodmeasuretoensurethattheCharterwasenforcedfortheirownbenefit.Evenagainstthekingandhisministers,noreal

thoughthadgoneintoenablinglowersectionsofsocietytocomplainaboutbreachesoftheCharter.Itwasalwaysgoingtobeeasierforbaronsandmajorknightstofindfourofthetwenty-fivethanforthosefurtherdownthesocialscale.TohavemadetheCharterenforceableforthegeneralbodyoffreetenants,sufferingtheabuses

ofthesheriffsandforesterswouldhaverequiredapermanentgroupofknightsineachcounty,withthebriefofhearingandredressingallcomplaints.Somethinglikethat,however,hadtowaituntil1300.77Thisjobcould,in1215,havebeengiventothetwelveknightselectedineachcountytoinvestigateandabolishlocalabuses.

Instead,theyhadbutatemporarycommission,andnotonethatincludedjudgingbreachesoftheCharter.Thefactwasthatthetwenty-fiveweredeterminedtostandaloneasenforcersofMagnaCarta,intheprocessensuringitwasnotinanywayenforcedagainstthemselves.Heretheywouldnotresignpowertotheknights.This

wasthesamethinkingthatledtotheassemblyconceivedatRunnymedeforgivingcommonconsenttotaxationbeingoneentirelyoftenants-in-chief.Whenitcametothe

church,thebaronialleadersin1215certainlywishedtoincludeitintheirprogramme,andeventuallysucceededindoingso.Butonedoubts

whethertheyfeltmuchsolidaritywiththechurch’sdemandsoverfreedomofelectionandthelengthofvacancies,thesubjectofJohn’sNovember1214charter,confirmedinMagnaCarta.Indeed,theArticles,inchapter43,actuallyprotectedtherightsofbaronstohavethecustodyofvacantabbeysoftheirfoundation.Herethe

Charterwaspreservingforbaronsrightsthatitwasreducingfortheking.RobertfitzWalter,oneisreminded,hadtakenviolentactiontoasserthisprerogativesaspatronofBinhampriory.78

Fundamentally,theoppositionprogrammedevelopedfromthenarrowlybaronialschemes,likethatintheUnknownCharter,toone

withmuchawiderscopeforhardmaterialreasons.AsHoltputit,‘thesocietyinwhichthebattleforMagnaCartawasfoughtandwonwasnotoneinwhichthegreattenants-in-chiefdominatedthepoliticalscenecompletely’.TheconcernintheCharterforothersectionsofsocietywas‘anactrecognizingsocialfacts’.79

Thebaronialleadersneededsupport.Theyincludedthedemandsoftheknightsandunder-tenants,Londonandthetowns,theWelshrulersandthekingofScots,inordertogetit,asthosegroupsjoinedup.Atthesametime,however,thegreatbaronssoughttolimitsuchdemandswheretheyencroachedontheirowninterests.

AlthoughJohn,inthenegotiations,hadmodifiedsomeoftheoppositiondemands,hewasstillhavingtoswallowaverybitterpill.HehadbeenbroughttothispassbythefallofLondoninMay1215andtherapidlydeterioratingsituationinthecountry.HewouldnowseewhatthenegotiationsatRunnymedewouldbring.

11

Runnymede

OnMonday,8June1215,KingJohnissuedlettersofsafeconductallowingthebaronialenvoystocometoStainesfortheestablishmentofpeace.ThesafeconductwastolastuntiltheendofThursday,11June.1AlthoughthelettersonlymentionStaines,almostcertainlythemeetingplacewasmeanttobeRunnymede,the‘meadow

ofStaines’,or‘themeadowbetweenWindsorandStaines’,asitwascalled.Runnymedehadseveraladvantagesforthefinalnegotiations.Itwasprobablyatraditionalmeetingplace,‘mede’ofcoursemeaningmeadow,whilethe‘Runny’wasrelatedtotheAnglo-Saxonwordfor‘counsel’and‘consultation’.Runnymede

wasadiscretearea,boundedononesidebytheThamesandontheotherbyCooper’sHill.Itcouldonlybeapproachedfromtwodirections,alongtheroadbytheThames,sotheking,basedatWindsor,wouldcomefromthenorth-west,andthebarons,atStaines,fromthesouth-east.GiventhewaytheThameswinds,

WindsorwassouthoftheriverwhereasStaineswastothenorth,withtheonlyconvenientcrossingplacebeingStainesbridge.Bothsidescould,therefore,thinktheirbasesweresecurefromattack.2AccordingtotheaccountoftheelectionofAbbotHugh,onTuesday,9June,JohnhimselfarrivedatWindsorwithArchbishop

Langtoninhiscompany.3

Hugharrivedonthesameday,andwassoondiscussinghisbusinesswithLangton.Whenthekingcameupandsoughttopassbetweenthem,LangtonintroducedHughas‘abbotofStEdmunds’,andbeggedforthewholedisputetobenowconcluded.‘Lethim,’Johnreplied,‘cometoustomorrowinthemeadow

ofStaineswherebyGod’sgraceandtheaidofyourmerits,wewillattempttosettlethematter.’Onthenextday,

Wednesday,10June,‘when[Hugh]’,inthewordsoftheBuryaccount,‘hadcomeandwaitedforalongtimeinthemeadowwhichisbetweenWindsorandStaines,aftermuchdiscussionand

messagesfromnoblessentbytheking,atlengththekingadmittedtheabbotintohisgracewithakiss’.ThedelaywasbecauseJohnhadmuchmoretodealwithonthisfirstdayatRunnymedethantheabbatialsuccessionatBury.Thenegotiationswiththebaronshadbegun.TheyweretoleadtoJohnauthorizingMagnaCartaonMonday,15

June,andthere-establishmentofpeaceonFriday,19Junewiththerebelsoncemoreenteringtheking’sallegiance.JohncontinuedtodobusinessatRunnymedeuntil23June,whereafterhespenttwodaysatWindsorandthendepartedforOdihamandWinchester.RalphofCoggeshallgives

asplendidpictureofthe

sceneatRunnymede,wherethebarons‘gatheredwithamultitudeofmostfamousknights,armedwellatallpoints,andtheyremainedthere,havingfixedtents.Butthekingwithhismendweltinthesamemeadowinpavilions.’4Thecontrastherewasdoubtlessbetweenthepavilionsofthekingthatreachedhigh,likecircustops,

toweringabovethesmallerbutmultitudinoustentsofthebaronsandknights,whichstretchedoutacrossthemeadow.John,however,wasfarfromspendingallhistimeatRunnymede.TheCharteritselfandaletterof18Junearetheonlydocumentsheauthorizedtherebeforethepeaceon19June.Alltheotherroyallettersbetween10

and19JunewerewitnessedbyhimatWindsor,whichevidentlyremainedhisbaseandwherehealmostcertainlyspentthenight.Thiswashardlysurprising.

Johnhadgivenasafeconducton8Juneto‘allthosewhocomeonbehalfofthebarons’.Theimplicationwasthatitwouldonlybebaronialrepresentativeswhowould

cometoStainesandthencetoRunnymede.Infact,asCoggeshall’saccountshows,nothinglikethathappened.TheinsurgentscameinlargenumbersandoccupiedRunnymedeitself.Itbecameanarmedcamp.ThatputpressureonJohntogothroughwiththeCharterandindeedmakemoreconcessions.Italsoheldout

otherthreats.Mighttherebesomesuddenassault,perhapsinthemiddleofthenight,inwhichJohnwouldfindhispavilionssurroundedbythemenfromthetents?Accordingly,JohnspentnomoretimeatRunnymedethanhecouldhelp.Itwasonlyoncethepeacewasproclaimedon19Junethathebegantowitnesslettersthere

onamoreregularbasis.Bythesametoken,ofcourse,thebaronswerenotgoingtonegotiateatWindsor,wheretheywouldhavebeeninthepoweroftheking.Justhowthefinal

negotiationsthatledtotheCharterwereconductedwedonotknow.Mostprobablytheywereinthehandsofasmallgroupofrepresentatives

fromeitherside,suchasthoseJohnhadenvisagedcoming‘onbehalf[exparte]ofthebarons’inhislettersofsafeconduct.DoubtlessJohn’schiefadviserswerethosehenamedintheCharteritself.Forthebarons,thenegotiatorspresumablyincludedtheleadingmembersoftheeventualtwenty-five.SaerdeQuincywasalmost

certainlyprominentsincehewastheonlypersonspecificallymentionedinJohn’sletterofsafeconductissuedon25May.InatreatyoverLondon,whichdatestoaround19June,elevenbaronsarenamed,thefirstfivenamesappearinginthesameorderinaletterthatwasissuedbythetwenty-fivearoundthesamedate.The

fivewereRobertfitzWalter,bearinghistitleMarshaloftheArmyofGod,Richard,earlofClare,GeoffreydeMandeville,callinghimselfearlofEssexandGloucester,RogerBigod,earlofNorfolk,andSaerhimself,allmenwithdeepandobviousgrievancesagainsttheking.Bothsides,ofcourse,wouldhavebeenaccompaniedby

clericalstaffs.Thereweredoubtlessplenarymeetings,perhapsinaspecialneutraltent,whichonecanimaginebecomingfamousinthecourseofthediscussions.Theremustalsohavebeenmeetingsoftheindividualteams,withmessagesanddraftsofchaptersgoingtoandfrobetweenthem.5

Coggeshallspeaksofpeace

beingfinallyagreedthroughtheinterventionofLangtonandseveralunnamedbishopsandbarons.Thatthenegotiationsproceededchapterbychapterisshownbythewaytheengrossments,whileabandoningtheparagraphsoftheArticles,nonethelessindicatedthestartofnewchapterswithprominentcapitalletters.

AshewasinthemuchlessermatteroftheelectionofAbbotHugh,Johnhimselfmusthavebeenveryinvolved,sometimesdeliveringhisownviewsdirectly,sometimeshidingbehindtheargumentsofministers.Hecouldstillturnonthecharm.AfterhehadgivenHughthekissofpeaceatRunnymedeon10June,he

soughthimoutagainandsaid,‘Fatherabbot,Ihavenowonefinalrequestforyourkindnesstofulfil;letusnotbewithoutyourcompanyattable,sincethedivinemercyhasthisdayrestoredyoutomyfavour.’TheabbotthusdinedwiththekingatWindsor,andafterwardstheysattogetherinJohn’schamberontheroyalbed,

‘talkingofmanythings’.When,however,thesacristofBurycamein,and,onbendedknees,welcomedtheadmissionoftheabbot,John,‘asthoughinfuryofspirit’,turnedonhimwithanoath:‘BytheLord’sfeet,butforyouIwouldhaveadmittedhimtomyfavoursixmonthsago.’Thiswasdisingenuoussince,untilforcedtoback

down,Johnhadwelcomedeverythingthesacristhaddonetoresisttheelection.Inthesamewayinhisdealingswiththebarons,Johndoubtlessalternatedbetweenaffabilityandanger,conciliationandobstruction.BackatWindsoronthe

afternoonoreveningof10June,JohndidnotmerelydinewithAbbotHugh.He

alsoissuedaletterprolongingthetrucewiththebaronsuntilthemorningof15June.6Thissuggestsaconfidencethatasettlementwasnowpossible,althoughalsothatsomedaysmightstillbeneededtoreachit,asindeedwasthecase.Holthassuggested,veryreasonably,thatbehindthisconfidencelaythereachingofsomepreliminary

agreement.7Inotherwords,itwason10JunethatJohnsealedtheArticlesoftheBarons.Hehadprobablyagreedthemorallyearlierasabasisfornegotiations,butthebaronialnegotiatorswhomhemeton10Juneneededsomethingmore.Iftheyweretoholdtheirownpartytothetruce,theyhadtoshowsomeevidenceofJohn’sgoodfaith.

ThatwasnowprovidedbyJohn’ssealappearingontheArticles.Itseemedtoshowthathehadindeedconcededthose‘chapterswhichtheBaronsseek’,astheheadingintheArticlesputit.John,forhispart,thushopedtodrawthebaronsintonegotiationsandendthecivilwar.Hewasnot,hewouldthink,actuallycommittedtoanything,for

evenwiththesealtheArticles,lackingaddress,witnessanddatingclauses,hadnolegalforce.Johncouldstillhopetosecureconcessions.Hemightrenegeonthewholedeal.Thenextfewdayswouldtell.TheArticlesoftheBarons

werethefoundationfortheCharter.Fifty-sixofMagnaCarta’ssixty-threechapters

(includingherethesecurityclause)werefoundedonchaptersinthem.Manyretainedthesamephraseology.WholerunsofchaptersintheCharteralsofollowthesameorderasthatintheArticles,especiallybetweenchapters2and6,andagain,withlittleinterruption,betweenchapters15and42.OnlyfiveoftheCharter’s

chapters,alongwithitspreambleanddatingclause,wereentirelynew.Yettherewasstillmuchtoargueover.Fourofthefivenewchapterswerehighlysignificant,whilemanyothersweremodifiedinimportantways,sometimesinfavouroftheking,sometimesagainsthim.Thoughtalsowentintoimprovingthecoherenceofthedocument,

hencesomeofthechangesinchapterorder.IntheendMagnaCartarunstosome3,550wordsasagainstthecirca1,945oftheArticlesoftheBarons.

GIVEANDTAKEINTHENEGOTIATIONS

Johnhadsomesuccessesinthenegotiations.ThestipulationintheArticlesof

theBaronsthatheirsshouldbemarried‘bythecounselofthenearestkin’waswatereddowntotheneedjusttoinformthenearestkin,whichgavethekingmuchmorefreedomtobestowmarriagesonwhomhewished.JohnretaliatedagainsttheLondoners(whomhemusthaveregardedwithintensehostility)byremovingthe

stipulation,foundintheArticles,thattallagesimposedonthecity,andotherprivilegedtowns,neededtheconsentofthekingdom.8Itwasnowonlyaids,andthosejustfromLondon,thatweresocovered.Johnhadthuspreservedhislucrativerighttotallagetownsatwillaspartoftheroyaldemesne.The

towns,inreturn,simplygotaninnocuousnewchapter(althoughitisnotmadeseparateinmodernnumbering),whichsaidthatcities,boroughs,villsandportsshouldenjoyalltheirlibertiesandcustoms.Therewereothergains,partlyhelpedbyArchbishopLangton’sattitude(examinedinmoredetaillater).Thus

judgementsonthedisseisinscommittedbyHenryIIandRichardwerenowtobeleftuntilJohnabandonedorreturnedfromhisprospectivecrusade.Ontheotherside,the

baronspushedveryhardtoimprovetheoffer.Theyscoredamajorvictoryintheareaofreliefs.TheArticlesoftheBaronsherehadleftthe

sizeofthesetobedecidedintheCharter,sotherewaseverythingtoplayfor.Intheevent,theCharterlaiddownthattheheirsofearlsandbaronsshouldbothpayareliefof£100,whiletheheirsofknightsholdingfromthekingshouldpay£5foreachfee.John,bycontrast,hadchargedbaronialreliefsofhundreds,sometimes

thousands,ofpoundsandwouldhavefiercelydeniedthattherewasanything‘ancient’aboutthe£100reliefhewasnowpinnedbackto.Thebaronsalsogainedinamoreminorwaythroughthetighteningupofvariouschapters.TheArticlesoftheBaronshadretreatedfromthedemandoftheUnknownCharterthat

wardshipsberunbyfourknightsofthefee.Nowsomethinglikethatcamebackin,ifinreducedfashion,throughthestipulationthat,iftheguardianmisbehaved,thenthewardshipshouldbeentrustedtotwoofthefee’slaw-worthymen.Thiswastobetruewhetherthekinghadentrustedthecustodytoasheriff,orhadsolditto

someone.John’sonlycompensationwasthat,inbothcases,themenweretoanswertohimfortheissues,soatleasthewouldnotlosetherevenueswhichwerereasonablydue.Tenants-in-chiefalsogainedinchapter26byatighteningupoftheprocedureforthepaymentofdebtsduringminorities,wherebythesheriffhadnow

toprovewhatwasowedbyreferencetoletterspatentofsummons.9

Whenitcametothecontentiousissueoftheroyalforest,John’sopponentswereableatRunnymedetoimproveontheArticlesoftheBarons.UnliketheUnknownCharter,theArticleshadsaidnothingaboutdeforestingthelargeareasmadeforestby

HenryII.TheyhadfocusedsimplyontheafforestationsofJohn.Now,inchapter53ofMagnaCarta,theafforestationsofHenryandRichardcamebackin.True,itwasonlythroughmakingJohnpromisetogivejusticeontheissuewhenhereturnedfromorabandonedhisprospectivecrusade,butstillthatwasbetterthannothing.

InthesamechapterJohnalsopromised,whenthecrusadewasover,togivejusticeintwoothercontentiousareas,onewherelordswereclaimingrightsoverabbeysfoundedintheirfees,andtheotherwherethekinghadtakenthewardshipofanestatealthoughonlyasmallpartofitwasheldfromhimbyknightservice.

THELIGHTTHROWNBYTHEDRAFTS

Inthrowinglightonthenegotiations,thecopiesoftheChartermadelaterinthethirteenthcenturycomeintoplay,sinceinsomeplacesalmostcertainly,inothersquitepossibly,theypreserveelementsofdraftsmadeatRunnymede.10Thechapteronrelief,aswehavesaid,wasa

greatbaronialvictory,yettherearesignsthatthebaronswantedmore.Theoddphraseologyofthechapterhasoftenbeenpointedout,withearlsandbaronsbeingtreatedseparatelyalthoughtheirreliefsarethesame.Wasthisbecausetherehadbeentheintentionofgivingthemdifferentamounts?Theanswer,itwouldseem,isyes,

becauseinacopyoftheCharterinastatutebookpreservedintheHuntingtonLibraryinCalifornia,whichGalbraitharguedwasderivedfromalatedraftoftheCharter,thereliefofabaronisputat100marks,notat£100.11

Johnhadatleastresistedthatsuccessfully,andhemayhaveresistedsomethingelse

aswell,namelyanysuggestionthatearldomsthemselveswerehereditary;hencethecuriousstatementthatanearlsucceededsimplytothe‘baronyofanearl’,sonotactuallytoanearldomatall.ThatthistoowasanareaofdisputeissuggestedbyonecopyoftheCharterinwhichheirsofearlsareindeedtogivea£100relief‘fora

wholeearldom’–‘decomitatuintegro’.12IfthiswaspressedatRunnymede,itfailedtogainpurchase,butatleasttheearlsweregivenseparatetreatmentintheCharterandavoidedbeinglumpedinwiththebarons.ThatmayhavebeenwhatJohnwanted,forinseveralcopiesoftheCharterthechapterdoesrunthem

together,simplystatingthatheirsofearlsandbaronsarebothtogivea£100relief‘forawholebarony’,sotherewasherenoreferencetotheseparate‘baronyofanearl’.Themoststrikingofallthe

newchaptersinMagnaCartawaschapter14,whichlaiddownindetailtheconstitutionfortheassemblythatcouldgivethecommon

consentofthekingdomtotaxation:thearchbishops,bishops,abbots,earlsandgreaterbaronswerethustobesummonedindividuallyandtheothertenants-in-chiefseverallythroughthesheriffs.Thebackgroundherewas,ofcourse,John’sgreattaxof1207.Hehadclaimedthatithadbeenagreedby‘hiscouncil’,butthat,ofcourse,

mightbenomorethanhisownministers.Indirectresponse,theArticlesoftheBaronshadlaiddownthattaxesshouldbeimposednotbytheking’scouncilbutby‘thecommoncounselofthekingdom’.ButwhydidMagnaCarta,inanentirelynewchapter,feeltheneedtogofurther,intheprocesssettingoutwhatwasineffect

thefirstwrittenconstitutionofparliament?CopiesoftheCharterwhichpreserveelementsofdraftsmayprovidesomeexplanation.TheysuggestthatatRunnymedetheideathattheking’scouncilshouldhavearoleinagreeingtaxationwasresurfacingandneededtobeknockedonthehead.InacopyoftheCharterfoundina

latethirteenth-centurycartularyofPeterboroughabbey,nowinthepossessionoftheSocietyofAntiquaries,chapter12reads‘Noscutageoraidistobeleviedinourkingdomsavebyourcouncilandbythecommoncounselofourkingdom’–‘perconsiliumnostrumetperconsiliumcommuneregninostri’.Nowitmaybethat

thisisnomorethananinadvertentscribaladditionmadeintheprocessoftransmission.Ontheotherhand,itoccursinachapterclearlymuchdiscussedatRunnymede,hencethewaythenewchapter14wasaddedtoit.ThisPeterboroughcopyoftheCharter,moreover,likesomeothers,aswewillsee,certainlyhasadraftversion

ofthechapteronfines,sincethephraseologythereisfarclosertothetextoftheArticlesthantothatoftheeventualCharter.13Theking’scouncilalsoappearsinwhatisprobablyoneoftheearliestcopiesoftheCharter.ThisisfoundnotinacartularyorstatutebookbutonasinglesheetofparchmentnowpreservedintheBodleian

LibraryinOxford.ItisuniqueinhavingJohnsometimesspeakinthefirstperson.Italsoinchapter48haswordingthatseemstocomefromadraft,sinceinoneplaceitisclosertotheArticlesthantotheCharter.Inchapter12ofthisBodleiancopy,thereadingis‘Noscutageoraidistobeleviedinmykingdomsavebyour

council’–‘perconsiliumnostrum’.14Itseemslikelythat‘andbythecommoncounselofourkingdom’hasbeenomittedhere,forthecopystillhaschapter14onhowthecommoncounselofthekingdomshouldbeobtained.Perhapsthecopyderivedfromadraftmadedifficulttofollowfromthenumberofchangestothe

chapter.Attheveryleast,thesevariantsraisethepossibilitythatJohnputuparearguardactionatRunnymedeandtriedtogivearoleto‘hiscouncil’inthelevyingoftaxation.Ifso,onecanunderstandwhytheeventualCharter,havingaffirmedthattaxesmustbeleviedbythecommonconsentofthekingdom,went

ontomakecrystalclearthenatureoftheassemblyfromwhichthatconsentmustcome.15AtleastJohnwouldhavewelcomedtherethepresenceoflessertenants-in-chief.Hemayalsohaveinsertedtheprovisothatthebusinesswastogoaheadevenifnoteveryonesummonedturnedup.

AnothersignificantchangetotheArticlescameinchapter55onputtingrightfinesmadeunjustlyandagainstthelawoftheland.Inchapter37oftheArticles,thesewerefinesmadefordowers,‘maritagia’(marriageportionsandmarriages)andinheritances.Sincenoindividualkingwasmentioned,thechapter

apparentlycoveredthefinesmadewithHenryIIandRichardaswellasJohn.Thiswouldexplain,theissuebeingthemorecontentious,whyArchbishopLangtonwascalledintoassistthetwenty-five,iftheyhadtojudgeanydisputes,whereaswhenitcamesimplytoJohn’sdisseisins,inchapter25oftheArticles,thetwenty-five

hadfeltabletoactalone.16InsomecopiesofMagnaCarta,thechapteronfinesretainsitsArticlesform,savethefinesarethosemadesimplywithJohn,sonotwithHenryandRichard.Thechapterthusreads:‘Allfineswhichhavebeenmadewithusfordowers,maritagiaandinheritances…unjustlyandagainstthelawofthelandare

tobewhollyremitted.’17InthefinalversionoftheCharter,however,thebaronshitbackandeffectedadramaticwideningofthechapter.AsitstoodintheArticlesandthedrafts,itcertainlyaddressedmajorgrievances,butitalsoleftuntouchedawholerangeoffines,mostnotablythosemadetorecovertheking’s

benevolenceandsecurethereturnofconfiscatedland.18

WhenwegettothefinaltextintheCharter,therefore,thewholescopeofthechapterhasbeenexpanded.‘Dowers,maritagiaandinheritances’disappear,andthechaptercovers‘allfines’madewithJohn‘unjustlyandagainstthelawoftheland’.Theclausenowgottotheheartofhis

arbitraryrule.

ARCHBISHOPLANGTON’SINTERVENTION

ArchbishopLangton,aswehaveseen,hadnotengagedwiththedevelopmentofthebaronialdemandsin1214and1215.Todosowouldhavebeentantamounttojoiningtherebellion,whichhewasabsolutelynotpreparedtodo.

ItwasonlyatRunnymedethatthesituationchangedinadefinitiveway.JohnsealedtheArticlesoftheBaronsandthusacceptedthemasabasisforthesettlement.Langtoncouldstepinwithoutbeingaccusedoftreason.AsaproofofJohn’sacceptance,thearchbishoptookawayfromRunnymedeacopyoftheArticleswithJohn’sseal

attached,anddepositeditinhisarchives.Itwasineffecthiscovernote,hislicencetotakepart,whichhecouldcitetokingandpopeiftheylaterquestionedhisinvolvement.19Withthissanction,

LangtonturnedtotherolesassignedhimintheArticlesandmodifiedthem,oragreedtotheirmodification,ineverysingleplace.Mostimportant

ofall,aswesawinthelastchapter,heremovedthedemandthatheandhisfellowbishopsshouldguaranteeJohn’sundertakingnottoappealtothepope.Referencetothepopedisappeared,andJohnsimplysaidhewouldnotseekfromanyoneanythingbywhichhisconcessionsmightberevoked.Theonlything

LangtonwasnowaskedtoguaranteewastheCharter’sfinaltext.LangtonalsointervenedwhenitcametothedisseisinscommittedbyHenryIIandRichard.Underchapter25oftheArticles,thosethusdisseisedweretohave‘right’determinedwithoutdelaybyjudgementoftheirpeersintheking’scourt.If,however,Johnwas

tohavethe‘term’enjoyedbyothercrusaders,thenthearchbishopandhisfellowbishopsweretogivethejudgementwithoutappeal.The‘term’heremeanttheperiodduringwhichJohnascrusadercouldenjoyvariousprotections.Hewasstill,beforehisdeparture,expectedtorighthisownwrongs,indeed,hewasunderan

obligationtodoso.Butthebaronsclearlyfearedthathemightbeexemptfromhavingtodealwiththewrongsofhisfatherandbrother.Inthatcase,thebaronshopedthatconsiderationofthedisseisinscommittedbyHenryandRichardmightmovefromtheseculartotheecclesiasticaljurisdiction,withLangtonandthebishopsgiving

judgementonthem.TheArticlesdidnotsaywhowastodecidewhetherJohngotthecrusader’s‘term’,butalmostcertainlythetaskfelltoLangton.20ThedecisionwasveryfavourabletoJohn.ThusLangtonbothgavehimthe‘term’anddecideditshouldlastforthefullestpossibleperiod,namelyforaslongastheprospective

crusadecontinued.21ThatiswhyJohn,inchapters52,53and57oftheCharter,wastodealwithvariousissuesonlywhenhereturnedfromorabandonedhiscrusade.HavinggivenJohnthecrusader’s‘term’,LangtonthenrefusedtohaveanythingtodowiththesubstitutejudgementtheArticleshadaskedofhim.Instead,John

wastogivejusticetothosecomplainingofdisseisinbyHenryorRichardonlywhenhiscrusade,inonewayoranother,wasover.Langton’sdecisionover

thecrusader’s‘term’affectedtheWelsh.ThedisseisinsthattheyhadsufferedatthehandsofHenryandRichardwerenow,likethosesufferedbytheEnglish,tobedealtwith

onlyonceJohnhadendedhisprospectivecrusade.LangtonalsostooddownfromhisroleinjudgingwhetherJohn’schartersallowedLlywelyn’ssonandtheotherWelshhostagestoberetained.InMagnaCarta,thesonandthehostagesweresimplytobereturned‘immediately’,andtherewasnomentionofLangtonorthecharters.Ithas

beensuggestedthatthiswasbecausethearchbishop,atRunnymede,hadindeedsatinjudgementonthechartersanddecidedtheissueagainsttheking.22Thisseemsmostunlikely.Suchajudgementwouldhaverequiredformalproceedings,andtheproductionandcarefulinspectionsofcharters,forwhichtherecanhavebeenno

timeatRunnymede.Indeed,itwasnotuntilJulythatLangtonandvariousloyalistmagnatesissuedalettertestifyingtothetermsofthe1211charterwhichJohnhadextractedfromLlywelyn.23ItseemsfarmorelikelythatLangtonhaddeclinedtoplayhisallottedrole,andthishadenabledLlywelyn’salliesto

insistontheimmediatereturnofthehostages.Langtonalsostooddown

whenitcametochapter59onthetreatmentofthekingofScots.InsteadofLangtondecidingwhetherJohn’schartersmeantAlexandershouldbetreateddifferentlyfromthebaronsofEnglandwhenitcametorestorationoflibertiesandrights,the

decisionwasnowpassedtoajudgementofAlexander’speersintheking’scourt.Again,itisdifficulttoseehowthisamountedtoLangtondecidingtheissueinJohn’sfavour,ashasbeensuggested.Hehadsimplypassedthebuckandleftitforotherstodecide.24ThesechangesleftonlyoneinstanceintheCharterwhere

Langton’sjudgementstillappeared,andevenherehisrolewasqualified.Thiswasinchapter55.HereLangtonwastositwiththetwenty-fiveinjudgingtheunjustfinesandamercementsimposedbyJohn.Thearchbishopwas,however,tobeinvolvedonly‘ifhewillbeabletoattend’.Ifhecouldnotattend,thebusinesswas

togoaheadwithouthim.ThiscautionarynoteabouthisavailabilityonesuspectscamefromLangtonhimself.Langton,therefore,might

seemtohaveengagedwiththeCharteratRunnymedeonlytodistancehimselffromit.Yetthisisfarfromthewholestory.Hewas,afterall,preparedtoguaranteethetermsoftheCharter,and,if

inaqualifiedway,takepartintheworkofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclause.Indeed,heremainedinthechapteronfineseventhoughtheoriginalreasonforhisinclusion(thatitcoveredHenryandRichard)nolongerapplied.Inassociatinghimselfwiththetwenty-five,hethuscondonedthemostrevolutionaryfeatureofthe

Charter.If,moreover,Langtonremovedthepopefromthefiringline,thatmightincreaseratherthanreducethechancesoftheCharter’ssurvival.TherewasalsooneotherpositivethingthatLangtondidfortheCharteratRunnymede.Itwasfarandawaythemostimportantadditionmadethere,andwasof

overwhelmingimportancefortheCharter’sfuture.ThiswasthatLangtonputthechurchintoCharter.InotherwordsitwasLangtonwhocraftedandinsertedwhatnowbecamethefirstclause,onthelibertiesofthechurch.Historianshaveusually

ascribedthisclausetoLangton,yethaveregardeditspresenceasalmostroutine

andunimportant.Itwasneither.TheclausemighteasilyhavebeenleftoutofMagnaCarta.ForallJohn’ssealingoftheArticles,itremainedobviousthattheCharterwasbeingforceduponhim.HerethecontrastwithHenryI’sCoronationCharterwasveryclear.Ithadafirstclauseonthechurch,butthenitwasafreelygiven

grant.MagnaCarta,ontheotherhand,Langtonmusthaveknown,wasalwaysliabletobequashedbythepopeforhavingbeenextracted‘byviolenceandfear’,asInnocentindeedlaterputit.25TheviolentthreatsthatforcedThomasBeckettoaccepttheiniquitousConstitutionsofClarendonwouldhavebeenanother

pointofreference.26Langton,therefore,hadgoodgroundsforkeepingthechurchoutoftheCharter,andpreventingitslibertiesbeingstainedbythedoubtfuloriginsofthesecularconcessions.ThechurchhadalreadysecureditsgainsinthecharterofNovember1214,whichguaranteeditfreeelections.Whynotleaveitatthat?

Langtonthenwouldhavebeenanticipatinghissuccessors,thebishopsof1258,whowithdrewfromtherevolutionaryWestminsterparliamentbeforethecoercionoftheking,andneverafterwardsincludedthechurchinthereforms.27

Langtonmightwellhavedonethesamein1215.

Yet,ontheotherhand,Langtonhadpowerfulreasonsforbringinginthechurch.Hisbiblicalcommentariesshowthathebelievedinpinningthekingdowntowrittenrules.Hemusthavethoughtthat,forallthedangers,the1215ChartermightsucceedandbecomethefundamentaltextforEnglishgovernment.The

churchneededtobeintheCharterasithadbeenin1100.HowthencouldLangtonsquarethiscircle?HedidsobyabrilliantlydevisedchapterwhichputthechurchintotheCharterrightatthestartwhileatthesametimedecouplinganddistancingitsconcessionsfromthosemadetotherestofthekingdom.Intheprocess,

itwasmadequiteclearthattheconcessionstothechurchwerefreelygivenandwerequiteunrelatedtoanycoercion.Inthechapter,therefore,

thefreedomofthechurchwasgivenasaconcessiontoGod,nottothekingdom:

Inthefirstplace,[we]havegrantedtoGodandbythisourpresent

charterhaveconfirmed,forusandourheirsinperpetuity,thattheEnglishchurchistobefree…

AfterthisconcessiontoGod,theCharterthenstartedalloveragainandannounced‘Wehavealsograntedtoallthefreemenofourkingdom…allthebelowwrittenliberties’.IntheprintedversionsoftheCharter,thisis

stillpartofchapter1onthechurch,althoughinthreeofthefourengrossmentsitappearsratherasanewchapter.ThedivisionherebetweentheconcessionsmadetoGodandthosemadetothekingdomhadnoexactprecedent.The1100Chartersetthechurchfreeandthenabolishedallevilcustomsthathadoppressedthe

kingdom,butnocleardivisionwasmadebetweenthetwo,fortheconcessionswerenotactuallygiventoanyoneatall.IntheCoronationCharterofHenryII,theconcessionsweremadeto‘God,holychurch,andallmyearlsandbaronsandallmymen’,whichmeanttherewasnoseparation,astherewasin1215,betweenchurch

andrealm,orrealmandGod.ThesamewastrueinthecharterthatKingPedrograntedtoCataloniain1205.28

Langtondidnotmerelyseparatetheconcessionsmadetochurchandrealm.Healsoinsertedaremarkablepassagewhichshowedthat,whenitcametotheformer,Johnhadactedcompletely

willingly.TheEnglishchurch,Johnsays,‘istobefree’:

…andwewishitsotobeobserved;whichismanifestfromthis,namelythatthelibertyofelections,whichisdeemedtobeofthegreatestimportanceandmostnecessaryfortheEnglishchurch,byourfreeandspontaneouswill,beforethediscord

movedbetweenusandourbarons,wegrantedandconfirmedbyourcharter,andobtaineditsconfirmationfromthelordpope,Innocentthethird…

John’sgoodfaithwhenitcametothechurchwasthusclear,forhehadmadetheconcessionoverelections‘beforethediscordmovedbetweenusandourbarons’.

Therewas,therefore,aclearqualitativedifferencebetweenthelibertiesconferredonthechurchandthoseconferredontherestofthekingdom.Johnhadgrantedtheformerfreely,before‘thediscord’.Theimplication,inevitably,wasthatingrantingthelatter,hehadnotbeenactingspontaneously.Langtonmightregrettheimplication,

buthehadfirstandforemosttoprotectthelibertyofthechurch.HehaddonethistoobyreferringtoInnocent’sconfirmation,whichcloakedthechurch’slibertyinakindofpapalimprimatur.HecouldnotdothesamefortheCharterasawhole,butatleasthehadremovedtheclausethatpositivelyinvitedInnocenttoquashit.

Havingintroducedthechurch,andmodifiedtheroleassignedhimintheArticles,LangtonlefttheCharteralone.DespitehisvenerationforBecket,hedidnothingtoreaffirmHenryII’sconcessionfreeingclerksaccusedofcrimefromsecularjurisdiction.HeignoredJohn’spromiseof1213nottooutlawclerks,althoughit

wouldhavesatwellwithchapter39.29Hedidnotinsistthatchapter4ontherunningofwardshipsshouldalsoapplytoecclesiasticalvacancies,unliketheCharterof1216,whereaclausetothateffectwasintroduced.LangtonalsofailedtosupporttheCharterinonehighlypracticalanddeeplysymbolicway.Howevermuchthey

mighthavewishedtodoso,heandhisfellowbishopsissuednosentenceofexcommunicationagainstcontravenersoftheCharterof1215.Thathadtowaituntil1225,whenalltaintofcoercionwasatlastremoved.YetwhatLangtonhaddonein1215wasenough.Privilegedinitsfirstchapter,hehadprovidedthechurch

withanimpellingreasonforgivingMagnaCartaitsfullsupport.Thatwastobeamajorfactorinitssurvivalandthecentralplaceitattainedinpubliclife.Once,moreover,theCharterhadbeenconceded,thearchbishopdidallhecouldtopreserveitandthepeaceitwassupposedtobring.

THEWELSHANDTHEKINGOFSCOTS

HowdidtheWelshandtheScotsfaregenerallyatRunnymede?Theansweriswithmixedfortunes,foragaintherewasconsiderablegiveandtake.TheWelshgained,aswehaveseen,intheirhostages,includingthesonofLlywelyn,beingnowreturned‘immediately’,

withoutreferencetoanychartersthatmightmakeitotherwise.Theobnoxioustreatyof1211,underwhichthesonandhostageshadbeensurrendered,wasapparentlynomore.Ontheotherhand,theWelshlostout,liketheirEnglishcounterparts,overthedisseisinscommittedbyHenryIIandRichard,withanyredressbeingpostponed

untiltheendofJohn’sprospectivecrusade.Theyalsolostoutinanotherway.Whereas,intheArticles,WelshmendisseisedbyJohninEnglandorinWalesweretoberestored‘withoutplea’(chapter44),intheCharter(chapter56)thepossibilityofaplea,whichofcoursemeantJohn’splea,wasentertained.Iftherewas‘contention’,the

casewastobetried‘byjudgementofpeers’,intheMarch,accordingtothelawsofEngland,WalesortheMarch,dependingonwherethelandwassituated.Thereferencetothevariouslawscamefromchapter44oftheArticles,wherethecontexthadbeenslightlydifferent.30

Thereferenceto‘intheMarch’wasnewand

advantagedtheWelsh,sinceitpreventedsuchcaseshavingtofollowthekingandthecourtcoramrege.Inallthis,theWelshrulers

hadwonmorethanhadKingAlexander,inpartperhapsbecausethelatterwasnotyetinarmsagainsttheking.ThechartersthatJohnhadextractedfromAlexander’sfather,WilliamtheLion,in

1209,recordingtheTreatyofNorham,werestillontheagenda,forhereanotherformofjudgementwasfoundafterArchbishopLangton’swithdrawal.ItwasnowAlexander’speersintheking’scourtwhoweretodecidewhetherthechartersmeanthecouldbetreateddifferentlyfromtheotherbaronsofEngland,thiswhen

itcametohislibertiesandrightsandthereturnofhishostagesandhissisters(chapter59).Ifhispeers,asseemedlikely,decidedagainstthecharters,then,theimplicationwas,thehostageswouldbereturnedunderthetermsofMagnaCarta’schapter49.Theassumptionobviouslywasthatthesisterstoowouldbereleased.On

thispoint,Alexander’sfriendshaddonewell,forthereturnofthesisterswasincludedatRunnymedeitself,havingnotbeenintheArticlesoftheBarons.Thesisters,MargaretandIsabella,hadbeenhandedovertoKingJohnunderthetreatyof1209.Accordingtoitsterms,hehaduntilOctober1217,whenhiseldestsonwouldbeten,to

beginmarryingthemoff.In1215,therefore,hewasnotinbreachofthetreaty.ThatAlexanderandhisalliesstilldemandedthereturnofthesistersshowedveryclearlythattheyregardedthetreatyasinvalid.WhenitcametoAlexander’sclaimstothenortherncounties,ontheotherhand,JohnmighthopethechangesatRunnymede

hadbroughthimanadvantage.SincethecountieshadbeenlosttothekingofScotsunderHenryII,theclaimshouldnowwaituntiltheendofJohn’sprospectivecrusade.WhethertheEnglishbaronswouldbotherwithsuchdistinctionswas,however,anothermatter.

WOMEN,PEASANTS,TOWNS,BARONS,KNIGHTSANDFREE

TENANTS

OneofthemoststrikingnewchaptersintroducedatRunnymedewaschapter54,theonlyoneinwhichtheword‘woman’–‘femina’–appeared.Thischapterdirectedthatnoonewastobearrestedorimprisonedontheappeal,thatisaccusation,ofa

womanforthedeathofanyoneotherthanherhusband.31Howonearthdidchapter54appearatRunnymede?Theanswermaybethatitwasthroughtheinterventionofthosewhohadworkedforthekingasjudges,notallofwhom,aswehaveseen,werenecessarilyanylongeronhisside.32Thejudgesknewthat

femaleappealswereveryfrequent.Theyalsoknewthatinpractice,asthechapteritselfimplies,thelegalrulerestrictingsuchappealstothedeathofthehusbandhadnotalwaysbeenenforcedincasesofhomicide.Men,therefore,accusedbywomenofotherhomicides,hadfoundthemselvesimprisonedpre-trial.Nowthatwouldno

longerhappen,thoseaccusedbeingabletogivesuretiesfortheirappearanceincourt.33

AtRunnymede,lordsalsogavelessthanfriendlythoughttotheirunfreepeasants.Itwasnowthattheremarkableclausewasinsertedintochapter20whichshowedthatvilleinswereprotectedonlyfromamercementsimposedbythe

king.Inotherwords,asfarastheCharterwasconcerned,lordscouldimposeontheirunfreepeasantswhateveramercementstheyliked.34

TheCharter,liketheArticles,alsofailedtodealwithanissueofmajorconcerntopeasants,althoughcuriouslyenoughithadbeencoveredintheUnknownCharter.Itslastclause,almostasan

afterthought,demandedthat‘nomanshouldloselifeorlimb’foranoffenceagainstthebeastsoftheforest.TheUnknownCharterwasverymuchabaronialdocument,yetthiswasnotanissuethathaddirectrelevancetobaronsorknights.Itwaspeasants,unabletopayheavyamercements,whowouldloselifeorlimbforforest

offences.35TheAnonymousofBéthunethoughttherewasaclauseinMagnaCartaonthesubject.36Infact,ithadtowaituntiltheForestCharterof1217.AtRunnymede,thebarons,withmuchelsetothinkabout,justcouldnottakethetroubletoincludeit.Theearlsandbaronsdid

taketroubleinissuesthatconcernedthemselves.They

realizedthatintheArticles,whenitcametoamercements,theyhadnospecialtreatmentandwereatbestlumpedinwiththefreemenwhoweretobeamercedby‘uprightmenoftheneighbourhood’.TheCharterputthisrightinanewchapter(21),whichstatedthatearlsandbaronsweretobeamercedbytheirpeers.The

tenants-in-chiefalsotookpainstoshowthatsomeconcessionsrelatedjusttothemselves.ThustheearlychaptersoftheCharteronreliefandwardshipswerenowdraftedtodemonstratethat.Thebaronswerenottoldtopassontheseconcessionstotheirmen,asintheCharterof1100.Instead,under-tenantshadtorelyonjustthe

blanketinjunctioninchapter60.Thebaronsalsolookedafterthemselves,anddiddownaclassofunder-tenants,inanotherarea.Underchapter27oftheArticles,freemenwerenottolosetheprivilegesofknighthoodbecausetheyheldtenementsfromthekinginreturnforprovidingarrowsorotherweapons.Inthe

Charter,thiswasscrappedandreplacedbyanentirelynewchapter(althoughitisneverprintedassuch),whichprotectedalord’srighttohavethewardshipofsuchmen,iftheyalsoheldfromhimbyknightservice.37

Under-tenantsalsolostout,perhapsinadvertently,perhapsnot,byareorganizationoftheCharter.

Thustheclausewhichorderedguardianstoreturnlandsfullystockedtoheirswhentheycameofagewasmovedfromchapter35intheArticlestochapter5intheCharter.IntheArticlesithadbeentackedontothechapteraboutthepaymentofJewishdebtsduringaminority,andclearlyappliedtounder-tenantsaswellastotenants-

in-chief.InMagnaCartaitfollowedchapter4onwardships,whichwasclearlyaboutthoseinthehandsoftheking,andthusonlyfortenants-in-chief.Therewerealsoimplications,perhapsagaininadvertent,perhapsnot,inthewaysomeotherchapterswereredrafted.Thustheconstablesandbailiffspreventedfromseizingcorn

andchattelsnowbecame(inchapter28)thoseoftheking.Whereaschapter30oftheArticleshadsaidthatrightwasnottobedenied,deferredorsold,soapplyingtotheconductofeveryone,intheChartertheequivalentchapter,thefamouschapter40,simplyappliedtotheking.

Theself-regardofthebaronswasalsoshowninoneofthemoststrikingchaptersintroducedatRunnymede,namelychapter14definingtheassemblythatwastogivethekingdom’scommonconsenttotaxation.Itwas,ofcourse,tobeentirelyanassemblyoftenants-in-chief,dominatedbythegreaterbarons.Despiteallthe

reasonswhytheymighthavebeenincluded,therewastobenoformalplacefor‘magnates’whodidnotholdinchief.Andtherewastobenoplaceforknightsrepresentingthecountiesorburgessesthetowns.TheexclusionofLondonseemsespeciallyremarkable,giventheimportanceofthecityintherebelcoalition.Themayor

wasoneofthetwenty-fivebarons.AfterthecollapseoftheMagnaCartapeace,thebaronsandthecitizensofLondonwrotejointlytoKingAlexander‘against’KingJohn.Therewerealsofeelingsinthecitythatitshouldberepresentedatnationalassemblieswhentaxationwasdiscussed.38

Somethingoftheparadox

wasrevealedintheCharteritself,which,ontheonehand,saidthataidscouldonlybeleviedonLondonbythecommoncounselofthekingdom,andthendeniedLondonanyplaceintheassemblyfromwhichthatcommoncounselcame.ThebaronialleadersatRunnymedealsofailedtoprotectLondonandother

privilegedtownsfromJohn’sdeterminationtogettallageoutoftheCharter.Notsurprisinglyperhaps,sinceifthekingwaspreventedfromtallaginghistownsatwill,thenlordsmightfindthemselvessimilarlyrestrictedwhenitcametotallagingtheboroughssubjecttotheirownjurisdictions.Hadthenegotiationsbeen

takingplaceinLondon,perhapsthecitywouldhavedonebetter.Asitwas,althoughRobertfitzWalterwashereditarilytheleaderofLondon’smilitia,nochroniclermentionsthepresenceofLondonforcesatRunnymede.39

KnightsandfreetenantsdidmakesomegainsatRunnymede.Ifthechapters

onreliefandwardshipswerenowspecificallyfortenants-in-chief,thesectiononthemarriageofheirswasseparatedfromthem,andmadeachapteronitsown,namelychapter6,whichsuggestedithadageneralrelevance.Therefollowedchapters7and8onwidows,thesecondhavingbeenrestoredtowhatwasprobably

itsoriginalplace,havingdroppeddowntochapter17intheArticles.Chapter8(instatingthatawidowmustgettheconsentofherlordifshewishedtoremarry)clearlyappliedtounder-tenants,andthereforestrengthenedtheassumptionthatthiswasalsotobetrueoftheprecedingchapter,givingwidowsfreeentranceintotheirproperty.

Moststrikingofall,however,waschapter16.Here,thestipulationthatnooneshouldbeforcedtodomorethandueserviceforaknight’sfeewasexpandedtoincludeotherfreetenementsaswell.Thismeantithadavastlygreatersocialrange,sinceitnowprotectedallthosewhoheldbyrent.

Whenitcametolocalgovernment,knightsandfreetenantscannothavewelcomedthedilutionofchapter45,inwhichtheking’sofficialswerenowrequiredtoknownotthe‘lawoftheland’butthelesslocal‘lawofthekingdom’.ThecontemporaryFrenchtranslationoftheCharterretainshere‘laleidelaterre’,

whichsuggeststhat‘lawoftheland’mayhavesurvivedinsomeengrossments.40

Knightshadalsoreasontoquestionthechangingtreatmentoftheofficeofcoroner,anoffice,ofcourse,whichtheyheld.Inchapter14oftheArticles,thesheriffswerenottointerferewiththepleasofthecrownwithoutthecoroners.Inchapter24of

MagnaCartaneithersheriffsnorcoronersweretoholdthepleasofthecrown.Localsocietywouldhavebeenashappyasthekingwiththeimplicationthatcrownpleaswereonlytobeheardbytheking’sjudges,but,intheprocess,thechapterhadbeenchangedfromonetrustingthecoronerstoonedistrustingthem.Againstthesesetbacks,

however,ifsuchtheywere,therewasamajorgain.Thetwelveknights,electedineachcountytoreformevilpractices,nowgottheirownseparatechapter,namelychapter48,insteadofbeingtackedontotheendoftheArticles’chapter39.Thewholeprocesswasalsogivenmuchmorebite.IntheArticles,themalpractices

weretobe‘corrected’bytheknights,anditwasnotsaidwhen.IntheCharter,bycontrast,theabusesweretobe‘whollyabolished’bytheknightswithinfortydays,and‘neverrevived’.ThethreateningnatureofthepowerthusconferredisshownbythewayinwhichJohnmanagedtoinsertonebrakeontheprocess.The

abolitionsweretotakeplaceonlyoncehehadbeeninformedofwhatwasproposed.Doubtlessthekinghopedatthatstagetomakeobjectionsandaskfordelays.InseveralcopiesoftheCharterwhichpreserveelementsofearlierdrafts,thissavingclausedoesnotappearatall.41ThisstronglysuggeststhatJohngotitinsertedata

latestageinthenegotiations,thecopiespreservingatextfrombeforetheadditionwasmade.ThisfitsexactlywiththetwooriginalengrossmentsnowintheBritishLibrary,theonethatwenttoCanterburyandCii,inbothofwhichthesavingclauseappearsinanextralinebelowthetextoftheCharterwithanindicationofwhereitshould

go.Itlooksasthoughinthedraftfromwhichtheengrossmentswerebeingcopied,thesavingclausehadinsomewaybeenarrowedinasalateaddition,andbeenmissedbytheclerksfirsttimeround.Argumentsoverchapter48arealsorevealedbythesingle-sheetcopyoftheCharterintheBodleianLibraryreferredtoabove.

Therethemalpracticesarestill‘tobecorrected’–‘emendentur’–asintheArticles,not‘abolished’–‘deleantur’–asinthefinaltextofMagnaCarta.Thetougheningupofthischapterwasagreatvictoryfortheknights.Knightsmustalsohave

beenverymuchconcernedandpresumablyinvolved,

alongwiththeking’sjudges,whenitcametochangesrelatedtothehearingofthecommon-lawlegalprocedures.Chapter18nowmadeclearthattheforumfortheassizesmustbethecountycourt.Anewadditiontothechapter(madewronglybyBlackstoneasaseparatechapter19)answeredthepleaintheArticlesforthehearing

oftheassizesofnoveldisseisinandmortd’ancestortobespeededup.Ifthecasescouldnotbeheardonthedayofthecountycourt,thensufficientknightsandfreetenantswhoattendedthecourtshouldremainbehindsothatjudgementscouldbemade.Strictlyspeaking,allthatwasneededforjudgementswerethejurors

andthejudges,astheArticleshadrecognized.WhatMagnaCartawantedwasawiderbodyofknightsandfreetenantstowitnessandguaranteethejudgements–anotabletestimonytotheimportanceofthecourtandtheplaceoftheknightsandfreetenantswithinit.Itmaybethatknightlyopiniondefeatedfurther

modificationstotheassizeprocedureslaiddowninchapters18and19.SomelatercopiesoftheCharterthushavethejudgesvisitingthreetimesayear,notfour,andintheCharterof1217theirvisitationswerereducedtojustone.In1217theideaofthejudgesstayingontohearleft-overpleaswasabandoned.Insteadtheywere

tohearthemlateronintheircircuit.The1217Charteralsodispensedwiththefourknightselectedinthecountycourtandjustsaidvaguelythatthejudgesweretohearcaseswiththeknightsofthecounty.Ifthischange,whichclearlyreducedknightlycontroloftheassizes,waspressedatRunnymede,the

knightshadsuccessfullyresistedit.

EXPANSION,CLARIFICATIONANDREORGANIZATION

AgreatdealofthoughtatRunnymedewentintotheclarificationandreorganizationofthechaptersintheArticlesoftheBarons,withtheresultthattheCharterwasaclearerand

morecoherentdocument.Muchofthisworkwaspresumablydonebytheclericalstaffs,andperhapsagainbythosewithjudicialexperience.Themaineffortpresumablycamefromthebaronialside.Iftheking’smenhadgotinvolved,Johnwouldnothavethankedthem.Hewassurelyinthebusiness

ofmakingtheCharterasincomprehensibleaspossible!SometimesMagnaCarta

simplyspelledoutinmoredetailwhattheArticleshadintended.Chapter9isagoodexampleofthis;hereitis,withthepassagesaddedtochapter5oftheArticlesoftheBaronsinitalics:

Neitherwenorourbailiffsaretoseizeany

landorrentforanydebt,foraslongasthechattelsofthedebtorsufficetopaythedebt;norarethesuretiesofthatdebtortobedistrainedforaslongasthechiefdebtorhimselfhassufficientforpaymentofthedebt.Andifthechiefdebtorfailsinthepaymentofthedebt,nothavingthewherewithaltopay,thesuretiesaretoanswer

forthedebt.Andiftheywish,theyaretohavethelandsandtherentsofthedebtoruntilsatisfactionisgiventothemforthedebtwhichbeforetheypaidforhim…

Herethesectionfrom‘until’replacestheambiguous‘untilthatdebtisfullypaid’.Itmaybethatfurtherclarificationstothechapterwereintended

butdroppedthroughinadvertenceorlackoftime.Thusthe1216Charterafterthedebtor‘nothavingthewherewithaltopay’added‘ornotwishingtopaywhenheisable’.42Sincethisphraseisfoundinseverallatercopiesofthe1215Charter,itmaywellhavebeenindraftsmadeatRunnymede.Indeed,

perhapstheclerksin1216hadsuchdraftstohand.Considerableeffortswere

madetotightenupthedraftingofthecrucialchapters39and40onjustice.Chapter39nowbegan‘Nofreeman’,ratherthan‘Thebodyofafreeman’,asintheArticles,probablybecauseitsoundedoddtohavethebodyofafreemandisseised.43The

chapterbroadenedthewaysinwhichthekingmightgoorsendagainstsomeonebyomittingtheArticles’‘byforce’,whileitinserted‘lawful’before‘judgementofhispeers’.Chapter40,apartfrommakingthekingthesubjectofthesentence,nowspokeof‘rightandjustice’–‘rectumautjustitiam’–ratherthansimply‘right’.Itwas

through‘justice’,ofcourse,thatoneobtained‘right’,anditstrengthenedthechaptertoincludeboth.44SimilarexpertisewentintoimprovingtheorderoftheCharter’schapters.ThetwoondebtstotheJewswereadvancedtochapters10and11from34and35,thuscomingafterthechapterondistraintfordebt.Whatbecamechapter12on

scutagesandaidscameuptojointhemfromchapter32,takingmattersaboutLondonandthetownswiththem.Asaresultofthesechanges,thefirstpartoftheChartergainedamorecoherentfocus,aimedatthefinancialoperationsofroyalgovernment.Anotherimprovementwasinlinkingtogetherthetwochapterson

theassizes,chapters18and19,ratherthanhavingthemseparatedaschapters8and13.Aratherdifferentfateattendedsomeofthechapterswhichweremostsubjecttochange,fortheseoftendroppedrightdowntheorder,usuallyfornoparticularreasonotherthanthat,aswemaysuspect,theyhadgotshuffledoutoftheirprevious

positionsinthecourseoftheirredrafting.Thusthechapteronmeasures,wherealargenewsectionwasaddedonstandards,fellfromchapter12intheArticlesoftheBaronstochapter35intheCharter,whereittooktheplaceofthechapterontheking’sdisseisins.Thelatter,muchalteredandarguedoverwhenitcametothedisseisins

ofHenryIIandRichard,droppeddownfromchapter25intheArticlestoneartheendoftheCharter,becomingchapter52.Thereitjoinedupwithtwonewchapters,chapter53abouttheafforestationsofRichardandHenry,andchapter54onaccusationsbywomen.Chapter55wastheremodelledchapteronfines,

whichitselfhadfallenfromchapter37intheArticles.InthecopiesoftheCharterwherethechapteronfinespreservesitsArticlesform,itactuallyalsopreservesitsArticlesorder,prettyclearproofthatitwastherenegotiationthatcausedthelossofplace.Wecanimagineremodelledchaptersbeingcrossedoutinadraft,

rewrittenonaseparatepieceofparchmentandthenbeingaddedbackinatanyconvenientpoint,oftenneartheend.Interestingly,however,thereisonecopyoftheCharterwheretheremodelledchapteronfinesisstillinitsArticlesplace,sopresumablyitderivedfromadraftwheretheclerkhadputitbackthere.

Partlyasaresultofthesechanges,theorderoftheCharterremainedfarfromperfect.Indeedaninterestingexercise(whichIsometimessetMAstudents)istoattemptabetterjob.If,forexample,theexpandedchapteronmeasureshadbeenplacedafterthatonfishweirs,andthechapterondisseisinshadbeenkeptinthisarea,rather

thandroppingdowntotheendoftheCharter,itcouldhavecreatedcoherentsectionsontradeandmerchantsandthenonjustice.So,forexample,theChartermighthaverun:

32fishweirs33measures34merchants35entrytokingdom

36convictionsforfelony

37writprecipe38writoflifeand

limbs39accusationsby

bailiffs40noonetobe

proceededagainstsavebyjudgementofpeers,etc.

41denialofjustice

42disseisinsbyJohn,RichardandHenry

Butenoughofsuchgames!TimewaslimitedatRunnymede.Thenegotiatorsweresurroundedbypilesofmuch-worked-overdrafts.Eventhedraftsfromwhichthefinalengrossmentswerecopiedoutwerenotaltogetherclear,hencethewaythescribesofthe

CanterburyCharterandCiimademistakesandhadtoaddtextinatthebottom.

THEDATEOFMAGNACARTA

ThenegotiationsatRunnymedewereinterruptedandinvigoratedbyonegreatecclesiasticalfestival.Sunday,14JunewasTrinitySunday.PresumablyArchbishopLangtonhimself

conductedtheservicebeforeKingJohnatWindsor,afterwhichtherewouldhavebeenafeast.ThelessonforthedaywasRevelation4:1–10,wherethetwenty-foureldersbowdownbeforethethroneofGodinheaven.Atleastthenumberhere,twenty-four,savedtherebelsfromanyblasphemouscomparisonswiththetwenty-fivebarons

ofthesecurityclause!Theday’sGospel,ontheotherhand,mightseemmorerelevant.ItwasJohn3:1–15,whereChristtellsNicodemusthat‘unlessamanbebornagainhecannotseethekingdomofGod’.Merebaptismbywater,moreover,wasnotenough.Amanmustbebornagaininspirit.Fortunatelyasermonthat

LangtonpreachedonaTrinitySundaysurvives.Whileitprobablycomesfromearlierinhiscareer,itmaygivesomecluetohisthemesonthisoccasion.Thesermonismercifullyshort,takinglittlemorethanfifteenminutestoreadout,soJohnwouldhavehadnoneedtoaskhisarchbishoptohurryup,ashehadatthestartof

thereignwithBishopHughofLincoln.Ifhelistened,Johnwouldhavereceivedsomeclearlessonsastohisbehaviourinthefuture,forLangtonurgedhislistenerstopraytotheFatherfor‘goodpower’,totheSonfor‘goodwisdom’andtotheHolySpiritfor‘goodwill’.45Suchinjunctions,ifgivenonTrinitySunday1215,were

welltimed,forthenegotiationswerenearlyatanend.Historianshavelong

debatedthetruedateofMagnaCarta.46Thefouroriginalengrossments,aswellasthecopyinthebishops’letterstestimonial,allendwithJohn’sstatementthatitwas‘Givenbyourhand[Datapermanum

nostram]inthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede,betweenWindsorandStaines,onthefifteenthdayofJune,intheseventeenthyearofourreign.’Thenaturalassumptionisthat15June1215isthedateofMagnaCarta.ItisthereforeastonishingtofindthatmanyleadingMagnaCartahistorians,Holtincluded,

haveregardedthe15Junedateasnothingmoreorlessthan‘fictitious’.47Instead,theyhavearguedthatthetermsoftheCharterwerenotagreeduntil19June,anditwasonlythen,orevenlater,thatitwasactuallyissued.ThequestionofthedateoftheCharterisaboutmorethanafewdayseitherway.Itisofcrucialimportancefor

understandingwhathappenedatRunnymede.Thecorrectdate,itwillbeargued,isindeed15June.OnlywhenthisisappreciatedcanoneseeboththeclevernessofJohn’smanoeuvringandthedissatisfactionwiththeCharterthatquicklyforcedhimintofurtherconcessions.Thestartingpointforany

discussionofthedateof

MagnaCartamustbethedatingclausethatwehavealreadyquoted:‘GivenbyourhandinthemeadowwhichiscalledRunnymede…onthefifteenthdayofJune.’Itisremarkablehowlightlythistestimonyhasbeensetaside.Thedatingclauseherewasabsolutelytypicalofthatfoundinroyalchartersfromthestartofthereignof

RichardI,whenitwasfirstintroduced.Itwascertainlymorethanformulaic.TheplaceanddatechangeconstantlyandcanbeshowninJohn’sreigntocorrespondwiththeking’sknownitinerary.Therearealsofrequentchangesinthenameofthegiver,whomightbethechancellor,achanceryofficialoroccasionallytheking

himself.In1215,intheperiodbeforeRunnymede,thechartersweregivenbothbythechancellor,RichardMarsh,andhisdeputy,RalphdeNeville,attendifferentlocations.48Theprecisemeaningoftheclauseisalsoprettyplain.To‘give’thecharter‘bythehand’wastoauthorizeitsengrossmentfromthefinaldraftandby

extensiontoauthorizeitssealing.Thenaturalassumption,therefore,isthatJohnhimselfauthorizedtheengrossmentandsealingofMagnaCartaatRunnymedeon15June.HegavetheCharterhimself(theonlycharterhedidgivein1215)becausethebarons,notsurprisingly,insistedthathetakepersonalresponsibility

forit,ratherthanhivingthatofftohischancellor.Whatonearth,therefore,

hasledhistorians(Galbraithbeinganexception)torejectthe15Junedate?49Onefactorwasthatthe15Junedateseemedtoleaveaninexplicable‘hiatus’betweenthisdatefortheCharterandtheeventualpeacethatisfirmlyfixedbydocumentary

evidencefor19June.AnotherfactoristhatitseemedinconceivableJohnwouldissuetheCharterbeforethepeaceon19June,thusmakingconcessionstopeoplewhowerestillinrebellionagainsthim.Sincethe15JunedateontheCharterindicatedthatsomethinghadhappenedonthatday,Holtsuggestedthattherewasthen

asolemnandgeneralagreementtoaccepttheArticlesasthebasisfortheCharter.50Thiswastakenas‘theauthorization’fortheCharter,andthedatewasthusretainedinthesubsequentdraftsduringthenegotiationsbetween15and19June,untilitfinallyappearedintheCharteritself.

Theseargumentscanallbechallenged.Theyareforastartinconsistent.Theyworryaboutthehiatusbetween15and19Junewhilealsohavingtolivewithafarlessexplicableonebetween10and15June.Afterall,ifJohnsealedtheArticlesoftheBaronson10June,asHoltveryreasonablyargued,virtuallynothinghadthen

happenedbetween10and15June,ifallthatoccurredonthatdaywasageneralagreementtoacceptthem.MuchmoreseriousisthefactthatanagreementtotheArticles,wheneverthathappened,couldnotpossiblyhavebeentheauthorizationfortheCharteritself.TheCharterwascertainlyfoundedontheArticles,butalso

differedgreatlyfromthem.Whenafinaltextwasagreed,Johnmusthaveauthorizedafreshitsengrossmentandsealing.Ifthattookplaceon19June,whydoestheCharternotsayso?Aswehaveseen,the‘giving’clauseinroyalcharterswasfarfromfrozenandformulaic.Indeed,thereisevidencethatitwaschangedduringthe

negotiationsforMagnaCarta,sinceGalbraith’scopyintheHuntingtonLibrarywasgivenon15JunenotatRunnymedebutatWindsor.Whatthenoftheargument

thatJohnwouldnothavegrantedtheChartertothoseinrebellion?Johnwouldhavequiteagreed,but,then,byissuingtheCharteron15Junebeforethepeace,hewas

doingnothingofthekind.ThenearestparalleliswithNovember1216,whenHenryIIIissuedanewversionofMagnaCartaalthoughhalftherealmwasinrebellionagainsthim.Thefactoftherebellionlimitednottheking’sactionsbutthecircleofthosewhobenefitedfromthem.ItistruethattheCharterwasgranted‘toall

thefreemenofourkingdom’,butitwentwithoutsayingthatsuchfreemenwerewithintheking’sallegiance.ThefactthatJohnannouncedtheChartertoallhis‘faithfulmen’madethatclear.ThelibertiesintheCharterwerethustheexclusiveconcernoftheking’s‘fideles’.Rebels,ofcourse,couldlookenviouslyattheseliberties,

butwouldonlyenjoythemoncetheytoohadbecomefaithfulmenandhadmadepeace.Indeed,fromJohn’sperspective,thatwasthewholepoint.Therewasnothing,

therefore,tostopJohnauthorizingtheCharterbeforethepeace,asthedatingclauseshowsthathedid.Therearealsoclearindicationswithin

theCharteritselfthat,whenitwasfinalized,thepeacewasstillinthefuture.Thus,inchapter51,Johnpromisedthat‘immediatelyaftertherestorationofpeace’,hewouldremoveallforeignsoldiersfromthekingdom.Significantly,thispassagewasaddedatRunnymede,foritdoesnotappearintheArticles.The‘immediately’

wasasoptothebarons,but,fortherest,itwasJohnwhowasbehindthisclause.HeknewtheremightbeaconsiderabledelaybetweentheissuingoftheCharteron15Juneandtheconclusionofpeace,ifindeedtherewaspeaceatall.Itwasthusvitaltomakeclearthatuntilandunlesstherewaspeace,hewouldnotdisarmby

dismissinghismercenarysoldiers.Thatwasbothasafeguardforhisownpositionandathreatofwhatwouldhappenifthesettlementwerenotaccepted.TheissuingoftheCharterbeforethepeacealsoexplainswhy,inthepreamble,notasinglerebelappearsamongthoseonwhoseadviceJohnsaidhewasacting.Itwasthis

samegroup,althoughtheirnameswerenotrepeated,whowitnessedtheCharter.IftheCharterhadbeenissuedafterthepeace,thenitwouldhavebeenquitepossibleforex-rebels,nowoncemorewithintheking’sallegiance,tohavebeennamedwithinit.Indeed,atRunnymede,on20June,sixofthegreatestrebels,nowrestoredtothe

king’sfaith,didindeedwitnessaroyalcharter.IfMagnaCartaitselfhadbeenfinalizedon19or20June,theycouldhaveappearedtheretoo,thusgivingitafarmoreconsensualnature.51

Whatthenwasthesequenceofeventson15June?GalbraiththoughttheHuntingtoncopyoftheCharterrepresenteditsfinal

draft,henceJohnwasputdownasauthorizingitatWindsoron15June,beforehemovedtoRunnymedeforthelastnegotiationslaterintheday.Thatisnotimpossible,butitisequallylikelythatthecopyhadnoofficialstatusandwassimplyoneviewofthesituationearlyon15June.Eitherway,thecontrastbetweenthe

HuntingtoncopyandthefinalChartersuggeststherewasstillalottoplayforinthefinalhours.Therebelssucceededinwideningthescopeofthechapteronfines,whileJohnfoughtofftheideathatthebaronialreliefshouldbe100marks.ArchbishopLangton,meanwhile,finallypreventedanybanonJohnappealingtothepope,foritis

stillthereintheHuntingtoncopy.Thesemattershavingbeensettled,Johnbroughtthenegotiationstoanendandsaidineffecttothebaronialenvoys‘That’syourlot.Takeitorleaveit.’Thebaronialenvoystookit.Iftheypressedformore,Johnmightbreakoffthewholebusinessandreturntowar.Therewasequallythedangerthatifthe

negotiationswerecontinued,radicalsinthebaronialcampwoulddestroytheCharterbymakingimpossibledemands.Thebaronshadachievedatremendousamount.Itwasbestnowtosecureit.Bothsidesthussworetothetermsthathadbeenagreed.ItissometimessaidthatJohnandthebaronstookanoathtotheCharterinsomegreat

ceremonyatthetimeofthedeclarationofthepeaceon19June.ButtheCharteritselflendsnosupporttothisidea.Instead,itsaysthat‘[anoath]hasbeenswornbothonourpartandonthepartofthebarons’.TheLatinherefor‘onthepart’is‘exparte’,whichwaspreciselyhowthenegotiatorsactingonbehalfofthesidesweredescribedin

1215.Theimplicationisthatitwasthesenegotiators,actingonbehalfoftheking,andonbehalfofthebarons,whosworetotheCharter.SincetheoathisdescribedasbeinginthepastintheCharter,itmusthavetakenplacebeforeJohngavetheCharteron15June.OnceJohnhadauthorized

thedrawingupoftheCharter,

heproceededatoncetohaveitengrossedandsealed.Legallytheremayhavebeennoneedforthis,sincetheoathsthemselveswereacommitmenttotheCharter.Politically,however,therewaseveryneed.ThebaronialnegotiatorshadnowtoapproachthebaronsassembledatRunnymedeandessentiallysellthemthe

settlement.Onecanimaginethehowlsofderisionanddisbeliefthatwouldhavegreetedtheireffortswithoutevenaproperchartertodemonstratetheirachievements.On10JunetheyhadneededJohntosealtheArticlesoftheBaronstoprovehisgoodfaith.HowmuchmorewasthatthecasenowwithMagnaCarta!

JohncametothesameconclusionabouttheneedtoissuetheCharter,butfordifferentreasons.Hisaimwastoshowabsolutelyanddefinitivelythatthenegotiationswereover.Healsomadeonesovereigngain,forhekeptthenamesofthetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclauseoutoftheCharter.Asaresult,hehoped

toreducethechancesofitseverbeingenforced.AtthetimeJohn‘gavetheCharter’,thebaronshadyettodecidewhomthetwenty-fiveweretobe.AstheCharterputsit,‘thebaronsshallchoosetwenty-fivebaronsofthekingdom,whomtheywish’.Inotherwords,thechoicewasstillinthefuture.Thenegotiatorshadevidentlyfeltunableto

namethetwenty-fiveonthespoton15June.Yettheydarednotpostponethesettlementuntiltheywerechosen,forthereasonswehaveseen.Sothebaronialnegotiatorssettledandleftthenamesofthetwenty-fiveoutoftheCharter.Johnmusthavebeenpleased.Afterall,withoutknowingthenamesofthetwenty-five,howwas

thenoxioussecurityclausetowork?Itwasnowlefttothebaronstobroadcastthenamesasbesttheycould.Theking’shope,ofcourse,wasthattheywouldnotbeverygoodatit.John’sattitudetotheCharterthusstandsoutcrystalclear.Hehopeditwouldbringpeaceandmakeeveryonedisarmandgohome.Thereafteritcouldremainas

avaguesymbolofgoodgovernment,atestimonytohisloveforholychurchandhisdesiretoreformtherealm.Butasforitsactuallybeingenforced,noway!

JOHN’SFURTHERCONCESSIONSANDTHEDECLARATIONOFPEACE

Johnwasquicklytobedisabusedofsuchhopes.The

baronsassembledatRunnymededidnotmakepeaceandquietlygohome.Insteadtheymadecleartheirdissatisfactionwiththedealstruckbytheirnegotiators.Intheprocess,theyforcedJohn,forallhis‘thatisthat’bluster,intofurtherconcessions,although,thankstotheconfusionoverthechronology,historianshave

neverquiteappreciatedthefact.Itwasfourdaysbeforepeacecouldfinallybeproclaimed,whichofcourseistheexplanationforthe‘hiatus’between15and19June.Therewerereasonsfor

dissatisfaction.ThekeyissueofHenryII’safforestationshadbeenducked.Thebaronialreliefhadnotgone

downto100marks.Andthentherewastheinadequacyofthesecurityclause.IthadbeenweakenedbytheremovalofJohn’spromisenottoappealtothepope,whichmoreorlessflaggedupthathewoulddoso.ThefactthatthepromisewasstillthereinthreecopiesoftheCharter(includingtheHuntingtonone)showshow

harditdied.52Therewerealsoattemptstosharpenthephraseologyoftheclause.Whereas,intheCharter,thetwenty-fivebarons,with‘thecommuneofalltheland’,wereto‘distrainanddistress’thekingifheoffended,severalcopiesoftheCharterallsaythattheywereto‘distrainandgoagainst’him.TheLatinhereis‘contranos

ibunt’,whichhasaverymartialring.ItisreminiscentofJohn’spromiseon10May,whenhesaidthatduringthenegotiationswiththebaronshewouldnot‘goagainstthembyforceorbyarms’–‘necsupereospervimvelperarmaibimus’.ItwassuchopenwarfarethatwasenvisagedintherejecteddraftoftheCharter.Anotherdraft

ofthesecurityclause,onepreservedbyRogerofWendover,envisagedawayofcontrollingthekingbygettingholdofkeycastles.ThusthecastellansofNorthampton,Kenilworth,NottinghamandScarboroughweretotakeanoathtoobeytheordersofthetwenty-five.TheAnonymousofBéthuneevenbelievedthatnoroyal

bailiffwastobeappointedsavethroughthetwenty-five,whichwouldhavegiventhemtotalcontrolovertheadministrationofthecountry.53But,ofcourse,therewasnothinglikethatinMagnaCarta.John’scastellans,sheriffsandotherofficialswereallleftinplace,apartfromtherelationsofGerardd’Athée.The

reformersin1258didnotmakethesamemistake,orratherwereinabetterpositionintermsofpowertoavoidit.Almostthefirstthingtheydidwastogetcontroloftheking’scastles.54

If,however,thebaronscouldnotaltertheCharter,theycoulddemandfurtherconcessionsoutsideit.Itwasthatwhichhappened.John

hadhopedthattheCharterwouldbeanend.Itwasnot.Thebaronsmadeitabsolutelyclearthatifhewantedpeacehemustgivemore,andJohncomplied.HethusremovedthehatedPeterdesRochesfromthejusticiarship,andreplacedhimwithHubertdeBurgh.HubertwasEnglishandayoungersonfromaNorfolkknightlyfamily.He

hadgallantlydefendedChinonin1205,and,goodatself-publicity,had(sohesaid)oncesavedJohn’snephew,Arthur,fromblindingandemasculation–asceneofcoursemadefamousbyShakespeare.55Hubertwascautious,flexibleand,likeGeoffreyfitzPeter,verykeentobeacceptedintotheranksofthehighnobility.He

eventuallybecameearlofKent.HewastheantithesisofPeterdesRochesandthetwoweretobecomedeadlyenemies.AccordingtoHubert’slaterrecollection,whichmusthavebeenburntintohismind,JohnmadehimjusticiaratRunnymede.That,however,wascertainlyafterMagnaCarta,forthereheisstill‘seneschalofPoitou’

ratherthan‘ourjusticiar’,thetitleheboreintheCharterof1216.Tobesure,desRocheshimself,inthe1215Charter,appearssimplyasbishopofWinchester,butthatdoesnotshowhehadceasedtobejusticiar,becauseherarelyusedthetitle.56HisremovalwasclearlyaconcessionmadebyJohninanefforttocontainthediscontent

swirlingaroundRunnymede.Langtonhimself,anxioustoseepeaceestablished,hadsomethingtodowithit,for,asHubertalsoremembered,hewaspresentattheappointment.57

MuchmoreseriousforJohnthanthemakingofanewjusticiarwashisconcessionoverLondon.ItwasthefallofLondonin

May1215thathadforcedthekingintoseriousnegotiations.HavingnowissuedtheCharter,hemusthavehopedthatthebaronswouldvacatethecity,andeverythingwouldreturntonormal.TherewasnothingintheChartertosayanythingtothecontrary.HowwrongJohnwas!Hewasnowforcedintoathoroughlydisagreeable

agreementoverthecity.Theofficialtextofthissurvivesbutisundated,andsomehistorianshaveplaceditinlateJuly.Itseemsalmostcertain,however,thattheagreementwasstruckatRunnymedeshortlybeforethepeaceon19June.Indeed,ineffect,itwasaconditionofthepeace.Intheagreement,RobertfitzWalterisdescribed

as‘marshalofthearmyofGodandofholychurchinEngland’.Thisisatitlethatcouldnotpossiblyhavebeencountenancedbythekinginanofficialdocumentafterthepeaceon19June,whentherebellionwassupposedtobeoverandthebaronialarmydisbanded.Thisdateisconfirmedbyanewlydiscoveredletterdiscussedin

thenextchapterthatalmostcertainlydatesfromaround19June.Itwasissuedinthenameoffivebaronswhoareidenticalwith,andappearinthesameorderas,thefirstfivebaronslistedinthetreatyoverLondon.58

TheagreementoverLondon(whichcarefullyrespectedthecity’sliberties)wasmadebetweenJohn,on

theonehand,and,ontheother,RobertfitzWalter,headingtwelvenamedearlsandbarons,and‘otherearls,baronsandfreemenofallthekingdom’.Allthosenamedwererebelsandallweretobemembersofthetwenty-five.Underthetermsoftheagreement,thebarons,farfromvacatingthecity,weretoholdituntil15August.

Evenworse,ArchbishopLangtonwastoholdtheTowerofLondonuntilthesamedate.SoinsteadofthebaronshavingtogetoutofLondon,itwasJohnwhohadtovacatetheTower.ThepointofallthiswastogivethebaronsthecoercivepowertoenforcekeyaspectsoftheCharter.Thusif,by15August,theoathstothe

twenty-fivehadbeentaken,andtheredressofgrievancesdemandedunderchapters52and55hadbeenmadebytheking,eithervoluntarilyorbyjudgementofthetwenty-five,thenJohncouldrecoverthecityandtheTower.Ifnot,thecitywastoremaininthehandsofthebarons,andthearchbishopwastomaintainholdoftheTower.Thetreaty

overLondonthussoughttomakeupfortheweaknessofthesecurityclause.AsHoltremarked,it‘appliedthescrew’.59

TheLondonagreementrefersto,andiscoterminouswith,John’slettersof19Junethatsetinmotionthetakingoftheoathsandtheworkofthetwelveknightsineachcounty.60Thesecanlikewise

beseenasanewconcessionforcedoutofJohnasaconditionofthepeace.Chapter48hadsaidthatlocalabuseswereimmediatelytobeinquiredintobyelectedknightsandabolishedwithinfortydays,providedthekingorthejusticiarwasinformedfirst,butgavenoindicationastohowandwhentheelectionsweretotakeplace.

DoubtlessJohnhopedthattheinquirymightbelongdelayed,ifitevertookplaceatall.Inthesameway,inthesecurityclause,therewasnoindicationastohowandwhen‘thecommuneofalltheland’wouldtakeitsoathtosupportthetwenty-five.Mightthistoobestillborn?Andtherewasanotherpoint.TheCharteritselfgaveno

indicationastohowitwastobedistributedandpublicized,unliketheGoldenBullissuedbythekingofHungaryin1222.Johncertainlywantedeveryonetoknowthathehadgraciouslygrantedacharterandthatithadledtopeace,butasforlettinganyoneknowofitspoisonouscontents,thatwasanothermatter.Hewouldgiveno

helptomakingthesewidelyknown;indeedtheCharterdidnotrequirehimtodoso.AgainJohnwasdisabused.

Inhiswritof19June,heinformedthesheriffsthatpeacehadbeenmade,astheycouldseefromtheCharter,whichwastobereadpubliclyandadheredto.Soitwastobepublicized.Thesheriffswerethentoldtoensurethat

everyonetooktheoathtothetwenty-fivebarons,atthetwenty-five’s‘order’,onadayandataplacethetwenty-fivefixed.SoJohnhere,inanextraordinaryabdicationofroyalauthority,wassubjectingthesheriffstotheordersofthetwenty-five.Andifthiswasnotbadenough,averydefinitetimescalewastobegivenfor

theworkofthetwelveknights.Theywerenowtobeelectedinthefirstcountycourttobeheldafterthereceiptofthelettersineachcounty.ThisprovisionshowsthatitwasnotjustthegreatbaronswhowerediscontentedwiththeCharter.Clearlytherewasalsopressurefromknightsandlocalsociety.Theywere

determinedtoensurethattheabolitionofmalpracticesinthelocalitiesactuallytookplace.Johnhadbeen

outmanoeuvred.ByissuingtheCharteron15June,hehadindicatedthathewouldgivenomore.Thebaronshadcalledhisbluffandmorehehadindeedgiven.HehaddismissedPeterdesRoches,

madetheagreementoverLondonandsetinmotiontheoathtothetwenty-fiveandtheworkoftheknights.Inreturn,Johnextracted,onhispart,someminimalreturns.InthepresenceofArchbishopLangtonandfellowbishops,thebaronspromisedthattheywouldgivehimwhateversecurityhewished(otherthansurrenderingcastlesand

hostages)fortheobservationofthepeace.61Thefactthatthiswasanoralpromise,ofwhichnorecordwasmade,showstheweaknessofJohn’sposition.Healsofailedtogetanythingmorethanoralundertakingsinanothercrucialarea.Laterhewastoclaimthat,accordingtothe‘reformationofpeace’,allcastlesandlandsseized

duringthewarweretobereturnedby15August,sobythedatelaiddownintheLondontreaty.Inaddition,allprisonersheldatthetimeofthepeaceweretobereleasedandoutstandingransomspardoned.62ThesestipulationswereclearlyimportantforJohn’ssupporters,whohadsufferedduringthewar,yetthey

appearinneithertheCharternortheLondontreaty.SomeechoofJohn’sdemandsmayhavereachedtheAnonymousofBéthune,whobelievedthatthetwenty-fiveweretoredressthewrongsthatJohnhimselfhadsuffered,butagaintherewasnothingaboutthisintheactualCharter.63

EvenwithJohn’sfurtherconcessions,notallwere

satisfied.TheCrowlandchroniclerstatesthatsomeofthenortherners,‘themagnatesacrosstheHumber’,leftRunnymedeand,claimingthattheyhadnotbeenthere(andthusnotincludedinthepeace),resumedhostilities.64ThefailuretodealwiththeafforestationsofHenryIImusthavebeenaparticular

grievance.Nonetheless,themajorityofthebaronsdecidedtoaccepttheimprovedofferandreturntotheking’speace.OnceJohnwascertainofthat,whichseemstohavebeenbytheeveningof18June,hewasdeterminedtoensurethatthepeacewentthrough.Itwasthuson18Juneitselfthathewrotetooneofhiscaptains,

StephenHarengod,announcingthemakingofpeace‘onFridaynextafterthefeastofStTrinityatRunnymede’(soon19June),whichwouldhavebeentruebythetimetheletterarrived.Haringodwasthenwarnedtodonothingtodisturbthepeace‘asyouloveusandourhonourandyourbody’.65

InthenegotiationsatRunnymede,JohnhaddonesomethingtomodifythebaronialdemandsintheArticles.Hehadmanagedtopostpone,forthedurationofhisprospectivecrusade,thegivingofjusticeonthedisseisinscommittedbyHenryIIandRichard.Hehadgotridofanysuggestionthattallageneededconsent.He

hadgainedgreaterfreedomwhenitcametomarryingoffheirsandheiresses.Ontheotherhand,hehadbeenpinneddowntopatheticallysmallamountsforcomital,baronialandknightlyreliefs.Hecouldnolongerpretendthattaxationcommandedconsentwhenithadonlybeensanctionedbyhisimmediateentourage.In

general,theprovisionsonrelief,themarriagesofwidows,debtstotheJews,aidsandscutages,andthecountyfarms,allthreatenedmajorreductionsinroyalrevenueandpower.HowevermuchJohnprotestedtothecontrary,thechaptersforbiddingarbitrarydisseisinsandthedenial,delayandsaleofjusticerancleancounterto

hisstyleofkingship.Thesecurityclause,ifproperlyenforced,wouldmakehimnomorethanhalfaking.ThetreatiesthathadbroughthimmuchofNorthWalesandpromisedthesubjectionofScotlandweredeadletters.Forallthis,Johnhad

acceptedtheCharterandthenmadefurtherconcessions.Hisimmediateaimwassimplyto

endthecivilwar.HesawMagnaCartaasapeacetreaty,hencethewaythat‘peaceandliberties’werelinkedtogetherinthesecurityclause.Thefirstwastobepaidforbythesecond.John’shopewasthateveryone,havingachievedtheCharter,wouldlaydowntheirarmsandgohome.Whethertheywouldthenmanageto

implementtheconcessionsremainedtobeseen.John,afterall,stillretainedcontrolofhiscastles(otherthantheTower)andwasstillabletoappointwhomhelikedtolocaloffice.TherewerealsoelementsinMagnaCartatoexploit.JohncouldinsistthatmagnatesobeytheCharterintheirdealingswiththeirmen,aschapter60saidthey

should.66Hemightgivejusticetoeveryone,oratleasteveryonewhowasfree,bydevelopingthecommonlaw.TheCharteralsoleftsignificantroyalpowersintact.JohncouldtallagethetownsandtaxtheJewsatwill.HeretainedtheroyalforestasithadbeenunderHenryII.Hecouldappointwhomeverhelikedashis

ministers,bothatthecentreandinthelocalities,providingthattheyknewthelawofthekingdom,whateverthatmeant.Hecouldalsostillgivepatronage,andrewardhisservants,asheliked.Intermsofwhathehadtogive,heretainedhisrightsoverwardships(eveniftheywerenottobepillaged)andoverthemarriagesofheirs(evenif

theywerenottobedisparaged).Hecouldstillexpectaflowoflandintohishandsthroughforfeituresandescheats.ProvidedtheCharterwasnotrigorouslyenforced,itwasnotimpossiblethathecouldlivewithitoverthelongerterm.BothJohnandhis

opponents,therefore,decidedtomakepeace.Friday,19

Junewasthedayoftheceremony.Inwhatperhapswasaprocession,likethatatacoronation,thebaronsdidhomagetotheking,renewedtheiroathsoffealtyandreceivedakissofpeace–somethingHenryIIhadconspicuouslydeniedBecketattheirlastmeeting.Johnthensealedthereconciliationwithagreatfeast,justashe

haddoneonhispapalabsolutionin1213.Hisdemeanourwascalmandjovial.67On20June,atRunnymede,fourmembersofthetwenty-five–theearlofClare,WilliamdeMowbray,EustacedeVesciandRogerdeMontbegon–andanothermajorrebel,GilbertdeGant,witnessedaroyalcharteralongsideloyalistbarons.68

Johnhadwelcomedthembackintothecircleofthecourt.Whateverhisrealintentions,thekinghadeveryreasonforpretendinghewasbornagaininspirit.ThiswouldmakeitallthemorelikelythattherebellionwouldendandlesslikelythattheCharterwouldbeenforced.

12

TheEnforcementandFailureoftheCharter

AsJohnfeastedwiththebaronson19June,bothsidesknewthatacontestovertheCharterwasabouttobegin.Johnwantedittobringpeace,whichmeantthedisbandingofrebelarmiesandtherestorationofroyalauthorityinthelocalities.Inhismind,theprecisedetailsoftheCharterwerebestforgotten,ifindeedtheyeverbecame

known.John’sopponents,ontheotherhand,wantedtheCharterrigorouslyenforced.Somewantedtogobeyondit.ThatthesedivergentambitionswouldleadtothefailureoftheCharterandtherenewalofcivilwarwasalwayslikely,butnotinevitable,oratleastitdidnotseemsoatthetime.Sometimeinthemonth

followingMagnaCarta,AlanBassettookoutanine-monthleasethatwastorunfrom20July‘nextaftertheconcordmadebetweenthekingandhisbaronsatRunnymede’.1

AlanwasoneofthecounsellorsonwhoseadviceJohnhadgrantedtheCharter.Hewasamanintheknow.Yetheevidentlydidnotthinktheconcordwasaboutto

collapse.Inthecauseofpeace,JohnhimselfwaspreparedtoimplementcertainaspectsoftheCharter.ThusatRunnymedeon23June,heissuedorderssendinghometheforeignknightsandserjeantswhohadarrivedatDover.2ThiswastofulfiltheCharter’schapter51,underwhichimmediatelyafterthepeacehewastoremovethe

foreignsoldierswhohadcome‘totheharmofthekingdom’.Johndoubtlesshopedthatinreturnthebaronswoulddisarmtoo.

THEDISTRIBUTIONANDPUBLICATIONOFTHE

CHARTER

IftheCharterwastobeenforced,itscontentshadobviouslytobemadeknown.

InHungary,theGoldenBullitselfdeclaredthatthereweretobesevenengrossments,andwentontostipulatewhoshouldreceivethem.OnewastogotothepopetobecopiedintohisRegister.3MagnaCarta,bycontrast,gavenoclueastothedestinationofitsengrossments.John’slettersof19Juneseemtobemoreinformative,although,

aswewillsee,misleadinglyso.Intheletters,issuedtothesheriffsineachcounty,Johninformedthemofthepeace‘asyoucanhearandseefromourcharter,whichwehavecausedtobemade,whichalsowehaveorderedtobepubliclyreadthroughallyourbailiwickandfirmlyheld’.4Thesheriffswerealsoinstructedtoobeyand

enforcetheCharter.Notunnaturally,thishasledmanyhistorianstoassumethattheCharterwassenttothesheriffsandthustherewasoneforeachcounty.Indeed,RalphofCoggeshallstatesthat‘theformofpeacewassetoutinacharter,insuchmannerthateachcountyhaditsowncharterauthenticatedbytheroyalseal’.5Thereare

goodreasons,however,forthinkingthiswasnotexactlythecase.Coggeshall’sownstatementmaybenomorethanadeductionfromthe19Juneletters,ofwhichheevidentlyhadknowledge.Thelettersof19JunesaidthesheriffsweretohearandobeytheCharter,certainly,butnotthattheywouldreceiveitorshouldthemselvesproclaim

it.Indeed,thelettersgavenoindicationatallaboutthemechanicsofdistributionandproclamation.AllthiswasstrikinglydifferentfromtheprocedureinFebruary1218whenthesheriffsweresentthenewversionoftheCharterandtoldtohaveitreadintheirfullyattendedcountycourts.6Nothinglikethathappenedin1215.In

part,thiswasbyJohn’sdeliberatedesign.ThelastthinghewantedwasforeveryonetoknowtheprecisedetailsoftheCharter.Hewasdamnedifhewouldtellthesheriffstoproclaimit.Inbeingreluctanttosend

theChartertothesheriffs,Johnwas,however,ofonemindwiththebarons,althoughfordifferent

reasons.ThelastthingthebaronswantedwastorelyonthesheriffsfortheCharter’spreservationandproclamation,giventhatthesheriffsweretheverypeopleundertheCharter’sattack.Thebaronialproblemherelayintheirfailuretoassertcontroloverlocalappointments.Johnremainedfreetochoosewhomheliked

ashissheriffsandcastellans.Indeedhestagedareshuffleintheweekafterthepeace.7

TheonlylocalofficialstheChartersoughttoremoveweretherelationsofGerardd’Athée.Hereslowlyandgrudginglybetween2and20July,Johncomplied,movingGeoffreydeMartigny,EngelarddeCigogné,andAndrewandPeterde

Chanceauxoutoftheircastlesandcounties.Butiftheirreplacementsweremoreacceptable(onewasHubertdeBurgh),theywerejustasloyaltoKingJohn.8JohnneverobeyedtheCharterwhenitcametoremovingPhilipMarcfromNottinghamcastleandthesheriffdomofNottinghamshireandDerbyshire.

Thebarons,therefore,hadtomaketheirownarrangementsforthepublicationoftheCharter.TheyhaddoubtlessacquiredsomeengrossmentsatRunnymedeitself,buttheyneededmanymorefordistributionaroundthecountry.ThetroublewasthatonlyJohnandhischancerycouldissueauthentic

engrossmentsvalidatedbytheroyalseal.Here,then,thebaronswerecompletelyinJohn’shands.Theywerenoteasyhandstobein.TherewasfirstlythepracticalproblemthateachChartertookhourstowriteout.9Afterthat,itneededtobesealed,whichcouldproducemoredelay.Abigeffortwasneededtoproducelarge

numbersofChartersinonego,andJohnhadnointentionofgalvanizingthechanceryintomakingit.Theprocessofextractingengrossmentsfromhimbecamelikeextractingteeth.Whathappenedweknow

fromdocumentaryevidence.PreciselybecauseneithertheChartersnorthe19Juneletters(towhichwewill

return)weresenttothesheriffsinaroutineway,thechancerythoughtitwisetodrawupadistributionlist,settingoutwhotheyweresentto,andthiswasenrolledonthedorse(reverseside)ofthepatentrolls.10TheliststatesthatthebishopofLincolnreceivedtwoCharters,thebishopofWorcesteroneCharterand

MasterElyasofDerehamfourCharters.Sincethisinformationfollowsthestatementthaton24JunethebishopofLincolnreceivedtwoofthe19Juneletters,theimplicationisthattheseCharterswerehandedoveronorafter24June.ThereissomeindicationthatElyasofDerehammayhavegothisfouron27June.11Thelist

closeswiththestatementthattheMasterofDerehamhadreceivedafurthersixCharterson22July.DoubtlessElyaswouldhavelikedallhistenathisfirsttake,buthewasevidentlyunabletosecurethem.Addingup,wehavehere

thirteenChartersinall.WhatwerethetwobishopsandElyasofDerehamtodowith

them?Herethedistributionlistisofnohelp.Whereas,withthe19Juneletters,itbothcitestherecipientsandthenthecountiesforwhichthelettersweredestined,withtheChartersitjustcitestherecipients.Thereasonforthatisclear.Sincetheletterswereaddressedtotheking’sministersineachcounty,theyeachhadacountydestination

indicatedattheirstart.TheCharters,withtheirgeneraladdress,didnothaveacountydestinationandsocouldgoanywhere.Theycould,ofcourse,havegonetothecountiesbutwemaybefairlysurethatdidnothappen,atleastnotimmediately.Theirdestinationinsteadwasthebishopandthediocese.Itwas

IvorRowlandswhofirstcameupwiththisidea,pointingoutthatthethirteenChartersinthelistcorrespondedexactlytothenumberofdioceseswithbishopsinpostin1215.TheannalsofDunstable,moreover,statespecificallythattheCharterswere‘depositedthrougheachbishopricinsafeplaces’.12

Thesafeplacesalmostcertainlywerethecathedralchurches,wheretheCharterswouldbeaccessibletoanyonewhowantedtoinspectthem.ThreeCharters,thelistshows,wentspecificallytobishops,onetothebishopofWorcesterandtwotothebishopofLincoln.ThefactthatthebishopofLincolnalsoreceivedthe

lettersof19JuneforOxfordshireandBedfordshirehasledtothesuggestionthathistwoCharterswereintendedforthosecounties,bothofwhichwerewithinhisdiocese.Butthetwoentries,althoughconsecutive,areclearlyseparated,thatabouttheChartersbeinganew‘item’.AperfectlyplausiblehypothesisisthatoneCharter

wasforthedioceseofLincolnwhiletheotherwasforthedioceseofBathandGlastonbury,wherethebishop,JocelynofWells,wasthebrotherofthebishopofLincoln,HughofWells.TheLincolndiocesandestinationfitsperfectlywithLincolncathedral’shavingbeenthehomeofoneoftheengrossmentsapparently

fromthestart.TheLincolnengrossmenthas‘LINCOLNIA’writtentwiceincapitallettersontheback,almostcertainlybythescribeoftheCharteritself.Evidently,heknewitsdestination,whichcouldeasilyhavebeenthecaseifitwasoneofthetwotakenbythebishop.

WhatthenofthetenChartersreceivedbyElyasofDereham?ElyaswasthestewardofArchbishopLangton,andwasclosetootherbishops.13Itwouldseem,then,highlylikelythathepassedtothebishopstheCharterswhichhehadobtained.Thiswouldexplainagainhowtwomoreofthesurvivingoriginalswereboth

preserved,probablyfromthestart,atcathedrals,namelySalisburyandCanterbury.TheSalisburyMagnaCartaiswritteninamuchmoreformalhandthantheotherthreeoriginals,whichseemtypicalchanceryproducts,anditmaybethatDereham,importuningforCharters,persuadedthechancerytoacceptoutsidehelpinwriting

them.AsfortheengrossmentnowshowntohavebeenkeptatCanterburycathedral,Dereham,withArchbishopLangton’sapproval,probablysentittheredirect.ThatitwastheCharterintendedforthedioceseandnotforLangtonpersonallyisshownbythefactthatitwaskeptatthecathedralasopposedtoLambethpalaceorthe

archbishop’streasuryattheprioryofStGregoryatCanterbury.14

Forthebaronialparty,thebishopsandtheircathedralswerefarsafercustodiansoftheCharterthanwerethesheriffsandtheircastles,fromwhichtheChartermightneveragainemerge.ThebrothersHughandJocelynofWells,thebishopsofLincoln

andBathandGlastonbury,wereformerchanceryclerksofKingJohn,buttheyhaddefiedhimduringtheInterdictandgoneintoexile.Hugh’sviewsonGerardd’Athée’skinmusthaveparalleledLangton’s.Inhiswill,drawnupin1212whileinexile,Hughleft40markstoanunnamedNottinghamshireknight

whosedaughterGerard‘wishedtohave’forhisson.Onesuspectsthiswastheamounttheknighthandedovertorescuehisdaughterfromthemarriage.15Later,in1219,headingthejudgesoneyreinLincolnshire,Hughandhiscolleagueswroteamagisteriallettersettingouttheirdutytogivejusticetoall,richandpooralike,and

explaininghowthewholecountycourthadralliedbehindGilbertdeGantinsupportofthe‘commonlibertyofallthekingdomconcededandsworn’,aclearreferencetotheCharter.16

ThebishopofWorcester,WalterdeGrey,hadbeenJohn’schancellor,buthehadboughtthepositionforitsprofitsandplayedlittlepart

inday-to-daygovernment.Thebishop’spositiveattitudetotheChartercanbejudgedfromthewayhetookpossessionbothofanengrossmentandthe19JuneletterforWorcestershire.PerhapstheonlybishopwhomightbesuspectedofevildesignsontheCharterwasPeterdesRochesofWinchester.Indeed,the

Charterhadeffectivelycosthimhisjobasjusticiar.Perhaps,inthiscase,ElyasofDerehamsenttheCharterfortheWinchesterdiocesedirecttothemonksofWinchestercathedral,withwhomdesRocheswasfrequentlyatodds.OncetheChartersofthe

Charterweresafelyhousedatthecathedrals,theintention

wasnotforthemtoremaintheretreasuredinmagnificentobscurity.Rathertheyweretobeinspectedandcopied.17

Bothengrossmentsandcopiescouldalsobecirculatedinthesurroundingcountry.That,ofcourse,wasthemorenecessarysincediocesesusuallyembracedseveralcounties.Lincoln’sindeedembracedeight.Thus

theCrowlandchroniclerspeaksof‘anexemplar’oftheCharterbeingborne‘throughcitiesandvillages’.18

TheremaybeacluetowhathappenedwithcopiesoftheChartersintheproceduresadoptedin1254.InthatyearthedeanofLincolnsentouttranscriptsofthe1225MagnaCarta(whichhewantedback)sothattheycouldbecopied.19

Wasthisanechoofaprocedurein1215?Theeagernesstogetthecontentofthe1215Charteracrossisalsoseeninthewaythatitwastranslated,almostatonce,intoFrench.20Hereagaintherewasaparallelwith1254,whenthedeanofLincolnorderedthepapallettersconfirmingtheexcommunicationlaunched

againstviolatorsofMagnaCartatobepublishedandproclaimedinbothFrenchandEnglish.Thereisnosign,however,thatin1215MagnaCartawasputacrossinEnglisheitherinawrittentextor(moreusefulforEnglish-speakingilliterates)verbalproclamation,althoughtohavedonesowouldhave

helpedrallyfreetenantstothecause.21

AllthisisnottosaythatthediocesanChartersweretheonlyonesinthelocalities.TherewerenobishopsofCarlisle,DurhamandNorwich,andnoarchbishopofYork,inpostatthetimeofRunnymede,anditisinconceivablethatChartersdidnotreachthoseareas.We

knowthataCharterwasentrustedtoBylandabbeyinYorkshire,whereWilliamdeMowbraywaspatron.Quiteprobably,theneedwassuppliedbysomeoftheengrossmentsmadeatRunnymedeitself.TherewasalsoanothersourceofinformationabouttheCharter,althoughonehithertounrecognized.Thiswas

throughtheunofficialcopiesoftheChartermadefromdraftswhichhadcirculatedatRunnymede.Evidently,thoseinvolvedinthenegotiationstooksuchdraftsaway,andcopiedthemupasauthentic1215Charters.Thereisaparallelherewith1258,whendraftsofthereformsproposedattheOxfordparliamentwerelikewise

takenawayandcopiedintochroniclesandcollectionsofdocuments.22Sincesomeofthecopiesofthe1215Charterfoundtheirwayintocollectionsoflegislation,theymaywellhavedescendedfromlegalcirclesinvolvedinthenegotiationsatRunnymede.Thatsomeofthecopies,quiteindependently,givethedateof16Junetothe

Charter,ratherthan15June,mayindicatethatthiswasthedateonwhichtheywerecopied.23Draftswerecopiedbecause,initiallyatleast,originalswerenotplentiful,whilethirstforknowledgeoftheCharterwasgreat.TheselatercopiesseemtoderivefromnofewerthanfiveversionsoftheCharter,allinsomewayindependentofone

another.TheimplicationisthattherewereatleastfivedifferentroutesthroughwhichdraftsoftheChartercirculated.Herethenwasanimportantchannelofinformationalongsidethatbeingopenedupbytheauthorizedversionitself.Whothenhadwonthe

battleoverthedistributionofMagnaCarta?Surelythe

oppositionbaronsandknights.ThefactoftheCharteritselfwaswellknown.TheCrowlandchronicler,aswehavesaid,wroteof‘anexemplar’beingborne‘throughcitiesandvillages’.RalphofCoggeshallbelievedthateverycountyhaditsownengrossment.TheAnonymousofBéthunesaid

somethingabouttheCharter’scontents,someofitaccurate,somenot.24Copiesweremade,orpossessedby,theLondoners,andbythereligioushousesofPeterborough,LuffieldReading,Stanley,LlanthonyGloucester,Montacute,ExeterandStAugustine’sandChristChurch,Canterbury,thetwolastfrom

differenttexts.StAlbans’versionstravelledtoTynemouth,WymondhamandNorwich.Onecopyofadraftversion,foundinalegalcollection,isinFrench.25

Someofthistransmissiontookplaceconsiderablyafter1215,butitprobablyreflectsthepatternthen.JohnhadlostthebattletoburytheCharter.

Couldhewinthebattletopreventitsexecution?

THETWENTY-FIVE

TheexecutionoftheCharterdependedontheworkofthetwenty-fivebarons.Theyweretositinjudgementondisseisinsandfines,ifJohnrefusedimmediateredress.Theyweretohearthecomplaintsaboutbreachesof

theCharterandindeedanyotherabuse.Ifthekingfailedtoputmattersright,theyweretoforcehimtodosowith‘thecommuneofalltheland’.Theywerealsotoissuetheinstructionstothesheriffsforthetakingoftheoaththatwouldformthecommune.Theoathitselfwastoobeytheordersofthetwenty-fiveincoercingtheking.On15

June,whenJohnauthorizedtheCharter,thebaronshadnotyetchosenthetwenty-five.Thatwasnotsurprising,foritmusthavebeenadifficultandcontentiousbusiness.Somebaronsprobablyrefusedtobecomemembers.Manyothersmayhavecovetedtheposition,thinkingtheywouldgainstatusandpower.Noearl

couldhavebeendeniedmembership,butlowerdownthehierarchytherewasmuchtoplayfor.Presumablythedecisionsweremadeintheperiodbetween15and19June.Threeindependentlistsofthetwenty-fiveareknown,onecopiedthriceoverfromacommonsourceatStAlbansabbey,onecopiedatReadingabbeyandonefoundina

volumeoflegaltextsalongwithacopyoftheCharteritself.26Inthesecopies,thefirstelevennames(asC.R.Cheneynoted)appearinthesameorder,sevenearlsfirst,andthenWilliamMarshaljunior,RobertfitzWalter,GilbertdeClare(eldestsonoftheearlofClare)andEustacedeVescy.27Perhapsatameetingofthetwenty-five,

theclerksalreadyhadalistofthefirsteleven,andthen,withthemembersmillingaround,jotteddownthenamesoftherestindifferentorders.Thetwenty-fiveseemtohavebeenchosenbythetimeofthetreatyoverLondonaround19June,foralthoughtheydonotappearinthattreatyinabody,all

thirteenofthenamedbaronsweremembers.Thetwenty-fivewere

hardlyarepresentativebaronialgroup.Thefirstandmoststrikingpointwasthattheyweremadeupentirelyofformerrebels.TherewasthusnocommongroundinsupportoftheCharter.Eightofthetwenty-fivecouldbedescribedasnortherners,but

themajorityhadtheirmaininterestsinEastAnglia,Essexandthehomecounties.OnlyJohnfitzRobertreallylinkedbothnorthandeast.OnlyWilliamMalet,lordofCurryMalettinSomerset,andaformersheriffofthecounty,wasaWestCountrybaron,despitethatregionbeingacentreofdiscontent.OnlyGeoffreyde

Mandeville,havinggainedGlamorganthroughhismarriage,heldamajorWelshlordship.OnlyWilliamofHuntingfieldrepresentedtenants-in-chiefwhoheldknights’feesratherthanbaronies,althoughthatwasprobablynotthereasonforhisinclusion.ThenorthernbaronsNicholasdeStuteville,PeterdeBrusandGilbertde

Gantdidnotfeatureinthegroup,yetroomwasfoundfortheeldestsonsofthreeearls,thefatherofonebeingtheloyalistWilliamMarshal.28

Despitetheseinadequacies,thetwenty-fiveshowedatoncethattheymeantbusiness.RobertfitzWalterretainedhistitleof‘marshalofthearmyofGod’and

probablyneitherhenorhiscolleagueseverdisarmed.Inonelistofthetwenty-five,eachmemberismaderesponsibleforraisingamilitaryforce.Theserangefromthe200knightspromisedbyGeoffreydeMandevilleandWilliamMarshaljuniordowntothetenknightsofWilliamMaletandsomeothers.Thetotal

givenwas1,083knights,aformidableforce.29

THEEXECUTIONANDENFORCEMENTOFTHE

CHARTERINTHELOCALITIES

Thebusinessoftakingtheoathtothetwenty-fivehadbegunatRunnymede,wherenofewerthanthirty-eightloyalistshadbeenobligedtoswearit.30Theswearinginof

thelocalitieswassetoffbyJohn’sletterof19Junesenttoallthesheriffs.Underitsterms,thesheriffsweretoobeytheordersofthetwenty-fivewhenitcametoarrangingthetakingoftheoath.Thesheriffswerealsoinformedthattwelveknights,electedatthenextcountycourt,weretoinvestigateandthenabolishthe‘evil

customs’ofthesheriffs‘asiscontainedinthecharter’.Thesheriffswerenot,however,actuallyinstructedtodoanythingabouttheelection.Indeed,theonlythingtheyweretoldtododirectlybytheking,apartfromobeythetwenty-five,wastoupholdboththeCharterandthepeace.Johncanhavehadlittleinterestindistributing

thisletter,anymorethanhehadaninterestindistributingtheCharter.Hecertainlywantedpeopletoknowtherewaspeace,andthathisCharter,graciouslyconceded,hadbroughtitabout.Buthemaywellhaveinformedthesheriffsoftheforthcomingpeaceandwarnedthemtokeepitinletterswitnessedalreadyon18June,ifthewrit

senttooneofhiscaptains,StephenHaringod,isanythingtogoby.31Beyondthat,theking’saimwassurelytoobstructratherthanacceleratethetakingoftheoathandtheinquirybytheknights.Whathappenedoverthe19

Juneletters,therefore,paralleledwhathappenedovertheCharters,whichis

whythedistributionlistdealtwithboth.Johndidnothavetheletterscarriedtothesheriffsbyroyalmessengersintheusualroutineway.Indeed,thatisimpliedinthelettersthemselves,whichtellthesheriffsnotthattheyarebeingsentthelettersbutthattheletterswillsimplyarriveintheir‘parts’.Withthisthebaronialleaderswerecontent.

Theywantedtheletterstobeaswellknownaspossible,notsenttosheriffs,whomightthenkeepquietaboutthem.Inthecaseoftheoneletterthatdidgodirecttoasheriff,John’saimwasprobablyjustthat,sincethesheriffinquestion,EngelarddeCigogné,wasmarkeddownfordismissalbytheCharter.32Fortherestofthe

letters,thedistributionlistshowsthattheywerereceivedforthemostpartbytrustyagentsofthebarons,orindeedbythebaronsthemselves.Thusthefirstletteronthelist,significantlyforYorkshire,wasreceivedbyPhilipfitzJohn.HewasatenantofWilliamdeMowbrayandthebeneficiaryofacharterthatJohnissued

on20JuneatRunnymede,whichwaswitnessedbymanyformerrebels,includingMowbrayhimself.33

Ofthefollowingletters,Worcester’swasreceivedbyitsbishop,thoseforSomersetandDorsetbyaclerkofthebishopofBath,London’sbythemayorandsheriffs,thoseforLeicestershireandWarwickshirebySaerde

Quincy,Northumberland’sbyEustacedeVescy,andthosefortwelvecounties,includingLincolnshire,byanotherclerk,HenrydeVere.Vere(likemanyrebels)hadbeenactiveinroyalservice,buthewasalsoabrotherofoneoftheleadingrebels,RobertdeVere,earlofOxford.NextonthelistarethelettersforOxfordshireand

Bedfordshire,whichwerereceivedbythebishopofLincoln.Sincethislast‘take’isdatedto24June,onemayassumetheotherletterswerereceivedbeforethatdate.ThatnoneoftherecipientstookawayChartersaswell,untilthebishopofLincolnonorafter24June,isanotherindicationthatengrossmentswereunavailable.The

remainingtwelveletters,alongwithhisfirstfourCharters,wereallreceivedbyElyasofDerehamonwhatmaypossiblyhavebeen27June.34Wheretheletterswerethensentbytheirimmediaterecipientswewilldiscussinduecourse.Havingextractedthe

letters,thebaronialleadershadnowtoenforcethetaking

oftheoath.Thiswastobesworneitherbeforetheminperson,orbeforethosewhomtheyappointed.John,ofcourse,musthavehopedthatthetwenty-fivewouldnevermakethiswork.‘Howtheytriedtodoso,wedonotknow.Itmaywellbethatthey,orgroupsamongthem,sentletterstothesheriffsgivingtheminstructions,just

aslatertheysentlettersenforcingtheirjudgements.Theymayalsohaveworkedthroughofficialstheythemselvesappointed.’WhatIhaveplacedherebetweeninvertedcommascomesfromthefirstdraftofthisbook!SincethenasuperbdiscoverybyNicholasVincenthasturnedspeculationintofact,andinadetailIhadnot

imagined.InacartularyofStAugustine’sabbey,Canterbury,preservedintheLambethPalaceLibrary,Vincenthasfoundacopyoftheveryletterimplementingthetakingoftheoath.35Thisisinafourteenth-centuryhand,andcomesbetweenacopyofthe1215Charterandaroyalletter(discussedbelow)of27June.Although

thecopyhassomeobviousmistakes,theletteritselfisclearlygenuine.AddressedtothesheriffofKentandtheotherroyalministersinthecounty,itwaswritteninthenamesofRobertfitzWalter,‘marshalofthearmyofGodandthechurch’,andtheearlsofClare,EssexandGloucester,NorfolkandWinchester,and‘theirother

colleaguestowhomthecommonoathoughttobeswornthroughoutEngland’.Thesheriffwasinformedthathewasbeingsentfourknights(theirnamesaregiven),whowerealsothebearersoftheletter.Theknightsweretoreceiveonbehalfofthefourearlsandtheircolleaguestheoathsduetobeswornaccordingtothe

king’sletters(evidentlythoseof19June).Thesheriffwastoseethiswasdoneonthedayandattheplacethefourknightsassignedhim.Theletterconcludedbysayingthatthefourknightswerealsotobepresentwhenthetwelveknightswereelectedinthecountycourttoinquireintotheevilcustomsas‘containedinthecharterof

thelordking’.ThisofcoursereferredtotheinquirycommissionedbytheCharter’schapter48,theletterof19Junehavingstipulatedthatthetwelveknightsweretobeelectedatthenextmeetingofthecountycourt.Theletterwasthusissued

inthenamesoffitzWalter,RicharddeClare,Geoffreyde

Mandeville,RogerBigodandSaerdeQuincy.(EvidentlyMandevillewasnowstylinghimselfbothearlofEssexandearlofGloucester,titlesJohnhaddeniedhim.)The‘colleagues’–‘socii’–referredtowereclearlytherestofthetwenty-fivebaronsofMagnaCarta’ssecurityclause.Althoughtheletterisaddressedtotheking’s

officialsinKent,wecanbeconfidentthatsimilarmissives,settingupfourknights,wenttotheothercounties.IntheStAugustine’scopy,theletterisundatedbutwasprobablydrawnuparound19June,inparallelwiththeking’sownletter.Aswehaveseen,allthefivenamedbaronsappearinthesameorderinthetreaty

overLondon,whichcanbeindependentlydatedtoshortlybeforethepeaceon19June.Eachgroupoffourknights

hadthusbeenassignedmajortasks,andtherewereprobablyotherduties.Theletterofthefourearlsandtheircolleaguesdidnotsaytheknightswouldbebringingtheking’slettersof19June,

letalonetheCharteritself,butitwas,onemaysuspect,tothesegroupsofknightsthatthe19JunelettersweresentbyElyasofDerehamandtheotherrecipientsnamedonthedistributionlist.When,therefore,thesheriffsweretoldthattheletterswouldbearrivingintheirareas,itwastheknightswhobroughtthem.Likewiseitwasthe

knights,oncetheengrossmentsoftheCharterhadreachedthecathedrals,whotookthemonthetoursmentionedbyCoggeshallandensuredthattheywere‘publiclyread’andmadeknowntothesheriffsinthewaydescribedinthe19Juneletter.Insomecounties,ofcourse,wheretheking’ssheriffsstillhadpower,the

knightshadadifficulttask.Inothers,subjecttobaronialsheriffs,theywerepushingatanopendoor.Aheavyburden,therefore,

restedoneachgroupoffourknights,buttheycouldshoulderit.Assumingtheywereappointedinallthecounties,theremusthavebeenapproaching150ofthem.Allpresumablywere

presentatRunnymede,andinvolvedintherebellion.Indeed,on22June,oneoftheKentishknights,WilliamofEynsford,recoveredawardshipofwhichhehadbeendeprivedduringthewar.36TheKentishfourwereEynsford,WilliamdeRos,ThomasdeCanvilleandRichardofGraveney.AllhadmajorholdingsinKent,as

wellaslandsinothercounties.AllsaveCanvilleweretenantsofthearchbishopofCanterbury,andcloselyassociatedwithLangton.37TheywouldcertainlyhavehadaccesstotheengrossmentoftheChartersenttoCanterburycathedral.AllfourhaddirectexperienceofJohn’slordship,thethreeCanterburytenants

whenJohnheldthearchbishopricduringtheInterdict,andCanvilleasatenantofthehonourofBoulogne,oneofthehonourswhich,astheCharterindicated,wasinthehandsoftheking.JohnwasabletopressurizeallfourtojoinhisIrishexpeditionof1210,lendingthemmoney,ashedidotherknights,tokeep

themgoing.38RichardofGraveney(nearFaversham)appearedonmanygrand-assizejuriesinJohn’sreign,althoughthesewereactuallyforadjoiningSurrey,whereheheldTootingGraveneyfromtheabbotofChertsey.ThomasdeCanvilleheldatWesterhaminKentandFobbinginEssex,anddoesappearasaKentishgrand-

assizeknight.39WilliamofEynsfordandWilliamdeRos,whoheadthelist,werehigherinstatus,toohightoappearonjuries.Ros,lordofLullingstoneinKent,wouldhavebeenatenant-in-chiefhadnotJohnconcededhisoverlordshiptoArchbishopHubertWalter,Langton’spredecessoratCanterbury.40

AtEynsford,inKent’sDarent

valley,notfarfromLullingstone,Williamboastedasubstantialcastle.Hewasclearlyaswealthyasamajorbaronandin1212hadofferedJohn1,200marksforawardship.41Hisancestor’sexcommunicationbyBecket,inadisputeovertheadvowsonofEynsfordchurch,hadbeenoneoftheearlyingredientsinthe

quarrelwithHenryII.42AllfourknightsrebelledafterthefailureoftheCharter,WilliamofEynsfordbeingpartofthegarrisonatRochestercastle.43

TheKentishfourwerefarfromacompletelyhomogeneousgroup.TherewerebigdifferencesinwealthbetweenWilliamofEynsford,atthetopofthe

list,andRichardofGraveneyatthebottom.Yetallmusthavetakenindependentdecisionsin1215,andwerefarfrombeingcontrolledbytheirlords.ThomasdeCanville’slordwastheking.LangtonbelievedintheCharter,butdidnotcondonetherebellion.Inothercounties,someineachgroupoffourknightswouldsurely

havebeentenantsofthebaronialleaders,althoughthatdidnotmeantheylackedanindependentvoice.Thefourknightswouldhavebeenverywillingagentswhenitcametotheworkassignedtheminimplementingtheoath.Thatthetwenty-fivebaronswereable,throughoutEngland,toappointmenofsuchlocalstatureshowsthe

poweroftheirpositionandwhatJohnwasupagainst.Apartfromreceivingthe

oath,thefourknightsineachcountywerealsotopresideovertheelectionofthetwelveknightsempoweredtoabolishabuses.Accordingtotheletterof19June,theelectionsweretotakeplaceatthenextcountycourtafterthereceiptofthelettersinthe

sheriff’sarea.44Thesheriffwasinformedofthisbutgivennospecificfunction,although,ashepresidedatthecountycourt,hemightcertainlyhaveassumedone.Itwasthustoguardagainsthisinterference,andalsotomonitorthewholeprocess,thattheelectionwastotakeplaceinthepresenceofthefourknights.Theexpectation

wasprobablythatthefourwouldthemselvesbeamongthetwelve,justasthefourknightlyelectorsusuallyfeaturedinthepanelsoftwelveknightswhichtheyelectedtoheargrandassizes.Sincethecountycourtmetonceamonth,alltheelections,evenallowingforthehaltingdistributionofthe

letters,couldhavetakenplaceattheJulysessions.Havingarrangedforeach

groupoffourknightstoreceivetheoathandpresideovertheelectionofthetwelveknights,thetwenty-fivedidnotleaveitthere.Instead,on27June,whenthekingwasatOdiham,theyforcedJohntoissueanotherletterabouttheoath.Itwasan

amazingmissivebecauseitshowedthatthetwelveknightswerenowintendedtobecomeaparallelexecutiveinthecounties,alongsideandunderminingthesheriffs.Thiswaslaidbareattheverystartoftheletter,whichwasaddressedtothesheriffand‘thetwelveknightselected’ineachcountyto‘abolishtheevilcustoms’ofthesheriff!

Johnnoworderedthesheriffandthetwelvetoseizethelandsandchattelsofthosewhorefusedtotaketheoathtothetwenty-five.Iftheystilldidnotswearwithinfifteendays,theirchattelsweretobesoldinaidoftheHolyLand,andtheirlandsweretoberetainedinthehandsoftheking.GiventhelikelyreluctanceofJohn’ssheriffs

todoanysuchthing,onecanquiteseewhytheorderwenttotheknightsaswell.Theynowhadthepowertobypassthesheriffandtherighttoattacktheirenemies.TheorderthusthreatenedtoaccelerateJohn’slossoflocalcontrol.Italsoshowedhehadlostcontrolatthecentre,fortheinjunctionswere‘providedbyjudgementof

thearchbishopofCanterburyandthebaronsofourkingdom’,sonotbythekingatall.Painsweretakentoensurethattheletterreachedawideaudience,withthatforHampshireandperhapsforothercountiesbeingtranslatedintoFrench.45

Indefaultoffurtherdiscoveries,wehavenodetailedknowledgeofhow

andhowfartheoathwastaken.Thebaroniallettersimplysaidthatitwastobeswornbeforeeachgroupoffourknightsatthetimeandplacetheyassignedthesheriff.Thisgavetheknightsconsiderableleeway,anddidnotpinthemdowntothenextmeetingofthecountycourt,whichwasthevenuestipulatedfortheelectionof

thetwelve.Perhapsspecialmeetingsofthecountyandhundredcourtswereenvisaged.Thatsomethingdidhappenisclearfromthechroniclers.TheCrowlandchroniclersaysthat‘anoathwasswornbyeveryonethattheyshouldobserve[theCharter]attheking’sorder’.RalphofCoggeshallwroteofa‘generaloath’beingmade

‘byeveryone,bothknightsandfreemen,throughallthecountiesofEngland’.BothCoggeshallandWendoverrecognizedthattheoathinvolvedthecoercionoftheking.Allthreechroniclersknewofthe19Juneletterthatsettheprocessinmotion.46

Anotheraspectoftheworkofthetwenty-fivewastodeal

withcomplaintsaboutbreachesoftheCharterandotherabuses,withthosecomplaininghavingtobringtheircasesbeforefourmembersofthetwenty-five.Clearlyforthistoworkknowledgeofthemembershipwasvital.Intheevent,theMagnaCartasettlementcollapsedbeforetheschemecouldbeputto

anykindoftest.Thetwenty-five’sregionalimbalancewouldneverhavehelpedtheprocess.Hadtherebeenarealwilltoopenupredresstolowersectionsofsociety,quitedifferentproceduresmighthavebeenadopted.47

Butatleasttheswearingoftheoathtothetwenty-fivemusthavemadetheirnamesknown.Perhapsindeedthe

groupsoffourknightsreadoutthenamesattheswearingceremonies.Theprincipalworkofthe

twelveknights,aslaiddowninthesecurityclause,wastoinvestigateandabolish,withinfortydays,themalpracticesoftheking’slocalofficials,althoughJohnorhisjusticiarwastobeinformedofwhatwas

proposedfirst.Thattheknights,officiallyornot,gotgoingverysoonafterRunnymedeisshownbyaremarkableletterissuedbyArchbishopLangtonandthebishops,probablyinthesecondhalfofJuly.Theletterstatedthat,inthenegotiationsoverthechapter(48)commissioningtheworkofthetwelveknights,bothsides

hadunderstoodthatthecustomsnecessaryfortherunningoftheroyalforestshouldremaininplace.48HadsomeeffortbeenmadetoinformJohnofwhattheknightswereproposing,astheCharterlaiddown?Probablynot.Rather,Johnwashearingfromhislocalagentswhatwasgoingon.Theexclusivefocusonthe

royalforestinLangton’sletterisnotsurprising.Otherabuses,suchasexactionsatlocalcourts,couldberesistedcertainlybutcouldonlyreallybeabolishedbyfuturelegislation,asindeedhappenedintheCharterof1217.Theroyalforestwasdifferent.HeretheknightscouldtakedirectactionbysimplydeclaringHenryII’s

afforestationsinvalid,andthusallowingeveryonetocutthetreesandhunttheanimalswithinthem.TheCrowlandchroniclergivesavividpictureofthemagnates,especiallyinthenorth,careeringthroughtheland,sellingtheking’swoodsandkillinghisbeasts,aswellaspillaginghishousesandmanors.Thiswaspartofa

moregeneralbreakdown.AfterMagnaCarta,theCrowlandchroniclertoldhowJohnsenthissheriffsthroughtheprovincestoprovideforpeace‘intheaccustomedmanner’and‘procurewhatwasduetothefisc’.Intheareascontrolledbythebarons,however,thesheriffswereeitherseizedordrivenout.InNorfolkandSuffolk,

thecountiescontinuedtoberunbytherebelpairRogerdeCressyandWilliamfitzRoscelin.49

John’shopeswhenheagreedtheCharterhadbeenutterlydashed.Ithadnotbeenleftasavagueand,intermsofitsdetails,alittle-knownsymbolofhisbenevolence.InsteadtheCharterwasbeingpreserved

incathedrals,paradedthroughthecounties,copiedfromunofficialdrafts,andvigorouslyandperverselyenforced.Theking’sofficials,insteadofrecoveringtheirauthority,werebeingabusedanddefied.AndthiswasnotallthatJohnhadtostomach.

THEPROCESSOFRESTORATION

UnderthetermsoftheCharter,thekingwasobligedtorestoreimmediatelythelands,castles,libertiesandrightsthathehadtakenfrompeople‘withoutlawfuljudgementoftheirpeers’.Anydisputewastobedecidedbyjudgementofthetwenty-fivebarons.Thesewerenoidlewords.Inthetendaysfrom19June,Johnwas

forcedtomakesomefiftyactsofrestoration,twelveofthetwenty-fivebaronsbeingamongthebeneficiaries.50

Saveinthefewcaseswherehewassimplyrestoringwhathehadseizedduringthewar,Johnwashereredressinghisownarbitrarydisseisins,orwhatwereallegedtobearbitrarydisseisins.Sometimeshe

openlyconfessedasmuch.On19Juneitself,heacknowledgedthathehaddisseisedtheearlofHerefordofhisTrowbridgelandsunjustly,andheinstructedtheearlofSalisbury,underthetermsoftheCharter,torestorethem.51TendayslaterheadmittedthatClemencia,wifeofHenrydeBraibeuf,hadbeendisseisedofher

dower(inHeadington,adjoiningOxford)‘byourorderwithoutjudgement’.52

Likewise,on24June,herestoredthesonofEarlDavidtoGodmanchester,ofwhichhehadbeendisseised‘byourwillandwithoutjudgement’.Threedaysbefore,EarlDavidhimselfhadbeenrestoredto‘his’castleofFotheringhay,seizedaftertheplotof1212.53

Twooftheringleadersofthe1212plotandthe1215rebellionlikewisesecuredredress.RobertfitzWalterrecovered‘ashisright’Hertfordcastle.54EustacedeVescyregainedtheprivilegeofrunninghisdogsintheforestofNorthumberland‘asheoughttohavethisandisaccustomed’.55

Amongothermembersofthetwenty-five,WilliamdeLanvalleirecoveredhis‘right’inthemanorofKingstoninSomerset;RicharddeMunfichethis‘right’tobecustodianoftheEssexforest;GeoffreydeSaythewardshipoftheheirofoneofhistenants;andEarlRicharddeClarethevillofBuckingham,thisthe

marriageportionofhisdaughter,widowedwhenJohnstarvedtodeathherhusband,WilliamdeBriouzejunior.Anotherleadingrebel,RobertdeBrus,recoveredhisfairatHartlepoolasconcededinJohn’schartertohisfather.InsomecasesitwasnotsomuchthatJohnhaddisseisedindividualsasthathehadrefusedtoacknowledge

rights,orallegedrights,inthefirstplace.Twoimportantconcessionscameverymuchintothatcategory.RobertdeVerewasatlastrecognizedasearlofOxfordandconcededtheearl’sthirdpennyofthecounty,whileSaerdeQuincy,earlofWinchester,gainedthecastleofMountsorrelthathehadclaimedvainlysince1204as

hiswife’sinheritance.Asthedambegantobreak,

andthewatersofredresspouredoverhim,Johnmadedesperateeffortstopatchtheleaksandstemtheflood.Onetactic,employedagainstEustacedeVescyandGilbertdeGant,wastoorderrestoration‘if’whatwassaidwastrue,whichleftitopentotherecipientofthewrit(the

sherifforcurrentholder)tosaythatitwasn’ttrue.Thisdidnotalwayswork.HavingtoldthesheriffofOxfordshiretorestoreWilliamfitzEllis,‘if’hehadbeendisseisedunjustly,JohnnextdaysubstitutedanorderthatsimplygaveWilliampossessionasithadbeen‘adjudged’.56Inamuchmoreimportantcase,John’sefforts

weresimilarlyinvain.HeaskedforadelayinreturningtotheearlofHerefordthehonourofTrowbridge.Theearlacceptedashortpostponementforthereturnofthecastlebutnoneatallforthelands.JohnhadthustowritetotheearlofSalisburytellinghimtoputHerefordinpossession‘withoutdelay’.Thatthisletterwasissuedon

19June,andexplainedthattheimmediaterestorationoflands,castlesandrightstakenbytheking‘unjustlyandwithoutjudgement’wasaconditionofthepeace,showsthepressureJohnwasunder.57ThekingwassimilarlyunsuccessfulintryingtoresistsomeofthedemandsofGeoffreydeMandeville.Hereheordered

alocalinquiryintorightsthatGeoffreyclaimedonlythentocancelitandsimplytoconcedetherightsastheyhadbeenheldbyGeoffrey’sfather-in-law.58JohnresistedmoresuccessfullyinthecaseofGeoffrey’sclaimtotheTowerofLondon,althoughthewonderisthathehadtoresistatall.Afterall,theclaimpresumablywentback

tochartersthattheMandevilleshadobtainedduringKingStephen’sreign,anditwasnotJohnbutHenryIIwho,inthefirstinstance,hadignoredthem.Thiswassurelyacasethatshould,undertheCharter,havewaiteduntilJohnreturnedfromorabandonedhisprospectivecrusade.Geoffreynonethelessputitonthe

agendaandwhentheTowerwasentrusted,underthetreatyoverLondonmadeatRunnymede,toArchbishopLangton,itwas‘savingtoanyonehisrightinthecustody’.59JohnlikewisestrovetofendoffWilliamdeMowbray’sclaimtoholdinhereditaryrightbothYorkcastleandtheYorkshireforest.Thistoohadbeen

deniedinthefirstinstancenotbyJohnbutbyhispredecessors.Yeton19June,JohnwasforcedtoentrustYorkcastletoMowbrayuntil‘wehaveinquiredwhetherthecastlebelongstohiminhereditaryrightornot’.WhenMowbrayfollowedthisupbysayingthataninquiryhadalreadybeenheld,Johnexpressedastonishment,and

orderedthesheriffofYorkshiretodiscoverwhenithadbeenheldandonwhoseauthority.Evidentlyhethought,probablyrightly,thatMowbrayhadsimplystagedaninquiryofhisown.60

Thereisnosignthatjudgementsofthetwenty-fiveplayedaformalpartintheserestorations,oratleastnonearementionedinthe

implementingwrits.ThejudgementreferredtoinconnectionwithWilliamfitzElliswasprobablyoneinanearlierlawsuit.61Weknowthatthetwenty-fivedidissuetheirownwrits,announcingtheirjudgements,buttheonlyexamplecomesfrommuchlater,andafterrelationswithJohnhadcompletelybrokendown.62Probably,atthis

stage,theemphasiswasongettingJohntoconfessandimmediatelyreversehisdisseisins.Morecontentiousissueswerepostponedtoanothercouncil,whichwasscheduledtomeetatOxfordon16July.Whenagreementwasreachedoverthismeeting,proceedingsatRunnymedecametoanend,andthebaronsreturnedto

London.63Thedateof16Julywaswellbeforethe15AugustdeadlineintheLondontreaty,whenitwouldbejudgedwhetherJohnhadcompliedwiththesettlementandcouldrecoverLondonfromthebaronsandtheTowerfromArchbishopLangton.Onetailpiece.Therewas

justoneunmarriedwoman(a

widow)whowasabletoprofitfromtherestorationsatRunnymede.ThiswasMatildadeCourtenay.On19JuneitselfshesecuredawritreturningherdowerinWaddesdon,Buckinghamshire.MatildahadlostherdowerandotherlandsinEnglandasaresultoftakingtheFrenchallegiancein1204.Seekingtheir

recovery,inNovember1213sheobtainedasafeconduct,atthepetitionofthepapallegate,tocometoEnglandtospeakwithKingJohn.TheremaywellhavebeenothernoblewomenatRunnymede,butMatildaistheonlyoneforwhomwehavesomeevidence.64

THEOXFORDCOUNCIL,16–23JULY

ForthemomentJohnwasstillable,withhis‘ifs’andinquiries,tofashionalittlewriggleroomwhenfacedwithallthedemandsforredress.Nonetheless,inthegreatwaveofrestorationsafterthepeaceon19June,hemusthavefelthewasneartodrowning.

Inthesecircumstances,thewonderisthatJohnwentalongwiththeCharterforaslongashedid.Butthereremainedpowerfulreasonsforatleastgivingitatry.ThebaronsremainedinarmsandheldLondonfast.InaletterwritteninlateJune,RobertfitzWalter,stillstylinghimself‘marshalofthearmyofGod’,remindedanother

memberofthetwenty-five,Williamd’Aubigné,LordofBelvoir,ofhowvitalwaspossessionofthecity,‘ourrefuge’,andhowdisastrouswouldbeitslosstotheking.Accordingly,atournament,plannedforStamfordinLincolnshire,wasnowtobeheldnearLondon,andthered’Aubignéwassummonedtocomewithhorsesandarms.

Theprizewouldbeabeargivenby‘acertainlady’.Johnalsofacedthedestructionofhisordinaryrevenuesasthebaronsandknightssweptthroughthecounties,pinningtheking’smenbacktotheircastles.AttheOxfordcouncilitself,stillstrugglingtopaythe1,100marksheowedtheTemplars,Johntoldtheexchequerto

givethemthemoneyininstalments,‘greatorsmall’,asitcamein.65Evidentlytheexchequerhadnoreservesofcash.Norinrealitywasanymoneycomingin,asJohnwellknew,judgingfromthedearthofordersevenofthiskind.Indeed,wherewastheexchequer?SomeofitsrollsremainedinLondon,wherenextyeartheyfellintothe

handsofPrinceLouis.OtherrollsweremovedtoReadingabbeyandthentoOdiham.66

John,therefore,stillclungtohispolicy,hopingthattheCharterwouldbringarestorationofpeaceandorder.Hewasalsodevelopinganexcellentpubliclinetojustifyhisconductanddamnthatofhisopponents.Hewasdoingall

hecouldtoobservethetermsofthepeace,byfulfillingeverythingthatwasaskedofhim.Yethisenemiesweredoingnothingtofulfiltheirsideofthebargain,andweredoinghiminjuryeverywhere.ThatthisargumentisrecitedintheCrowlandchronicleshowsJohn’ssuccessingettingitacross.67

HavingleftWindsoron26June,JohnwentfirsttoWinchesterandthentohiscastlesatMarlborough,DevizesandCorfe.HeleftCorfeon13July.HewouldgototheOxfordcouncilduetostarton16Julyandmakethebestofit.On15July,realizinghewouldbelate,thekingstoppedontheroadbetweenNewburyand

Abingdon,wrotetoArchbishopLangtonandthe‘baronsofEngland’explainingthedelay,andgavethemthenamesofanimpressivedelegationwhowerecomingonahead.68Infact,JohndidreachtheOxfordareaon16July,butdecidedtospendthenightatWoodstock.HearrivedatOxfordnextday.Hewasto

staythereuntil23July.TheOxfordcouncilisof

greatimportance,somethingfirstgraspedbyH.G.Richardson,howevermuchhewaswrongaboutcertaindetails.69ItwasthelasttimethatJohnmetthebaronsfacetofacebeforetherenewalofthecivilwar,forherefusedtoattendanylatergatherings.In1218theexchequercouldstill

dateeventsbyreferenceto‘whenthecouncilwasatOxford’.70Johncametoitdeterminedtogethisdue.Theenvoyssentaheadon15Julyweretoreceivewhatwasduetohimaswellastogivewhatwasowed.71WhatJohnfelthewasowedisveryclear:alayingdownofarmsandarestorationofordersothatthesheriffscouldonce

againmaintainpeaceandcollectrevenue.HealsoexpectedtohavewhatwasduefromLondon.Hecouldnothopetorecoverthecityitselffromthebaronsbefore15August,butmeanwhile,asthetreatysaid,heshouldreceivehisduefarmsanddebts.Hehadreceivednotapenny.AtOxforditself,Johnacknowledged,inaletterto

thekingofFrance,thattheLondonerswerelikelytodisobeyhisorders.Afewdayslater,whenhetriedtoarrangeforadebttobepaidfrommoneyowedbythecity,heacceptedthatthemayormightnot‘wish’toobeyhim.72Whatasituationforakingtobein!Thebaronswereequally

clearwhattheywantedfrom

theking.Heshouldnowsettlealltheclaimsdelayedbecausetheywerecontentious,themostspectacularbeingGeoffreydeMandeville’sclaimtotheTowerofLondon,andWilliamdeMowbray’stoYorkcastleandtheYorkshireforest.Therewasalsothequestionoftheunjustfinesandamercementswhich,

underchapter55oftheCharter,wereeithertobeforgivenbyJohnoradjudgedbythetwenty-fiveand(ifhecouldbethere)ArchbishopLangton.Thekinghadpromisedasearlyas10Maythattwoofthesefines–theonesmadebyGeoffreydeMandevilleandGilesdeBriouze,bishopofHereford–shouldbereferredtothe

judgementofhiscourt.73AndthentherewasthefineofNicholasdeStutevillewhich,becauseitwasunpaid,allowedJohntoretainhiscastleofKnaresborough.Thekinghadcertainlymademanyrestorationsofland,buthehaddonenothingabouttheseoranyotherfines,presumablybecausehearguedthattheywerenot

unjust.Itwas,ofcourse,perfectlypossibleforthetwenty-fivetopressaheadandgivejudgementsoftheirownonthesematters,asindeedtheydidlater.TherewasnothingintheCharterwhichsaidthatJohnhadtobeinvolved.YetclearlythosejudgementswouldhavefarmoreweightifJohnacceptedthem,andannouncedthemin

parallelletters.Indeed,unlesstheexchequerstartedtoobeythetwenty-five,itwasonlylettersofJohnthatcouldgetfinesremovedfromthepiperolls.AttheOxfordcouncilJohn

madesomelastconcessions.Thus,on22July,ElyasofDerehamobtainedsixengrossmentsofMagnaCartafromthechancery.If,as

seemslikely,Elyasdistributedthesetothebishops,hehadaneasytasksinceasmanyaseightofthem(includingArchbishopLangton)werepresentatthecouncil.Itwasalsoduringthecouncilthat,inaccordancewiththetermsoftheCharter,thekingmovedPeterdeChanceauxfromBristolandAndrewdeChanceauxfrom

thecountyandcastleofHereford.74ItmayalsohavebeenfollowingadecisionatthecouncilthatJohn,afewdayslater,gavethecastleofColchestertooneofthetwenty-five,WilliamdeLanvallei,Williamclaimingitinhereditaryright.75Thiswasthelastsignificantrestorationthekingwastomake.

Atthesametime,Johngainedsomesuccessesofhisown.WithLlywelynandtheotherWelshrulersbeinggivensafeconductsthroughLangtontocometocourt,thekingseemstohavepushedbackontotheagendaLlywelyn’s1211charterofsubmission,althoughthishadbeenremovedfromconsiderationatRunnymede.

Atanyrate,itwasprobablyattheOxfordcouncilthatLangtonandagroupofloyalistmagnatesissuedalettertestifyingtoitsterms.76

ItwasprobablyalsoatOxfordthatJohnpersuadedLangtonandthebishopstomaketwoimportantdeclarations.Inone,thatalreadyreferredto,theyexplainedhowthetermsof

theinquirybytheknightsshouldbeunderstood.77Intheother,theyaffirmedthatintheirhearing,whenthepeacewasmade,thebaronshadpromisedtogivewhateversecuritythekingwishedforitskeeping,saveforthesurrenderofcastlesandhostages.Thedeclarationthenexplainedhowthebaronshadrenegedontheir

undertaking,for,whenJohndemandedcharters,guaranteeingtheirfaithfulservice,theyrefusedtogivethem.Theking’sdemandhadbeenacrucialtestofbaronialloyalty,andonetheyhadfailed.Thisdidnotquiteamounttoadeclarationofwar,butitcameclosetoit.Notsurprisingly,during

thecouncilthetwosides

seemedtotallyapart.GonewasthatmomentatRunnymedewhenJohnfeastedwiththebaronialleadersandallowedthemtoattestaroyalcharteralongsideloyalistmagnatesandministers.ThekingissuednofewerthansixchartersatOxford.Thelongwitnesslistsfeaturedthenameofnotasingleformer

rebel.78AnanecdotepreservedbytheAnonymousofBéthunewhichalmostcertainlybelongstothistimeaddsvividlytothepicture.Onedaythetwenty-fivebaronscametotheking’scourttomakeajudgement.Thekingwasillinbed,withhisfeetsopainfulthathewasunabletowalk,presumablyduetogout.Heaskedthe

twenty-fivetocometohiminhischamber.Theyrefused.Itwould,theysaid,beagainsttheirrights.SoJohnwascarriedtothetwenty-five,whorefusedtorisetogreethim.TheAnonymousobservedthatsuchexamplesofprideandoutrageousbehaviourwerefrequent.79

Theyshowedalltooclearlythatthetwenty-fiveregarded

theirstatusasquiteequaltotheking’s,asdidtheoathtakentoobeythembythecommuneoftheland,andtherefusaltogiveJohnchartersoffaithfulservice.John’sownmercenaries,accordingtoMatthewParis,declaredthatitwasthetwenty-fivewhowerenowthekingofEngland.ThatmusthavebeenhowJohnfelt.

Johnremainedequallyalarmedaboutwhatwasgoingoninthelocalities.On23July,attheendofthecouncil,hesentafuriouslettertotheearls,barons,knights,freetenantsandeveryoneelseinYorkshire.‘Astheylovedthemselvesandalltheyhad’,theyweretoreturnthelandsandcastlesthattheyhadseizedduring

and‘afterthewar’.Theyweretodothisbythe15Augustdeadlinecontainedinthe‘reformationofpeace’.Theywerealsotoreturnthechattelsandprisonerslikewiseseized‘afterthepeace’.Evidentlytherehadbeennopeace.80

TheanecdoteoftheAnonymousofBéthuneshowsthetwenty-fiveat

work,althoughatworkstillintheking’scourtandinhispresence.PerhapsJohn’sperfunctoryorderrestoringWilliamdeLanvalleitoColchesterwasagrudgingfulfilmentofajudgementbythetwenty-five.Butiftherewereotherjudgements,thetwenty-fivehadtogoitalone,forthereisnosignofJohnimplementingthem.Nothing

seemstohavebeendoneaboutthefines,anditwasnotuntilSeptemberthatthetwenty-fiveissuedtheirjudgementreturningKnaresboroughcastletoNicholasdeStuteville.81ItwasnotjustJohnwhowasangry.AccordingtotheMelrosechronicler,hisopponents,feelingthathehadviolatedthearticlesofthe

peace,lefttheOxfordcouncil‘withgreatrancour’.82

THEABANDONMENTOFTHECHARTER

ItwasJohn,however,whodrewtheconclusions.InhislettertothoseinYorkshire,hestillindicatedhewastryingforpeace.‘Wedonotwish,’hesaid,‘thatbythedetentionofanyofthe

foresaidthingsagainsttheformofthepeace,thatthepeaceinanythingshouldbedisturbedorviolated.’83Butthiswasmerelyacoverforhisrealintentions.TheeventsattheOxford

councilhadmadeupJohn’smind.HedecidedtoaskthepopetoquashtheCharter.Thepapalletterdoingjustthatwasissuedon24

August.84ThefitwiththeendoftheOxfordcouncilon23Julyistightbutexact.ThemessengershadtotravelfromOxfordandreachAnagni,someforty-fourmilessouth-eastofRome,wheretheletterwasissued.FromOxfordtoAnagniis1,250miles.Supposingthemessengerslefton24July,andarrivedon22August,thusallowinga

dayorsoforPopeInnocent’sresponse,theywouldhaveaveragedforty-twomilesaday,oralittlemoreifonedaywastakenupbytheChannelcrossing.Thereisnothingimpossibleaboutthat,giventhesupremeurgencyofthejourney.Innocent’sdecisionwouldhavebeenimmediate,andhecoulddraw,forthe

phraseologyofhisletter,onhispreviousmissives.85Inanycase,themessengersmaywellhaveleftbeforetheendofthecouncil.Theking’sfuriouslettertotheYorkshiremenon23JulywasthusineffectafarewelltotheCharter.John’sdecisionwas

momentous,andmusthavebeentakenafterdeep

discussionswithhisleadingcounsellors–withPeterdesRoches,HubertdeBurgh,andtheearlsofPembroke,ChesterandDerby,whowereallatOxford.Thesemenmetintheking’schamber,sittingonhisbed,ashelaytheretorturedbyhisgoutyfeet.Thediscussionswere,ofcourse,deeplyprivatebecausethelastthingJohn

wantedwastolethisenemiesknowwhatwasonhismind.TheAnonymoussaystheenvoysweresent‘mostsecretly’.86John’spublicpositionremainedthesame:hewasdoingwhatwasrequiredofhimunderthepeace;itwastheoppositionwhoweretheviolators.ForJohn,abandoningthe

Charterwasahigh-risk

course.Itmeantfightingawar,whichhemightlose,giventhathisopponentswereboundtocallinaidfromFrance.ButJohn’sacceptanceoftheCharterhadalwaysbeenpositedontwothings.Thefirstwasthat,whatevertheChartersaid,thetwenty-fivebaronsofthesecurityclausewouldnotdevelopintosomeparallel

powerintheland,challengingroyalauthorityinanimpossiblefashion.ThesecondwasthattheCharterwouldleadtopeaceandtherestorationofroyalgovernmentintheshires.Whenneitherofthesepremisesprovedcorrect,JohndecidedtoabandontheCharter.Didsomeofthebaronialleadersrealizethat

thingswereheadingtowardsasmash,andthatastopneededtobeputtothelocalanarchyandthearroganceofthetwenty-five?Thenperhapsbothsides,inaplethoraofcomplaintsandinquiries,couldhavetussledoverwhattheChartermeantundertheumbrellaofitspeace.Somethingalongthoselineshappened,whenitcame

toimplementingtheForestCharter,duringtheminorityofHenryIII.Johnmighthavebeenwillingforawhileatleasttogodownsuchapath.Butthepent-upfeelinginthelocalities,andtheangerandsuspicionofthebaronialleaders,blockedoffthatpossibility.Iftherewerevoicesofcaution,theyfellondeafears.

AlthoughitwastheeventsattheOxfordcouncilthatpersuadedJohntoabandontheCharter,hewasnotunprepared.Forsometime,hehadbeenbuildingupfunds.On6July,whenatDevizes,hereceived9,900marks,containedinsixty-sixsacks,fromthetreasuryatCorfecastle.Twodaysbefore,thekinghadtakena

greatmassoftreasure(simplyinweightofsilveritwasaround440marks)outofthetoweratMarlboroughandhaditcarriedtohischamber.87Thiswaspartofamoregeneralpolicyofcallinginhissilverandjewels,depositedatreligioushousesaroundthecountry.On24Juneletterswentouttosixteenofthemtothateffect.

Theresultwasthatinthenextfewweeks,ashispositioninthecountrydeteriorated,Johnbecamesurroundedbyafantasticaccumulationofsilvercups,jugs,basins,dishes,candelabras,staffsandbelts,manyofthemencrustedwithpearlsandjewels.88

While,moreover,JohnhadremovedtheAthéeclanfromsomeofthecastlesand

counties,hestillretainedtheminhisservice.Indeed,on2July,JohnorderedGeoffreydeMartigny,havingvacatedNorthamptoncastle,tojoinhimwithalltheknightsandserjeantsfromthegarrison.89

AftertheOxfordcouncil,John’snewdirectionwasrevealednotbyhiswordsbutbyhisactions.Heneveragain

mettheassembledbarons.InlateJulyandearlyAugust,hemadeaquickvisittotheWelshmarchesandthenheadedfortheChannelcoast.From9August,allthewaythroughuntil9October,hehardlymovedfromthere,spendinghistimeatWareham,Sandwich,DoverandCanterbury.Hisaimwastosecuretheports,and

arrangefortheimportofforeignmercenaries.On12August,withafairpromisetothedukeofBrittanyofrestoringhislandsinEngland,Johnaskedhimtocomewithasmanyknightsashecouldmuster.On28August,thekingwasarrangingforaloanof1,000markstopaythewagesofthe

knightscomingtoEngland.90

Hewaspreparingforwar.ArchbishopLangton,

however,wasstillmakingvalianteffortstosavethepeace.UndertheLondontreaty,Johnhaduntil15AugusttoimplementtheCharterandthusrecoverthecityfromthebaronsandtheTowerfromthearchbishop.Naturally,therewasno

questionofsucharecoverynow,butLangtonstillstrovetobringthesidestogether.HeandhisfellowbishopsmetatOxfordon16August,hopingthatthekingwouldjointhemtherefornegotiationswiththebaronsatBrackley.Itnearlyworked.JohndidindeedleaveWarehamandgetasfarasMarlborough,onlythentoturnback.Hesentenvoys

insteadwhodeclaredthat,havingfulfilledhissideofthebargain,thekinghadreceivedonlyinjuryinreturn.Hewouldnotcomenowsincethebaronswereinarms.Thiswasalltootrue,forthebarons,insteadofstayingatBrackley,hadprogressedtoOxford‘inarmedarray’.ThecrisiswasfurtherratchetedupbytheunveilingatOxfordof

papallettersissuedon7July.91ThesewerewritteninreplytoJohn’sletterof29May,soinignoranceoftheMagnaCartasettlement,butsincethatwasvirtuallydeadithardlymattered.Thepapalletters,fromJohn’spointofview,wereperfectlysuitedtothenewsituation.92InnocentthusberatedLangtonforfailingtosupporttheking,

andthenexcommunicatedallthosedisturbingkingandkingdom.Langton,onpainofsuspension,wascommandedtoproclaimthesentenceofexcommunication,whilethebishopofWinchester,thepapalrepresentativePandulfandtheabbotofReadingweregivenauthoritytoseeallthiswascarriedout.AttheOxfordcouncil,Langtonwas

abletopostponetakinganyaction,whileheandfellowbishopswenttoseeJohninonefinalbidtobringhimtoameeting.Theyfailedintheattempt,butthemeetingwentaheadanyway,atStainesbetween26and28August.HereLangtonpromulgatedthesentenceofexcommunication,althoughonlyingeneralterms,without

pointingthefingeratanyindividualbaron.ItwaspossibleindeedtointerpretthesentenceasaimedasmuchatJohnashisopponents.93

WhenthebaronsreturnedtoLondon,aftertheStainesmeeting,theymademoreformalarrangementsfortakingoverthegovernmentofthecountry,groupsof

shiresbeingplacedunderindividualmembersofthetwenty-five.John’sownreactioncameinaletterof5September,issuedbythebishopofWinchester,PandulfandtheabbotofReading.DoingwhatLangtonhadrefusedtodo,theynowimplementedthepapalordersof7July,andexcommunicatedthebaronial

leadersbyname,togetherwiththecityofLondon.Theletterwascleverlydrafted.ItdidnotactuallycondemntheCharter.Indeeditstilltooktheoldlinethatitwasthebaronswhowereviolatingit,violating‘whathadbeenordainedbythelordkingbythecounselofthemagnateswhowerethenhisfamiliars’.Itthenwentontostigmatize

thegiftsoflandandthemakingofjudgementswithoutauthorityoftheking,clearlyreferringtohowthetwenty-fivewereplungingaheadontheirown.94Whenthebaronsheardoftheirexcommunication,theybrusheditasideandappealedtothegeneralcouncilthatwassoontomeetinRome.Ifthesentencehadanyeffect,it

confirmedtheminthedecisiontheywerenowtaking.ThiswastosetintraintheprocessofdeposingKingJohnandelectinganotherkinginhisplace,electingnoneotherthanPrinceLouis,theeldestsonofKingPhilipAugustusofFrance.Inthenarrativeofthe

Crowlandchronicler,thedecisiontosummonacouncil

tobringthisaboutisplacedbetweenthebarons’returntoLondonaftertheStainesmeetinginlateAugustandtheissueofthe5Septemberletter.PerhapsJohnknewwhatwashappeningby9September,whenhemadevariousconcessionsontradingmatterstoKingPhilip,andthensenthimenvoys.95Theoppositionhad

gotfarmorefromMagnaCartathanhadJohn,butnowrecognizeditsfailure.JohnwasrenegingontheCharterandresortingtowar.AlthoughnopapalmissivecondemningtheCharterhadarrived,everyoneknewitwasonitsway.Thebarons,inthesecircumstances,couldsimplyhavewagedwarunderthesanctionoftheCharter,

supportedby‘thecommuneofalltheland’.ButtherewasnopointtryingtoforcethekingtokeeptheCharterwhenhewasbentonrejectingitaltogether.Johncouldnotberestrained,hecouldonlybereplaced.In1212theking’sremovalhadseemedjustifiedbypapalthreatsofdeposition.Thesecouldnolongerbepleadedin1215,buthis

removalstillseemedunproblematic.Johnhadbecomeking,soheproclaimedin1199,‘bytheunanimousconsentandfavouroftheclergyandpeople’.96Giventhathehadruledsobadly,whatwastostopclergyandpeoplewithdrawingtheirconsentandchoosinganotherking?BoththeCrowlandand

Coggeshallchroniclersthusnarratetheprocesswithoutturningahair.Accordingtotheformer,thebaronsrealizedthatthebusinessneeded‘thecommonconsentofallthekingdom’.Theythussummoned‘allthechiefmen’tomeetatadesignatedtimeandplace.Whentheassemblymet,voiceswerestillraisedintheking’s

favour,butthemajorityopinionwasdecisivelyagainsthim.Hewasdeposed,andthethroneofferedtoPrinceLouis.Louis’ownmanifesto,whenhearrivedinEnglandin1216,explainedeventsinthesameterms.Thebarons‘choseusaskingandlord’,John‘havingbeenjudgedunworthyofthekingdombythecommon

counselandapprovalofthekingdom’.97

ThechoiceofLouiswasnotwithoutdrawbacks.PhilipAugustushadintendedtomakehimkingatthetimeoftheabortiveinvasionin1213,buthadforbiddenpromisesaboutthereturnofNormanlandstothosedisinheritedin1204.98Probablythesamewastruein1215,sothatwas

disappointing.ThebaronshadalsotoreckonwithJohnconjuringupnationalfeelingagainstaFrenchthreat.Although,moreover,Louishadahereditaryclaim,whichhesetoutinhismanifesto,itwasalmostlaughablytenuous:sinceJohnhadbeenconvictedoftreasonforbetrayinghisbrotherRichard,heshouldnothavesucceeded

in1199.Instead,thetrueheirtothethronewastheonlyothersurvivingchildofHenryII,hisdaughterEleanor,marriedtothekingofCastile,andEleanorhadgenerouslypassedherrightstoherdaughterBlancheandLouisontheirmarriage.Therewere,however,good

reasonsforchoosingLouis.Howfarhischaracterwas

knownisunclear,butitcertainlyturnedouttobethetotalreverseofKingJohn’s,forLouiswasuxorious,piousandhonourable.HealsocamefromarulingdynastyverydifferentfromtheAngevins.Thiswasanageinwhich,asR.W.Southernwrote,‘theFrenchkingsaloneamongthekingsofEuropeenjoyedthehelpofaconstantly

favourablepublicopinion.’Withagreatlandedbase,‘theygrewrichwithoutbecomingunpopular’.TherewasnoFrenchMagnaCarta.99Englandcouldnowbaskinthesamesunlight,allthemoresowiththeendofthefinancialdemandsneededtosupportwarsinFrance.Theseconsiderationswere,however,theicingonthe

cake.ThemainreasonsforchoosingLouisresidedinthefactsofpower.Thebaronswereinvolvedinalifeanddeathstruggle.Victoryatallcostswastheaim.ItwastheFrenchmonarchythatcouldbringit.AstheCrowlandchroniclerobserved,thebarons,lackingconfidenceinthemselves,appealedtoLouistocomeinstrengthtorescue

themfrom‘thehandsofthetyrant’.Backedbyhisfather,LouiscoulddrawonalltheresourcesoftheFrenchmonarchy.Thatsurelyshouldguaranteevictory.ThesamecouldnotbesaidofKingAlexanderofScotland,whomightotherwisehavebeenacandidate.ItwastheCapetianprincewhocouldrescue

EnglandfromtheAngevintyrant.Wedonotknowexactly

whentheassemblydeposingJohnandelectingLouismet.Afterthemagnateshadbeen‘cited’toappearatit,John’ssupporters,accordingtotheCrowlandchronicler,arguedthathewasstillpreparedtomaintainthe‘peace’andsoshouldnotbedeposed.This

suggeststhemeetingwasbeforethearrival,inlateSeptember,ofthepapalbullcondemningtheCharter.Itmaybe,however,thatthechroniclerisheresimplypaintingageneralpictureoftheattitudesofJohn’ssupporters.Giventheformalsummonsesofwhichhespeaks,andthefortydays’intervalmentionedinthe

Charter,Octoberwouldseemthemostlikelytimefortheassembly.Itthustookplaceinthefullknowledgeofthepapalbull.Dated24August,thepapal

bullwouldhavetakenamonthtoarriveinEnglandandsowaspresumablyreceivedtowardstheendofSeptember.PreservedintheBritishLibrary,andastar

exhibitinthe2015exhibition,itmeasuressome50by46centimetres,andisfinelywritteninalarge,clearhand.Itisanimpressive-lookingdocument.Thebullnarratedthewholecourseofthequarrelanddeclaredthat‘bysuchviolenceandfearasmightaffectthemostcourageousofmen’,Johnhadbeenforcedtoacceptan

agreementshameful,demeaning,illegal,unjust,andharmfultoroyalrightsandtheEnglishpeople.PopeInnocentthusdeclaredtheCharter‘null,andvoidofallvalidityforever’.100Afterthebull’sarrival,JohncouldproclaimtheendoftheCharter,supportedbythefullpanoplyofpapalauthority.Hisenemieswereconfirmed

intheirdecisiontodeposehim.Thediewascast.InthesecondweekofOctober,thebaronsgainedcontrolofRochester.On13OctoberJohnbeganhislongsiegeofthecastle.101Thecivilwarhadbegun.Ifanyonehadstruggledto

savetheCharter,itwasArchbishopLangton.Hiseffortstotakeamiddle

groundandgiveeachsideitsdueseemaltogetheradmirable.Ontheonehand,heandhisfellowbishopswerereadytohelptheking.TheyissuedproclamationsexposingthebaronialrefusaltogiveJohnguaranteesofloyalservice.Theyalsosetoutthecorrectinterpretationofchapter48empoweringthetwelveknights.Ontheother

hand,throughhisstewardElyasofDereham,LangtonplayedacentralroleinthedistributionoftheCharter,andthelettersof19June.Hisownknightswereimplementingtheoathtothetwenty-fiveinKent.Langtonhimselftookpartinthejudgementbywhichthosewhorefusedtheoathweretohavetheirpropertyseized.

Indeed,itwassurelythearchbishopwhodecidedthattheirchattelsshouldbesoldinaidoftheHolyLand.Inthussupportingtheoath,LangtonwasassociatinghimselfwiththemostradicalpartoftheCharter.Therewerepracticalreasonsfordoingso,foriftheoathwasobstructed,arenewalofcivilwarwasboundtoresult.

Therewerealso,onemaysuspect,ideologicalreasons.Thearchbishopsawaparallelbetweenthe‘communityofalltheland’,formedbytheoath,andthechurchasthecongregationofclergyandpeoplefromwhich,hebelieved,secularauthorityderived.102Takingtheoathwasthusaconditionforbeingpartofthecommunityofthe

landandcongregationofthefaithful.Indeed,thesecularandthereligiouswerelinkedinthesupportenvisagedforJohn’sprospectivecrusade.Langtonhadstruggleduntil

thelastmomenttobringthesidestogether,but,afterthefailureoftheStainesmeeting,hisroleasapeacemakerwasover.Hewasbeingordered,inthe5Septemberletter,to

publishthesentencesofexcommunication.Ifheobeyed,hewouldhavedefinitivelysidedagainstthebarons.Ifherefused,hewouldhavesidedagainsttheking.Langtonevadedtheissueand,withinafewdaysofthe5Septembermandate,leftEnglandforthepapalcourt.Pandulfandhis

colleaguesdulysuspendedhimfromoffice.Therewasasubtextto

Langton’sroleinthegreatcrisisof1215.ThisconcernedthecastleofRochester.103

AfterhisabsolutionbyLangtonin1213,inanefforttoappeasethearchbishop,JohnhadacceptedCanterbury’slong-standingclaimstopossessionofthe

castle.Givenitsstrengthandstrategicimportance,however,Langton,atJohn’srequest,hadallowedthesheriffofKent,ReginaldofCornhill,tocontinueascastellan.In1215,however,Johnbegan,rightly,tosuspectCornhill’sloyalty.Asaresult,bothon25Mayand15August1215,hetriedtopersuadeLangtontohandthe

castleovertomoretrustedroyalagents.Thearchbishopnevercomplied.TherequestinMaycameattheverymomentwhenpeacenegotiationswerebeginninginearnest,whichwasnotagoodtime,Langtonmayhavefelt,forashiftinthestrategicbalance.Oncepeacewasestablished,asitwasatRunnymedeinJune,Langton

wasentitled,underhisearlieragreementwithJohn,torecoverthecastleofRochester,andthekingseemstohaveacceptedthepoint.AccordingtoWendover,herestoredthecastletothearchbishop,althoughinpracticethismadenodifferencetoCornhill’stenure.WhenJohn,inAugust,renewedhispressure

tosurrenderthecastle,Langtonwasstillhopingtoactasamediatorandbringthepartiestogether.AccordingtoCoggeshall,herefusedtoresigneitherRochestercastleortheTowerofLondon,‘withoutjudgement’.Ifthiswastobeajudgementofthetwenty-five,thenLangtonwasstillrecognizingtheirauthority.

Yettherearesignsthatthebaronstoowereworriedabouthisattitude.CoggeshallhasthestoryofRobertfitzWalterbrieflyoccupyingRochestercastle,fearfulthatLangtonwouldhanditovertotheking.Thistookplace,Coggeshallsays,whileJohnwasatCanterburyandDover,whichwouldfitexactlywiththeseizureoffitzWalter’s

landsorderedatDoveron17September.104Thearchbishop’srelationswithJohnhadcertainlynotbrokendownatthispoint.On10SeptemberthekingissuedafullandfulsomeletterplacingLangton’spossessions,duringhisabsence,underroyalprotection.105ThingslookeddifferentinOctoberwhenReginaldofCornhillhanded

Rochestercastleovertothebarons.ItwasonlythenthatJohnbrandedLangton‘anotoriousandbarefacedtraitor’forfailingtosurrenderit.106

Holthasarguedthat,intherunuptothehostilities,John‘hadwonthewarofnervesandpropaganda’.Thekinghaddonesobystickingtothelinethathewasreadyto

observethepeace;hencetheargumentofhissupporterswhentheyrefusedtocountenancehisdeposition.ByaskingthepopetoquashtheCharter,however,Johnnecessarilyabandonedhisvirtuousstance.Hishypocrisyhadbeenexposed.HadhereallyissuedtheCharterfor‘thehonourofGodandtheexaltationof

holychurch,andthereformofourkingdom’,heshouldhavestucktoit,orattheveryleast,likehisson,havereissueditwiththemoredoubtfulpartsleftout.ButJohn’scommitmenttotheCharterwasalwaysskindeep.Hewanteditspeace,notitsimplementation.ThepositionofJohn’sopponentswasnomorereputable.They

hadtakenfarmorethanwasjustifiedinthelocalities.Theyhadneverdisarmed.Bothsidesgotwhattheydeserved,arenewalofcivilwar.In1216Johnmadethose

submittingtohimforsweartheCharter.107Ifhewonthecivilwar,hewasnotgoingtohavethatagain.Onthebaronialside,thetwenty-five

werestillwieldingauthorityintheautumnof1215.On30SeptemberlettersissuedinthenamesofGeoffreydeMandeville,SaerdeQuincyandRicharddeClare,andattestedbyRobertdeVere,earlofOxford,soughttoimplementthetwenty-five’sjudgementreturningKnaresboroughcastletoNicholasdeStuteville.108

Probablyitwasthetwenty-fivewhoconvokedtheassemblythatdeposedtheking.Louis’owncommitmenttoMagnaCarta,however,ishardtogauge.HecertainlyhadagoodknowledgeoftheCharter,forwhenhefinallyleftEnglandtheprincesurrendered,amongotherdocuments,‘thechartersconcerningthe

libertiesmadeinthetimeofKingJohnatthemeadowofRunnymede’.109InthearchivesofthekingofScotland,therewasfound,attheendofthethirteenthcentury,a‘letterofLouis,sonofthekingofFrance,concerningtheconfirmationofthecharterofthebaronsofEngland’.Thishasbeeninterpretedasaletter

confirmingMagnaCarta,butonewonderswhetherthatwasthecase.110ItseemsoddforsuchalettertobesenttothekingofScotland.Muchmorelikely,Louis’letterwasaconfirmationofacharterinwhichthebaronsofEnglandofferedhimthethrone.TheCrowlandchroniclerstatesthattheagreementwithLouiswasaffirmedwith

‘conventionsandsecurities’.111Itissurelyinconceivable,insuchanagreement,thatLouiswouldhaveacceptedalltherestrictionsintheCharter,letalonethesecurityclause.ThelongmanifestowhichheissuedonhisarrivalinEnglandsaidnothingabouttheCharterandmerelyopinedthathehadcometo

restorebothchurchandkingdomtotheir‘ancientanddueliberty’.112NochroniclerhasanythingtosayaboutLouis’attitudeeither.Hadhebecomeking,hewouldprobablyhavedonenomorethanissueaCoronationCharterconfirmingancientlibertiesandofferinglawandjusticeinthefuture.

Intheautumnof1215,therefore,ontheonesidewasKingJohn,nowdeterminedtocrushtheCharter.Ontheother,theprospectofanewkingwithnocommitmenttoit.MagnaCartaseemedafailurewithoutafuture.

13

TheRevivaloftheCharter,1216–1225

PrinceLouishadlandedatThanetinKenton21May1216,withalargeFrenchforce.Johnfeltunabletoresisthimandbeatahastyretreat.1Hethusavoidedriskingeverythinginasinglebattle,asKingHaroldhaddonesofatallyin1066,butsignalledhisweaknessinhumiliatingfashion.WithLouisreceivingatriumphant

welcomeinLondon,manyofJohn’sleadingmendeserted.OfthesixteenlaycounsellorswhomhehadnamedatthestartofMagnaCarta,AlanofGallowayandRobertofRopsleyhadalreadydoneso.Theywerefollowed,afterLouis’arrival,byHughdeNeville,JohnfitzHugh,andtheearlsofSalisbury,WarenneandArundel.Ofthe

earlsthatthekinghadnamed,onlyWilliamMarshalremainedloyal.Atsomepoint,atleastseventeenofJohn’shouseholdknightsjoinedtherebels,includingsuchtrustedfiguresasJohnofBassingbourn.Someofthesemenharbouredmaterialgrievancesandpersonalgrudgesagainsttheking.Somewereunderpressure

locallywithpowerfulneighboursintherebelcamp.2Aboveall,especiallyafterLouis’arrival,theycalculatedthatJohnwasfinished.KingAlexandermadethe

samecalculation.BackinOctober1215,withJohnoccupiedinvestingRochestercastle,hehadlaidsiegetoNorhamcastleontheAnglo-

Scottishborder.Hisalliancewiththerebelshadbeensealedby‘thebaronsofEngland’,whichprobablymeantthetwenty-five,concedinghisclaimstothethreenortherncounties.EustacedeVescicametoNorhamandpersonallyinvestedAlexanderwithNorthumberland.HavingtakenthecastleatRochester

attheendofNovember,however,Johngainedrevenge.Hemarchednorth,reachedBerwickinmid-January1216,andthensenttroopstoravagethecountryasfarnorthastheForth.‘WewillchasetheredScottishfoxfromhislair,’heallegedlyremarked,alludingtothecolourofAlexander’shair.WithLouis’arrival

Alexandertookfreshcourage.InAugust1216heseizedCarlisleandthencamesouthhimselftomeetLouisatDover,anddohomageforthenortherncounties.3

MeanwhileLlywelyn,attheheadofaconfederationofWelshrulers,hadconqueredCardiganandCarmarthenanddrivenGwenwynwyn(luredbacktoJohn’sside)from

southernPowys.John,however,wasdefiant.HavingspentmuchofthesummergatheringhisforcesatCorfecastle,inJulyhesetoffonaravagingcampaignthattookhimtotheWelshmarchesandthenacrosstotheeasterncounties.BytheendofSeptember

1216,JohnwasatLincoln.Hebrokeupthebaronial

siegeofthecastle,andthenheadedsouthtoKing’sLynn.On12Octoberpartofhisbaggagetrainwaslost,includingtherelicsofhischapel,whenitwassuckedintothesandsoftheWellstreamwhileattemptingashortcutacrossthisinletoftheWashbeforethetidehadproperlyreceded.4Thelossoftherelicswasthemore

grievousbecauseJohnwasnowdesperatelysickwithdysentery.On15October,inamovingletterfromSleaford,heinformedthepopethathislifewaswhollydespairedof,andbeggedforspiritualaid:

Sincegraceisnotdeniedthoseaskingformercy,webegyoufatherthatyouwillstretchouttousthe

handsofabsolutioninremissionofoursins,thatsupportedbytheworkofyourmercy,Hewhopunishesbeyonddesertsandrewardsbeyonddeserts,willlookonuswiththeeyeofhismercy,anddeemusworthytobeplacedinthenumberoftheelect.5

Somehope,onemightthink,butatleastJohnhadalready

takenstepstoexpiatehisgreatestcrime.On10October,atKing’sLynn,thekinghadgrantedlandforthesiteofareligioushousetobefoundedatAconburyinHerefordshire–forthesoulsofthemurderedMatildadeBriouzeandherson.6Johnwasalsothinkingofhowtosecurewhathecalledthe‘perpetualhereditary

succession’ofhisdynasty.Inhisletterof15October,hethusplacedthekingdomandHenry,hisheir,underpapalprotection.HealsobeggedhisentouragetoensurethatWilliamMarshalbecameregent.YetstillJohnwasonthemove.On15or16OctoberhewascarriedonalitterthetwentymilesfromSleafordtoNewark.Therein

thecastle,inthemiddleofthenightof17–18October,hedied,asagreatstormhowledaroundthetownandmadethecitizensfearforthesafetyoftheirhouses.WhenJohndeSavigny(RalphofCoggeshall’sinformantfromwhomthiscomes)enteredNewarkearlynextmorning,hefoundtheking’sservantsunwillingtotellhimwhathad

happened.Indeed,soSavignyalleged,theyhadfled,leavingtheking’sbodynaked,untiltheconstableofthecastlefoundsomethingtocoverit.Savignyhimself,allowedintoseethecorpse,remainedwithitforaboutanhourandcelebratedMassfortheking’ssoul.7

Johnhadoriginallyintendedtolieinthe

CistercianabbeythathehadfoundedatBeaulieu,butthiswasinanareacontrolledbytherebels.Inhiswill,drawnupinhislastdays,JohnthusaskedinsteadtobeburiedinWorcestercathedral,‘inthechurchofSaintMaryandSaintWulfstan’.Therewasalsoaspiritualreasonforthis.Beaulieuabbeyhadnosaint.Worcester,ontheotherhand,

hadWulfstan,bishopofWorcesterfrom1062to1095.Wulfstan’scanonizationhadtakenplacein1203,afternumerousmiraclesathistomb:in1201morethanadozenpeoplehadbeencuredinoneday.In1207Johnhimselfprayed‘forsometime’besidethetomb,andconferredbenefitsonWorcestercathedral.Ina

reignfullofspiritualdarkness,Wulfstan’scanonizationwasonebrightlight.Surelyhewouldnowintercede,andsecureJohn’sinclusionamongthenumberoftheelect.8AtWorcester,accordingly,Johnwasburied.Whenhistombwasopenedin1797,hewasfoundtobewearingonhisheadwhatwastakenatthetimetobea

monk’scowl.Muchmorelikely,itwasJohn’scapofunction,thecapthatwasplacedontheking’sheadatthecoronationinordertoabsorbandretainforaperiodtheholyoiloftheanointing.9

Johnhadevidentlykeptthismostholyobjectwithhim.Ithadnotdonehimmuchgoodinthislife.Perhapsnowit

wouldhelphiminthelifehereafter.

MAGNACARTA121610

WithJohn’sdeath,wouldhisremainingsupportersgoovertoLouisandbringthewartoanend?Afterall,John’ssonHenrywasonlynineandLouiscontrolledwelloverhalfthekingdom.Nothing

likethathappened.InsteadJohn’ssupportersproceededatoncetoHenry’scoronation(atGloucester,forLouiscontrolledLondonandWestminsterabbey),andpressedtheMarshaltoassumetheregency.Aftersomehesitation,forhewasaroundseventy,heaccepted.Nottobeunderestimated

inexplainingthisconductare

ideasofloyaltyandhonour.TheyrunthroughtheaccountintheHistoryofWilliamMarshalandthepapalandroyallettersofthetime.‘Letyourfidelityandconstancybecommendedforalltimetothepraiseandgloryofyourname’,ranonemissivetothegarrisonsofBedfordandNorthampton.11Therewerealsohardmaterialreasons.

ManyofJohn’scaptainsandcastellanscouldhopefornoequivalentemploymentontheotherside.SomeofhisgreatbaronialsupportershadprivatedisputeswithLouis’partisans.ThustheearlofChester’sclaimstotheearldomofLincolnandthecastleofMountsorrelputhimatoddswithGilbertdeGantandSaerdeQuincy.

TherewerealsoreasonstohopethatLouis’supportersmightthinkagain,nowthattheywerefacednotbythehatedJohnbutbyhisyounginnocentson.‘Thecandleofthechildcalledbackthestarswhichhadbeenscaredbythefather’sthunder,’wroteonepoet.12Louis’Englishfollowersalsofoundthemselvesinconflictwith

hisFrenchentourageoverplaceandpatronage.TheircausewasfurtherdamagedbythearrogantandbrutalconductoftheFrenchsoldiery.Thusawarbeingfought,soLouissaid,tosavetheEnglishfromatyrannicalking,couldnowbeportrayedbyhisopponentsasonefought‘todeliverEnglandfromtheFrench’.13Therewas

oneothercardinalfactorsappingLouis’strength,namelytheattitudeofthepope.Onhisorders,Louisandhisfollowershadallbeenexcommunicated.Asaresult,theycouldhavenoovertsupportfromtheEnglishbishops,noranyotherhighecclesiastic.Louiscouldnotbecrowned,forallhispossessionofWestminster

abbey.Therewasnoonetocrownhim.IngivingpapalsupporttoJohnandhisson,onepersonstoodout.Thiswasthepapallegate,GualaBicchieri,whohadarrivedinEnglandinthespringof1216.Hedisplayedstupendousenergyintheroyalcauseandeventuallyturneditintoacrusade.Thus,astheCrowlandchronicler

shrewdlyobserved,‘thosewhooncecalledthemselvesthearmyofGodandboastedthattheyfoughtforthelibertiesofthechurchandthekingdom,werereputedtobethesonsofBelialandcomparedtoinfidels’.14

Thesituationoftheminoritygovernmentwasthusnothopeless,yetitremainedbleak.Henry’svery

coronationbanquetatGloucesterwasdisturbedbynewsthattheMarshal’scastleatnearbyGoodrichwasunderattack.Totaldefeatwasaveryrealprospect.Theresultwasamomentousdecision,whichchangedthecourseofhistory.TheminoritygovernmentnowacceptedwhatJohnhadrejected:itacceptedMagnaCarta,thus

layingthefoundationsforitssurvival.Theaim,ofcourse,wastotemptrebelsbackintotheyoungking’scamp,byconcedingwhattheyhadinitiallybeenfightingfor.ClearlytheCharter,althoughrejectedbyJohnandsidelinedbyLouis,wasstillthoughttoretainitsattractivepower.

ForthegreatbaronsonHenry’ssidethedecisiontoaccepttheCharterwaseasy.They,justasmuchasanyrebel,wouldbenefitfromits‘baronial’clauses.ForGuala,whowiththeMarshalauthorizedandsealedthedocument,thedecisionrequiredcourageandimagination.Afterall,papalpolicywasnowstoodonits

head,andwithoutanyopportunityofconsultingHonoriusIII,whohadbeenelectedpopeonInnocentIII’sdeathearlierin1216.Butthepopewasalwaysgoodatadjustingtonewrealities,andGualadoubtlesssawandexplainedthepoliticalimperatives,whichjustifiedhisaction.HewouldalsohaveexplainedthatHenry’s

CharterwasdifferentfromJohn’sinomittingitsmostobnoxiousinroadsintoroyalpower.Ineffectingthatomission,GualawasdoubtlessatonewithsomeofJohn’smostruthlessadministrators,notablyPeterdesRochesandWilliamBrewer,whowereamongtheadvisersmentionedbythekingatthestartofthenew

Charter.Butprobablyeveryoneagreedthatsomeofthemostradicaldemandswereimpractical,especiallyinawarsituation.Noneoftheomissionswerereversedandsothedecisionstakennowwereoffundamentalimportancefortheshapeofthefinal,definitiveCharterof1225.

ThenewCharterwaswritteninHenry’sname,andwasauthorizedby,thatis‘givenbythehands’of,GualaandWilliamMarshal(thelatterwithhistitleasregent)atBristolon12Novemberinthefirstyearofthereign,so12November1216.GualaandtheMarshalalsosealedtheCharter,since,asitexplained,thekinghad

noseal.TheCharterprovidedanewlistofcounsellorsonwhoseadvicethekinghadacted,inpartofcoursebecausesomeoftheoldoneshadjoinedtherebels.AfterGuala,therewereelevenbishops,headedbyPeterdesRochesofWinchester,althoughthoseofStDavid’sandBangorweresoobscurethatoneoftheclerks,writing

outanengrossment,didnotknowtheirnames.Thetwenty-fourlaymenwereheadedbyWilliamMarshalandonlysixnameswerepartofthe1215list.15Theearls,apartfromtheMarshalhimself,werethoseofChester,DerbyandAumale,thelastaformerrebelandindeedmemberofthetwenty-five.Thelistwassupposedto

impresstherebelswiththescaleoftheyoungking’ssupport,anditcertainlyincluded,asthe1215Charterdidnot,apowerfulgroupofWelshmarcherbarons.Inawar-tornsituation,theycouldleavetheirlordshipsbrieflytocometoBristol.Runnymedehadbeenadifferentmatter.Thefirstconspicuous

changetothe1215Charter

camerightatthestart.Chapter1stillgavefreedomtothechurch,butomitted1215’sconfirmationofJohn’scharterguaranteeingfreeelections.ArchbishopLangtonwouldhavehatedthatbuthewasanabsentee.AfterhisdepartureforthepapalcourtinOctober1215,hedidnotreturntoEnglanduntil1218.Thedecisionnow

wasGuala’s.Hemusthavejudged,notunreasonably,thatfreedomofelectionsduringthewarmightmeanfreedomtoelectsupportersofLouis.Theonlycompensationwasthatvacantbishopricsandabbeyswerenowgiventhesameprotectionfromexploitationassecularwardships.TheCharteralsoomitted1215’schapteron

wills(27),perhapsbecausetheywereconsideredentirelyamatterforchurchregulation.Themostimportantchange

intheChartercame,however,attheend.Therethesecurityclausewithitstwenty-fivebarons,andtheoathtakenbythecommunityofalltheland,disappearedaltogether.Alsoomittedwasthechapterthat

hadsoughttoremedyJohn’sunjustdisseisins,ifnecessaryafterjudgementsbythetwenty-five,thechapter,thatis,whichhadforcedhimtomakesomanyrestorationsintheperiodafterRunnymede.Thechapteronremedyingunjustfineswenttoo,asdidthatonthegrievancesofKingAlexander.Doubtlesshewasconsideredahopelesscase.

TheonlychapterredressingthewrongsofthepastwhichremainedwasthatontheWelshmendisseisedbyJohn,probablybecausesomewereontheking’sside,orwerehopedtobe.Inthefieldoflocal

government,the1216Charteralsoexcisedanotherchapterofthe1215CharterwhichhadstrippedJohnofsomuch

powerandcausedsomuchdisruption,namelythatwhichsetupthetwelveelectedknightsineachcountywithauthoritytoinvestigateandabolishthemalpracticesoftheking’slocalofficials.Outtoowentthestipulationthatroyalofficialsneededtoknowthelawofthekingdom,andthechapterdismissingthekinsmenofGerard

d’Athée.Theyindeedwerenowperformingsterlingserviceinthewar,withEngelarddeCigognéascastellanofWindsor.Apersonofcomparablestatus,soontorisetoalmostcomitalpower,theNorman,FalkesdeBréauté,actuallyfeaturedasoneoftheadvisersofthe1216Charter.

Alongsidethesechanges,thereweresomeothersmade,inpartatleast,todefendtherightsandrevenuesofthecrown.Thusthe1216Charteromittedthestipulationthatinformationaboutmarriagesproposedforheirsneededtobegiventothenextofkin;thisitselfwasaretreatfromtheArticlesoftheBarons,whichhadaskedforsuch

marriagestotakeplacewiththekin’s‘counsel’.The1216Charteralsoomittedaltogetherchaptersinthe1215Charteronscutagesandaids,debtsowedtotheJews,andtheincrementsand(byimplication)profitsexactedfromthecounties.Sotherewasnothingontaxationneedingthecommonconsentofthekingdom,andnothing

correspondinglyontheconstitutionoftheassemblythatmightgiveit.Outaswellwent1215’schapter42,givingfreeentrytoandexitfromthekingdom,notsurprisinglyinthistimeofwar.TheCharterwasquiteopenaboutsomeoftheseomissions.Attheend,itobservedthat,sincesomeofthechapters‘intheearlier

charter’seemed‘weightyanddoubtful’,theyhadbeenputinabeyanceuntilthekingcouldhavefurthercounselaboutthem.Hewouldthendowhateverwasfor‘thecommonutilityofall’.Thesecurityclauseandthetwenty-fivewerenotmentionedhere.Norwerethemissingchapters,thesourceofsomuchcontention,onthe

redressofpastfinesanddisseisins.Evidentlytheirremovalwasnon-negotiable.Butflaggedupweretheissuesofscutagesandaids,debtstotheJews,and,referringheretotheinvestigationofthetwelveknights,theissuesofforestsandforesters,andthecustomsofthecounties.InpartthenewCharterwasthusanoffer

totherebelsandanattempttodrawthemintonegotiation.ItalsorewardedthemenoftheCinquePorts,‘thebarons’astheywerecalled,whoweregivingvitalsupporttothecrown.TheywerenowincludedinthechapterthatconfirmedthelibertiesofLondonandother(unnamed)townsandports.

TheCharterwasdrawnupinaspiritofsurprisingconfidence,giventhegeneralsituation.Thatisseeninthebeautifulwritingoftheonlysurvivingoriginal,preservedatDurhamcathedral.Itcanbeseentoointhetroubletakentomakeawholeseriesofsmallchanges.Thuswidowswerenottoremainincastles;suretieswereto

answerifthedebtorcouldpaybutrefusedtodoso;constablescouldtakecornfromthevillsinwhichtheircastlesweresituatedbutmustpayforitinthreeweeks;thesheriffsandbailiffs,iftheytookhorsesandotherchattels,weretopayforthematstipulatedrates.Theprovisionin1215thataguardianwastoreturnland

stocked‘accordingto…thetimeofthewainage’,whichmeanttheagriculturalseason,wasalteredto‘atleastaccordingtohowhereceivedit’.16EvidentlythedraftersthoughttheCharterwasworththeeffortofthesedetailedchangesandmightlast.The1216Chartercertainly

reachedthenorth,fortheone

originalisintheDurhamcathedralarchives,whilecopiesarefoundinlaterYorkMinstercartularies.17TwosinglesheetcopiesintheFrenchroyalarchivesprobablycamefrommaterialthatLouistookwithhimfromEngland.18Althoughseriouslyweakenedwhenitcametoenforcement,redressofpastgrievancesandthe

reformoflocalgovernment,theessenceofthe1215Charterandmuchofitsdetailremainedintact.The1216ChartermightbemeasuredagainstwhatLouishadtooffer.Thereisnoevidencethatherespondedbyissuingacharterofhisown.ThatfailuremayhaveseemedthemoreimportantashisFrenchentourageandsoldiery

becameincreasinglyunpopular.ThefactofthenewCharter,togetherwithJohn’sdeath,maywellexplainwhytheEnglishrebelbaronsdidnotfightharderwhenthedecisiveconfrontationcameatthebattleofLincolnon20May1217.InthatconflictLouis’Anglo-FrenchforceswereshatteredbyWilliam

Marshal.NotasingleEnglishrebelofanystatuswaskilled,whileforty-sixwerecapturedalongwiththreehundredunnamedknights.ThecaptivesincludedtheearlsofWinchesterandHereford(SaerdeQuincyandHenrydeBohun),RobertfitzWalter,GilbertdeClare(theeldestsonofEarlRichard,whodiedlaterintheyear),Williamde

Mowbray,GilbertdeGant,RobertdeRos,NicholasdeStuteville,RogerdeCressyandHenry,sonofEarlDavid.19GeoffreydeMandevilleandEustacedeVescihadbothdiedthepreviousyear,theonekilledinatournament,theothershotthroughtheheadbyanarrowduringasiegeofBarnardcastle.Thehearthad

beenrippedfromthebaronialparty.LouishimselfmissedthebattleofLincolnsincehewasbesiegingDovercastle.ItslongandgallantdefencebyHubertdeBurghhadbeenamajorreasonforhisdifficulties.HislasthoperesidedinagreatfleetbringinghimreinforcementsfromFrance.Thehopeevaporatedwhen,on24

August1217,thefleetwasdestroyedbydeBurghinaseabattleoffSandwichinKent.

MAGNACARTA1217ANDTHECHARTEROFTHE

FOREST

Louisnowrealizedhemustgiveup.InSeptember1217,undertheTreatyofKingston/Lambeth,he

resignedhisclaimstotheEnglishthrone,butloyallyobtainedthebesttermsthathecouldforhisfollowers.Everyonewastorecoverfreelythelandsthattheyhadheldatthestartofthewar.TherebelsthusdidfarbetterthantheirMontfortiansuccessorsin1266,whohadtobuybacktheirlands.MagnaCartawasalsopartof

thesettlement.Louis’supporterscertainlyneededitnowthathewasnottobetheirking.Accordingly,inNovember1217,HenryIIIissuedanewversionoftheCharter,thistimeaccompaniedbyaquiteseparateCharterregulatingtherunningoftheroyalforest.

IsayNovember1217but,infact,thefoursurvivingengrossmentsofthe1217Chartercompletelylackthe‘givenbythehand’clausenormalattheendofroyalcharters,andthusprovidenoindicationoftheirplaceanddateofissue.Insteadtheysimplyendwiththestatementthat,sincethekinghasnoseal,theyarebeingsealedby

GualaandtheMarshal.20OneofthetwosurvivingengrossmentsoftheForestCharter,thatatLincoln,endsinthesameway.21Themostlikelyexplanationfortheabsenceofthe‘giving’clauseandthusofthedateisthatallfiveoftheseengrossmentsweredrawnupfordistributionsoftheChartersarrangedin1218,anditwas

thoughtconfusingtoincludetheearlierdateoftheoriginalissue.TheNovemberdateisderivedfirstandforemostfromtheothersurvivingengrossmentoftheForestCharter,whichhasalwaysbeenintheepiscopalarchivesatDurham.Althoughnowdamaged,enoughremainstodeducethatitwas‘givenbythehands’–‘datapermanus’

–oftheMarshalandGualaatStPaul’s,London,onadayinNovemberinthesecondyearoftheking’sreign,soNovember1217.22ThenewMagnaCartawasclearlydraftedwiththeForestCharterinmind,forthetwoforestchaptersremainingin1216weremovedacrosstoit.ThepreamblestothetwoChartersalsohaveidentical

wording.Onecanbefairlysure,therefore,thattheysharethesamedateandthatHenry’ssecondMagnaCartabelongstoNovember1217.Justwhatthedatewasin

Novemberismoreproblematic.Virtuallyallmodernauthoritiesgiveitas6November.YettheDurhamForestCharter,theonlyengrossmenttohaveadateat

all,whileitcertainlyindicatesNovember,equallycertainlydoesnotmentionthesixth.Instead,thefirstletterofthedateseems,ifanything,tobea‘Q’.Therestofthenumberisthenlostbut,judgingfromthespaceitoccupied,itwasmostlikely‘Quartodecimo’or‘Quintodecimo’.23This,however,isanimpossibledateforadocumentgivenat

StPaul’s,since,by14–15November,theMarshalhadleftLondonandwasonhiswaytoGloucester.Oneexplanationmightbethat14or15NovemberwasthedayonwhichtheclerkactuallywroteouttheDurhamCharter,althoughthatwasnotchancerypracticefortheChartersof1215.Whateverthecase,thechancellor,

RichardMarsh(ofwhommoreshortly),musthavebeensatisfied,sincehepresumablyreceivedthisengrossmentasbishopofDurham.Wherethendoesthe6Novemberdatecomefrom?TheanswerisnotfromengrossmentsbutfromcopiesofMagnaCartaandtheCharteroftheForest,whichendwiththestatementthat

theyhavebeen‘given’atStPaul’son6November.24ThisprovidesabelievabledatefortheCharterssincethegovernmentcertainlywasinLondononthesixth.Thesecopies,however,areallgivennotbythelegateandtheregentbutbythechancellor,RichardMarsh,bishopofDurham.25Nocopyistcouldhavemadeupthisgiving

clause,anditmustbecontemporary.Whatisgoingon?Marshhadahighopinionofhisstatusaschancellor,andonceupbraidedhisdeputy,RalphdeNeville,withforgettinghistitle.26Hewouldsurelyhavewishedto‘give’the1217Charters.Thecopiesinwhichhisnameappearsmaypossiblyderivefromengrossmentsinwhich

hedidso.Morelikely,however,isthattheydescendfromrejecteddrafts.JustasMarshwaspassedoverin1215as‘giver’,infavouroftheking,so,in1217,hewaspassedoverinfavourofthelegateandtheregent.TheyhadalreadygiventheCharterof1216,thusimbuingitwiththemaximumpossibleauthority.Theydecidedtodo

thesamewiththeChartersof1217.Thatisameasureoftheirimportance.27

The1217Charterdifferedinsignificantwaysfromitspredecessor,largelyinmakingfurtherconcessionstothekingdom.Therewaseveryneedtodoso.Theminoritygovernment,headedbytheMarshal,hadwonthewarbutstillneededtoaffirm

thepeace.Formerrebels,havingrecoveredtheirestates,couldverywellmaketroubleiftheyweredissatisfiedwiththenewconditions.ThefragilepoliticalsituationisreflectedintheprologuetotheCharter,which,incontrasttothoseofboth1215and1216,hadnolengthylistofroyalcounsellors.Theonlypeople

mentionedbynamewereGuala,thearchbishopofYork,thebishopofLondonandWilliamMarshal.Evidently,thedraftersshiedawayfromsimplylisting,asbefore,theking’sownsupporters.Thatwouldhaveseemedalltoopartisan.Equally,itwasnotyetpossibleforloyalistsandformerrebelstojointogether

ascounsellorsorwitnesses.TheunstablesituationwasalsoshownattheendoftheCharter,whereanewchaptersaidthat,by‘thecommoncounselofallourkingdom’,theunauthorizedcastlesbuiltduringthewarweretobedestroyed.The1217Charteralsodid

somethingaboutoneoftheissuesflaggedupin1216,

namelyscutagesandaids.Itwasnotmuch,butatleastchapter44directedthatscutagesshouldbetakenhenceforthasunderHenryII,whichimpliedlessfrequentlyandatlowerratesthanunderJohn.Moreimportantwasanewconcessionintheareaoflocalgovernment,onethatfulfilledtheofferintheCharterof1216tolookagain

atthe‘customsofthecounties’.Quiteprobablytheconcessionwasalsorespondingtoanissueraisedbythetwelveknightsduringtheirinvestigationsandabolitionsin1215.Thuschapter42intheCharterof1217laiddownthatcountycourtswereonlytobeheldonceamonth,oratlongerintervalsifthosewere

customary.Thesheriffswereonlytoholdtheirtourns,theespeciallywell-attendedsessionsofthehundredcourts,twiceayear,atEasterandMichaelmas.TheviewoffrankpledgewasonlytobeheldatMichaelmas,andnomorewastobetakenbythesheriffthanhadbeencustomaryunderHenryII.28

Thechapterwasagreat

victoryforlocalsociety,burdenedasitwasbyfrequentattendanceatcourtsandbyamercementsforfailingtoturnup.Indeed,chapter42coveredthesameissuesasthecharterpurchasedbythemenofDevonin1204.29

ThesevictoriespaledbeforethetriumphoftheentirelynewCharter

governingtheroyalforest,acharterwithwhichMagnaCartawouldthereafteralwaysbelinked.ThekingmostblamedforthevastextensiontotheroyalforestwasHenryII.JohnandRichardhad,ifanything,reduceditsarea–ofcourseinreturnformoney.In1215theUnknownCharterhadcalledforHenry’safforestationstobereversed.

TheArticlesoftheBaronshadbackeddownontheissueandhadonlytargetedtheminimalafforesationsofJohn.MagnaCartahadreintroducedtheissueofHenry’sandRichard’safforestations,butonlyasmattersforattentiononceJohnendedhisprospectivecrusade.The1216Charterleftouttheafforestationsof

HenryandRichardaltogetherandkeptinjustthoseofJohn,althoughraisingattheendtheissueof‘forestsandforesters’asamatterforlaterdiscussion.Now,theForestCharterof1217camebacktoHenryIIwithseemingvengeance.‘Firstofall’,itdeclared,alltheforeststhatHenryIIhadafforestedweretobesurveyedbygoodand

law-worthymen,andthendeforested.Alsotogo,althoughherenoinvestigationswerenecessary,weretheafforestationsofJohnandRichard.Thesestipulationswere

partofaCharter–runningtoseventeenchapters,sosmallerthanMagnaCarta,butstillasubstantial

document–thatmusthaverequiredagreatdealofwork.TheForestCharterof1217broughtback(aschapter2)the1215chapterfromMagnaCarta,omittedin1216,whichexemptedmenlivingoutsidetheforestfromcomingbeforetheforestjustices.Chapter10oftheForestCharteralsoaverredthat‘noone’wastoloselifeorlimbforan

offenceagainsttheprotectedbeastsoftheforest,thusmeetingademandoftheUnknownCharter,oneindeedwhichtheAnonymousthoughthadfeaturedintheCharterofKingJohn.Therangeofforestoffenceswasalsoreducedbyallowingfreemen,havingwoodswithintheforest,toerectmills,makepondsandditches,andcreate

newarableland.TheCharterlimitedthenumberofforestofficials,andregulatedtheiractivities,asfarasstipulatinghowmuchshouldbechargedforcartsgoingthroughtheforest,andhowmanyclawsshouldbecutfromthepawsofdogssoastorenderthemharmlesstothebeastsoftheforest.

Thisattentiontodetailwasseeninchangestothe1217MagnaCarta.Whatwaslargelyanewchapter,preventingriverbanksbeingenclosedotherthantheywereinthetimeofHenryII,wasbroughtinverylogicallyafterthatonthebuildingofbridgesoverrivers.Insomeofthechangesonecansensethehandoftheking’sjudgeswho

weregatheringforthereopeningofthebenchatWestminster.Thusawidow’sdowerwasdefinedasathirdofthelandherhusbandhadheldinhislifetimeunlesslesshadbeenagreedatthetimeofthemarriage.Theburdensonthejudgesthemselveswerereduced,andtheirauthoritywasincreased,inthechaptersaboutthecommon-lawlegal

actions.Thejudgeshadnowtovisiteachcountyonlyonceayear.Theynolongerhadtoholdtheassizesonthedayofthecountycourtandwithfourknightsofthecounty,electedbythecourt.Theyweresimplytoact‘withtheknightsofthecounty’.Iftheycouldnotfinishthebusiness,theyweretohearthecaseslaterontheireyre,insteadof

remainingontohearthemwithsufficientknightsandfreetenants;moreconvenientforthejudges,lessconvenientforjurorsandlitigantsoratleastthoseofthecountyconcerned.Difficultcasesweretobereferredtothejusticesofthebench.Allthisappliedtotheassizesofnoveldisseisinandmortd’ancestor.Thoseof

darreinpresentment(aboutappointmentstochurchlivings)weretobeheardexclusivelyatthebench,sonotlocallyatall.

THESETTLEMENTWITHWALESANDTHEINDEPENDENCEOF

SCOTLAND

The1217Charteromittedthe1216chapteraboutthe

Welsh,soMagnaCartaendedupwithnoreferencetothelawofWales.ThiswasbecausetheminoritygovernmentrealizeditwouldhavetomakeaseparatepeacewithLlywelyn,whichitdid,muchtoLlywelyn’sadvantage,atWorcesterinMarch1218.TherewasalsoaseparatepeacewithKingAlexander,so,unlikethe

Charterof1215,the1217Charteranditssuccessorin1225hadnothingonScotland.AlexandervacatedCarlisle(hisoneconcretegainfromthewar)andcamesouthtoKingHenry’s1217ChristmascourtatNorthampton.There,accordingtothechronicleofMelrose(theonlysource),hedidhomagefortheearldom

ofHuntingdon(heldfromhimbyEarlDavid)andfortheotherlandsthathispredecessorshadheldfromthekingofEngland.30DoubtlessHenryreservedhisrightsoverthekingdom,whileAlexanderreservedhistothenortherncounties,butthekeypointofsettlementwasthis:Alexanderhadnotdonehomageashehadto

Johnin1209,homage,thatis,‘asWilliam,kingofScotland,didhomage’toHenryII.Inotherwords,AlexanderhadnotdonehomageforthekingdomofScotland.HehadescapedthenoosethatJohnhadpreparedforhim.Thecivilwarof1215–17andtheconsequentcollapseofEnglishroyalauthoritythushadmomentous

consequencesforthepoliticalshapeofBritain.IthadensuredthecontinuationofScottishindependence.

THEFINALANDDEFINITIVEMAGNACARTAOF1225

Strugglingtorestorepeaceandordertothekingdom,theminoritygovernmentgavewidepublicitytothe1217Charters.InFebruary1218it

thussentengrossmentstoallthesheriffswithordersthattheybereadinthecountycourt,‘havinggatheredtogetherthebarons,knightsandallthefreetenantsofthecounty’.Thiswastheletterinwhichthefirstreferenceto‘magnacarta’itselfappeared.31ThesheriffswerealsotoseethatthechaptersoftheCharterwere‘inallthings

sworntoandobserved’.Thisechoedtheoathtakenby‘thecommunityofalltheland’tosupporttheCharterof1215.Butwhereasthentheoathhadbeentofightwiththetwenty-fiveagainsttheking,nowitwaslinkedtoasecondoathinwhichtheassembledbarons,knightsandfreetenantsweretoswearfealtytohim.Thattherewastobeanew

monarchywherebyallegiancetothekingwasinextricablylinkedwithallegiancetotheChartercouldnothavebeenmoreclearlydemonstrated.Notsurprisingly,the1217

Charterbecamefarbetterknownthanits1216precursor.Therearefoursurvivingengrossments,probablyallfromthecirculationof1218,as

opposedtoonlyoneengrossmentsurvivingfrom1216.Therearealsoagoodnumberofcopies,althoughofteninaforminwhichthe1217charterisconflatedwiththatof1225.TheForestCharterwasitselfcirculatedagaininApril1218.32ThisdidnotmeanthateitherCharterwouldbeenforced.Therewasanimmediate

struggleovertheForestCharter.This,aswehaveseen,laiddownthattheafforestationsofHenryIIweretobeabolished,oncetheyhadbeenestablishedby‘goodandlaw-worthymen’.Sensingdangerhere,thegovernmentdidnothingtosettheworkofthemeninmotion.Theresultwasthatsomecountiespressedahead

ontheirown,until(inJuly1218)thegovernmentatlastsanctionedofficialsurveysofHenryII’safforestationsby‘twelvelaw-worthyandprudentknights’.When,however,thesurveysindicatedthevastextentofHenry’safforestations,sothatifremovedthekingwouldbeleftwithlittlemorethanhisdemesnewoods,theminority

governmentrefusedtoimplementthem.Instead,itdevelopedtheargumentthattheafforestationsofHenryIImeantonlythosewhichhehadmadeafterhavingrestoredthelossesunderKingStephen.Theresultwasastalemate,althoughonethatgavetheForestCharterallthemorepublicity.

TherecouldalsobeanxietyoverthevalidityoftheChartersthemselves.Theyoungking’ssealhadbeeninauguratedin1218,whichleftaquestionmarkoverChartersauthenticatedmerelywiththesealsoftheregentandthepapallegate.ThefactthattheChartershadtheiroriginsinthecoercionofKingJohnalsocastashadow.

AdramaticexchangeduringagreatcouncilinJanuary1223showsthatthishadnotbeenforgotten.Onthatoccasion,inresponsetoaproposedinquiryintoroyalrights,ArchbishopLangtonandothermagnatesdemandedthatthekingconfirmMagnaCarta.Atthis,WilliamBrewer,doyenofJohn’sexchequer,barkedout‘the

libertieswhichyouseek,sincetheywereviolentlyextorted,oughtnotrightfullytobeobserved’.Langtonrebukedhim:‘William,ifyoulovedtheking,youwouldnotdisturbthepeaceofthekingdom.’Henryhimself,nowfifteen,thenstoodforwardanddeclaredthathewouldindeedobserve‘allthelibertiestowhichwehave

sworn’.33Brewer,however,hadmadeapowerfulpoint.Theking’soral

confirmationoftheChartersin1223setthestageandalsoshowedtheneedforthefinalanddefinitiveChartersthatheissuedtwoyearslater.Inbringingthatabout,acentralrolewasplayedbytwomen,Langtonhimselfandthejusticiar,HubertdeBurgh.

DeBurghhadtakenoverthegovernmentjustbeforetheMarshal’sdeathin1219,graduallysidelininghisdeadlyrival,theking’stutor,PeterdesRoches.Amanonthemake,deBurghwaseagertoascendintotheranksofthehighnobility.Healsobelievedindoinghisjobasjusticiar,whichwastodispensejusticeandrestore

andmaintaintherightsofthecrown.Sucharestoration,herecognized,musttakeplacewithinthecontextofMagnaCarta.Thiswasnotjustbecauseofthefearofrenewedrebellion.DeBurghalsoneededthesupportofformerrebelstostabilizehisregimeandrestoreroyalauthority.Here,througharemarkableturn-around,his

enemiesweretheveryloyalistswhohadhelpedwinthewar.John’soldsheriffsandcastellansnowclaimedthattheycouldnotberemoveduntilthekingcameofage,which,ifthatmeanttwenty-one,wouldnotbeuntil1228.Theyalsoaspiredtoretainalltherevenuesfromtheirlocalofficesandgovernthemalmostastheywished.

SomeofthechiefculpritscamefromtheranksofJohn’sforeignagents,andwerecloselyalliedtoPeterdesRoches.HencethewaythepoliticsoftheminoritycametobeportrayedasastrugglebetweentheEnglishandthealiens,givingagreatboosttoEnglishnationalfeeling.Mostconspicuousamongthe‘evil’foreigners

wasFalkesdeBréauté,theillegitimatesonofaNormanknight.(ThenameFalkes,accordingtoonetale,derivedfromthescythe–‘faux’inFrench–withwhichhehadkilledsomeoneinhisfather’smeadowinNormandy.)Hehadbegunhiscareer,calledsimply‘Falkes’,asa‘poorserjeant’ofKingJohn.Fromthere,articulateandclever,

‘smallofbodybutmostvaliant’,astheAnonymousputit,hehadrisenfast.HenowcontrolledtheearldomofDevonandwassheriffofsixcountiesacrosstheMidlands.34Ifroyalauthoritywastoberestored,anddeBurghwastobesecure,itwasvitaltobreakthepowerofsuchmen.

Havingspenttheyears1216–17innorthernItaly,FranceandFlanders,inMay1218,withhissuspensionfromofficeliftedbythepope,LangtonhadreturnedtoEnglandtotakeuphisdutiesasarchbishopofCanterbury.HewaspassionatelycommittedtotheCharter,andwishedtoplaceitonafirmandunimpeachablefooting,

freefromBrewer’simputations.Yethealsosawtheneedtorecoverroyalpower.Withoutthat,thekingcouldnevermaintainpeaceandprotectchurchandpeople.LangtonagreedwithdeBurghinseeingtheforeignsheriffsandcastellansasthesourceofmuchofthetrouble.Attheendof1223,hehelpeddeBurghbring

abouttheirdismissalaspartofageneralredistributionoflocaloffices.Nextyear,heandhisepiscopalalliesstoodshouldertoshoulderwithdeBurghinputtingdowntherevoltofFalkesdeBréauté.Whilethatwashappening,however,disastertookplaceabroad.KingPhilipAugustus,scourgeoftheAngevindynasty,haddiedin

1223.HissuccessorwashissonLouis,theverypersonwhohadtriedtomakehimselfkingofEngland.LouisnowtookrevengeforhisdefeatbyinvadingwhatremainedofHenryIII’scontinentaldominions.HeconqueredPoitouwithease,andwentontothreatenGascony.OnlyamajoreffortfromEnglandcouldsavethe

situation,andtofinancethatagreattaxwasanecessity.ThiswasthecatalystbehindthefinalanddefinitiveversionofMagnaCarta,whichKingHenryissued,alongwithanewCharteroftheForest,atWestminsteron11February1225.Justasthefinancialdemandsofthecontinentalempiregeneratedthegrievancesthatproduced

thefirstMagnaCartaof1215,sothosedemandsnecessitatedthetaxthatproducedthefinalMagnaCartaof1225.WithoutEngland’sinvolvementonthecontinent,therewouldhavebeennoMagnaCarta.TheMagnaCartaof1225

hadastatusfromthestartfarabovethatenjoyedbyitspredecessors,onewhich

placeditonasecureandinviolablefooting.ThisCharterhadnotbeenforcedupontheking,astheCharteritselfmadeveryclear.Thus,inthepreamble,Henrystatedthathewasmakingtheconcessionsbyhis‘spontaneousandgoodwill’.Thekingcouldsaythat,ashecouldnotin1216and1217,becausehewasnow

seventeen.Alreadyattheendof1223hehadstartedtowitnessroyalletters,andthustakeresponsibilityforgovernmentorders.Asearlyas1218,hissealhadbeeninauguratedanditwasthisthatauthenticatedtheCharterof1225,ascanbeseenfromthesplendidexamplewhichhangsbeneaththeengrossmentpreservedat

Durham.Yetitwasnotsimplytheking’sagethatmadethedifferencetothe1225Charter.Indeed,thereremainedaviewthatHenrywouldnotattainhismajorityuntilhewastwenty-onein1228.In1225hewasstillpreventedfromissuinghisownchartersandmakinggrantsinperpetuity.35The1225MagnaCartawasthus

anexceptiontothiscontinuingrestrictionoftheminority.Thekeyfactorthatelevatedthe1225Charter,removedthetaintofcoercionandprovedHenry’sspontaneitywasdifferent.ItwasthattheCharterwaspurchasedfromthekinginreturnforagrantoftaxation,thetaxation,ofcourse,whichwasneededtorescue

GasconyfromtheFrench.TheCharteritselfmadethepointexplicitly.AsHenrydeclaredinthefinalchapter:

Fortheconcessionandgiftoftheselibertiesandtheotherlibertiescontainedinourcharteroflibertiesoftheforest,thearchbishops,bishops,abbots,priors,earls,barons,knights,freetenants,andallof

ourkingdom,havegivenusafifteenthpartofalltheirmovables.

ThislinkbetweentheCharterandthetaxwasalwaysremembered.36ItmeantMagnaCartahadescapeditsdoubtfuloriginsinthewarsof1215–17.TheCharterof1225wasnewandpure,producednotbycoercionbut

byafreelystruckbargainbetweenkingandkingdom.ArchbishopLangtonwas

thefirstwitnesstothenewCharter.Judgingfromalaterremark,hehadhopedin1225tosecuremorelibertiesforthechurch.ThesemighthaveincludedaconfirmationofJohn’schartergrantingfreeelections.37Herethearchbishopwasunsuccessful.

Langton,nonetheless,gaveeverypossiblesupporttothe1225MagnaCarta.Itwashe,onesuspects,whoensuredthatthebargainfromwhichitsprungwasdescribedintheCharter,sothatitcarriedforalltimetheproofofitsconsensualorigins.Preciselybecauseofthoseorigins,Langtonwasabletodosomethingelse,namelybring

churchandrealmtogetherintheCharter,insteadofkeepingthemseparate,astheyhadbeenin1215.Inthe1215Charter,thefreedomofthechurchhadbeengrantedtoGod,andwasmadequitedistinctfromtheconcessionsmadetothekingdom.Thepointwastoavoidanysuggestionthatthechurch’sfreedomwastheproductof

coercion,whatevermightbethecasewiththelibertiesgrantedtoeveryoneelse.Indeed,itwasonlyinrespectofthelibertiesofthechurchthattheChartermentionedJohn’s‘freeandspontaneouswill’.38InHenryIII’sCharters,thedivisionbetweenchurchandkingdomremained,but,in1225,Langtonnullifiedtheeffect

byintroducinganewpreamblethatbroughtchurchmenandlaymentogetherasbeneficiariesoftheking’sconcessions.AsHenrysaid:Byourspontaneousandgoodwill,wehavegivenandconcededtoarchbishops,bishops,abbots,priors,earls,barons,andallofourkingdom,thesebelow

writtenlibertiestobeheldinourkingdomofEnglandinperpetuity.

Sochurchmenandlaymen,separatewhenitcametotheconcessionsin1215,werenowtogether.Theking’sfreewill,onlyproclaimedwhengrantingthechurch’slibertiesin1215,wasnowproclaimedforthelibertiesofeveryone.Thenewpreambleand

conclusiontotheChartershowedsomethingelseaswellinwhichwemaydetectLangton’sideologyandinfluence.Thiswasanewinclusivity.The1215Charterhadbeengrantedjusttothefreemenofthekingdom.The1225Charterwasgrantedto‘everyone’–‘omnes’–whichmeanttoeveryone,freeandunfreealike.Bythesame

token,itwas‘everyone’whowassaidtohavegrantedthetaxthatsecuredtheconcessions.Thatunfreepeasantshadconsentedtothetaxwas,ofcourse,afiction,buttheycertainlyhadtopayitandthuscouldfeelastakeintheCharter.TheCharterof1225was

alsovalidatedinanewwayatitsend.Withanysuggestion

ofcoercionremoved,itwaspossibletorestoretheking’spromise,omittedin1216,nottoseekanythingtoinvalidatetheCharter.Ifhedid,itwastobeheld‘asnothing’.TheCharterwasalsowitnessedbyallthekingdom’sgreatandgood,whateversidetheyhadtakeninthewar.TheChartersof1215and1216hadmerelylistedtheking’s

partisansashisadvisers.TheCharterof1217hadhardlylistedanyadvisersatall.NoneoftheseChartershadwitnesslists.The1225Charterwasquitedifferent.Itmadenoreferencetotheking’sadvisersatthestart,buthadagreatlistofwitnessesattheend.Sensingtheimportanceandnoveltyofthis,thecopyoftheCharter

madesoonafterwardsatCerneabbeyinDorsetsetoutthewitnesslistinbeautifullyelaboratefashion,andthenwroteouttheplaceanddateofissueincapitalletters.39

ThewitnesslistwasheadedbyLangton,elevenbishopsandtwentyabbots.HubertdeBurgh,asjusticiar,headedthelaymen,followedbynineearlsandtwenty-threeother

magnates.Eightmembersofthetwenty-fivebaronsfromtheCharterof1215–includingRobertfitzWalter,JohndeLacyandRobertdeRos–togetherwithmanyotherformerrebels,includingReginalddeBriouze,brotherofthemurderedWilliam–nowrubbedshoulderswithsuchloyalistsastheearlsofChesterandDerby,William

Brewer,PeterandMatthewfitzHerbert,BriandeLisleandPeterdeMaulay.DoubtlessSaerdeQuincywouldhavebeentheretoo,buthehaddiedoncrusadein1219.TheCharterwasnolongerapartydocument.Thechurch’ssupportfor

theCharterwasveryclearlyseeninthelargenumberofecclesiasticalwitnesses.It

wasalsoseeninsomethingelseofvitalimportancefortheCharter’sfuture.In1215LangtonhadfeltunabletosupportJohn’sCharterbylaunchingsentencesofexcommunicationagainstthosewhotransgressedit.Therehadbeennosentencesineither1216or1217.But1225wasdifferent.Becauseofitsnewvalidity,Langton

andhisfellowbishopsnowpronouncedasentenceagainstallwhocontravenedtheCharter.40Thisbecametheprecursoroffurthersentencespromulgatedin1237and1253,thesecondwithgreatpassionandpublicity.ThechurchwasfullymobilizedbehindMagnaCarta.Thatwasanimportantreasonforthe

centralplaceitobtainedinpubliclife.Thereisjustonecurious

addendumtoallthis.The1215Charterhadbeengivenbythehandoftheking.Thoseof1216and1217hadbeengivenbythehandsofthepapallegateandtheregent.The1225Charterwasgivenbynooneatall.Itjustendsbysayingithasbeen

‘givenatWestminster’.WhywasitnotgivenbyRichardMarshaschancellor?Afterall,therewasnolegateorregentanymore,andnotraditionofchartersbeinggivenbythejusticiar.Why,evenmore,wasitnotgiven,liketheCharterof1215,bytheking?Surelythatwouldhavebefitteditsnewstatus.Ihavenoreadyexplanationfor

this.ItispossiblethatMarshwasabsent,forhedoesnotappearamongtheepiscopalwitnessesoftheCharter.Perhapsthefailuretonamethegiverwasconnectedinsomewaytohisclaimsandsensitivities.Thereisoneotherfeature

ofthe1225Charterthatowesmoretolatereditorsthantoanythinginthecontemporary

record.Thisisitsdivisionintochaptersandnumbering.TheChartersof1217and1225areforthemostpartidenticalapartfromtheirprefacesandconclusions.Yettheformerisconventionallygivenforty-sevenchaptersandthelatteronlythirty-seven.Thereasonisthatseveralchaptersthatappearontheirownin1217are

amalgamatedin1225.Thusthefamouschapters39and40inthe1215Charterappearaschapters35and36in1217andaschapter29in1225.Theconventionalnumberingofthe1216and1217ChartersisactuallythatofBlackstone’sof1759.HewasguidedbythenumberingthathehadalreadygiventotheCharterof1215.Whenhe

cametotheCharterof1225,however,hewaspresentedwithadifficulty,forthishadbeenprintedwithnumberedchaptersintheearlysixteenthcentury.Thenumberofchapterswasthirty-seven,whichwentbacktothenumerationfoundincopiesoftheChartermadeinthelatethirteenthandearlyfourteenthcenturies.Other

copiesofthatdate,however,havenumbersbothhigherandlower.Suchvariationswerehardlysurprising.Sincetheengrossmentshadnowlosttouchwithanychapter-by-chapternegotiations,thecapitalsthatbegannewchaptersnolongerhadthesameemphasisasfoundin1215.Thisallowedcopyiststomaketheirown

judgementsaboutthedivisions.Thussometimes‘29’isasinglechapter,sometimesitconsistsoftwochapters.Blackstone,however,whennumberingthe1225Charter,decidedtostickwiththefirstprintededitionanditsthirty-sevenchapters.Ithasbeenthirty-seveneversince,thusbringingaboutthedisjunction

withthenumberingofthecharterof1217.41

THENATUREOFTHE1225CHARTER

TheCharterof1225,apartfromitsnewpreambleandconclusion,wasvirtuallyidenticaltotheCharterof1217.RogerofWendoverwentfurtheranddeclaredthatitwasidenticaltotheCharter

ofKingJohnin1215.Herehewaswrong.Thereweremanydifferencesbetweenthe1215and1225Charters.DidthesedifferencesendupbymakingthefinalCharter,assumingitwasobeyed,moreorlessrestrictiveonkingship?Thequestioncannotbeansweredinanyclear-cutfashion.

Thegreatestdifferencebetweenthe1215and1225Charterswastheabsenceofthesecurityclauseinthelatter,whichmeantthe1225Charteritselfcontainednoconstitutionalmeansforitsenforcement.Inthatsenseitwasfarweakerthanits1215counterpart.Since,however,suchaclause,ifimplemented,mighthave

destroyedthe1225Charteraltogetherinanewcivilwar,itwasarguablybetteroffwithoutit.Something,moreover,hadbeenintroducedinitsplace–thethreatofexcommunication.ThesamechangewasmadetoHungary’sGoldenBullin1231.42Itremainedtobeseen,however,whetherexcommunicationwouldbe

inanywayeffective.Ifitwas,ithadonesignificantadvantageoverthearrangementsinthesecurityclauseof1215.Theyhadbeendirectedsimplyatthekingandhisministers.Thepenaltyofexcommunication,ontheotherhand,wouldbeincurredbyanyviolatorsofthe1225Charter,andsoequallythreatenedmagnates

andtheirofficials.Outwiththesecurityclausealsowentthechaptersfromthe1215CharterdealingwithJohn’sunjustfinesanddisseisins.Hadsomemeanstoredressthesebeenprovided,theywouldcertainlyhavebeenexploitedbybaronsandbaronialwidowsunderHenryIII.Thereasonnothingwasdonewasalmostcertainly

duetothegovernment’sfearofstirringupdispute.Thosewithgrievanceswerethuslefttopursuethem,withouthelpandencouragementfromtheCharter,throughapetitiontothekingorlegalactionsinthecourts.Forthelocalities,the

omissioninthe1225Charterofchapter25from1215,banningtheincrementsand

profitsthatJohnhaddemandedfromthecounties,wasamajorloss,andonethegovernmentwastoexploit.Ontheotherhand,theCharter’snewchapterontherunningofthecountyandhundredcourts(chapter35in1225andchapter42in1217)offeredsomecompensation,andwasvigorouslydefendedandexploitedbycounty

knights.43DespitetheofferintheCharterof1216,nothinghadcomebackinondebtstotheJews.Consequentlythekingcouldstilldemandtheinterestaswellascapitalwhentheycameintohishands.Hedid,however,laterreaffirmthe1215Charter’sbanoninterestaccruingduringminorities.44Onthefaceofit,therewasalsoa

veryseriousomissioninthefieldoftaxationforitnolongerrequiredthekingdom’scommonconsent.The1225MagnaCartasaidthateveryonehadgiventhetaxinreturnfortheCharter,butfailedtolaydownsuchconsentasapatternforthefuture.AsfarastheCharterwasconcerned,thekingcouldlevytaxationatwill.

Againsttheseomissions,contemporariesmightweightheintroductionoftheForestCharter.Ofthis,too,HenryIIIprovidedanewversionin1225,nowembellishedwithapreambleandconclusionthesameasMagnaCarta’s.IftheForestChartercouldbeenforced,especiallyintheareaofHenryII’safforestations,itpromiseda

verymajordiminutionofroyalpower.Intermsofthesocial

balancewithintheCharter,thechangessince1215had,insomeways,strengthenedtheauthorityoflordsovertheirtenants.Thatisnotsurprising.Thegreatmenoftherealm,duringtheminorityofHenryIII,wereessentiallyincontrolofgovernment.The

earlofChesterhadalreadybeenobligedtoissueacharterpassingdowntohistenantsconcessionssuchasthoseinthe1215Charter.Heandhisfellowsnowwishedtosafeguardtheirpositions.ThenewChartersthuscontinuedtheworkofMagnaCartainprotectingtheinterestsof‘thelordofthefee’.45Intwochapters

introducedin1217,nofreemanwastoalienatelandifitpreventedhimperformingtheservicethatheowedtothelordofthefee;and,ifanyonegavelandtoareligioushouseinsuchawayastodeprivethelordofhisdueservice,thelordofthefeecouldtakepossessionofit.46Thegeneralrunoffreetenantswasdiscriminatedagainstwhen

onlythedemesnecartsofknights(whichwouldhereincludebarons),ladiesandecclesiasticalpersonswereprotectedfromseizurebysheriffsandbailiffs.47Attheendofthe1217Charter,thestipulationin1215thateveryoneshouldpasstheconcessionsdowntotheirownmenwasretained,butnowseemedqualifiedbya

newpassage,whichimmediatelyfollowed:‘savingarchbishops,bishops,abbots,priors,Templars,Hospitallers,earls,barons,andallotherpersons,ecclesiasticalandsecular,thelibertiesandfreecustomswhichtheyhadbefore’.Onewonderswhethertherewasanydebateaboutthis,becauseintheForestCharter

thesavingclausecomesbeforeratherthanafterthepassageaboutthepassingdownoftheconcessions,sonolongerqualifyingit.In1225,moreover,theCharteritselfadoptedtheForestCharter’sorder.DoesonedetecthereLangton’sinfluence?Magnatesalsogainedby

whatwasleftoutofthe1225

Charter.Nothingspecificinthenewregulationsaboutthehundredcourtsshowedthattheyappliedtothehundreds,rapidlyincreasinginnumber,whichwereinprivatehands.48Itwasthesherifforhisbailiffwhowastoholdthetournonlytwiceayear.49

Itwasthesheriffwhowastobecontentwithwhathadbeentakenattheviewof

frankpledgeduringthereignofHenryII.Thiswasnoinnocentandunnoticedomission,for,in1234,HenryIIIsoughttocorrectit.InAugustofthatyearhedrewattentiontotheclauseattheendofMagnaCarta,andwentontosaythat,asaconsequence,‘archbishops,bishops,earls,baronsandourothermagnates’,should

observetheChartertowardstheirownmen.Thekingthengottothepoint,whichwasthatthechapterinMagnaCartalimitingmeetingsofthehundredcourttotwoayearshouldbeobservedinprivatehundredsaswellasinroyalones.Althoughthekingsoonissuedanotherproclamation,explainingthatitwasonlythetournwhichwastobetwicea

year,andthatroutinemeetingsofthehundredshouldbeeverythreeweeks,heagainmadeclearthatthiswastoapplyin‘thecourtsofmagnates’aswellasthoseoftheking.50

GreatlordswerealsobehindtheomissionfromtheHenryIIIChartersofanythingaboutthecommonconsenttotaxation.The1215

Charter,ofcourse,hadsaidthatconsentwasnecessaryforthelevyingofbothscutagesandaids(otherthanaidsdueonthethreecustomaryoccasions).Thekinghadgoodreasontoobjecttothiswhenitcametoscutages,sincehecouldseethedutytopaythem,inplaceofmilitaryservice,asintegraltothetenurialobligationsof

histenants-in-chief.Buttheremovalofthedemandforconsenttoscutages,infavourofjustsayingthattheyshouldbeleviedasunderHenryII,madeitallthemorepossibletoretainsomethingonconsenttoaids.Onecanseewhygreatlordsmightthinkthatwasbothunnecessaryandobjectionable;unnecessarybecause,

especiallyincurrentconditions,theyknewthatitwassimplyimpossibleforakingtoraiseataxwithoutconsent;objectionable,becauseifaidsleviedbythekingwererestrictedandneededconsent,somighttheaidsthatmagnatessoughttolevyontheirowntenants.Achangetothe1216Chartershowsjustthatthinking,and

revealsthebaronialreasonforleavingoutthechapteronconsent.Foroutwithit,asanaturalcorollary,wentthechapterthatpreventedlordstakingmorethanthethreecustomaryaidsfromtheirfreemen.MagnaCartathuscametolackthechapterthathadmostexplicitlyfavouredunder-tenantsintheCharterof1215.

Offsettingthisbalancetippingagainstthem,under-tenantsmadeonesignificantgain.Initschapter3,the1215Charterhadbeenconcernedwiththe‘heirofanysuchone’,referringheretotheheirofthetenant-in-chiefwhosereliefwasregulatedinchapter2.Ithadlaiddownthatsuchheirs,whencomingofage,having

beeninwardship,shouldsucceedtotheirestateswithoutpaymentofarelieforfine.TothischaptertheCharterof1216madeasignificantaddition,wideningthechapter’sscopeinsuchawayastoprotectunder-tenantsfromtheirlords.Thusitnowlaiddownthatthe‘lord’of‘anysuchone’wasnottohavehiswardship

beforetakinghishomage.Theuseof‘lord’hereinsteadof‘we’,thatistheking,wasdeliberateandshowedthatthechapter,despitetheretentionof‘anysuchone’,wasmeanttoapplytolord—tenantrelationsaswellasrelationsbetweenthekingandhistenants-in-chief.Ininsistingthatheirsshoulddohomagebeforebeingtaken

intowardship,theaimwastoprotecttheirrightsandensurethattheydidindeedsucceedwhentheycameofage.Thatthiswasdonein1216,inthemiddleofthewar,showshowimportanttheissuewasforknightlyunder-tenants.Itwasanissueoflongstanding,fortheAssizeofNorthamptonof1176hadassertedthatthelordsshouldtakethehomage

ofunderageheirs.Thatlordswereuneasyaboutthenewprovisionin1216isshownbythewaytheyinsertedasavingclause.Theywerenottolosethewardshipiftheheir,whilestillunderage,becameaknight.Thisagainsuggeststheknightlyaudiencetowhichthenewclausewasmeanttoappeal.51

Whenitcametolocalaffairs,itwaspanelsofknightswhoactedasthe‘goodmen’ineachcountyempoweredbytheForestChartertoestablishtheafforestationsofHenryII.Heretheknightsgainedgreatlocalpower,whichtheyusedwithawill.52Theknights,however,bulkedlesslargeinthe1225Charterthaninthat

of1215.Thestipulationthattheking’sjudgesshouldheartheassizeswithfourknightsofthecountywasapoorsubstituteforthejudgeshavingtositwithfourknightselectedinthecountycourt.Therewerealsonolongerthetwelveknightselectedineachcountytoabolishthemalpracticesoftheking’sofficials.Nothingwasdoneto

revivethesegroupsinadifferentformbygivingthemastandingcommissiontohearcomplaintsaboutbreachesoftheCharter.InHenryIII’sCharters,

improvementsweremadetothebenefitofwidows.IftheCharterof1216preventedthemstayingincastleswhiletheirdowerswereassigned,theyweretohaveasuitable

houseinitsplaceand(byanadditionin1217)areasonableshareofthecommongoodsfortheirmaintenance.The1217Charteralsodefineddoweritselfintermsverymuchtotheirbenefit(andalso,ofcourse,tothebenefitofanysecondhusband).Itwastobeathirdof‘alltheland’thatthehusbandhadheldinhis

lifetime(whichmeantduringthelifetimeofhismarriage),unlesslesshadbeenagreedatthetimeofthewedding.Thismeantthatwidowswereentitledtoathirdofthepropertythattheirhusbandshadtakenintothemarriageandalsoathirdofanysubsequentacquisitions.Althoughthismayhaverecognizedthelawas

increasinglypractisedbefore1215,itwasstillvaluabletohaveitdefinedinthe1225Charter,forbothGlanvillandBractonconfineddowertowhatthehusbandheldatthepointofmarriage.53ThiswassomecompensationforwidowsnolongerabletocomplainabouttheunjustfinesexactedfromthembyKingJohn.Sowasthe

inclusionof‘ladies’inthechapter(21in1225)protectingthedemesnecartsofknightsandecclesiasticsfromseizure.Smallbutsignificant

alterationsinthenewChartersweremadetododowntheunfreepeasants.54

Chapter15ofthe1216Chartermadeitclearthatvilleinswereonlyprotected

fromexcessiveamercementswhenimposedbytheking,sonot,therefore,whenimposedbytheirlords.The1217Charter,inafurtherchangetothesamechapter,deprivedtheking’sownvilleinsofanyprotectionunderitsterms.AsfarastheCharterwasconcerned,thekingwasthusable,justlikeanylord,toamercehisvilleinsashe

wished.Therewasalsoatellingchangetochapter39ofthe1215Charter.Thathadprotectedfreemenfromunjustdisseisinwithoutspecifyingthenatureofthepropertyinvolved.Itcouldthusbearguedthatitprotectedafreemanwhoheldlandinvilleinage.The1217Chartermadeclearthiswasnotthecasebynow

statingthatafreemanwasnottobedisseisedofhis‘freetenement’.55Inotherwords,hecouldbedisseisedofanylandowingvilleincustomsandservices.Morepositively,unfreepeasantsmightcertainlyhopetogainfromthenewchapterwhichlimitedthesheriff’sexactionsattheviewoffrankpledgewhenheinspectedthetithing

groups(chapter42in1217,chapter35in1225).However,thechapterfailed,aswehaveseen,tomakeclearthatitappliedtoprivatehundreds.TheForestCharteritselfdidsomethingfortheunfreeindirectingthat‘noone’wastosufferdeathormutilationaspunishmentsforoffencesagainstthebeastsoftheforest.Thatthiswas

deliberatelydesignedtoincludetheunfreeisshownbyitsuseof‘noone’,forelsewhere,withoneexception,thebeneficiariesoftheForestCharterwerefreemen.Thefactthatthechapterwentontospecifyimprisonmentasthepunishment,whentheoffendershadnottheresourcestopay

amercements,showshowpoortheywereexpectedtobe.TheForestCharterhadoneotherchapterofbroadsocialappeal,whenittookoverfromthe1215Charterthestipulationthat‘men’outsidetheforestneednotcomebeforetheforestjustices.Fortherest,thebeneficiariesinchapterafterchapteroftheForestCharter

wentnolowerthanfreetenantsorfreemen.Itwasthusarchbishops,bishops,abbots,priors,earls,barons,knightsandfreetenantswhoweretoenjoytheirwoodsastheyhadexistedatthetimeofHenryII’scoronation.Itwas,however,amoreexclusivegroup,justarchbishops,bishops,earlsandbarons,whohadtheprivilegeof

takingoneortwobeastsastheyrodethroughtheroyalforest,providedtheyblewtheirhornsfirstlestthey‘seemtobedoingitfurtively’.Thetextsofthe1225

MagnaCartaandCharteroftheForestbecamedefinitive.HenryIII,EdwardIandtheirsuccessorsneverissuednewversionsoftheCharters.They

simplyconfirmedthoseof1225.Itisthusthe1225Charters,orwhatisleftofthemaftervariousrepeals,whichareonthestatutebooktoday.56ThemereexistenceoftheChartersdidnot,however,ensureeithertheirenforcementortheircontinuedrelevance.Didtheymakeadifference?Thefinal

chapteraddressesthatquestion.

14

DidMagnaCartaMakea

Difference?

IftheChartersweretomakeadifference,itwasvitalthattheyshouldbewellknown,bothintheirgeneralprinciplesandintheirdetail.1

Heretheywerehelpedbytheconfirmationofthe1225Chartersatintervalsthroughoutthecentury.In1237,inreturnforagrantoftaxation,HenryIIIconfirmedtheliberties‘bothinour

magnacartaandinourcharteroftheforest,notwithstandingthattheforesaidchartersweremadewhenwewereofminorage’.2

ThisremovedanylastdoubtabouttheCharters,becauseHenryhadgrantedthemin1225whilehewasstillundertwenty-one.Thewitnessesin1237includedthreeofJohn’sadvisersinthe1215Charter,

PeterdesRoches,William,earlofWarenne,andHubertdeBurgh,aswellasthesonsofWilliamMarshal,WilliamLongespeeandAlanBasset.Therewerethreesurvivorsofthetwenty-fivebarons,JohndeLacy,RicharddePercyandRicharddeMunfichet,togetherwiththesonsofEustacedeVesciandRobertdeRos.AsHoltremarked,

‘MagnaCartawassecuredwithinagenerationbutonlyjust’.3After1237,HenryIIIconfirmedtheCharters,withgreatsolemnity,in1253and1265,asdidEdwardIin1297and1300.

PROCLAMATIONANDCOPYING

BoththenewversionsoftheCharterandthesubsequent

confirmationswerelinkedtoproclamationsofthecontentsanddistributionsofthetexts.4Astartherehadbeenmadein1218,whenthesheriffsweresentengrossmentsoftheChartersof1217,andtoldtoreadthemintheircountycourts,‘havinggatheredtogetherthebarons,knightsandallfreetenantsofthecounty’.Then,in1225,the

Charterswereagainsenttothecounties,wherethesheriffswereorderedtoreadandproclaimthem.5In1255,followinghisconfirmationoftwoyearsbefore,HenryIIIorderedfurtherproclamationsin‘fullcountycourt’.Tenyearslater,theshort-livedMontfortiangovernmentsentthe1225Charterstothecounties,wheretheywereto

bekeptby‘trustworthymenelectedforthepurpose’andreadtwiceayearinthecountycourt.6In1297,echoingwhathadhappenedin1215,the1225Chartersweresenttoeverycathedral,withordersthattheybereadtwiceayear‘beforethepeople’.Theywerealsosenttojudges,sheriffsandtownofficials,withordersfortheir

publication.In1300thesheriffsweretoreadtheChartersfourtimesayear‘beforethepeopleinfullcountycourt’.7Wedonotknowthelanguageofthesereadings,buttheywereprobablyinFrenchaswellasLatin.The1215CharterhadbeentranslatedatonceintoFrench,andlaterinthecenturyitwastranslated

again.EquallytranslatedweretheChartersof1217and1225.8TherewasalsosomemovetoputtheCharteracrossinEnglish.The1253sentenceofexcommunicationagainstviolatorsoftheCharter,asconfirmedbythepope,wasorderedtobepublishedinFrenchandEnglish.In1300EdwardI,accordingtoaStAlbans

chronicle,ordered‘MagnaCarta’itselftobedeclaimedinWestminsterHall,both‘literally’,sopresumablyinLatin,andthen‘inthelanguageofthecountry[linguapatria]’.9Ofcourse,whateverthe

language,thesereadingscanonlyhavegonesofar.Theywereprobablyone-offratherthanregularevents,sincethe

schemesof1265,1297and1300forseveralreadingsayearalmostcertainlycametonothing.SimondeMontfort’sregimecollapsedwithinfivemonthsofconfirmingMagnaCartaandEdwardIwentbackonhispromises.TheproclamationshelpedraiseawarenessoftheCharters,butcanscarcelyhavegotacrosstheircomplexdetails.Ittook

methirty-nineminutestoreadoutthe1225Charters,soiftheywereproclaimedinmorethanonelanguage,theexercisetookwelloveranhour.Someinthecountycourtmayhavelistenedwithraptattention.Othersprobablywentouttothealehouse.Forgettingthedetailacross,theimportantthingsweretheactualtexts.These

wereavailableincathedralsandelsewhereintheengrossmentsof1215,1216,1217and1225,andintheconfirmationsof1265,1297and1300,allofwhichcontainedthefull1225texts.Judgingfromwhatsurvives,thesetextswerenotcirculatedinequalmeasure.Thereisonlyoneknownengrossmentofthe1216

Charter,thatatDurhamcathedral.Nooriginalconfirmationsfrom1265surviveandonesuspectstheywerenotwidelydistributed,giventhepoliticalsituation.Bycontrast,therearefourengrossmentssurvivingfrom1215,1217and1225,togetherwithfourofthe1297confirmationandfiveorsixofthe1300confirmation.10

AlongsidethesegovernmentaleffortstopublicizetheCharters,therewerealsotheunofficialeffortsofthechurch.In1254eachdiocesewassenttranscriptsofthe1225Charterssothattheycouldbecopiedout.In1279ArchbishopPechamorderedcopiesofMagnaCartatobeputupincathedraland

collegiatechurches‘sothateveryoneenteringthechurchcanplainlyseeitwiththeireyes’.Asasafeguardagainstwearandtear,heevenlaiddownthatthetextsweretoberenewedeachyear.Infact,thecopiesweresoontakendownfromthechurchdoors,EdwardIobjectingtothisindependentinitiative,but

peoplenowknewwheretofindthem.11

FromthesevarioustextsnumerouscopiesoftheChartersweremade,andtheseinturnspawnedfurthercopies.ThesearchisongoingbutIhave,atpresent,recordsofwelloverahundredcopiesoftheJohnorHenryIIIMagnaCartamadeinthecenturyafterRunnymede.12

Overthirtyoftheseareofthe1215Charter.Oftheremainder,fourcomefromthe1216Charter(includingthetwointheFrenchroyalarchives),tenfromthe1217Charter,thirtyfromtheCharterof1225,twentyfromvariousconflationsof1217and1225(ofwhichmoreshortly)andoverthirtyfromtheconfirmationsofEdward

I.13ThisshowsthesuccessofEdwardI’sproclamations,butalsothattheCharterwaswellknowninsomeformbeforethen.Thegreatestrepositoriesweretheunofficiallegalcollectionscalledbymodernhistorians‘statutebooks’,followedbymonasticcartulariesandchronicles.Thatknightsmadetheirownrecordsisshownby

boththe1217ForestCharterandthe1225MagnaCartaappearinginthecartularyoftheNorthamptonshireHototfamily.14

Thisplethoraofmaterialcreatedsomeconfusion.Manycopiesofthe1215Charter,eveninstatutebooks,werenotofthefinal,authorizedtext.Herelaytheoriginofthebeliefthatthe

baronialreliefwasonly100marks,asumthatwaseventuallymadeofficialwhenitfeaturedinthe1225textissuedin1297.15TherewasevenmoreconfusionoverHenryIII’sCharters,forfrequentlycopiedtextswereonesthatconflatedtheversionsof1217and1225.Theconflationstookvariousforms,butoftenhadthe

CharterbeingissuedontheadviceofGualaandtheMarshal,asin1217,whileincludingHenryactingspontaneouslyandofhisgoodwillinreturnforatax,asin1225.ManyconflationsalsohavetheCharterbeinggivenbythehandofthechancellor,RichardMarsh,thuscontainingmaterialapparentlyfromdrafts.16In

origin,theseconflations,arisingfrommisguidedattemptstocombinethetextsof1217and1225intoasingleCharter,weretheproductofconsiderableeditorialwork.TheyshowinterestinMagnaCarta’sdetailandactuallybecamebetterknownthanstraightcopiesofthe1217Charter.Interestinthedetailisalso

showninthewaythechapterswerenumberedandoccasionallyannotatedwithmarginalcommentsindicatingthesubjectmatter.AtCerneabbeyinDorsetinterestwasshowninanotherway.Aclerk,writingoutthe1225MagnaCartaandForestCharter,hadthecleverideaofcombiningthemintoone.Thetextwasthendoctored

furtherbyacolleagueaddinginpassagesfoundinthe1217Charteromittedin1225.17AtStAlbans,whenMatthewParisfinallyobtainedanauthenticcopyofthe1215Charter,hemadedeterminedeffortstocorrectRogerofWendover’sversion,whichwasawondrousconflationofthetextsof1215,1217and1225.18Therewerealso

attemptstobringtheCharteruptodate,themostconspicuousbeingasingle-sheetcopythatcombinedtheChartersof1217and1225,andthensuppliedthedateof11February1252,asopposedto1225,togetherwithafirstwitnesstosuit,namelythearchbishopofCanterbury,BonifaceofSavoy.19

Manycontemporaries,however,werequiteaware,asPariscametobe,thattheChartersofJohnandHenryIIIweredifferentanimals.Thus,instatutebooksandcartularies,John’sChartersometimesprecededHenry’s,andwascalledthecharter,provisionsorstatuteofRunnymede,asagainstHenry’sMagnaCarta.

Copyistsgivenosignthatthe1215Chartermightbeinvalid,andsupersededbytheCharterofHenryIII.PopeInnocentIII’scondemnationofJohn’sCharterwasrarelycopied.20TherearelikewisefewcopiesoftheCharterof1216,withitsobservationthatsomepartsoftheearlierCharterhadbeenomittedas‘doubtful’.Contemporaries

clearlythoughtthe1215Charterwasstilloperative.AttheparliamentofOctober1255,themagnatescomplainedthattheyhadnotbeensummonedaccordingtothetermsofMagnaCarta.ThismusthavebeenareferencetotheCharterof1215,sincethechapterontheformofsummonswasdroppedfromthelater

versions.21Onamoredetailedpoint,adefendantinalegalactionunderEdwardIclaimedthathiscaseshouldbedecidedbythe‘lawoftheMarch’inaccordancewiththe‘statuteofRunnymede’.ThischapterhadbeenpresentintheCharterof1216,butwasomittedthereafter.22

Theabundanceofmaterial,whateveritsaccuracyand

validity,allmadethedetailoftheCharterknown.Itbecamefarmorethanavaguesymbolofgoodgovernment.In1219thewholecountycourtofLincoln,defending‘thecommonlibertyofallthekingdomconcededandsworn’,backedtheformerrebelGilbertdeGantwhenhecomplainedofdisseisin‘withoutjudgement’.This

seemsaclearreferencetowhathadbeenchapter39inthe1215Charter.23Nextyear,thestewardsofthe‘magnates’ofYorkshirerefusedtopayataxongroundsthatechoedthechaptersonconsenttotaxationinthe1215Charter.24Asearlyas1221,adefendantinanEssexcaseoverthesuccessiontoamere

twenty-sevenacresofland,oneThomasCrowe,wasabletomovethelitigationfromthebenchtothejusticesineyreonthegroundsthat‘thekingbyhischarterhasconcededthatassizesofthiskindshouldbetakeninthecountiesandnotoutside’,areferencetochapter13ofthe1217Charter.25Thisappearstobethefirstsuccessful

appealtoMagnaCartainthecourts.In1226knightsinLincolnshirestoutlydefendedtheirinterpretationofthechapterontheholdingofthecountyandhundredcourtsagainsttheactivityofthesheriff.Itwasprobablycontentionsoverthischapterthatledtheking,inthesameyear,tosummonbeforehimfourknightsfromeight

countiestosettledisputeswiththesheriffsoverarticlesintheCharter.Nextyear,fourknightsfromeachcounty,electedinfullcountycourt,wereorderedtobringforwardcomplaintsagainstthesheriff‘onarticlescontainedinthecharterofliberties’.26

Theseindividualexamplescanbeputinawidercontext.Inpioneeringwork,Faith

Thompsonfoundspecificreferencestotwenty-fourofthethirty-sevenchaptersofthe1225Charterinthirtydifferentyearsbetween1221and1306.Thesocialrangeofthoseappealingwasbroad.Itincludedearls,barons,countyknights,freetenants,townsmenandchurchmen.Thompsoncompiledthislistinthe1920sfromthevery

limitedmaterialtheninprint.Acomprehensivetrawlthroughallthesources(especiallytheplearolls)wouldprobablyincreasethereferencesmanytimesover.27

TheCharterwasknownandvaluedfromtoptobottomofsociety.Whentheking’scounciland‘themagnatesofEngland’in1237hadtodecideanunprecedentedcase

aboutthesuccessiontotheearldomofChester,theyturnedto‘thecharterofliberties’forguidance.28TheknightsofWiltshiredepositedthe1225engrossmentoftheChartersenttotheircountyforsafekeepinginLacockabbey.(ItisnowintheBritishLibrary.)Around1300thepeasantsofBockinginEssexappealedtoMagna

Cartaintheircomplaintsagainstthemalpracticesoftheirlord’sbailiffinthemanorialcourt.29

THEIRRELEVANCEOFTHECHARTER

ItwasonethingfortheCharterstobeknown,anotherforthemactuallytoimpactontheoperationsofgovernment.Ontheextentoftheimpact,

contemporariesgaveadepressingverdict.TheycomplainedoverandoveragainthattheCharterswerenotbeingenforced.Yetratherthanfindeffectivewaystoenforcethem,theyturnedtomoreradicalanddetailedschemesofreformwhichsuggestedthattheCharterswereatbestinneedoffundamentalstrengthening,at

worstwerebecomingoutofdate.Indeed,thepoliticsofEnglandinthehundredyearsafter1215couldbeseenasacommentaryontheinadequacyofMagnaCarta.30Oneimmediateproblem

wasthatthenewversionsoftheCharterprovidednomechanismforreversingtheunjustdisseisinsofKingJohn,somethingmadeworse

bythefactthattherestorationsmadein1215hadnovalidity.The1225Charter,byasmalladdition,indicatedthatthechapterforbiddingunjustdisseisinwasinnowayretrospective:nofreemanwastobedisseised‘henceforth’.31Thebestthosewithgrievancescoulddowastobringlegalactionsagainstthecurrent

incumbents,allegingarbitrarydisseisinbyKingJohn.InthiswayHumphreydeBohun,earlofHereford(sonoftheHenrydeBohunofJohn’sreign),eventuallyforcedtheearlofSalisbury’swidowintoacompromiseoverTrowbridge.32Suchactions,however,wererare.NothingmorewasheardoftheQuincyclaimto

MountsorrelorthefitzWalterclaimtoHertford.ThenewChartersequallyprovidednomechanismforoverthrowingJohn’sunjustfinesandamercements.Theseallremainedonthepiperolls.FewhadimitatedJohndeLacy’snimblefootworkin1215whenhesecuredapardonandthentwomonthslaterjoinedtherebellion.The

abbotofStAlbans,inreturnforfourpalfreysworth20marks,didmanagetogetthe300-markforestamercementimposedunderJohn‘bywillratherthanreason’pardoned.33Ontheotherhand,theunpaidStutevillefineof10,000marksprovidedthemeansbywhichHubertdeBurghsecuredholdofKnaresboroughand

Boroughbridge.TheMandevillesandtheirBohunheirsremainedsaddledwithGeoffreydeMandeville’sfinetomarrythecountessofGloucester,althoughtheyhadreapedabsolutelynobenefitfromit.AtleastthekingwaslessenergeticinexactinghishalfofthefinethanwereArchbishopLangtonandhissuccessorswhenitcameto

thehalfgrantedtoCanterbury.34Widowslikewisewereleftowingthesumstheyhadpromisedtoremainsingleandsecuretheirdowers,marriageportionsandinheritances.UnderJohn,Margaret,widowofRobertfitzRoger,hadnotbeguntopayoffherfineof£1000tohaveherinheritanceandbeallowedtostaysingle.Inthe

minorityofHenryIIIshewasmadetopayitoffat100marksayear.35

Forimmediatepoliticalreasons,HenryIIIenteredfullpowerinJanuary1227,whenstillonlynineteen,butitwasnotuntil1234thathefinallyridhimselfofHubertdeBurghandPeterdesRoches,theoverweeningministerswhomhehadinheritedfrom

hisfather.Henry’spersonalrulethereafter,downtoitscollapsein1258,seemedinsomewaysverydifferentfromJohn’s.Henrywasuxoriousandpious.HerebuiltWestminsterabbeyinhonourofhispatronsaint,EdwardtheConfessor.Hewasphysicallylazyandlikedtolingerandluxuriateathisfavouritepalacesinthesouth.

Ifhehadtogonorth,hehurriedbackto‘thedelightandrest’ofWestminster.36Atheart,Henrywishedtobeajustandconsensualking,givingpeacetohispeople,inthesupposedmouldoftheConfessor.Inthisrespecthewasperfectlyfittedtoapost-MagnaCartaage.YetHenry’srulealsoraisedproblemswithwhichthe

Charterdidnotdeal.Henrywas,ascontemporariessaidagainandagain,‘simplex’,meaningessentiallynaive,notsomethingthatcouldeverhavebeensaidaboutKingJohn–asHoltonceremarkedtomewithalaugh!ThiswouldhavematteredlesshadHenry,heredepartingfromhisConfessorianmodel,notalsobeenambitious,ifinan

armchairkindofway.Theresultwasaseriesofill-conceivedpolicyinitiatives,decidedofteninprivate,whichculminatedinthe1250sinanabsurdscheme,concoctedbythepope,toplaceHenry’ssecondsononthethroneofSicily.Thisprojecttotallyalienatedthechurch,whichhadtofindthefunds.Therewasnothingat

allintheCharterthatpreventedthekingsigninguptosuchenterprisesorpursuingwhateverforeignpoliciesheliked.TheCharteralsoplacedno

restrictionsontheking’sabilitytoappointcounsellorsandgivepatronage.ThistoobecameamajorissueasHenry,warmhearted,openhandedandfamilyorientated,

establishedinEnglandboththeSavoyardunclesofhiswife,EleanorofProvence,andhisownPoitevinhalf-brothers,theoffspringofhismother’ssecondmarriageaftershereturnedtoAngoulêmein1218.Theresultswerefactionalstrugglesatcourtbetweenthetwogroups,inwhichnativemagnatesbecameinvolved.37

SincetheCharteraffordednohelpinanyoftheseareas,newschemesofreformemergedthatsoughttogivetoparliaments(asgreatassembliesofthekingdomwereincreasinglybeingcalled)therighttochoosetheking’sministers;theseministerswouldthenexerciseapropercontroloverpatronage,expenditureand

thedispensationofjustice.Suchaprogrammewasalreadyapparentinthe‘PaperConstitution’of1244.Itwasfinallyrealizedinthegreatpoliticalrevolutionof1258whentheProvisionsofOxfordreducedthekingtoacipherandplacedgovernmentinthehandsofamagnatecounciloffifteen,responsibletothreeannualparliaments.

TheCharterseemedleftfarbehind.38

Itseemedleftbehindtoowhenitcametothegrowingnationalismoftheperiodbetween1258and1265,inwhichhostilitytotheking’sforeignrelativesplayedamajorpart.The1215Chartercertainlyexpelledtheforeignmercenaries,whohad‘harmedthekingdom’,and

dismissedsomeofJohn’sforeignservantsfromoffice.Butitwasthereformersof1258whodemandedthattheking’scastlesbeentrustedtomen‘bornofthekingdomofEngland’,anddefined‘disparagement’asmarriage‘tomenwhoarenotofthenationofEngland’.In1263SimondeMontfortaddedtotheProvisionsofOxforda

new‘statute’whichconfinedofficetoEnglishmen,and,withcertainqualifications,expelledforeignersfromthekingdom‘nevertoreturn’.39

ChurchmenhadtheirownreasonstodeemtheCharterinadequate.True,theyappealedtochapter1,whichsetthechurchfree.TheymadegreateffortstoenforcetheChartergenerally.But

theyalsodrewuplongschedulesofcomplaintaboutissuesonwhichtheCharterwassilent.Intwooftheseschedulesfromthe1250s,theCharteronlyappearsinsixofthesixty-sevenclauses.40Itwasnospecifichelpwhen,forexample,thegovernmentchallengedthejurisdictionofchurchcourts,theimmunityofclerksfromcriminal

prosecution,andtheclaimsofvariousbishopsandmonastichousestohavetheamercementsthatwereimposedontheirmenbytheking’sjudges.TheCharterseemed

equallyinadequatewhenitcametoHenry’sruleintheshires.Herechangesatthecentreofgovernmenthadamalignimpactlocally.After

1234,ashecouldperfectlywelldoundertheCharter,Henrylefttheofficeofchiefjusticiarunfilled.After1238henolongerhadachancellorinday-to-daychargeoftheseal.Thesuspensionoftheseofficesimpactedlocallybecausetherewerenolongergreat,identifiableministersatthecentretowhomthosesufferingfromlocalofficials

couldgowiththeircomplaints.Indeed,itwasoftenunclearwhoactuallyheldtheseal.Thisdidnotmattertogreatmen,nativeandforeign,withinthecircleofthecourt.Itmatteredalottothemagnates,knights,freetenants,andchurchmenandtownsmenoutsideit.The‘PaperConstitution’in1244wasawareofthisproblem.

Thefourcounsellorsitimposedonthekingweretohearcomplaintsandhelpthosesufferinginjustices.In1258theProvisionsofOxfordrestoredtheofficeofjusticiarwithaspecificbrief‘toupholdrighttoallpersons’.Thesechangesatthecentre

becameallthemoreseriousasHenry’sgovernmentbegan

topressdownharderonlocalsociety.WithhisincomereducedbyMagnaCarta,andfailingtogetgeneraltaxationfromparliamentafter1237(forwhowouldgivemoneytosuchaking?),Henryhadnoalternativebuttomakemoneyinotherways.Whilehistotalrevenueswerefarsmallerthanthoseofhisfather,hehithardatcertain

targets.Hethusexploitedthedroppingofchapter25ofthe1215Charter.Thishadbannedtheexactionofincrementsbynameandprofitsbyimplicationfromthecounties,thusgravelyrestrictingthemoneywhichcouldbemadefromtherevenuesthatwenttowardsthecountyfarm.41Intheprocess,ithadhopedtomake

thesheriffs,whohadtoraisetheextrasums,lessoppressive.Unrestrictedbythischapter,between1241and1258theincrementsimposedonthecountiessteadilyroseinsize.Againitwaslefttothereformersof1258todealwiththeissue.Theirplanwastogetthesheriffstoaccountforalltheirrevenues,andtogive

themsalaries,whichwastoattemptthesameresultaschapter25butinanotherway.42

MagnaCartawasequallynospecifichelpwhenitcametothekindofpeoplewhoweresheriffs.Eventhestipulationthatofficialsshouldknowthelawofthekingdomhadbeenleftoutofthepost-1215Charters.

Henrytookadvantage.Hissheriffs,accordingtoonescheduleofcomplaint,were‘mencomingfromfarawayandutterstrangersintheircounties’.43Thereformsof1258–9,therefore,laiddownthatthesheriffsshouldbeseniorlocalknights,partlyelectedinthecountycourt.44

Henry’sgovernmentalsobecamemoreoppressive

throughtheamercementsimposedbythejusticesineyre.MagnaCarta,ifobeyed,regulatedthelevelofamercementsandsaidtheiramountsmustbedeterminedbymenoftheneighbourhood,butitwassilentabouttherangeofoffencesforwhichamercementsmightbeimposed.Henry’sjudges,therefore,dreamedupnew

offences,amercingvills,forexample,becausenotallovertheageoftwelvehadcometocoroner’sinquests.Thiswasapracticethathadtobebannedbythereforminglegislationof1259.45

TherewasanothergreatareawhereMagnaCarta’sinadequacywasapparent,asindeedithadbeenfromthestart.Thiswasitsfailureto

protectmenfromoppressionbytheirlords.46OneareaofparticularconcerninHenry’sreignwastherunningofprivatecourts,ofboththehundredandthehonour.47

Withthegrowthofthecommonlaw,magnatescouldnotcompeltenantstolitigateintheircourts,buttheycouldtrytoenforceadutytoattend,imposingheavyamercements

ontenantswhentheyfailedtoturnup.48In1234HenryhadtriedtomaketheChartermorerelevanttoprivatecourts,butitwaslefttothelegislationof1259reallytotackletheissueofattendance.TheProvisionsofWestminster,inthreelengthychaptersatthestart,thuslimitedtheobligationtoattend‘thecourtsof

magnates’andprovidedaremedyforthoseforcedtoattendthemcontrarytoitsterms.Italsoabolishedinroyalcourtsand‘courtsofbarons’thefine‘beaupleder’,afineofferedbeforeproceedingsstarted,bythoseattendingthecourt,toescapebeingpenalizedforomissionsandmistakesingivingevidence.Thecontrastwith

the1217/1225MagnaCarta’sregulationsonthefrequencyofcourts,whichmadenospecificreferencetothoseofmagnates,isstriking.49

The1259legislationalsodidmorethanMagnaCartainprotectingtenantsatthecriticalmomentofsuccession,whentherewasalwaysthedangerthatalordmightseektodenyanew

tenantentryintohisinheritance.The1216Charterhaddonesomethingaboutthisissue,layingdownthatalordmustreceiveatenant’shomagebeforetakinghimandhislandsintowardship.Nowthelegislationof1259madeitpossiblefortenantstogaindamagesfromtheirlordsiftheyrecoveredtheir

inheritancesonlyafterlitigation.50

Thecontrastbetweenthe1215MagnaCartaandthereformsof1258–9inhowrelationsbetweenlordsandmenweretreatedwasstrikinglyapparentintheinquiriestheybothcommissionedintolocalabuses.Theinquirybytheknightscommissionedby

chapter48ofthe1215Charterhadbeenentirelyintotheabusesoftheking’slocalofficials.In1258theequivalentinquiry,byfourknightsineachcounty,wasintothemalpracticesof‘allpersonswhatsoever’.Itwaslinkedtoavisitationofthejusticiarandotherjudges,whoweretohearcomplaintsagainstbothroyaland

magnateofficials.Manycomplaintsagainstthelatterwereindeedbroughtforwardontheseeyres.Bothroyalandmagnateofficialswerealsototakethesameoathtoactjustly.Theleadingreformersevenissuedaspecialcharterpromisingtosubmitthemselvesandtheirbailiffstoinvestigationandcorrection.51

Therewereseveralreasonswhythegrievancesofknightsandunder-tenantsbulkedlargerin1258–9thanin1215,thusmovingtheagendaonbeyondMagnaCarta.SuchgrievanceshadalwaysbeentherebuttheyweresharpenedbytheconditionsofHenryIII’spersonalrule.Hislaxnessandindulgencehadmadeitpossibleforboth

hisforeignrelativesandEnglishmagnatestoexpandtheirlocalrule.Thegrowingarmyofprofessionaladministratorsgavethemthemeanstodoso.52Atthesametime,thegradualweakeningofthetenurialbond,theopportunitiesofferedbythecommonlaw,andtheincreasingroletheyplayedintherunningoflocal

governmentgaveknightsandfreetenantsmoreindependenceandaloudervoice.53Ifknightsin1215protested,astheymaywellhavedone,againstnarrowlybaronialschemesofreformliketheUnknownCharter,thushelpingtomovetheagendaontotheArticlesoftheBarons,theyprotestedfarmorevisiblyin1259.Atthe

Octoberparliamentabodyofknights,describedas‘thecommunityofthebachelryofEngland’,protestedthat‘thebarons’hadgotalltheywantedandhaddonenothingfor‘theutilityoftherepublic’.Theprotesthadaresult,foritpushedthroughtheProvisionsofWestminsterwithitschaptersaboutattendanceatmagnatecourts

andthesuccessionofunder-tenants.54

Therewerealsoideologicaldevelopments.Thefriars,whoarrivedinEnglandinthe1220s,taughtconcernfortheoppressed.Verymuchinthatspirit,SimondeMontfort,inhiswilldrawnupin1259,soughttocompensate‘thepoorpeopleofmyland…namelythecultivators’,

whomhemighthaveoppressed.55Suchsentimentshelptoexplainanotherrespectinwhichthereformsof1258–9contrastedwithMagnaCarta,namelythewaytheyseemedtoreachouttopeasants,freeandunfree.TherewasnoneoftheblatantdiscriminationagainsttheunfreefoundinMagnaCarta.Investigationsafterthefallof

theMontfortianregimeshowpeasantsinthearmies,raidingbandsandgarrisonsoftheperiod.In1265itself,inafamousincidentjustafterthebattleofEvesham,thepeasantsofPeatlingMagnainLeicestershireobstructedroyalistsgoingthroughthevillage,onthegroundsthattheywereacting‘againstthewelfareofthecommunityof

therealmandthebarons’.Evidently,thepeasantsfeltpartofthecommunityoftherealm,andbelievedthatthebaronswereactinginitsinterests.56Therhetoricoftheperiodwasfarmoreinclusivethanithadbeenin1215.57

Theleadingreformersin1259sworethattheirofficialswouldtakenothingunjustlyfrom‘freemanorvillein’.

Likewisethejusticiarsetupbythereformssworetogivejusticeto‘richandpoor,serfandfree’.58Therewasalsosomerealitybehindthesesentiments.Thelegislationof1258–9benefitedpeasants,freeandunfreealike,bylimitingthenumberswhohadtocometocoroners’inquests,restrictingtheincidenceofthe‘murdrum’fineand

abolishingthebeauplederfineinprivatecourts.59Itwastothelegislationofbeaupleder,inalaterform,thatthepeasantsofSwaffhamPriorinCambridgeshireappealedwhenresistingtheexactionsofthepriorofEly.60Instrikingcontrasttowhatseemstohavehappenedin1215,keyreformsin1258

wereproclaimedinEnglishaswellasFrenchandLatin.61

Anothercontrastbetween1215and1258–65layinthequalityofleadership.TherewasnoequivalentintheearlierperiodtoSimondeMontfort.62Atthestartin1258hewasthemostpassionateandcommittedofthereformers.Heupbraidedbackslidersandharpedagain

andagainontheoatheveryonehadtakentosupporttheProvisionsofOxford.Hewastheonlymagnatewhorefusedtoaccepttheking’srecoveryofpowerin1261,insteadretiringtoFrance.HereturnedtoEnglandin1263toplacehimselfattheheadofamovementcallingfortherevivaloftheProvisionsofOxford.Hewasnowthesole

leaderoftheopposition.BetweenhisvictoryatLewesinMay1264andhisdeathatthebattleofEveshaminAugust1265,hewastheeffectiverulerofEngland.Noonehadachievedsuchprominencein1215.Equallynoonewasdriven,asfarasweknow,bysuchasenseofidealisticpurpose.Atfirstsight,Montfortshouldhave

beenthelastpersontoleadamovementagainsttheking,especiallyonewithhostilitytoforeignersatitsheart.HewasayoungersonofthegreatFrenchnoble,alsocalledSimondeMontfort(ofMontfortl’AmauryjustoutsideParis),whohadledtheAlbigensiancrusadeandbeencanvassedasJohn’ssuccessorduringtheplotof

1212.MontfortjuniorhadcometoEnglandin1230.HehadmadegoodthefamilyclaimtotheearldomofLeicesterandmarriedEleanor,HenryIII’ssister.63

Surelyhewouldnowbeamainstayoftheking’sregime.Notabitofit.Montfortwasdrivenintooppositionbymaterialgrievancesandpersonal

slights.Surroundedbyidealisticchurchmen,andrememberingtheheroismofhisfather,healsocametoseethecauseofreformasacrusade.Hebelievedthat‘thecommonenterprise’mustbeaboutmorethantheselfishinterestsofthegreatbarons.Hadtherebeenaleaderlikethatin1215,MagnaCarta

mighthavelookedratherdifferent.Montfortcertainlybelieved

MagnaCartawasimportant.Indeed,duringthegreatparliamentwhichheheldbetweenJanuaryandMarch1265,hemadeHenryIIIconfirmit,andorderedthatitsviolatorsbeseverelypunished.64When,moreover,Montfortdevisedawrit

allowinglegalactionsagainstthelevyingofthebeauplederfineinprivatecourts,hecloakeditintheauthorityoftheCharter,ratherthaninthatofthe1259legislationwhereinfactitappears.65YetMontfort’sregimedepended,ofcourse,notonMagnaCartabutonthefarmoreradicalProvisionsofOxford.Tothemheaddedin1263the

‘statute’againstthealiens.TheextenttowhichhehadgonebeyondtheCharterwasclearwhenitcametothecompositionofhisparliaments.Parliament,asenvisagedintheCharterof1215,wasanassemblycomposedentirelyoftenants-in-chief.Althoughtherewasamovetoincludeknightsfromtheshiresin1254,this

hadonlybeenforthepurposesofgettingataxandinunusualcircumstances.Therewerenocountyrepresentativescalledforinparliamentasenvisagedinthereformsof1258.Allthischangedintherevolutionaryperiodthatfollowed,inlargepartthankstoMontfort’sdriveandvision.66Withhisallies,hesummonedthree

knightsfromeachcountytoabaronialassemblyin1261.InJune1264,afterhisvictoryatLewes,hesummonedfromeachshirefourelectedknightstoparliamenttodiscusstheaffairsoftherealm.Andthen,forhisparliamentof1265hesummonedtwoknightsfromeachcountyandtwoburgessesfromeachofthe

towns.Thiswasthefirsttimethatknightsandburgesseshadbeensummonedtogethertoparliament,theHouseofCommonsinembryo.67HeretooMontforthadlefttheCharterfarbehind.Theinadequacyofthe

Charterwas,therefore,veryapparentbytheendofHenry’sreignin1272.Thereignofhisson,EdwardI(r.

1272–1307),posedasetofnewproblemsforwhichonceagaintheCharterwasoflimitedhelp.From1294,EdwardplacedburdensonhiskingdomasheavyasKingJohn’sinordertosupporthiswarsinFrance,WalesandScotland.HewasmadetoconfirmtheChartersbuthealso,in1297and1300,madeaseriesofnewconcessions

thatbroughtthemuptodate.Onekeyissueconcernedtheking’srightofpriseorcompulsorypurchase.TheCharterhadsomethingonthis,insistingonpromptpaymentforthetakingofcornandotherchattels,andhorsesandcarts.68Butitsaidnothingaboutthescaleofsuchtakings,andtheseEdwardexpandedway

beyondwhatwascustomary.Oneofthenewarticlesin1300,therefore,regulatedpriseindetail,tryingtomakesuregoodswereonlytakenbyauthorizedofficialstosupporttheking’shousehold.69

BREACHESOFMAGNACARTA

IfoneproblemwiththeCharterwasitsirrelevance,anotherwasthatevenwhenitwasrelevant,itwasnotobeyed.Alengthyschedulefrom1264,criticizingHenryIII’srule,thusstartedwithallthewaysinwhichhehadbreachedtheCharter.70FirstupwasHenry’sruthlessexploitationofecclesiasticalvacanciesandhis

manipulationofelections,grievousbreachesofhispromiseintheChartertosetthechurchfree.71AgreatdealofspacewasalsodevotedtoHenry’sdenialofjustice,thusbreachingchapter40ofthe1215Charter,whichbecamepartofchapter29in1225.Suchabusedidnotaffectthegeneralrunofpeopleintheirlitigationagainsteachother

accordingtotheformsofthecommonlaw.ItverymuchaffectedthemwhenupagainstHenry’sfavouritesandtheirfollowers.Thelatterwereprotectedfromlegalactionsandplaced,soitseemed,abovethelaw.Asaresult,theirlocalofficialsfelttheyhadafreerein.‘IfIdoyouwrong,whoistheretodoyouright?’,askedWilliamde

Bussey,stewardoftheking’shalf-brothers.72Thebeneficiarieswerenotjusttheking’sforeignrelatives.TheyalsoincludedgreatEnglishnoblessuchastheking’sbrother,Richard,earlofCornwall,andRicharddeClare,earlofGloucester.Thevictimsweremagnatesoutsidethecharmedcircleofthecourt,togetherwith

knights,freetenantsandlocalcommunities,manyofwhomfinallymadetheircomplaintsin1258–9.73

ThecomplaintthattheCharterswerenotbeingenforcedlocallywasputtoHenryhimselfveryclearlyin1254inaletterfromtheregents,thekingthenbeinginGascony.‘ManycomplainthattheChartersarenotkept

bythesheriffsandyourotherbailiffs.’If,therefore,Henrywantedatax,hemustordertheCharterstobeupheldbythesheriffsandhavethispubliclyproclaimed.74

Contemporarieswerequiteabletoallegeviolationsofspecificchapters.Indefianceofchapter4ofthe1225MagnaCarta,wardshipswerebeingpillaged–thereisno

evidenceinthatcaseoftheirbeingentrustedtotwomenofthefee,astheCharterrequired.Indefianceofchapter18,chattelswerebeingseizedonthedeathoftenants-in-chiefonthepretextofdebtsowedthecrown–thereisnoevidenceoftheprocedurebeingusedbywhichletterspatentwerefirsttoprovetheexistenceofa

debt.Theking’spoweroverwardshipswasincreasedbythedevelopmentoftheofficeofescheator,unmentionedintheCharter,whosebriefwastodealwithlandcomingintothehandsofthecrown.75

OtherallegedbreachesoftheCharterincludedamercementsbeingimposedbyjustices,sheriffs,bailiffsandstewardsattheirwilland

pleasure,thisinsteadofbeingassessedbylocalmenaccordingtothenatureoftheoffence.Accordingtoalegaltract,calledTheMirrorofJustices,writteninLondoninthelatethirteenthcentury,ifassessorswereemployed,thentheysometimeshadtoactinthehousesofmagnatesratherthaninapublicplace.76

Asthecomplainthereshows,

thiswasanothergrievanceagainstprivateaswellasroyalcourts.Indeed,wheninthe1260s,probablyduringtheMontfortianregime,awritwasdrawnupmakingpossiblelegalactionsagainstbreachesoftheamercementschapterintheCharter,itwasdirectedagainstthelordsofprivatecourts.Inthe1270sthebishopofWorcesterwas

accuseddirectlyofbreachingtheCharterwhenimposingamercementsinhishundredcourtofHenburyinGloucestershire.77

Anotherareaoflocaldiscontentconcernedtheforest.In1225thegovernmentatlastacceptedthecounties’interpretationofchapter1oftheForestCharter,andtheresultwas

extensivedeforestation.Then,however,whenHenryIIIassumedfullpowerin1227,someofthedeforestationswerereversed,onthegroundsthatchapter1onlymeanttodeforestwhatHenryIIhadaddedtotheforest,havingrestoredthelossesinStephen’sreign.Thiswasanothergrievanceraisedin1258.Itwasraisedagain

underEdwardI.Between1301and1305hewasforcedtoacceptextensivedeforestationsundertheCharter’sterms,onlythenin1306,likeHenryIII,toreversethem.78

Therewasalsodebateanddiscontentoverthegovernment’streatmentofthenewchapterintroducedin1217(chapter35in1225)on

therunningofthelocalcourts.In1234thekinghadseemedtoacceptthat,underitsterms,thehundredandwapentakecourtsshouldbeheldbythesheriffonlytwiceayear.ThisviewlaybehindtheprotestsoftheLincolnshireknightsin1226againsttheactivitiesoftheirsheriff.Then,however,acoupleofmonthslaterin

1234,thekingchangedhismind.Hehadsomereasonfordoingso,becausethechapteractuallysaidthatitwasthetourn,theespeciallywell-attendedsessionofthehundredandwapentakecourts,whichwastobeheldtwiceayear.Onothersessionsthechapterwassilent.Thekingnowexplainedthattherelevant

chapteroftheCharterhadbeenreadbeforethegreatandgoodofthekingdom.Theyhaddecidedthatjusttwotournsayearwereinsufficientforkeepingthepeace.Betweensuchsessions,thecourtsofhundredandwapentakeandthecourtsofmagnatesshouldmeetonceeverythreeweeks.Thiswaspresentedasa

concession,sinceunderHenryII,sothekingsaid,fortnightlymeetingshadbeencustomary.79Localopinionwashardlyappeased.InLincolnshire,in1237,theCharterwasreadagain,thistimeinthehundredandwapentakecourts,anditwasassertedthattheyshouldonlymeettwiceayear.80

Lincolnshirewasnotalonein

strainingthemeaningoftheCharter.InNorthumberland,in1269,‘thecommunityofthecounty’complainedthatwhereas,‘accordingtothetenorofMagnaCarta’,theyhadbeenfreeofthesheriff’stourn,thesheriff,WilliamHeron,hadheldtwotournsayear,andamercedthosewhodidnotturnup‘athiswill’.YettheCharteractuallysaid

nothingtojustifysuchfreedomfromthetourn,andHeroncouldhavesaidhewasmerelyenforcingthetwoyearlytournsthatitallowed.81

IntheexamplesmentionedaboveatleasttheCharterwasappealedto.Yettherearemanycaseswhereitwasbreachedinsilence,eitherbecauseitwasunknownor

becauseitwasthoughttobeirrelevant.Whenthejusticiar,HughBigod,visitedKentandSurreyin1258–9,heheardcomplaintsabouttheforest,thetourn,amercements,imprisonmentandwardships,allofwhichcouldbeseenasbreachesoftheCharter,yettheCharterwasnotoncementioned.Whileinthehandsofoneoftheking’s

Poitevinhalf-brothers,thewoodsandfishpondsofGeoffreydeLucyhadbeendestroyedandthebuildingsallowedtogotoruin–clearbreachesoftheCharter,butLucydidnotsayso.82

ENFORCEMENT

IfMagnaCartawasbeingbreached,whatcouldonedoaboutit?Theanswerwasnot

nothing,butstillnotenough.Byfarthemoststrikingattemptsatenforcementlayintheecclesiasticalsentencesofexcommunication.Thesehadbegunin1225withthatofArchbishopLangton.Theycontinuedin1237,whenHenry’sconfirmationoftheCharterswaslinkedtoasentencepromulgatedbythearchbishopofCanterbury,

EdmundofAbingdon,oneofLangton’sformerpupils.Thereafterexcommunicationswerepronouncedatthetimeofalltheconfirmations.Easilythebestknownwasthatfulminatedin1253byArchbishopBonifaceofSavoyandthirteenbishopsbeforeagreataudienceinWestminsterHall.Thissentencewasgivenmassive

publicitybythechurch,andwascopiedintonumerouscartulariesandstatutebooks,oftenalongsidetheCharters.83Unfortunately,complaintsthatthesentenceswereignoredwenthandinhandwithcomplaintsaboutbreachesoftheCharter.84Thesentencesweresupposedfirstandforemosttohaveadeterrenteffect.Thekingand

everyoneelse,itwashoped,wouldliveintheirfear,andactaccordingly.Thosewhohadincurredthesentenceshouldseekabsolution,and,ofcourse,behavebetterinthefuture.In1237HenryIIIandhisbarons,‘fearful’thattheyhadindeedfallenunderthesentence,askedforabsolutionfromArchbishopEdmund.Theyweregivenitwiththe

warningnottoviolatetheCharteragainortheywouldrelapseintotheirpreviousexcommunicatedstate.85Theepisodehighlightedthevalueofexcommunication,asopposedtotheoldsecurityclause,inthatitappliedtoeveryonebreachingtheCharter,notjustthekingandhisministers.Thetroublewasthatallthisdependedonthe

transgressorsrecognizingtheirfaultsandactingaccordingly.If,ontheotherhand,theydeniedanymisconduct,nothinghappened.In1253therewasanattempttomaketheproceduremorepointed.Anyonewhodidnotacknowledgetheviolationwastoincurthesentenceofexcommunicationif,once

warned,matterswerenotputrightwithinfifteendays,thisbythejudgementoftheordinary,thatisthebishoporthearchdeacon.Theking,however,refusedtoacceptthisentirelyecclesiasticalprocedureandsaidthecasesweretobereferredtothejudgementofhiscourt.Eitherway,theseschemesseemtohavehadnopracticaleffect.86

TherewerealsovarioussecularavenuesforenforcingtheCharter.Anappealtoitwasverylikelytobeupheldinthecourts,asweseefromThomasCrowe’scaseasearlyas1221.87WhenEdwardI,in1297,enjoinedhisjudgestoallowtheChartersinalltheirpointsinthecasesbeforethem,hewasaffirmingwhathadlongbeen

practice.88InCrowe’scase,theviolationoftheChartercameupinthecourseoftheproceedings,andwasnottheactualoriginoftheaction.ButitwasalsopossibletobeginalegalactionbywritincaseswheretheCharterhadbeenbreached.Oneofthemostsignificantandpopularofsuchwritswasthatavailabletoawidowseeking

her‘reasonabledower’.ThewritdidnotmentionMagnaCarta’sprovisionsondower,butineffectthelitigationwasawayofenforcingthem.89

OtherwritsmadespecificmentionoftheCharter,mostnotablytheonefoundedonthechapteraboutthelevyingofamercements.This,however,onlyappearsinthe1260s,andhardlyledtoa

flowoflitigation,importantthoughtheissuewas.90TheMirrorofJustices,tryingtosolvetheproblemofenforcement,suggestedthatthosedeprivedoflibertiesintheChartershouldrecoverthemwithdamagesbyanactionofnoveldisseisin.Thatmayhavebeenimpractical,butitsuggestssomethingmorewasrequired.91

Anotheravenueforthoseseekingredresswasthroughtheevidencegivenbythetwelvejurorsrepresentingeachhundredduringvisitationsofthejusticesineyre.Severalofthequestionsputtothejuriesbythejudges,withoutmentioningtheCharter,coveredissuesitdealtwith,asforexampleprisesandtheholdingof

pleasofthecrown.BreachesoftheChartercouldalsoberaisedunderquestionsabouttheintroductionofnewcustomsandtheexcessesofthesheriffs.92Giventhepersonnelofthejuriesonhundreds,thiswasawayinwhichfreetenants,includingthosefromthepeasantry,couldventilatetheirgrievances.Theycoulddoso,

moreover,withoutthetimeandexpenseinvolvedinlitigationbywrit.93Thereis,however,verylittleevidencethatthiswasaroutemuchfollowed.Generaleyreswereonlyheldonceeverysevenyearsorso.ThejudgeshardlyencouragedappealstotheCharter,for,intheirarticlesofinquiry,therewasnoquestionexplicitlyonthe

subjectofMagnaCarta.TheonlytimeaquestionrelatingtotheCharterappearedwasduringthereformingeyreof1259.Itwasnotuntil1280thatquestionswereintroducedrelevanttoMagnaCarta’schaptersonamercementsandthetourn.94

Itmustalsohavebeendifficulttocomplainaboutsittingsheriffsandpowerful

magnates.ThecomplaintsagainstthesheriffWilliamHerononlyemergedafterhehadleftoffice.InHeron’scase,moreover,themenofNorthumberlandwentnotdirecttotheeyrebuttotheking.HenryIIIthenorderedthejusticesineyretostageaninquiry.95Acomplainttothekingwasthusanotherwayofinitiatinganactionaboutthe

Charter,butagainthisdoesnotseemtohavebeenapopularprocedure,perhapsbecauseitwasnotadvertisedandencouraged;andbecauseitwasnotaregularprocedure,theking’sresponseremainedamatterofgrace.Inallthis,oneobviousway

ofenforcingMagnaCartainthelocalitieswasnotadopted,

namelythatofsettinguppermanentpanelsofjudgesineachcountywithcommissionstohearcomplaintsaboutbreachesoftheCharter.Thiswouldhavemadeitmucheasierforlowersectionsofsocietytosecurespeedyredress.Theneedforsuchaprocedurewasperfectlyappreciated.WhenWilliamofHorton,amonkof

StAlbansanditslegalexpert,explainedinthe1250swhytheCharterswerenotobserved,hesaiditwasbecause‘specifickeepersarenotappointedtohearthecomplaintsofthecommunity’.Infact,itwasnotuntil1300thatthreeknightswereappointedineachcountytohearsuchcases.96Theydidnotlast

long,sinceEdwardIsoonrenegedonhisconcessions.Anyway,thereformcameseventy-fiveyearstoolate.Hadsuchpanelsbeenintroducedin1225,theymighthavehadarealeffect.Thetruthisthat,whilethekingwasveryreadytoproclaimtheCharters,andsaythateveryonemustobeythem,hewasneverwillingto

setupproperprocedurestoseethatthatactuallyhappened.Tohavedonesowouldhaveriskedcreatingrivalcentresofauthorityintheshires,abitlikethosethreatenedbythetwelveknightsof1215.Notsurprisingly,theonlyoccasionbefore1300whensuchofpanelsofknightswereenvisagedwasduring

theshort-livedreformsof1259,andevenheretherewasconcernabouthowtheirworkmightaffectthesheriffsintheperformanceoftheirduties.97KingJohn’svisionoftheCharterasavaguesymbolofgoodgovernmentwithlimitedpracticalconsequencesseemstohavebeenexactlythatofhissuccessors.BothHenryIII

andEdwardIcouldactuallyhavedonemoretodistributetheiractualtexts.ApartfromtheMontfortianconfirmationof1265,therewasnoofficialdistributionofthetextsbetween1225and1297;hencetheneedfelttoconcoctup-to-dateversionssuchasthatof1252,andtheimportanceofthechurch’sindependentdistributions.To

these,aswehavenoted,KingEdwardactuallyobjectedandin1279orderedcopiesoftheChartertobetakendownfromthechurchdoors.98

IndraggingtheirfeetoverenforcingtheCharter,thekingswere,tosomeextent,atonewiththegreatmagnates.ThelattermightappealtotheCharteriftheyfelttheywerebeingdeniedjustice,butas

forhavingitenforcedagainstthemselves,thatwasquiteadifferentmatter.Thelastthingtheywantedtoseewasapanelofknightsineachcountywhomight,likethoseenvisagedin1259,‘inquireaboutthebailiffsofthegreatmenintheland,andaboutthegreatmenthemselves’.99

HenryIIIrepeatedlydemandedthatmagnates

themselvesobservetheCharter,butitwaslargelytalk,inpartdesignedtodeflecttheaccusationthathewasnotobeyingithimself.Inreality,hewasnotpreparedtoupsethisownofficialsorthegreatmenofthelandbyanyrigorouspolicyofenforcement.Kingandmagnatesseemedengagedin

aconspiracyagainsteveryoneelse.

THETRIUMPHOFMAGNACARTA

WehavepaintedaprettydismalpictureoftheCharterinthefirstyearsofitshistory.Itisfortunatelybutapartialone.TheCharter’simpactinthethirteenthcenturywasactuallyverygreat.Itsarrival

doesmarka‘before’and‘after’inEnglishhistory.Forastart,theeffortsatpublicationandenforcementmeantthatthefactoftheCharterwasenormouslywellknown.Evenforthosewhoknewmerelythefactandnotthedetails,thefactwasmassive,foritembodiedthebasicprincipleoftheCharter.Thekingwasnowsubjectto

thelaw.Thisideahad,ofcourse,alongpedigree,butnowitstruthwasprovedinadocumentofunimpeachableauthorityandoverwhelmingfame.Many,moreover,didknowthedetailoftheCharter.The‘assertivenessandself-confidence’oflocalcommunities‘grewdirectlyfromitsprovisions’.100MagnaCartawas

empowering.Although,moreover,manyofthereformsof1258–9andthelaterlegislationofEdwardIwentfarbeyondMagnaCarta,inarealsensetheywerebuildingonitsfoundations.OnecanseethatinthewayagreatscheduleofcomplaintagainsttheruleofHenryIII,drawnupin1264,madeitsstartingpointthe

breachesoftheCharterbeforegoingontootherabuses.101Insomeareas,theCharter

wasarguablyatleastalittlemoreeffectivethanthecomplaintsmadeout.HenryhimselfwouldhavedeniedthathewasinbreachoftheCharterwhenitcametothechurch.Hewascertainlyguiltlessofkeeping

bishopricsemptysothathecouldtaketheirrevenues,inthemannerofthetwelfth-centurykings.Thelongvacanciesinhistimearosewhenheobjectedtothepersonelected,asKingJohn’scharteracknowledgedhecouldifthegroundswere‘reasonable’,andHenrywouldcertainlyhavesaidtheywerethat.Ifhisofficials

breachedtheCharterintheirruthlessexploitationofvacancies,Henrydidsometimestrytorestrainthem.102UnderEdwardI,therewerenomajordisputesoverepiscopalelections.Indeed,in1279,EdwardacceptedthepapalappointmentoftheFranciscanscholarJohnPechamasarchbishopof

Canterbury,despitehavinglobbiedhardforhischancellor,RobertBurnel.Theking’sconductherecontrastedsharplywiththatofJohnoverArchbishopLangton.103

SomeoftheCharter’smostimportantchapterswereobeyed.Nothingforearlsandbaronswasmoreimportantthanthe£100relief,andby

andlargethatwasthesumchargedafter1216forthoseinheritingwhentheywereoffullage.104SinceJohnhadchargedreliefsofhundreds,sometimesthousandsofpounds,thiswasaremarkablechange,onethathitbothroyalrevenueandroyalpower.TheCharteralsomadea

realdifferencetothewidows

oftenants-in-chief.Thestipulationhere,asin1215,wasthatnowidowshouldbeforcedtoremarryifshewishedtolivewithoutahusband,providedshegavesecuritythatshewouldnotremarrywithouttheking’sconsent.Theimplicationwasthatthemarriagesofwidowswerenolongerintheking’sgift.105Atfirstsight,this

seemstohavehadlittleeffectsincepost-1215governmentrecordsfrequentlytalkofsuchmarriagesasbelongingtotheking.Inthefinerollsbetween1216and1234,moreover,fourteenmenofferedthekingmoneytomarrywidows.Theseoffersarenot,however,allthattheyseem.Inthreecasestheneedforthewidow’sconsentwas

mentioned,inoneithadtobeinwriting.106Inothers,whatwasprobablybeingboughtwastheking’sconsenttoamarriagewhichhadalreadybeenagreedbybothparties,aconsentwhichremainednecessaryundertheCharter.Inothersagain,thekingprobablyacceptedthatthewidowmightrefusethemarriage,andhewassimply

grantinganyfineshemightmaketomarrywhomshewished.In1243thesewerethetermsunderwhichHenryIIIgrantedthemarriageofMargery,countessofWarwick,tohisfavourite,JohndePlessis.107SincetheCharteracknowledgedtheneedfortheking’sconsent,hewaswithinhisrightsindemandingmoneytowaive

theright.WhatwasnolongerallowedwasKingJohn’spracticeofchargingmoneyforpermissiontostaysingle,andherearealchangeisapparent.Inhissixteen-yearreign,therewerefifty-ninefinesmadebywidowsfor,amongotherthings,suchpermission.Inthetwenty-sixyearsbetween1216and1242,thefinerollsreveal

onlyfive.108Thethirteenthcenturywasdistinguishedbymanyfamousnoblewomenwho,profitingfromthetermsoftheCharter,electedtoremainsingle,andenjoyedlongyearsofwidowhood.Onesuchwidow,Isabella,countessofArundel,upbraidedHenryIIItohisfaceaboutbreachesoftheCharter.109Thekingwasalso

lessthanstringentinenforcinghisrighttoconsent.Asfarascanbeseen,therewasnoroutinesystemfortakingsecurityfromwidows.110Henry’sorderin1243thatWarwickcastlebeseizedassecurityfromMargery,countessofWarwick,wasaltogetherexceptional,aswerethepressuresthatmadeherinthe

endmarryJohndePlessis.Indeed,Henryplaintivelyobserved,inissuingtheorderoverWarwickcastle,that‘verymanyladiesofthekingdomhavegotthemselvesmarriedobscurelytowhomsoevertheywished,withoutaskingourpermission,andspurningthesecuritytheyoughttogive’.111

Anotherareainwhichwidowsprofitedwasthatofentryintotheirinheritances,dowersandmarriageportions.MagnaCartadirectedthatthisshouldbefree,andtherearefewexamplesofsuchpaymentsinHenryIII’sfinerolls.WhenAlice,widowofHenrydeNeville,offered100marksin1227tomarryfreely,her

marriageportionanddowerweregivenherwithoutcharge.112Widows,whenlitigatingunderthewritofdowerwehavementioned,likewisegainedfromthenewsectioninthe1217Charterstipulatingthatthedowershouldbeathirdofthelandheldbyahusbandduringhis(married)lifetime,unlessasmallerportionhadbeen

agreedatthetimeofthewedding.Thishelpedlaytorestthelingeringideathatadowerwasonlyduefromthelandthehusbandheldonthedayofthemarriage.Thewidowwasthusentitledtoadowerinherhusband’sacquisitions.TheCharteralsoplayedapartinmakingitpossibleforwidowstoturndownanynominateddower

andhaveinsteadthethirdasdefinedbyMagnaCarta.113

MagnaCartahadactedagainstwomeningeneralbystatingthatnoonewastobearrestedorimprisonedontheaccusationofawomanforthedeathofanyoneotherthanherhusband.Thisrestrictionwasnot,however,designedtolimittheactualoccasionsonwhichwomencouldbring

appeals.Indeed,insofarasitlessenedthepre-trialconsequencesforamanaccusedofkillingsomeoneotherthanahusband,itmayhavehelpedappealsinsuchcasestocontinue.Certainly,asampleofover1,200femaleappealsfoundinplearollsbetween1194and1294,withmostoftheevidencecomingpost-1215,showsthatthe

legalrulerestrictingfemaleappealstothekillingofhusbands,rapeandotherbodilyinjurywasnotautomaticallyenforced.Femaleappealswerealsomadeinlargenumbers,constituting36percentofthewhole.Ofthe126rapeaccusations,onlynineteenresultedinaconviction,butanotherthirty-fiveendedina

settlement.Ingeneral,theoutcomesinfemale-prosecutedcaseswerenotverydifferentfromthoseprosecutedbymen.Thewomenseemtohaveappearedpersonally.Women,therefore,mostlyofpeasantstatus,wereverymuchpublicfiguresinthecourts.Theirpresence,however,diminishedinthecourseof

thecenturyasthenumberofappealsbothbymenandbywomendeclined,leavingprosecutionmuchmoreexclusivelyinthehandsoflocaljuries.Women,ofcourse,didnotsitonjuries.Butatleastthischangewastheby-productofthegeneraldeclineintheappealratherthantheresultofany

particularanimusagainstwomen.114

Whenitcametolegalactionsbeingbroughtagainsthisfavourites,Henrywascertainlypreparedtodenyjustice,aswehavesaid.Buthedidnotsellit.Hisfineandpiperollsarequiteinnocentoftheoffersofmoneyfor‘justice’thatfeatureonthoseofKingJohn.Tothatextent,

Henrydidobeychapter40ofthe1215Charter.Henryalso,perhapsmostimportantofall,obeyedchapter39.Unlikehispredecessors,hedidnotdisseisemenofpropertywithoutjudgement,byactsofwill.115Bythesametoken,hedidnotdemandlargesumsofmoneyforthereturnofsuchpropertiesandtherecoveryofhisgrace.Therewasjustone

periodofhisreignwhenHenrysoughttoemulatetheactionsofhisfather.Thiswasbetween1232and1234when,havingdismissedHubertdeBurgh,hecameunderthespellofPeterdesRoches.Theresultwasacivilwar,desRoches’sdismissalandthesolemnreversalofthedisseisinsthatHenrycommitted.Thebasic

principlesoftheCharterinthisvitalareahadbeenvindicated.116Henryneverattemptedsuchactionsagain.117Hencethetotalcontrastbetweentherevolutionsof1215and1258.In1215thedisseisinscommittedbyJohn,asindeedbyRichardandHenryII,weremajorissues.ManyofJohn’swerereversedinthe

weeksafterMagnaCarta.In1258theofficeofjusticiarwasrevivedwithabrieftogivejusticetoeveryone.Buthischiefbusinesswastodealwithlocalgrievances.Heheardonlyonemajorcaseinwhichadisseisinbythekingwasalleged,andonthathegavenojudgement,inpartbecausetheclaim(Rogerde

Mortimer’stoLechlade)wasfarfromclear-cut.118

Earlsandbaronsalsogainedfromthechapteronamercements,which,theChartersaid,weretobeassessedbytheirpeersinaccordancewiththescaleoftheoffence.Thiswasdesignedtopreventamercementsbeingimposedarbitrarilyeitherbythe

exchequerorbywilloftheking.Ithasbeensaidthechapterwasafailure,butthatisfarfromthecase.119

Bracton,itistrue,saidthatjudgementbypeerscouldmeaneitherjudgementbythebaronsoftheexchequerorjudgementbeforethekinghimself.120Thereisgoodevidence,however,thatinHenry’sreignthelatterwas

thenorm.Theresurvivesfromthe1250sarecordsenttotheexchequerofamercementsimposedonbaronsandothersofequivalentstatus‘beforetheking’–‘coramrege’.Theamercementsinquestionhadarisenfromconvictionsbeforethejusticesineyre,soitlooksasthoughitwasroutineforsuchcasestogoto

thecourtcoramregefortheamercementstobeimposed.121Likewise,in1241,itwasstatedthatbaronswhohadcommittedforestoffenceswereamerced‘beforethelordking’.Inthemajorityofcaseswehavenoinformationastowhatamercementcoramregeinvolved,butitisveryunlikelythatitwassimplyby

willoftheking.Instead,thearmercementswereprobablyassessedbythecourtcoramrege,whichwaspresidedoverbyprofessionaljudgesandcouldbestrengthenedbytheattendanceofabaron’speersifnecessary.Inroutinecases,thismayormaynothavehappened,buttherearesomeveryclearexamplesofabaron’speersintervening

andrestrainingthekingincasesofgreatmoment.In1241acourtcomposedoftwentyearls,barons,magnatesandministersdismissedoutofhandHenry’sclaimthathehadsuffereddamagetothetuneof10,000marksatthehandsofGilbertMarshal,earlofPembroke(theformerregent’sson).Again,in1256,

whenHenrybyhisownwillslappeda£100amercementonthebishopofBath,itwasthenreducedto50marks‘byconsiderationofthepeersofthebishopinthepresenceoftheking’.122Therearealsoreasonsforthinkingthat,inthesameyear,theastronomicalamercementof100,000marks,whichanemotionalHenryinawholly

exceptionalcasewishedtoimposeonRobertdeRos,wasreducedbyacourt,includingRos’speers,to1,000marks.(Roswasasonofthebaronof1215.Hisoffencewasmistreatingtheking’syoungdaughter,wifeofAlexanderIIIofScotland,whilethepairwereinhiscareinEdinburghcastle.)

Apartfromsayingthatamercementsofearlsandbaronsshouldbeassessedbytheirpeers,theCharteralsostipulatedthattheirsizeshouldmatchtheoffence.UnderHenryIII,itwasnotuncommonforlayandecclesiasticalbaronstobeamerced£100foroffencesthatcameunderthebroadheadingofcontemptofcourt.

Thesesumsseemlarge,buttheywereprobablyconsideredcommensuratewithbaronialstatus.Theamountswereoftenleftunpaidorpardoned.123Thescaleofamercementsimposedcoramrege,foundontherecordmentionedabove,werefarmoremodest.Inthetwenty-threecasesrecorded,theyrangedfrom5

marksto£20.Theamercementofearlsandbaronsin1258wasadogthatdidnotbark.Evidentlyitwasnolongeranissue.MagnaCartahaddoneitswork.ThathadanotherimportantconsequenceandoneintendedbytheframersoftheCharter.Becauseearlsandbaronswereconfidentthatamercementswouldbe

reasonableinsize,theynolongerfelttheneedtoofferlargesumsofmoneyfortheking’sbenevolence.124

Earlsandbarons,then,profitedfromtheCharter.Sodidtheking’sknightlytenants-in-chief,sincethe£5reliefforaknight’sfeewasobservedjustasmuchasthe£100relief.Thelackofprotestontheissuessuggests

thatlordsthemselvesobeyedtheCharterwhenitcametoassessingthereliefsandtreatingthewidowsoftheirunder-tenants.Knightsandunder-tenantsalsogainedfromcontinuedexpansionofthecommonlaw,whichtheChartersoughttofacilitate.Thestipulationthatcommonpleasweretobeheldinafixedplace,whichmeant

eithertheeyresorthebenchatWestminster,wascompletelyobeyed.Indeed,theexpansionoverthecenturyoflitigationatthebenchwasabsolutelyphenomenal.125Asforthecommonpleasinthelocalities,thewatered-downchapterinthe1217Charterbywhichjudgesweretotravelonceayearthroughthe

countiestoheartheassizes,withknightsofthecounty,wasneverimplemented.Instead,groupsoffourlocalknights,andlaterindividualjudgeswhoprobablyco-optedknightstositwiththem,werecommissioned,ondemand,tohearindividualassizes.Thesecommissionsusuallycosthalfamarkorso,andwerethusnotascheapas

the6dwrits‘ofcourse’,whichcouldbeginactionsatthegeneraleyre.Essentiallytheywereforspeedingupthejudicialprocess,atacostthatseemedreasonableandwasnotregardedasthesellingofjustice.Thecommissionswereboughtinincreasingnumbers.Inthefinerollfortheregnalyear1256–7,some270werepurchased.Henry

wasmakingthecommonlawavailableinawaythatJohnhadfailedtodo.Indeed,thefinerollof1256–7,intotal,hadaround500offersofmoneytobuywritsthatwouldinitiateorfurthercommon-lawlegalactions.Inthefinerollof1207–8,therewereseventyofthem.126Therolls,moreover,donotrecordatallthepurchaseofthe6d

writs‘ofcourse’,whichwerestillperfectlyavailableandwereboughtinlargenumberswheneyreswereimminent.Magnatescertainlygottheirwayinrespectofthewrit‘precipe’.Herethechapter(24inthe1225Charter)banningitsissueifitunderminedprivatecourtswasobeyed.Indeedthewritdisappeared,butitwasa

victoryoflittlesignificance.AsTheMirrorofJusticesobserved,thereweremanyotherwritsbywhich‘lordslosethecognizanceofmattersconcerningtheirfeesandtheprofitsoftheircourts’.127

Intheareaoftheforest,HenryhadbeenlessdismissiveoftheForestCharterthanhiscritics

claimed.Althoughsomeofthedeforestationsimplementedin1225werereversed,othersstood,andtheresultwasasubstantialreductionintheareaoftheroyalforest.Ineffectaworkingcompromisewasachievedwiththecounties,whichwasnotaltered,despitethegrumbles,in1258.Equally,givenallthe

controversyoverchapter35(inthe1225Charter)ontherunningofthecountyandhundredcourts,itisdifficulttobelievethatthesheriffsdidnottreadmorecarefully.Conceivablymoreresearchintotheirfinancialreturnsmayprovidesomedetailhere.Muchmoresignificantwasthevictoryoflocalsocietywhenitcametothetypeof

personwhoshouldbesheriff.Thedesireofthecountiestohavealocalmanintheofficehadbeenbehindthestipulationinchapter45ofthe1215Charterthatsheriffsandotherofficialsshouldknowandwishtoobey‘thelawofthekingdom’or,astheArticlesoftheBaronsputit,‘thelawoftheland’.Thechapterhadbeenomitted

after1215,aswehaveseen.Thereformsof1258–9,insistingthatthesheriffshouldbealocalknight,hadnotoutlastedtheking’srecoveryofpower.Butthenin1278,EdwardI,inanactofconciliation,removedallthesheriffsandreplacedthemwithknightsfromtheirowncounties.Itwascountyknightswhoweretheusual

sheriffsthereafter.128Withtheintroductioninthenextcenturyofthejusticeofthepeace,localsocietyhadwonitsstruggletoprovidelocalgovernmentwithitspersonnel.The1215Charter,initschapter45,andintheroleitassignedtoelectedknightsineachcountyasjudgesandasreformersof

abuse,hadpointedthewaytothatvictory.TheLondonersknew

MagnaCartawell,andmadecopiesofbothJohn’sandHenry’sCharter.Theymayhavegainedlittlefromitsconfirmationoftheirliberties,whichweresuspendedmanytimesinthethirteenthcentury.129Atleast,however,thechapterremovingfish

weirsfromtherivershadsomeeffect,inpartthroughtheirownefforts.130

Whatoftheunfree?Wasthechangein1225thatsawthekinggrantingtheCharterto‘allmen’,asopposedto‘allfreemen’,justLangtonianrhetoric?Perhapsnotquite.Deathandmutilationseemtohavebeenabolishedaspenaltiesfor

forestoffences,sopeasantsgainedthere.Ifexactionsattheviewoffrankpledgeweremodified,thentheygainedtheretoo.Theymayalsohaveprofitedfromthechapter(14in1225)onamercements,whichsaidthatforvilleins,asforeveryoneelse,theseshouldbeassessedbymenoftheneighbourhood.Onthevisitationsoftheking’s

judges,oreyres,amercementsweregenerallyassessedbyknightsandleadingmenofthehundreds,sobygoodmenoftheneighbourhoodinaccordancewiththeCharter.131Thiswasprobablytheusualprocedurebefore1215,buttheCharteratleastmadeithardertobreach.Thevilleinswere,ofcourse,underthetermsofthe

Charter,onlyprotectedfromexcessiveamercementsimposedbytheking,notbytheirlords(andtheking’svilleins,from1217,notatall).132Butboththeprincipleandpracticeofthechapterspilledoverintomanorialcourts.ItwasinthespiritoftheCharterthatWalterofHenley’sbookontherunningofmanors,writteninthe

secondhalfofthethirteenthcentury,urgedlordstoseethatthose‘fallingintodangeroftheircourts’wereamercedbytheirpeers.Thiswasnotjustapiousaspiration.In1229,onthemanorsofthebishopricofDurham,amercementswereassessedbylocalmen,accordingtothescaleoftheoffence(‘delictum’),andsavinga

freemanhismeansoflivelihood(‘contenementum’),amerchanthismerchandise,andarustichiswainage,whichwasalmostadirectquotefromMagnaCarta.Perhapsagrowthinsuchprocedureshelpsexplaintheevidencethatamercementsinmanorialcourtsdeclinedin

sizeinthelaterthirteenthcentury.133

TherewasalsoanideathatvilleinsmighthavesomeredressagainsttheirlordsifMagnaCarta’schapteronamercementswasbreached.Bracton,inapassagenotfoundinGlanvillorothersources,opinedthatvilleinshadanactionagainsttheirlords‘ifthewrongisan

insufferableone,aswheretheirlordssostripthemthattheirwainagecannotbesavedthem’.134Inthe1260sthewritthatenabledlegalactionstobetakenagainstamercementsinprivatecourtsinbreachofMagnaCartastatedthatvilleinsweretobeamercedsavingtheir‘wainage’.Theimplicationwasthattheactionwasavailabletothem,

althoughunderthestricttermsoftheCharteritshouldnothavebeen.135ItwasthisverychapterinMagnaCartathatthepeasantsofBockinginEssexappealedtoaround1300.Whereaspreviouslytheiramercementshadbeenassessedbytheirpeers,andinaccordancewiththeoffence,nowthelord’sbailiffwasamercingthematwill,twoor

threetimesasmuch,‘againsttheGreatCharterwhichholychurchoughttouphold’.136

Howfartheunfreewereabletotakeconcreteadvantageoftheseopportunitiesisanothermatter.Thereappeartobenoexamplesofvilleinsbringingactionsagainsttheirlordsontheissueofamercements.Thefactthatthepeasantsof

BockingappealedtothechurchtoupholdtheCharterspeaksvolumes.NordidBracton’sviewontheissuegounchallenged.Alaterinterpolationintothetextsaidthat‘wheneverthelordpleaseshecantakeawayfromhisvilleinhiswainageandallhisgoods’.137IntheCharter,itwasonlythefreetenementsthatwereprotected

fromdemandsformorethandueservice.TheauthorofTheMirrorofJusticesobservedthatifthischapter(10in1225)hadcoveredlandheldinvilleinage(ashethoughtitshould),thentherewould‘hardlybeamanintherealmwhohastenantsandwhodoesnottrespassagainstitbyhimselforhisministers’.138

ThebenefitsofMagnaCarta,therefore,werefarfromspreadevenlyacrosssociety,yetallsectionsofsociety(apartfromtheJews)hadsomestakeinit.Everyone,moreover,wasaffectedinsomewaybythemomentouschangeinkingshipthattheCharter’sletterandspirithelpedbringabout.Thekindofarbitrary,

indeedtyrannicalruleseenunderKingJohnhaddisappeared.Inthefinerollof1207–8thereweretwelveoffersofmoney,totallingsome£5,580,toescapetheking’srancourandrecoverhisbenevolence.InHenryIII’sfinerollfor1256–7,thereisonlyone(of£500),anditwasquiteuntypical.InalltherollsofHenry’s

personalrulebetween1236and1258thereareonlyfourmoresuchfineswithatotalvalueof£1,673.Therewasequallynoequivalentintherollsbetween1236and1258ofthefinessocommonunderJohntorecoverlandseizedintotheking’shands.Therearethirteenoftheseinthefinerollof1207–8alone.Thiswasallpartofagigantic

declineinroyalrevenuegenerallyfromfinesofferingmoneytothekingforconcessionsandfavours.In1207–8Johnwasofferedsome£22,000.In1256–7theamountofferedHenryIIIwasaround£4,000.TheaveragepromisedJohnintherollsof1199–1200,1204–5,1207–8and1213–4was£26,500.UnderHenry,between1234

and1242,itwas£4,000.139

Althoughthesefiguresaresubjecttoallkindsofqualificationsanddistortions(in1241–2therewasonefineforawardshipof£6,666),takenasawholetheyillustrate,ingraphicfashion,thecollapseoftheking’sabilitytoextractmoneybyarbitrarymeans.Ofcourse,asHenrywaswellaware,there

remainedways,withinthelawoftheland,inwhichhecouldseizepropertyinordertoenforcethepaymentofdebts,but,whenitcametohisleadingmagnates,herarelyresortedtothem.Hewasmuchmorelikelytosetreasonabletermsforrepayment.Henry’sindulgentpersonalitywasafactorinthisextraordinarycontrast

withthereignofhisfather,buttherewasmoretoitthanthat.Fineincomedidnotrecoverunderthehard-drivingEdwardI.Intherollof1304–5thetotalofferedhimwas£1,121withthirty-eight‘reasonablereliefs’,whichwerepresumablyleviedaccordingtothetermsofMagnaCarta.Kingshipseemedtotallydifferentfrom

whatithadbeenonehundredyearsbefore.140Itseemeddifferentinanotherway.Duringhispersonalrule,Henrytooknotasinglehostage.Therewasoneother

consequenceoftheCharterthatwasfeltbyallsectionsofsociety.Thiswastheemergenceofthetax-basedparliamentarystate.Because

theletterandspiritoftheCharter,comingontopofthedeclineineasymoneyfromroyallands,stoppedupsomanysourcesofroyalincome,thepost-1215kingsdesperatelyneededgeneraltaxationtofillthegap.YetheretheCharterkickedinagain,becauseitlaiddownthattaxationcouldonlybeleviedwiththecommon

consentofthekingdom,whichcametomeantheconsentofparliament.True,thechapteronconsentwasleftoutofthepost-1215Charters,butthemagnatesstillbelieveditwasvalid.Theengrossmentsofthe1215Charter,andthenumerouscopiesofitthatcirculated,helpedtoconfirmthisbelief.HenryIIIfounditimpossible

toraisetaxationwithoutconsent.Theepisodein1220,whenthestewardsoftheYorkshiremagnatesclaimedthattheirlordshadnotbeenconsultedoveratax,madethepoint.Thelackofconsultationwasprobablytrue,althoughmorebytheincompetenceoftheminoritygovernmentthanbydesign.141

Henry,inlinewiththe1215

Charter,latersoughtconsentforscutages,andevenforthecustomaryaidsthattheCharterpermitted.142TheonlytimethatEdwardItriedtolevyataxwithoutconsent(in1297)hefacedanearrevolt.Hewasforcedtoagreethathewouldlevytaxationonly‘withthecommonassentofallthekingdom’.143Ingeneral,Edwardgained

consentbytimelyconcessionsandreformoftherealm.Hecouldletthecountieshavetheirknightlysheriffs,andacceptaminimalincomefromfines,becausethismadethegrantingoftaxationbyparliamentallthemorelikely.TheconcessionEdwardmadein1290,inordertosecurethemostlucrativetaxofthereign,was

theexpulsionoftheJewsfromEngland.Indirectly,therefore,inreinforcingtheneedforconsent,andtheconsequentneedforconcessions,MagnaCartacontributedtothefateoftheonesectionofsocietythathadgainednothingfromitsterms.144

Theparliamentof1290wasattendedbyknights

representingthecountiesandburgessesthetowns.Montfort’sparliamentof1265hadsetapatternincreasinglyfollowedthereafter.BytheendofEdward’sreignin1307theknightsandburgesseswereclosetobeingafixture.MagnaCartain1215hadenvisagedconsenttotaxationbeinggivenbyanassembly

merelyoftenants-in-cheif.Hereitlookedtothepastbutgaveapointertothefuturesincemanyofthelessertenants-in-chiefsummonedgenerallybythesheriffswouldhavebeenofknightlystatus.TheCharteralsoprotectedtheprivilegesofLondonandothertowns,andrecognizedtheroleoftheknightsindispensingjustice

andreformingabusesinthelocalities.In1215itselfMagnaCartahardlyseemedtohaveafuture.Itwassupposedtolastforever,‘inperpetuity’,butwithinlittlemorethanamonthofthemeetingatRunnymede,Johnhaddecidedtoabandonit.Hisbaronialopponentseffectivelydidthesamewhen,laterintheyear,they

offeredthethronetoPrinceLouis,eldestsonofthekingofFrance.MagnaCarta,however,

survived.Itdidsobecauseitassertedonefundamentalandtreasuredprinciple,thatoftheruleoflaw.Italso,initsindividualchapters,respondedtorealgrievancesandoffered,atleastinsomecases,whatseemedeffective

solutions.InthethirteenthcenturytheCharterwashardlyofequalbenefittoallsectionsofsociety.YetsocietychangedwhileMagnaCartaremained,sothatintheendtheprincipleoftheruleoflawshieldedeverybody.Alreadyby1300thosefromtoptobottomofEnglishsocietysawtheCharterasaprotectionagainstarbitrary

rule.MagnaCartawassetonthelongjourneythatwouldtakeitaroundtheworld.Itwouldindeedlast‘inperpetuity’.

Notes

1MagnaCarta:TheDocuments

1.ThefouroriginalsoftheChartervaryslightlyintheirwordlength,aswillbeevidentfromthenotestotheLatintextinchapter2.

2.Forlanguagesinthisperiod,seech.6ofClanchy,MemorytoWrittenRecord.

3.Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’;BLHarleyMS409,fo.48v,referringheretotheCharterofHenryIII.

4.Seebelow,pp.78–86.5.Anonymous,pp.129,158;

Gillingham,‘Anonymous’,pp.34–6;Marshal,line13,159.

6.WalterMap,pp.476–7;Galbraith,‘Literacy’,pp.213–15.

7.Rishanger,p.405;Thompson,MagnaCarta,pp.147–50;fortheviewthattheCharterwasproclaimedearlierinEnglish,seeClanchy,MemorytoWrittenRecord,pp.220–21,andseebelow,pp.136–7.

8.F,p.137.9.Crowland,p.221;Coggeshall,

p.172;Dunstable,p.43;Wendover,p.589.

10.TheprintedtextoftheletterisRLC,pp.377–8,fromTNAC54,19,m.11d.SeeWhite,‘ThenameMagnaCarta’.A

secondcopyoftheorderontheduplicatechancerycloserollfollowsthecorrectedversion.TheorderwasaddressedtothesheriffofYorkshirebutprobablywenttoallthesheriffs.

11.RLC,p.73b.12.Wendover,iii,pp.91–2.13.RLC,ii,p.73.14.CChR,pp.225–5;SR,p.28.15.Paris,iii,p.382.16.CR1251–3,p.482;Paris,vi,

pp.249–50;Paris,v,p.375;Dunstable,p.189.

17.Burton,p.321;DBM,pp.320–21.

18.IllustratedinPrestwich,EdwardI,plate20.

19.Wendover,Flores,ii,pp.119–34;Paris,pp.589–694.ForallthisseeHolt,‘TheStAlbanschoniclers’.

20.Paris,vi,p.523.21.Collins,‘Documents’,pp.235,

237–8.Acopyofthe1215CharterinaregisterofCanterburycathedralwasdescribedas‘carta[ofKingJohn]magnaDeRonnemed’:

CanterburyCathedralArchives,RegisterE,fo.46v.

22.FH,ii,pp.153,182,220,384–5,409.

23.Thompson,MagnaCarta,pp.166,182,187,197.

24.TNAE164/2,fos.ccxxxiiii–ccxxxvii.

25.Collins,‘Documents’,pp.249–52andplate13;Holt,MC,pp.491–2.

26.ThiswasnoticedbyBlackstone,GreatCharter,p.22notei.

27.ForamuchfullerdiscussionofthedateofMagnaCarta,seebelow,pp.361–6.

28.Coggeshall,p.172.29.FormeasurementsseeCollins,

‘Documents’,p.267,andVincent,TheMagnaCarta,pp.56–9.

30.Fox,‘Originals’,p.323.31.Fox,‘Originals’,p.333and

note2.32.Forthedebate,seeHolt,

‘SalisburyMagnaCarta’,andHolt,MC,p.442.IamgratefultoTeresaWebberfor

confirmingthatthehandoftheSalisburyCharterisperfectlycompatiblewith1215.Itishardtointerpretthepassageinwhich‘dupplicata’appearsonthebackoftheSalisburyCharter.Idonotthinkitissignificant.

33.SeeFox,‘Originals’,p.330,forhiscomments,havingcollatedthefouroriginals.

34.SeeCollins,‘Documents’,pp.270–73.

35.Collins,‘Documents’,p.272.

36.Fox,‘Originals’,p.334;Collins,‘Documents’,p.272.

37.Collins,‘Documents’,pp.264–5;RA,p.137.

38.ForWyems,seeCalendarofInnerTempleRecords,ii,pp.30,96,121,136,referencesthatcomefromPaulBrand.

39.Collins,‘Documents’,p.260.40.BLCottonCharterXIII31b,

whichhasatranscriptionoftheChartermadein1731afterthefirewiththeletterssuppliedfromCiiindicatedinred.Fox,‘Originals’,p.323,

saysthattwenty-sevenlettershadtobesupplied,buteighteenofthesecomeinacorrectionatthefootoftheCharter,wheretheyrepeatthemaintextsoastoindicatewherethecorrectionshouldgo.Seebelow,p.58n.

41.Prescott,‘RestorationoftheCottonlibrary’,atnote134.

42.ForDeringandtheCanterburyarchives,seeVincent,ed.,NormanCharters,pp.101–2.

43.CanterburyCathedralArchives,RegisterE,fos.

46v–49v.44.SeeSharpe,‘Chartersof

liberties’,pp.37–8.45.Baldwin,‘MasterStephen,

Langton’,pp.838–46.46.FortheArticlesandwhat

follows,seeCollins,‘Documents’,pp.234–43.

47.Holt,MC,pp.242–7,429–32;F,p.129.

48.Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’.49.Galbraith,‘AdraftofMagna

Carta’.50.Seebelow,pp.345–7.Ihave

setouttheevidenceinfullin

‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’onthewebsiteoftheMagnaCartaProject:http://magnacarta.cmp.uea.ac.uk

51.Holt,MC,pp.445–6.52.SocietyofAntiquariesof

London,MS60,fos.225v–228v.

53.Thesearelistedanddiscussed,Ihopewithothersfoundaftergoingtopress,in‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’,onthewebsiteoftheMagnaCartaProject.


2TheChapters,ContentsandTextofMagnaCarta

1.CambridgeUniversityLibraryEe.2.19,fos.1–5.Thisvolumeisastatutebook.

2.SC,pp.300–302.3.RLP,p.148.4.SeeHelmholz,‘MagnaCarta’,

pp.323–4.5.Blackstone,GreatCharter,pp.

10–24.6.SR,pp.9–13.J.C.Fox’s

unpublishedcollationinBLAdd.MSS41178,pp.10–18,

againstwhichIhavecheckedmyown,usesalltheengrossmentsbutnotthecopyinthebishops’letter.

7.SR,pp.9–13.8.Inmanymedievalhandsitis

hardtodistinguishbetween‘c’and‘t’.Whentheycanbedistinguished,thelettersoftenappeartobeinterchangeable.TheStatutesoftheRealmtextoftheLincolnCharterhas‘t’muchmorefrequentlythat‘c’.Itissometimeshardtobesure,butIthinkthisiscorrect,

andmytextlargelyfollowsthatoftheStatues,andsohas‘iuditium’and‘iustitia’,butalso‘justiciarius’.Theotherengrossmentsseemtouse‘c’moreoften.Scribeswerealsoinconsistentintheiruseof‘i’and‘j’,andhereIhavefollowedwhatisinthetext.IamgratefultoJuliaCrickforhelpwiththeCharter’spaleography.

9.F,betweenpp.128and129.IamgratefultoSimonLuterbacherofBloomsbury

andSuzanneIrvineofBonhamsforsendingmephotographsofprintsofthePineengravingthatcameupforsaleattheirauctionhouses.Bothfetchedthousandsofpounds.

10.TNAE164/2,fos.ccxxxiiii–ccxxxvii.

11.Holt,MC,pp.448–73.

3KingJohnandtheSourcesforHisReign

1.The‘movability’ofconflicts

acrosstheAngevindominionsisamajorthemeinVeach,LordshipinFourRealms.

2.Power,NormanFrontier,pp.414–15.

3.ItakethesedetailsfromGillingham,RichardI,p.324,asplendidbiography.

4.Tewkesbury,p.84.5.V.Green,BodyofKingJohn,

p.4.Alessauthoritativeaccountgivestheheightasfivefeetfiveinches:Poole,DomesdayBooktoMagnaCarta,p.486note2.

6.Gervase,ii,p.92;Paris,p.561.

7.ForGerald,seeBartlett,GeraldofWales.

8.GeraldofWales,pp.202–5,236–7.

9.Howden,iii,p.198.10.Howden,iv,pp.5,16,60,81.11.FortheInterdict,seebelow,

pp.198–9.ForthecontemporaryhistoriansofJohn’sreign,seeGransden,HistoricalWritinginEngland,ch.15.

12.Coggeshall,pp.102–10;Carpenter,‘Coggeshall’.

13.StAugustine’sCanterbury,pp.137–57.Cheney,HubertWalter,pp.85–6.TheStAugustine’saccount(pp.155–6)saysthatJohnonlytookapalfreyforthesettlement,nottherestofthe200marksonoffer.Butthepiperollshowshedidtakethemoney:PR1203,pp.103–4;PR1207,p.33.

14.Coggeshall,pp.101,93.

15.Gervase,ii,pp.92–3.GervaseaddedthatanyreputationforsoftnesswassoonbeliedbyJohn’slaterconduct,thinkinghereofhisattackonthechurch.

16.Seebelow,pp.198–9.17.Forwhatfollows,seeAdamof

Eynsham,pp.137–44,188.18.JocelinofBrakelond,p.116.19.Forthechronicleofwhichthe

Anonymous’saccountispart,seeFedorenko,‘Thethirteenth-centuryChroniquedeNormandie’.

20.RLC,p.208b.21.Anonymous,p.105.Iam

usingthetranslationinGillingham,‘Anonymous’,pp.37–8.

22.Anonymous,pp.114–15,119.23.Fordiscussions,seePowicke,

LossofNormandy,pp.315–22;Legge,‘WilliamtheMarshalandArthurofBrittany’.

24.Margam,p.27.25.Coggeshall,pp.139–41,145.

TheBriouzeswerepatronsofMargam.

26.F,p.140.27.Wendover,pp.523–4.28.Anonymous,pp.114–15.I

owethetranslationtoCristianIspir.Wendover,p.531,Waverley,p.265,andMargam,p.30(lessexplicitly),placethemurderatWindsor.

29.TheseepisodesarediscussedinGillingham,‘Anonymous’,pp.34–6.

30.TheAnonymousplacesthesceneatWindsor,butJohn’s

itineraryshowsitmusthavebeenattheTower.

31.Anonymous,pp.139–41.32.Anonymous,pp.143–4.33.AsobservedbyGillingham,

‘Anonymous’,p.35.34.Crouch,WilliamMarshal,is

anothersplendidbiography.35.Marshal,lines13,267–70.36.Marshal,lines13,927–35,

14,473–84.37.Forthecontexthere,see

below,p.203.38.Marshal,lines12,507–12;

Legge,‘WilliamtheMarshal

andArthurofBrittany’.39.Margam,p.26.40.Marshal,lines13,801–8.41.Marshal,lines13,787–800.42.Marshal,lines13,191–214.43.Whenin1207Geoffrey,

archbishopofYork,fellattheking’sfeetbeggingforhisgrace,Johngrovelledinhisturn:‘look,Iamdoingasmuchforyouasyouareforme’.Here,however,Johnhadpickedhistargetwell,sinceifanyonedeservedridiculeit

washishalf-brotherGeoffrey.SeeGervase,ii,pp.lix–lx.

44.Marshal,lines13,188,13,227–32.TherearemanyreferencestoBassingbourninChurch,HouseholdKnights.

45.Marshal,lines12,437–530.46.Marshal,lines12,580–84.47.Coggeshall,p.144.48.Coggeshall,pp.165,170,175,

181–2.49.Coggeshall,p.184.50.CristianIspirispreparinga

neweditionofthechronicleaspartofadoctoralthesis.

51.Crowland,pp.203,207,210,215,232.IowetoNicholasVincentthesuggestionthatCrowland’ssourceforMariuswasLucan’sPharsalia(BookII).

52.Crowland,Spalding,pp.196–211.

53.Wendover,p.527;Dunstable,p.34;LambethPalaceLibraryMS371,fo.56.WendoverwasprobablyrightinsayingthatGeoffreywasarrestedbytheknightWilliamTalbot.Dunstablehasthearrestbeing

madebytheearlofSalisbury,andTalbotwasinhisservice;seeChurch,HouseholdKnights,pp.33–4.

54.Paris,pp.667–9.55.Foreditedandtranslatedtexts

ofbothworks,seeDialogusandGlanvill.Ihavenot,inthissectionontherecordsources,discussedthevastcorpusofprivatecharters,bothprintedandunprinted,thatareacentralsourceforthesocialstructuresofboththetwelfthandthirteenth

centuries.Holtmadeextensiveuseofthetwelve-volumeEarlyYorkshireCharters.

56.Marshal,lines13625–32;RLC,p.111;RLP,p.33;Galbraith,Studies,p.125.

57.RCh,pp.92b–93;RLC,pp.174,176,177,182b;RLP,pp.126b,127,133.

58.PR1208,p.139.59.Paris,GA,p.228.60.RLC,pp.99,179.61.RLC,pp.175b,154b;RLP,p.

105b.

62.RLC,p.132;Crouch,WilliamMarshal,pp.108–9.

63.D.M.Stenton,‘KingJohn’,especiallypp.89–94.

64.D.M.Stenton,‘KingJohn’,p.97.

65.RLJ,p.110.66.DI,pp.250,253.67.DI,p.248.68.DI,pp.241,243;RLJ,pp.95–

6;PR1204,p.xxxvi.69.IowethispointtoKatherine

Harvey,‘Anun-christianking?’.Moregenerally,seeWebster,‘KingJohn’spiety’.

70.Seebelow,pp.205–6.71.Church,HouseholdKnights,

pp.37–8.72.DI,p.234.73.RF,p.275;Holt,KingJohn,p.

88.74.WilliamleBreton,p.110.75.RLC,p.105.76.Norgate,JohnLackland,p.2.77.Marshal,lines18,078–87.78.ForIsabella,seeVincent,

‘John’sJezebel’.79.Anonymous,pp.180–81.For

Eleanor,seeWilkinson,EleanordeMontfort.

80.Wendover,p.489.81.Paris,p.563.82.RLC,pp.177,180b;RLP,p.

124b.83.Delisle,‘Mémoire’,pp.525–6;

Vincent,‘John’sJezebel’,p.211.

84.Anonymous,pp.104–5.IhaveusedthetranslationinGillingham,‘Anonymous’,pp.39–40.

85.Vincent,‘John’sJezebel’,p.198.

86.Brown,‘Royalcastle-building’,p.60;Colvin,

King’sWorks,ii,pp.617–19.87.RLP,p.138b.88.SeeAshbee,‘“Gloriette”in

Corfecastle’.

4MagnaCartaandSociety:Women,Peasants,Jews,theTownsandtheChurch

1.IamgratefultoAlexandraSapoznikforcommentingonadraftofthischapter.

2.Dunstable,p.43.

3.SeeMasschaele,‘Englisheconomy’.Forgeneralsurveys,seeBolton,MedievalEnglishEconomy;MillerandHatcher,MedievalEngland:RuralSocietyandEconomicChange,andtheirMedievalEngland:Towns,CommerceandCrafts;Dyer,MakingaLivingintheMiddleAges.

4.MillerandHatcher,MedievalEngland:Towns,CommerceandCrafts,p.278.

5.M.Allen,‘VolumeoftheEnglishcurrency’;Britnell,

CommercialisationofEnglishSociety;Letters,GazetteerofMarketsandFairs.

6.Latimer,‘Earlythirteenth-centuryprices’,pp.42,69,70.

7.Coggeshall,p.151.8.Margam,pp.25,26;Osney,p.

50.9.Thisisthehypothesis

advancedinLatimer,‘TheEnglishinflationreconsidered’.

10.SeeBolton,‘TheEnglisheconomyintheearlythirteenthcentury’;and,more

generally,hisMoneyintheMedievalEnglishEconomy,pp.149–52.

11.P.D.A.Harvey,‘Englishinflation’,p.14.Harveywasherereferringparticularlytotheinflationwhichhesituatedgenerallyintheperiod1180–1220.

12.Latimer,‘Earlythirteenth-centuryprices’,p.61.

13.SeeMaddicott,‘OathofMarlborough’,p.299note84,whotakesalowestimateofthreemillion.

14.SeeAppendixI.15.SeeWilkinson,Womenin

Thirteenth-CenturyLincolnshire,pp.2–3.

16.Bracton,ii,pp.31,281.ItwasoncethoughtthattheworkentitledinmoderneditionsBractonontheLawsandCustomsofEnglandwaswrittenbyajudgeofHenryIII’s,HenrydeBracton,writinginthe1250s.However,S.E.ThorneandPaulBrandhavearguedpersuasivelythatthework

wasproducedinthe1220sand1230sbythelegalcirclearoundanearlierjudge,WilliamofRaleigh.Bractonbecamepartofthiscircle,andaddedtothetextafter1240,buthedidnotcomposeit.SeeBrand,‘ThedateandauthorshipofBracton’.

17.Swanson,JohnofWales,pp.125–6.

18.WalterMap,pp.304–5.19.CIM,no.2063;

NorthumberlandAssizeRolls,p.98.

20.Tenants-in-chiefandunder-tenantsarediscussedinthenextchapter.

21.Seebelow,pp.415,428,452.22.Glanvill,p.85.23.Holt,MC,pp.452–3,ch.7.I

amgratefulfortheadviceofPaulBrand,DanielHadasandAliceRioonthispoint.

24.ForhowthechapterwasrevisedatRunnymede,seebelow,pp.346–7.

25.Waugh,Lordship,p.159.26.Holt,MC,p.53.

27.PR1214,p.175;RCh,p.203;Holt,MC,pp.199–200.HersonwasRogerdeCressy,herfirsthusbandhavingbeenHughdeCressy:Harper-Bill,ed.,BlythburghCartulary,i,p.7.

28.Paris,v,pp.336–7;Annesley,‘Isabella,countessofArundel’.

29.Marshal,lines16,491–6;RLP,199b;Wilkinson,‘Womenassheriffs’.

30.Seebelow,pp.353–4.31.Glanvill,pp.173–6.

32.Meekings,SurreyEyre,pp.123–5.

33.Meekings,WiltshireEyre,pp.88–90.

34.Kosminsky,AgrarianHistory,pp.203–6,p.xivnote1;King,England,p.50;Hatcher,‘Englishserfdomandvilleinage’,p.7;Bailey,MedievalSuffolk,p.50.Kosminsky’scounties,theonlyonesforwhichthe1279surveysurvivesinwholeorpart,wereHuntingdonshire,Cambridgeshire,

Bedfordshire,Buckinghamshire,OxfordshireandWarwickshire.Forthesurvey,seeRaban,ASecondDomesday?

35.Kosminsky,AgrarianHistory,pp.91,205.

36.Bracton,ii,p.89;Hyams,King,LordsandPeasants,p.3.

37.Forwhatisstillagoodintroduction,seeTitow,EnglishRuralSociety,ch.3.Therearedetailedcalculations

ofpeasantstandardsoflivinginDyer,StandardsofLiving,ch.5.

38.Dyer,StandardsofLiving,pp.126–7.

39.SeeJankenandSapoznik,‘Spadecultivation’.

40.Tait,‘StudiesinMagnaCarta’.41.Hyams,King,Lordsand

Peasants,pp.143–4.42.Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’,

p.359,ch.20.43.Intheconventional

numbering,thiswaschapter

16inthe1217Charterandchapter14inthatof1225.

44.Harrison,Bridges,pp.35–6.45.Forthegrievanceoverbridge

buildingwasaggravatedunderJohn;seebelow,pp.205–6.

46.Forfurtherdiscussion,seebelow,p.457.

47.See,forexample,Hyams,‘Originsofapeasantlandmarket’;P.D.A.Harvey,ed.,PeasantLandMarket.

48.IowethiscollectionofnamestoAbigailStevenson’s

doctoralthesis,‘Lordship,landholdingandlocalsociety’.

49.RichardsonandSayles,LawandLegislation,pp.137–9;andmoregenerally,Hyams,King,LordsandPeasants,pp.151–60.

50.Dialogus,pp.150–53;Hyams,King,LordsandPeasants,pp.261–5andch.9.Lordsdid,however,getthelandsofunfreepeasantswhentheywereconvictedofacrime,sothestipulationinchapter32of

theCharterwouldonlyhaveappliedtolandheldfreely.HenrySummersonhaskindlyadvisedmeonthispoint.

51.FortheJews,seeRichardson,EnglishJewry;Mundill,England’sJewishSolution;Huscroft,Expulsion.

52.O’Brien,God’sPeace,pp.183–4,93–7.

53.RLP,p.33;andRCh,p.93.54.Ihavebeenmuchhelpedin

thissectionbySummerson’scommentaryonchapter13.

55.BodleianLibraryRawlinsonC641,fos.21v–29.

56.GestaStephani,p.3.57.Keene,‘MedievalLondon’,p.

107.58.Howden,GR,ii,pp.213–14;

BrookeandKeir,London,pp.45–7;Ramsay,AngevinEmpire,pp.313–14,317.ForLondon’srulersandprivilegesinthetwelfthcentury,seeReynolds,‘RulersofLondon’;theremayhavebeenacommunebefore1191(p.348).

59.RLC,p.64;Round,CommuneofLondon,pp.237–42;‘Londonmunicipalcollection’,pp.507–8;Reynolds,‘RulersofLondon’,p.350;LondonMetropolitanArchivesCOL/CH/01/010(RCh,p.207).Londonwasdividedupintotwenty-fourwards,eachunderanalderman.Thereisdebateastowhetherthe‘barons’weresynonymouswiththealdermen.

60.Ballard,BritishBoroughCharters,pp.xxvi–xxxiii.SC,pp.259–62,305–12,hasausefulselectionofcharters.Seeingeneral,Reynolds,EnglishMedievalTowns,andMillerandHatcher,MedievalEngland:Towns,CommerceandCrafts.

61.EHD1189–1327,p.881.62.ForJohn’scustoms,which

seemaone-offinitiativenotrelatedspecificallytowool,seePR1203,pp.xii–xiii;PR

1204,pp.218–20;Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.838.

63.JohnofWallingford,p.131.64.Masschaele,‘English

economy’,p.158.65.Goddard,Coventry,p.78.66.BassetCharters,no.125.67.Dialogus,pp.162–3.68.EHD1189–1327,p.353,ch.

6.69.GestaStephani,pp.3–4.70.Howden,GR,ii,pp.213–14.71.‘Londonmunicipalcollection,

p.726.72.SLI,p.166.

73.ThomasofMarlborough,pp.76–479.

74.Helmholz,‘MagnaCarta’,p.333.

75.Seebelow,pp.332–5,342–52.

5MagnaCartaandSociety:Earls,Barons,Knightsand

FreeTenants1.Bracton,ii,p.232.2.EHD1042–1189,p.970;

Keefe,FeudalAssessments,pp.154–88.

3.Sanders,FeudalMilitaryService,ch.3;Prestwich,ArmiesandWarfare,ch.3.

4.M.Morris,BigodEarls,p.2.5.TheyoungearlofWarwick

andtheearlofDevonalsoremainedloyalbutwerenotpoliticallyveryactive.

6.Maddicott,‘“Aninfinitemultitude”’,p.28,althoughtheseestimatesincludeminorbaronsnotreceivingpersonalsummonsestoparliament.

7.Painter,Studies,pp.170–71,174;PR1212,pp.3–4;

Maddicott,SimondeMontfort,p.43;Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.839;BuildingAccounts,p.12.TheLacyfigureexcludeslandsinCheshireitself.

8.EHD1042–1189,pp.977–9.9.RLP,p.180b.10.Faulkner,‘Transformation’.11.SeethecourtofthefitzGuy

family:BassetCharters,no.163,notedbyCrouch,EnglishAristocracy,pp.175,289note46.

12.Holt,Northerners,ch.4.

13.Carpenter,‘Wasthereacrisis?’,p.355;Faulkner,‘Transformation’,pp.12–13.

14.CR1254–6,p.293.15.Crowland,Spalding,pp.170–

71.16.SeeCoss,TheKnight,ch.2;

Faulkner,‘Transformation’.Forthedebateastowhetherthechangewasrelatedtoasocialandeconomiccrisisoftheknightlyclass,seeCoss,OriginsoftheEnglishGentry,ch.4.Coss’sbookisthekey

workfortheemergenceofthelatemedievalgentry.

17.MR1208,p.143,no.130;fortheceremony,seeCoss,Lordship,KnighthoodandLocality,pp.248–53.

18.Paris,GA,pp.225–6.Forknightsasbaronialstewards,seeCoss,‘Knighthoodandtheearlythirteenth-centurycountycourt’.

19.Forwhatfollows,seeHolt,MC,pp.62–7,andMaddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.48–9.

20.CRR,iii,pp.129–30.

21.RF,pp.369–70.22.PR1208,p.103;PR1210,p.

75.23.Forexample,CFR1228–9,no.

261.24.CRR,vii,pp.158–9;RLC,p.

181.25.White,Self-Governmentatthe

King’sCommand.26.Holtalsoprefers‘county’to

‘countycourt’inch.18.27.RLP,p.180b.28.Seebelow,pp.382–3.29.Forwhatfollows,seeCoss,

‘Knighthoodandtheearly

thirteenth-centurycountycourt’.Cossherequestionstheargumentthatthecourtwasdominatedbythebaronsofthecountythroughtheirlegalexperts,stewardsandbailiffs,forwhichseePalmer,CountyCourts,p.88,andchs.4and5.

30.CRR,vi,pp.173,228–31;vii,p.24;x,pp.344–6.

31.CRR,xii,nos.2142,2312;Holt,MC,pp.391–3;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.33–4,49.

32.RL,pp.101–4.33.Carpenter,‘Sheriffsof

Oxfordshire’,pp.181–7.34.Forfreemen,chapters15,16,

20,27,30,34,39;forearlsandbarons,chapters2and21.

35.Clanchy,‘MagnaCarta,clause34’.

36.PollockandMaitland,HistoryofEnglishLaw,i,pp.291–6.

37.Kosminsky,AgrarianHistory,pp.259–60.Thelandholdingsofjurorsonhundreds,includingthoseofBlackbournhundred,arestudiedin

Stevenson,‘Lordship,landholdingandlocalsociety’.SeealsoAsaji,AngevinEmpire,ch.7,Stewart,ed.,1263SurreyEyre,ch.10,andMasschaelle,Jury,StateandSociety,ch.5.Masschaele’sconclusion(pp.195–6)fromastudyofthepersonnelofvariousjuriesfromthelatethirteenthandearlyfourteenthcenturies,isthattheywere‘sociallyintegratedbodies’,drawingtogetherpeasantvillagers,

membersofthegentry,andsometimesevenknightsandhigherlords.

38.Forprovisionforyoungersons,seeThomas,Vassals,p.129.

39.Maddicott,‘OathofMarlborough’;SC,pp.276–7.Forserjeantsintherebellionof1215,seebelowp.307.Theseserjeantsaredistinctfromtheserjeantswhowereprofessionalsoldiers.

40.Chapter3andseechapter4oftheUnknownCharter.

41.AlexanderandBinski,eds.,AgeofChivalry,nos.141,454.

42.Holt,Northerners,p.110.43.PR1209,pp.130–31,21;

Anonymous,p.145;Holt,Northerners,pp.172–3.

44.Seebelow,pp.344–5.45.Dialogus,pp.144–5,174–5,

180–81;BF,p.144.46.RCh,p.170;bothcitedby

Summerson,ch.21,wheremoreevidenceisassembled.

47.Marshal,line13,383.

48.Maddicott,‘“Aninfinitemultitude”’,pp.21–2,showsthatevensomeofthosewhodidreceivepersonalsummonsesmightbemenofsmallsubstance.

49.BF,pp.223,224,227,121,183,195;CFR1220–21,nos.70–72.

50.RCh,p.103;seeStewart-Parker,‘TheBassets’.

51.OnlytheheirsofThomasBassetwouldlaterbechargedabaronialrelief:CFR1219–

20,no.165;1220–21,nos.70–72;1232–3,no.8.

52.Holt,Northerners,pp.55–7;McKenna,‘BekeringsofLincolnshire’.Simon’sheirwaschargedabaronialrelief:CFR1219–20,no.91;PR1219,p.129.

53.TheholdingsofseveralareanalysedinHolt,Northerners,pp.55–7.

54.SeeCrouch,EnglishAristocracy,p.61.

55.Forexample,LAR,nos.173,1031,1082;Summerson,ch.

21.56.Forthelaterhistoryofthis

chapter,seebelow,pp.453–5.57.Maddicott,Parliament,p.80

andch.2.58.Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,

pp.388–9.59.CR1231–4,pp.592–3.60.EHD1042–1189,pp.969–70.61.SeeparticularlyHolt,‘Feudal

societyandthefamilyIV:theheiressandthealien’.

62.Carpenter,‘Secondcentury’,pp.47–54;Golob,‘FerrersearlsofDerby’,ch.5.

63.Carpenter,‘Secondcentury’,p.66.Forknightsfollowingtheirlords,seeHolt,Northerners,pp.33–53;butseethequalificationsinThomas,Vassals,pp.44–7.

64.Marshal,lines13,532–44.65.Forfurtherdiscussion,see

below,pp.217–8.66.Glanvill,p.84;Hudson,

OxfordHistory,p.809.67.RLC,p.215b.68.CRR,vi,pp.135–6;Holt,MC,

p.313.Foranexample(whichIowetoChristineHavelock),

Lincs.Worcs.Eyre,nos.36,804.

69.Dialogus,pp.126–7.70.Crouch,WilliamMarshal,pp.

137–42,161–8.71.Carpenter,‘Sheriffsof

Oxfordshire’,chs.2and6;CRR,v,p.210.

72.RL,pp.20–22.73.EHD1189–1327,p.353,ch.6

(the1236StatuteofMertononmarriage);p.403,ch.21(the1275StatuteofWestminsteronwardships).

74.PeterdeBrusCharter,pp.92–4;RF,p.109;PR1207,pp.67,70;Holt,MC,pp.67–70,wheretheinterpretationisfarmoreconsensual.Foranotherinterpretation,seeThomas,Vassals,pp.203–5.

75.MagnaCartaofCheshire,pp.101–9.

76.IamindebtedtothediscussionofaidsinPainter,Studies,pp.141–7.

77.SeethecaseofJohndeLacy:RF,pp.494–5.

78.PR1209,pp.139,21.

79.CRR,v,p.39.Foranearlierexampleofthethreecustomaryaidsattheleveloftheunder-tenantin1183–4,seeF.M.Stenton,FirstCentury,pp.173–4,276–7.

80.Glanvill,pp.111–12.Additionalaidsarealsocontemplatedinthecharterfrom1183–4citedinF.M.Stenton,FirstCentury,pp.173–4,276–7.

81.Summerson,chapter15,givesadifferentinterpretationofthischapter.

82.See,forexample,JocelinofBrakelond,pp.65–7;CRR,vi,p.79.

83.DBM,pp.274–5,ch.4(amanifestoof1264);forthelegislationonprivatecourtsin1259,seeDBM,pp.138–41,chs.1–3,anddiscussioninBrand,Kings,BaronsandJustices,ch.2.

84.ERW,pp.63,lv;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.53–4.

85.Anonymous,p.150;Hudson,OxfordHistory,pp.850–51.

86.Carpenter,Minority,pp.387–8.

87.Clanchy,‘MagnaCarta,clause34’,p.545.

88.TNAE401/1566,r.3;forthePirnhowsseeM.Morris,BigodEarls,pp.62,64,69;P.Brown,Sibton,pp.84–7.

89.Seebelow,pp.425–6.90.SC,p.118,chs.2and4.91.Painter,Studies,pp.146–7;

MagnaCartaofCheshire,p.105,ch.10.

92.EHD1189–1327,p.403(ch.21)andseep.417,ch.5.

93.SC,pp.179–80.94.Seebelow,p.427.95.RollsWar.,no.406.96.Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,p.

49;seebelow,p.426.97.Maddicott,Parliament,pp.

126–34,hasanilluminatingdiscussionofMagnaCartaandlesserlandholders.

98.Lawman,p.310;seebelow,pp.255–6.

99.RLC,p.132;SC,p.282.

6MagnaCartaandtheStructureofRoyal

Government1.F,p.75.2.Carpenter,Minority,p.12;

Guala,no.140b.3.Nelson,PoliticsandRitual,

pp.378,384–5;MissaleadusumEcclesieWestmonasteriensis,ii,columns683–4.

4.FortheorderatRichard’scoronation,seeHowden,GR,ii,pp.80–83.Fora

descriptionanddiscussionofAngevincoronations,seeAurell,ThePlantagenetEmpire,pp.110–19.

5.LettersofGrosseteste,pp.368–9.

6.Howden,GR,ii,pp.81–2.ThequotationisfromRogerofHowden’sdescriptionofRichard’scoronation.

7.Theevidenceisnotconclusive,butRichardsonarguedthisclauseofthecoronationoathwasintroducedin1154withthe

accessionofHenryII:Richardson,‘Thecoronation’,pp.153–61.

8.WalterMap,pp.3–4,24–5,500–501.

9.Forthehousehold,seeChurch,Constitutio,textandintroduction.

10.Seebelow,p.362.11.Fortheappearanceoftheterm,

seeChurch,Constitutio,p.linote64.

12.ThesefigureswillbeupdatedbytheMagnaCartaProject.

13.RLC,pp.175,177,214–214b;andseeChaplais,RoyalDocuments,pp.16–18.

14.Foraspiritedand(Ihope)amusingdebateaboutwhentherollsstarted,seeCarpenter,‘OriginsoftheEnglishchanceryrolls’,challengingandchallengedbyVincent,‘“Why1199?”’,andinhisRecords,AdministrationandAristocraticSociety,pp.xvi–xviii.

15.RLC,p.196b;RLP,p.137b;Galbraith,Studies,p.80.

16.Church,Constitutio,pp.206–7.

17.DI,p.259.18.Foraviewthatseesthe

wardrobegainingmoreindependencefromthechamberlaterinthereign,seeKaye,‘Servingthemanthatruled’,pp.60–62.

19.RLJ,pp.109–71;DI,pp.231–69.Thatthisisexpenditureoutofthewardrobeisshownbythemarginalannotationat

p.237.Itispossiblethatletters,notfoundonthecloserolls,werewrittenbychamber-wardrobeclerksandsealedbythesmallseal.Itmay,however,beamistaketomakeanyhardandfastdistinctionbetweenchamberandchanceryclerks.SeeTout,Chapters,i,pp.158–69.

20.RLJ,pp.114,118,128,138,145,155,162,170.

21.RLJ,p.231.Thismoneywasinloanstotheknightsandserjeantsinthearmy.See

Church,‘The1210campaigninIreland’.

22.Carpenter,‘Householdrolls’,pp.33–41.Thesefiguresincludethecostsofthestablesandfeedingpaupers.

23.RLC,p.157.IhaveliftedthesedetailsfromAmbler‘ChristmasatthecourtofKingJohn’:http://magnacarta.research.blogspot.co.uk/2013/12/christmas-at-court-of-king-john.html.

24.Carpenter,‘Householdrolls’,pp.29–30;UnderEdwardItheissuegainedanew

http://magnacarta.research.blogspot.co.uk/2013/12/christmas-at-court-of-king-john.html

dimensionbytheuseofpurveyancetosupplyroyalarmies:Prestwich,EdwardI,407–10.

25.Coggeshall,p.97;Kantorowicz,LaudesRegiae,pp.174–7.

26.DI,p.237.27.RLJ,pp.110,170.28.ForJohn’sitinerary,see

below,pp.204–6.29.DI,pp.245,255,261.30.Theroleofthestewardis

discussedinKaye,‘Servingthemanthatruled’,ch.4.

31.SeeChurch,HouseholdKnights,and‘Theknightsofthehousehold:aquestionofnumbers’.

32.Paris,GA,pp.227–8.33.Seeabove,pp.84–5.34.SeeWest,Justiciarshipin

England.35.AdamofEynsham,pp.101–9;

ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.38–9.

36.Maddicott,Parliament,pp.75–6,80,143,206,388;Anonymous,pp.145,149;CR

1242–7,p.242.Seeabove,pp.142–3.

37.PipeRoll31HenryI,ed.J.A.Green;andseeHagger,‘Apiperollfor25Henry’.

38.Seeabove,p.88.39.Seeabove,pp.119–20.40.Dialogus,pp.90–91.41.Forthetaxof1207,seebelow,

p.210.Foraratherconfusingdiscussionofaids,seeBracton,ii,p.116.

42.Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,pp.840–41,847.Thepercentagesarenotoftotalrevenuebutof

the£19,728actuallypaidintotheexchequer,leavingoutlocalexpenditure.

43.Dialogus,p.70.44.Dialogus,pp.69–70.45.Dialogus,p.116.46.TheexceptionswereCheshire,

undertheearlofChester,andDurhamunderitsbishop.JohnmadeRobertdeVieuxponthereditarysheriffofWestmorland.

47.Crowland,p.222.48.Newburgh,p.331.

49.Brown,‘Alistofcastles’,p.90.

50.Brown,‘Royalcastle-building’,p.30,citingRLC,i,p.6b.

51.Therevisedversionbecamechapter19inthe1225Charter.

52.Fortheforest,seeSPF,withanexcellentintroductionbyG.J.Turner;Young,RoyalForests;andCrook,‘Foresteyre’.

53.Bazeley,‘ExtentoftheEnglishforest’.

54.CR1231–4,pp.588–9.55.Forthischapter,seeClanchy,

‘MagnaCartaandthecommonpleas’.

56.Gallagher,ed.,SuffolkEyre,pp.xiv–xvi.

57.RCh,p.93b.58.Cam,TheHundredandthe

HundredRolls,pp.124–8.59.Seeabove,pp.106–7.60.Theintellectualand

institutionalchangesinthetwelfthcenturythatledtotheabolitionoftheordealare

exploredinBartlett,TrialbyFireandWater.

61.Fortheprocedure,seeMeekings,WiltshireEyre,p.108.

62.Brand,MakingoftheCommonLaw,pp.453–4;ERW,p.1;Hudson,Formation,p.239.IhaveadaptedhereawritforIreland.

63.Hudson,OxfordHistory,partIII,givesacomprehensiveaccountofthesedevelopments.

64.Glanvill,pp.137,148.

65.MR1199,p.xlixandnote1(Richardson’sintroduction).

66.Glanvill,p.28.SeeHudson,OxfordHistory,p.534.

67.Forthewritofrightbywhichlegalactionsinthelord’scourtovertenurehadtobecommenced,seeGlanvill,pp.137,148.

68.Foradiscussionofhonorialcourts,seeHudson,OxfordHistory,pp.556–61.

69.Crouch,EnglishAristocracy,p.169;Thomas,Vassals,pp.72–3.

70.Forthishypothesis,seeMilsom,LegalFramework,ch.1.

71.ThisisfromGarnierdePont-Sainte-Maxence’sLifeofBecket.Thefalseoathreferredtowasonesecuredbytheplaintiffaffirmingthathehadnotreceivedjusticeinhislord’scourt:Hudson,OxfordHistory,p.512,citingEnglishLawsuits,ii,p.431.

72.Forwhatfollows,seeCam,TheHundredandthe

HundredRolls,pp.137–45andAppendixIV.

73.Golob,‘FerrersearlsofDerby’,pp.224–5;RCh,p.108b;RH,ii,pp.30,291,297;CRR,xix,no.1188;BassetCharters,no.199.

74.Clanchy,‘Thefranchiseofreturnofwrits’,andmoregenerally,Cam,TheHundredandtheHundredRolls.

75.Foragoodexampleofsuchliberties,seeJohn’scharterstoNorthamptonandLincoln,RCh,pp.45,56.

76.Forthisperspective,seeCrouch,EnglishAristocracy,pp.167–9,wherechs.9and10discussseigneurialjusticeandlibertiesasawhole.TheimportanceoflibertiesemergespowerfullyinStringer,‘States,libertiesandcommunities’,andHolfordandStringer,eds.BorderLibertiesandLoyalties.

77.SeeCam,‘Theking’sgovernmentasadministeredbythegreaterabbotsofEastAnglia’.

78.Sutherland,QuoWarranto.79.Vincent,‘Arollofknights’.80.PR1214,p.153;RLJ,p.177;

PR1215,pp.81,94.81.Sanders,FeudalMilitary

Service,ch.4;Prestwich,ArmiesandWarfare,pp.63,68–71.

82.ForthishypothesisandthedetailsoftheIrishcampaign,seeChurch,‘The1210campaign’,andalsoHolt,inPR1215,p.80.

83.Church,‘EarliestEnglishmusterroll’.

7TheRuleoftheKing:JohnandHisPredecessors

1.Coggeshall,p.170.2.SC,pp.117–19;J.A.Green,

‘Charterofliberties’;Sharpe,‘Chartersofliberties’.

3.Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.853;Green,‘Earliestsurvivingpiperoll’.

4.Keefe,‘HenryIIandtheearls’,pp.191–221,andatp.214.Holtmissedthisarticle.

5.Foranaccountoftherevolt,seeCarpenter,Strugglefor

Mastery,pp.223–7.6.Vincent,‘DidHenryIIhavea

policytowardstheearls?’,p.5.

7.Cokayne,CompletePeerage,vii,pp.672–5.

8.Brown,‘Alistofcastles’,p.90.

9.TheArticlesputotherarrangementsinplaceshouldJohnenjoythecrusader’srespite.Seebelow,pp.316,347–8.ForHenry’sdisseisins,seeHolt,MC,pp.82,90–91,

104–5,135–6,andSummerson,ch.39.

10.F,p.129.11.Young,RoyalForests,p.39.12.Young,RoyalForests,p.21.13.Langton’ssealwasdeveloped

fromthatofHubertWalter:Binski,Becket’sCrown,pp.40,64,withpp.36–40and62–5forbothmen.

14.Coggeshall,pp.91,97;foramodernassessment,seeTurner,‘RichardandEnglishepiscopalelections’.

15.Newburgh,pp.305–6.

16.Barratt,‘EnglishrevenueofRichard’,p.637;Ramsay,Revenues,p.191.

17.Howden,iii,pp.210–11,225;Mitchell,Taxation,p.607;Maddicott,Parliament,p.123;Gillingham,RichardI,p.248note94.

18.Barratt,‘EnglishrevenueofRichard’,p.649.

19.F,p.129.20.Crook,‘Foresteyre’,p.70;

Waugh,LordshipofEngland,p.159.

21.PR1191–2,p.98;PR1190,p.21.

22.PR1196,pp.248–9;PR1197,p.61;PR1198,pp.213–14;Gillingham,RichardI,p.262.

23.PR1190,p.101;MR1199,p.86;PR1196,p.138.

24.Coggeshall,pp.91–3,97.25.Coggeshall,p.93;Carpenter,

‘Coggeshall’,p.1,219.26.Howden,iv,p.88.27.F,pp.75–6.28.Coggeshall,pp.107–10;

Carpenter,‘Coggeshall’,p.1220.

29.SC,pp.283–4;fordiscussion,seeK.Harvey,EpiscopalAppointments,pp.19–28.

30.Coggeshall,pp.112–13.31.Carpenter,‘Coggeshall’,pp.

1228–9.FullerlightwillbeshedonCoggeshallhereinaforthcomingpaperbyJamesWilloughby.

32.Fortheendofthequarrel,seebelow,pp.279–80.

33.Coggeshall,p.101.34.Powicke,LossofNormandy,

p.326.35.Norgate,JohnLackland,p.86.

36.Crouch,‘NormansandAnglo-Normans’,pp.62–3.

37.Forrevenues,seethedetailedcalculationsandcomparisonsinBarratt,‘RevenuesofJohnandPhilipAugustus’,especiallyatpp.81–5.

38.ForPhilip’sgains,seePower,NormanFrontier,pp.414–15.

39.ForadescriptionofbothGisorsandChateauGaillard,seeCarpenter,StruggleforMastery,pp.253,262.

40.Stevenson,‘EnglandandNormandy’,p.202.

41.Seebelow,pp.234–5.42.FortheactionsoftheNorman

barons,seePower,‘KingJohnandtheNormanaristocracy’,andNormanFrontier,pp.438–45.

43.DD,no.206.Forthelastseneschal,WilliamleGros,seeVincent,‘ChippingSodbury’.

44.Power,NormanFrontier,pp.448–53.

45.Moore,‘LossofNormandy’,p.1090.Muchofwhatfollowscomesfromthis

article,whichdrawsonMoore’sworkwithDanielPowerfor‘TheLandsoftheNormans’project.

46.Forthedetailinwhatfollows,seeKanter,‘Peripateticandsedentarykingship’,especiallypp.12–17.Church,‘Someaspectsoftheroyalitinerary’,reflectsonthe‘chaoticscramble’involvedinsuchanitinerary.

47.Holt,MagnaCartaandMedievalGovernment,ch.6;

Warren,KingJohn,pp.278–85.

48.Holt,Northerners,pp.196–7.49.Muchofwhatfollowsistaken

fromSummerson,ch.23.50.PR1214,p.69.51.Seeabove,p.99.52.Forwhatfollows,seeBarratt,

‘RevenueofJohn’.53.Forthewaylatertallageswere

veryfullypaid,seeStacey,‘1240–1260:awatershed?’,p.139.

54.Jolliffe,‘Chamberandcastletreasuries’,pp.133–5;

Gillingham,‘CoerdeLionincaptivity’,p.78;Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.855,withdetailedcalculationsofincomeinrealtermsonp.853.

55.Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,pp.848–51.

56.Harris,‘KingJohnandthesheriffs’farms’,p.533.Forthefarms,seeabove,p.168.

57.Harris,‘KingJohnandthesheriffs’farms’,atp.542;Holt,Northerners,p.154.

58.Forthisview,seeHolt,MC,p.337.

59.Itwasthusmerelyasaconvenientwayofpresentingtheaccountsthat,inthepiperolls,acustodialsheriffansweredfirstforthefarmandincrementandthentheprofitaboveit(whichmightvaryfromyeartoyear).Forthedetailedlistsofalltheirrevenue,whichcustodialsheriffslaterpresented(andmaywellhavepresentedinJohn’sreign),seeCassidy,

‘Badsheriffs,custodialsheriffs’.

60.Crowland,p.215;chapters28,30,31,38.Seeabove,pp.180–1

61.Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,pp.846,849;PR1210,pp.xv–xvi.

62.Fordiscussionoftheword,seeHudson,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.104,109–10,althoughthesuggestionhereismyown.

63.Faulkner,‘Knights’,p.4;Summerson,ch.20.

64.CerneCartulary,pp.195–6,206.

65.Forthefiguresthatfollow,seeCrook,‘Foresteyre’,pp.72–80;Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.846.

66.RF,p.365;PR1206,p.73;Summerson,ch.20.

67.Holt,Northerners,p.159.68.Clasby,‘TheabbotofSt

Albans’.69.RLP,p.73;RF,p.459;

Mitchell,Taxation,pp.84–92.70.Barratt’sguess(‘Revenueof

John’,p.839)is£15,000.

71.PR1208,p.72.72.PR1208,p.169;PR1211,p.

135;PR1214,p.81.FormuchofthisandwhatfollowsIamindebtedtoSummerson,ch.13.

73.Stacey,‘EnglishJews’,p.42.74.£40,000isthefiguregivenina

casebeforetheJewishexchequerin1219:CPREJ,p.4.Chroniclersgivethefigureof£44,000;Richardson,EnglishJewry,pp.168–72;Mitchell,Taxation,pp.105–6;Holt,Northerners,pp.167–8;

foranexplanationofthediscrepancy,seeStacey,‘EnglishJews’,p.43note10.

75.Wendover,p.537;RLP,p.102b;RLC,p.459;Mitchell,Taxation,p.106note64;CFR1222–3,no.183.

76.TNAE401/1564;RF,p.588;PR1216–25,pp.179–80.

77.PR1211,p.61;PR1212,p.109.IowethepointabouttheforfeituretoaKing’sCollegeLondonMAessaybyElizabethHolsgroveonGant’sdebts.

78.F,p.51;RCh,p.93.PaulBrandpointedouttomethiscontrast.

79.TheArticlesandtheCharterbroadenedtheprotectiontoincludeunder-tenants;seeabove,p.321.

80.NointerestwastakenwhileJewishdebtswereintheking’shands.

81.TNAE163/1/8B,m.4.82.Holt,MC,pp.335–6andnote

180.Idonotthinkthatthelaterlegislationcitedprovesthemeaningofthechapterin

thissense:CR1234–7,pp.214,338(the1236StatuteofMerton).

83.RLP,p.132.Earlsandbaronswerenottobesummoned,butJohnmayhaveintendedtomakeseparateconcessionstothem.

84.RF,pp.483–4,494–5.85.RF,p.372;Holt,Northerners,

pp.52n,75,190.86.PR1211,p.63;citedby

Tilley,‘MagnaCartaandthehonourofWallingford’.

87.PR1212,pp.3–4.

88.PR1209,pp.64,108;PR1210,pp.97,273;PR1211,p.68;RLC,p.168.

89.PR1212,p.37.90.Waugh,Lordship,p.159;RF,

pp.430,432;PR1208,p.100–1.

91.Keefe,FeudalAssessments,p.30;Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.847.

92.PR1211,p.2;PR1212,pp.179,172–3;M.Morris,BigodEarls,p.15.

93.Howden,iv,p.152.Johnseemslargelytobeaffirming

andenforcingtheproceduresoutlinedinDialogus,pp.173–9.

94.Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.851.

95.PR1208,p.5;PR1209,p.42;PR1210,p.45,wherejust£20remainsunpaid.ThedebtsoftheearlofClarehavebeenexploredinaKing’sCollegeLondonMAessaybyJacobNinan.

96.PR1208,p.143;PR1209,p.129;PR1210,p.151;PR1211,p.46.

97.PR1201,p.157;PR1208,p.145;PR1209,pp.130–31;PR1210,p.152;PR1211,p.53;Holt,Northerners,pp.170–72.

98.Maddicott,Parliament,pp.127–30,andseeabove,p.139.

99.MR1208,pp.19,23–68;forsuretiesbeingdistrained,seeMR1208,pp.23and63.

100.RLC,pp.61,67b;RF,p.348;PR1205,pp.146,147,169.

101.PR1214,pp.52,118.102.RLC,pp.61,67b.

103.CFR1224–34,vii(figuresfromPaulDryburghandBethHartland).Ihavecalculatedthe1207–8figuremyself.Thefinerollsarelostbetween1208and1213.

104.MR1208,pp.211–12.105.Holt,Northerners,p.34.106.Clanchy,‘MagnaCarta,

clause34’,p.545.107.Hudson,OxfordHistory,pp.

559–60;Hurnard,‘MagnaCarta,clause34’;Clanchy,‘MagnaCarta,clause34’;Glanvill,p.5;Bracton,ii,p.

300;PR1204,pp.xxii–xxxiii(LadyStenton’sintroduction);PR1214,pp.xxv,238.

108.Clanchy,‘MagnaCartaandthecommonpleas’,pp.227–32.

109.SC,p.282.110.Manyofthecasesmentioned

below,togetherwithothersunmentioned,arediscussedindetailinHenrySummerson’scommentaryonchapter40.SummersonalsohashereafascinatingaccountofJohn’s

quarrelwiththeWelshmarcherbaronFulkfitzWarin.

111.Holt,MC,pp.150–55,bringstogethernumerousexamples.

112.PR1211,p.177;PR1208,p.89;Holt,MC,pp.149,153.Gant’sofferwasalsoforwritstobeginhisactions.

113.PR1209,p.80;PR1210,p.39;PR1201,p.157;PR1199,p.56;Anonymous,p.145.

114.Holt,Northerners,p.22;Holt,MC,pp.148–9.

115.PR1207,p.74;Holt,MC,p.154.

116.RF,p.46;Holt,MC,p.152.117.CRR,i,p.382;D.M.Stenton,

‘KingJohn’,p.93.118.RF,p.178.Forwhatfollows

seeHolt’sch.5,‘Justiceandjurisdiction’,inhisMC.

119.CRR,iv,p.99;vi,pp.133–4,270.TheCaldbeckandfitzWaltercasesreferredtobelowareanalysedinSummerson,ch.40.FortheSay,Mandevillecase,seeTurner,Judges,ch.16.

120.Marshal,lines13,159–256.121.PR1208,p.89.

122.RLC,pp.33b,189b;Stringer,EarlDavid,p.51.Forthe‘thirdpenny’andearlsingeneral,seeCrouch,EnglishAristocracy,pp.40–48.

123.PR1195,p.226;PR1204,p.34;PR1208,pp.31,134;RLP,p.122b;RLC,pp.173,216;PR1214,p.11;CRR,vii,pp.110–11.

124.Turner,‘Exerciseoftheking’swill’,pp.281–2,287;Holt,‘CasusRegis’,pp.320–21.WilliamdePercywasawardof,andthusbackedby,

John’sgreatservantWilliamBrewer.Richard’sclaimagainstWilliam,hisnephew,mirroredJohn’sclaimtothethroneagainsthisnephewArthur.Richardmayconsequentlyhavefeltheshouldhavealltheinheritance.

125.Wendover,p.523.126.RLP,p.94b;RLC,p.213.127.Marshal,lines13,271–6,

13,362–8,13,377–421,14,319–88,14,445–86,14,526–78,14,708–23.

128.RF,pp.389,447–57.IoweknowledgeoftheRogerfitzAdamcasetoThamarMacIver.

129.Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.849.

130.RF,p.398.131.LAR,nos.1031,1082;

Summerson,ch.21.132.PR1207,p.74;RF,p.413;

PR1199,p.288.ForEustaceseebelow,p.276.

133.RF,p.372.Thefineincludedfourpalfreys,aridinghorseworthaboutfivemarkseach.

134.PR1212,pp.144–5.135.Summerson,ch.39.136.RLC,pp.16,31.137.RLC,p.136b;CRR,xi,no.

416;Holt,MC,pp.202–3.138.CRR,xi,no.1195.139.CRR,vi,pp.320,344;RLC,

p.215;CRR,xii,no.2646;Holt,MC,pp.206–7;Turner,KingandhisCourts,pp.162–3.

140.Seebelow,pp.388,389,435.141.SeeVincent,‘Arollof

knights’.142.PR1207,pp.47–8.

143.RLC,i,pp.216b,217;Tilley,‘MagnaCartaandthehonourofWallingford’.

144.Stringer,EarlDavid,p.50;RLC,pp.216b–217.

145.RF,p.373.FitzRoscelinwasatenantofCressy’smotherandhersecondhusband,RobertfitzRoger:P.Brown,Sibton,pp.90–93.

146.CRR,iii,pp.129–30.ThisistheRichardRevelcasementionedabove,pp.132–3.

147.Seebelow,pp.347–8.

148.SeeYoung,MakingoftheNevilleFamily.

149.Crouch,WilliamMarshall,pp.137,141,163,195.

150.Wendover,pp.532–3.151.Carpenter,‘Sheriffsof

Oxfordshire’,ch.6.152.Marshal,lines14,433–46,

14,463–8,16,821–4,18,301–8.

153.S.Lloyd,EnglishSocietyandtheCrusade,p.100.

154.Forwhatfollows,seeTurner,EnglishJudiciary,ch.4.

155.PR1210,p.75;Carpenter,Minority,pp.296–7.ForfitzPeterandBrewer,seeTurner,MenRaisedfromtheDust,chs.3and4.

156.Vincent,DesRoches,pp.22–6.

157.PoliticalSongs,p.10;Clanchy,EnglandanditsRulers,p.129.

158.Vincent,DesRoches,pp.27,33.

159.Forallofthem,seeVincent,‘Who’swhoinMagnaCartaclause50?’

160.PR1208,p.72.161.PCCG,p.xviiandnotes1and

2(Maitland’sintroduction).162.ASL,no.6.163.PCCG,no.154.164.PCCG,p.xiv(Maitland’s

introduction).165.Vincent,‘Who’swhoin

MagnaCartaclause50?’,pp.239,246.

166.ThereisatleastsomeconnectionbetweenaleadingmemberofGerard’sgroup,thesheriffofNottingham,PhilipMarc,andthenotorious

sheriffofNottinghamintheRobinHoodlegends,asDavidCrookhasshown.ThemostplausiblecandidatefortherealRobinHood,oneRobertofWetherby(inYorkshire),wascertainlyaliveinJohn’sreign.In1225hewaseventuallyruntogroundandbeheaded,hisbodybeingsuspendedfromachainforalltosee.ThepersonresponsibleforthiswasEustaceofLowdham.EustacehadbeenPhilipMarc’sdeputyas

sheriffofNottingham.Forallthis,seeCrook,‘SheriffofNottingham’.

167.Church,HouseholdKnights,p.88note83.

168.RLC,pp.18b,32b.ForAlanBassetandhisfamily,seeStewart-Parker,‘TheBassets’.

169.RLC,p.87.170.WalterMap,pp.478–9.171.SeeChurch,‘Therewardsof

royalservice’.172.Carpenter,‘Godfreyof

Crowcombe’.

173.Carpenter,Minority,p.34;Holden,‘Balanceofpatronage’,pp.82–5;RCh,p.53;Cokayne,CompletePeerage,iv,pp.194–5;vi,pp.457–8.

174.Carpenter,‘ThestruggletocontrolthePeak’.

175.HeappearsthroughoutVincent,DesRoches.

176.Anonymous,p.180.177.PR1214,p.94.178.PR1212,pp.157–8;Vincent,

‘HughdeNeville’;LostLetters,pp.113–15.

179.RF,pp.382,386;PR1207,p.149;RLP,74b;Tout,Chapters,i,p.161.

180.RCh,p.191.ThereisnoevidenceforthenatureofMaulay’soffence.

181.Guisborough,p.144.182.Prestwich,EdwardI,p.422.183.Waverley,p.258;RLP,p.72;

Summerson,ch.14;Maddicott,Parliament,pp.125–6;Mitchell,Taxation,pp.84–92.

184.Crowland,p.203.

185.Articles,ch.44;MagnaCarta,chs.56and57.Seebelow,pp.347–8.

186.AWR,no.576;Davies,Conquest,p.294.

187.Wendover,p.534.188.Fordifferentpracticesacross

Britain,seeGillingham,‘KillingandmutilatingintheBritishIsles’.

189.AWR,no.233;Smith,‘MagnaCarta’.

190.GestaAnnalia,p.277;Bower,pp.448–9.

191.Duncan,‘JohnkingofEngland’,pp.260–61.

192.Iplantogiveamuchfulleraccountofthetreatyandtheeventsof1209onafutureoccasion.TeresaWebberhaskindlyadvisedmeaboutthedateofthehand.DauvitBrounandAliceTaylorhavemademanyhelpfulsuggestionsabouttheinterpretationoftheletter.

193.Howden,iv,p.141.194.Howden,GR,i,p.95;ASR,

no.1.

195.Melrose,fo.28v;seeBrounandHarrison,ChronicleofMelrose,p.131.

196.Forthissource,seeBroun,‘GestaAnnalia’,andDuncan,‘Melrose’,p.170.

197.Duncan,‘JohnkingofEngland’,p.270.

198.RRS,no.488;Bower,pp.455,621.Intheeventonlyhalfofthe15,000markswerepaid:Duncan,‘JohnkingofEngland’,p.270.

199.Forthesituationin1212,seeTaylor,‘RobertdeLondres’,

pp.113–14.200.RRS,no.305;ASR,no.4;

Bower,pp.468–9.201.SAEC,p.330.202.Taylor,‘RobertdeLondres’,

pp.110–14.203.Stringer,‘Peripheryandcore’,

pp.85–6.204.Seebelow,p.353.205.Forfurtherdiscussion,see

below,pp.318,352–3.206.F,p.91.207.ForIreland,seeDuffy,‘John

andIreland’.IamgratefultoColinVeachforallowingme

toseeanadvancecopyofhis‘KingJohnandroyalcontrolinIreland’,fromwhichsomeofwhatfollowscomes.

208.Holt,Northerners,p.186.209.RF,p.99;PR1207,p.38.210.Duffy,‘JohnandIreland’,pp.

240–42.211.Wendover,pp.523–4.212.Anonymous,pp.111–12;

Crouch,‘Complaint’,p.174note10.

213.Seeabove,p.81.214.Holden,LordsoftheCentral

Marches,pp.177–80.

215.Crouch,‘Complaint’,pp.168–79.

216.AsHolt,Northerners,p.185.217.Forthecustomofoutlawry,

andwhetherJohnobservedit,seebelow,pp.281–2.

8StandardsofJudgement1.Fortheideaofthekingdom,

seeReynolds,KingdomsandCommunities,ch.8.

2.Chapters42,18,61,35.3.Chapters42,45,12,14.

4.Preambleandchapters51,61and42.

5.Chapters1,60.6.Dunstable,p.43.7.CR1254–6,pp.194–5.8.Holt,MC,448–73,has‘realm’

throughout.EHD1189–1327,pp.316–24,alternatesbetween‘realm’and‘kingdom’.

9.BLHarleian458,fo.4.10.TrinityCollegeCambridge,O.

76,fos.6–11;SpaldingGentlemen’sSocietyM.J.13,fos.140–43,forimagesof

whichIamgratefultoCristianIspir.

11.Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’,pp.356–64;BLAdd.MSS32085,fos.102–106v.

12.Chapters61,39,55.13.Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’,

p.361.14.Chapters1,63,33,41,50.15.Chapters56,59.16.Seeabove,p.201.17.AdamofEynsham,pp.114–

15.18.Akeyworkonnational

identityinthecenturyanda

halfaftertheNormanConquestisThomas,EnglishandNormans.

19.Marshal,lines5,215,16,204–14,15,616–20,16,140–46,15,564–5.

20.ThisisstressedinHolt,KingJohn,pp.107–9.Foramoredetaileddiscussion,seeThomas,EnglishandNormans,pp.337–43.

21.Newburgh,i,pp.304–5.22.Melrose,fo.31v;Brounand

Harrison,ChronicleofMelrose,pp.131–4.

23.Crowland,p.232.24.Chapters39,42,45,55,56.25.Glanvill,p.3.26.Chapters2,13,41,60,23,25,

46.27.Chapters40,52,53,57.28.Chapters19,39,52,55,56,

57,59.29.Glanvill,p.107;Bracton,ii,p.

228.30.Nelson,‘Badkingship’,pp.1–

26.31.Ullmann,Principles,pp.162–

3.32.FulbertofChartres,no.51.

33.FulbertofChartres,p.90note1.

34.IowethistoAliceTaylor’sforthcomingworkonhomage.

35.Nelson,PoliticsandRitual,pp.151–3,369–70.

36.Wendover,Flores,ii,p.81;Coggeshall,p.167.

37.Stafford,‘ThelawsofCnut’,pp.177–9,190;EHD500–1042,pp.428–30,chs.69–83.

38.Holt,MC,pp.475–6;Sharpe,‘Chartersofliberties’,p.47,whereallthemanytextsareanalysed.

39.ForthetenurialstructuresintroducedbytheConquest,seeGarnett,ConqueredEngland.

40.DD,p.2;LHP,pp.134–5,ch.31,p.7.

41.SeeHudson,‘HenryIandcounsel’.

42.O’Brien,God’sPeace,pp.4,31–6,159–60,192–3.

43.Chapters2,4,11.44.Lawman,pp.411,xvi–xxiv

(theintroductionbyRosamondAllen).Ithinkitunlikelythattheworkhad

anythingtodowiththeFleming,WilliamdeFrise.Insomeeditions‘Lawman’isdescribedas‘Layamon’.

45.Inwhatfollows,IhavedrawnonideasinAshe,‘WilliamMarshal,LancelotandArthur’.

46.Lawman,pp.254–6,282–4,309–10;R.Allen,‘EorlesandBeornes:contextualisingLawman’s“Brut”’.

47.Ashe,‘WilliamMarshal,LancelotandArthur’,pp.24–

5;GeoffreyofMonmouth,p.212.

48.Marshal,lines6,941–3,6,987–8.

49.ForJohn’sfailuresofcourtliness,seeGillingham,‘Anonymous’,pp.40–41,andCrouch,‘Baronialparanoia’,pp.49–50.

50.Gervase,ii,pp.92–3.51.Marshal,lines10,273–88.52.Carpenter,‘FromKingJohnto

thefirstEnglishduke’,pp.29–36.Forthetheoryand

practiceofwarfare,seeStrickland,WarandChivalry.

53.Dialogus,pp.116–17;Marshal,lines10,271–88.

54.DeZuluetaandStein,TeachingofRomanLawinEngland.

55.JohnofSalisbury,pp.25,28–9,190–93(III,15;IV,1;VIII,17).

56.Waverley,p.282;Crowland,p.225;Margam,p.27;Melrose,fo.31v.

57.ForLangton,seePowicke,StephenLangton;Baldwin,

MastersandPrinces,i,pp.25–31;Baldwin,‘MasterStephenLangton’;D’Avray,‘MagnaCarta’;Vincent,‘StephenLangton’.

58.C&S,p.34,ch.52;Baldwin,MastersandPrinces,i,pp.191–2.

59.Carpenter,Minority,pp.263–5.

60.d’Avray,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.426–7.

61.d’Avray,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.426–9,436–8.ForcommentonDeuteronomy,seealso

JohnofSalisbury,p.36(IV,4).

62.Buc,L’AmbiguïtéduLivre,pp.281–2.TheglossisonISamuel10:25.IfollowBucintranslating‘scriptura’as‘charter’.

63.F,p.75.64.Glanvill,p.108;seeDialogus,

pp.144,180,wherethe£5feeisonlyforafeeheldfromthekingaspartofanescheat.

65.Dialogus,p.144.66.Glanvill,pp.82–3.

67.SC,pp.179–80,ch.4;Glanvill,pp.58–69.

68.Glanvill,pp.118–19;Dialogus,pp.161–83.

69.Glanvill,pp.111–12.70.Glanvill,p.114andnotec;

Dialogus,pp.168–9;Hudson,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.104,108–10.

71.F,p.51(areferenceIowetoPaulBrand);RLC,p.132;seeabove,p.213.

72.Maddicott,Parliament,pp.80–81.

73.Gervase,ii,pp.96–7;SC,p.277.

74.Foradiscussion,seeVanCaenegem,RoyalWrits,pp.373–9;fordower,Glanvill,p.69.

75.Dialogus,pp.6–9,219–20.76.Helmholz,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.

311–55;andforacritique,Hudson,‘MagnaCarta’.

77.D’Avray,MedievalMarriage,pp.124–9;EHD500–1042,p.429;Dialogus,pp.180–1.WalterMap,pp.508–9.

78.Helmholz,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.317–19,andHudson,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.104–7.IhavebeenhelpedbyAdrienneShowering’scommentaryonthischapterinaKingsCollegeLondonMAEssay.FortheinfluenceoftheiuscommuneonGlanvill,seeVanCaenegem,RoyalWrits,pp.373–9.

79.Glanvill,p.114.80.CodexJustinianus,8.16.7pr;

Helmholz,‘MagnaCarta’,p.328.IamgratefultoAlice

RioforhelpingmeinterpretthepassageintheCodex.

81.Theiuscommunemayalsohaveinfluencedthestipulationaboutinterestondebtnotaccruinginminorities:Helmholz,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.320–21.

82.Howden,GR,ii,pp.213–14;Maddicott,Parliament,pp.119–20.

83.Howden,iii,p.136.84.PR1198,p.222.Thisisthe

fineofWilliamdeNovoMercato.

85.Seeabove,pp.132–3.86.Ballard,BritishBorough

Charters,pp.xxvi–xxxiii,197–201,214–16,220–32;SC,pp.305–10.

87.Seeabove,p.148.88.PeterdeBrusCharter,pp.92–

4;seeabove,pp.146–7.89.O’Brien,God’sPeace,pp.

118–19,121;Holt,MC,pp.93–5,118–19.

90.LHP,pp.102–3,ch.8,1b,p.317,notetoch.8,Ib;Holt,MC,p.94.

91.MGL,i,pp.147–51.

92.SC,p.277;J.E.Morris,WelshWars,p.229note1;CWR,p.336.ForadiscussionofAngevinideology,seeAurell,PlantagenetEmpire,pp.83–162.

93.RCh,pp.133–4;CorrespondanceAdministrativeno.2,022.IowethisreferencetoanMAessaybyAnaisWaag.ForthetheoryofnecessityandotherRomanlawideas,seeHarriss,King,ParliamentandPublicFinance,pp.21–4.

94.WalterMap,pp.508–9;RL,p.20;CRR,v,pp.202–4;Turner,EnglishJudiciary,pp.7and170.IowethepointaboutGuestlingtoHudson,OxfordHistory,pp.846–7.

95.Dialogus,pp.2–3.96.Dialogus,pp.4–5,20–21,74–

5,164–5.97.Vacarius,pp.296,12,lx,

cxlviii.98.Glanvill,p.2;Dialogus,p.5.99.RollsoftheKing’sCourt,p.

50;Howden,iii,p.242;Dialogus,p.169.

100.Mason,‘Hero’sinvincibleweapon’,pp.131–2;seeabove,p.97.

101.M.Allen,MintsandMoney,pp.54–5,63;Eaglen,AbbeyandMint,plates6–21.

102.RLP,p.135b.103.Glanvill,p.108;Dialogus,pp.

144–5,180–81.104.For1205,Gervase,ii,pp.97–

8.105.Bisson,CrisisoftheTwelfth

Century,pp.521,527.106.Crouch,‘Complaint’,p.170;

Marshal,lines13,229–32.

107.PR1216–25,p.10.108.BLCottonJuliusDii,fo.128

(acartularyofStAugustine’s,Canterbury).

109.Marshal,lines15,873–88;Gillingham,‘Anonymous’,p.37.

110.Seebelow,pp.299–300.111.PR1210,p.120.Notethe

otherpunitivefineshere.112.SeeGarnett,‘Theoriginsof

thecrown’.113.ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.

163,117.

114.FortheJews,seeabove,pp.115–7.

115.RCh,pp.133–4;addressedtoIreland,butechoingappealsmadeinEngland.

116.SC,p.277;RLP,pp.72–3.TheseexamplesandothersarebroughttogetherinSummerson,ch.12.

117.Wendover,pp.538–9.118.RLP,p.76.119.Gesetze,pp.655–6,citedby

Harriss,King,ParliamentandPublicFinance,p.9.

120.RLP,p.76.

121.D.M.Stenton,‘KingJohn’,passim.

122.StAugustine’sCanterbury,pp.148–9.

123.Holt,MC,p.107;Holt,Northerners,p.192.

124.SeeHolt,MC,pp.327–31,forhisdiscussionofchapter39.

125.RLP,p.141.126.Marshal,lines13,150–13,154.127.Forsomeofwhatfollows,see

Holt,MC,pp.76–8;Vincent,‘Englishliberties’,pp.244–6.

128.Altamira,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.230–31,andthereference

theregiven.129.Bisson,‘An“Unknown

Charter”forCatalonia’,pp.199–212,quotationsatpp.202and211–12.

130.StatuteofPamiers,columns625–35,chs.i,xv,xvii,xxviii,xxix,xxxi,xxxiii,xliii–v,andcolumn634.

131.Theeventsof1212beginthenextchapter.

9Resistance,1212–1215

1.Gervase,ii,pp.96–9;RLP,p.55.SeeMaddicott,Parliament,pp.142–3.

2.AWR,no.235.3.RLC,p.165b.4.Dunstable,p.33.5.RLP,p.94.6.Anonymous,p.115(on

fitzWalter).7.Anonymous,p.119.The

evidenceiscarefullyreviewedinNorgate,JohnLackland,289–93.ThereisagoodaccountoffitzWalterby

MatthewStricklandintheODNB.

8.Furness,p.521;Norgate,JohnLackland,pp.289–93.ThestorywasspeciallyinsertedintoachroniclebeingcopiedoutatFurnessabbey.Accordingtoit,VescyplacedacommonwomaninJohn’sbed.Johnthenbrokeherfinger,thinkingitwasVescy’swife.

9.PR1203,pp.201,204,214;PR1207,p.74;PR1211,p.34;CRR,v,pp.58–9;vi,pp.

135–6;RLC,pp.99,215b,216b.

10.AlexanderandBinski,eds.,AgeofChivalry,no.454.

11.RLP,pp.17,144b;PR1209,p.190.ForfitzWalter’sclaimtoHertford(inrightofhiswife),seeSummerson,ch.40.

12.Anonymous,pp.117–18;translationbyMatthewStricklandinhis‘RobertfitzWalter’.

13.Paris,GA,pp.220–21,226–7.14.Wendover,p.534.15.RCh,pp.192,197.

16.BF,pp.52–228.Vincent,‘Englishliberties’,pp.251–2,recognizestheimportanceofthisinquiry.

17.Seebelow,pp.398–400.18.JohnofSalisbury,pp.15,

206–13(III,15;VIII,20,21);fordiscussion,seeVanLaarhoven,‘Thoushallnotslayatyrant’,p.328.Aurell,PlantagenetEmpire,pp.70–71.

19.O’Brien,God’sPeace,pp.175–6.

20.Bémont,SimondeMontfort,p.341;Maddicott,SimondeMontfort,pp.31–2.

21.Cheney,‘Allegeddeposition’.22.Powicke,StephenLangton,p.

97;Fryde,WhyMagnaCarta?,p.100;Vincent,‘StephenLangton’,pp.82–7,withafullanalysisofbiblicalreferences.

23.SLI,pp.128–9.24.Cheney,‘Allegeddeposition’,

p.102.25.Brut,pp.194–5.26.Seeabove,pp.272–3.

27.F,p.108.28.RLP,p.97;Holt,Northerners,

pp.85–6.29.RLC,p.132.Johnmay,

however,havemadeconcessionstoearlsandbaronsonanindividualbasis.

30.Crowland,pp.207,214–15.31.F,p.104.32.Thisistheepisodementioned

above,p.81.33.Wendover,p.550.34.Rowlands,‘KingJohn’,p.

270.

35.Forallthis,seeCarpenter,‘ArchbishopLangton’,pp.1057–60.

36.SLI,p.189andnotes4and5;RBE,ii,p.772.

37.F,p.126.38.Coggeshall,p.170.39.RLC,122,pp.216b–217;RLP,

p.94b;Stringer,EarlDavid,pp.50,285note141.

40.RLP,p.99.41.BNB,ii,p.666;RLC,p.165b.

FortheoutlawryoffitzWalterandBriouze(evidenceislackingforVescy),see

Summerson,ch.39.Theneedforindictmentbythe‘famapatrie’comesfromajudgementgivenin1234byWilliamofRaleigh.Whetherinanoutlawryprocesstherewas‘judgementbypeers’dependedonwhowaspresentatthefinalcountycourtwhentheoutlawrywaspronounced.Chapter39couldbereadasrequiringabaronialpresenceifthepersonbeingoutlawedwasabaron.

42.Holt,MC,pp.190–91.

43.PR1214,pp.11,31,81,93,120,175,andxiii–xxiv(PatriciaBarnes’sintroduction);RLP,p.129b;RCh,p.203;Holt,MC,pp.199–200;RLC,p.386b;PR1218,p.93;RF,p.528.

44.Holt,MC,pp.206–7,495.45.Turner,‘Mandeville

inheritance’,pp.294–8.46.Dunstable,p.45;Crowland,p.

225;John’slettersaboutthemarriagearetheonlyplaceswherehestylesGeoffreyEarl

ofEssex:RLC,p.162b;RLP,p.109b.

47.F,pp.104–7;RCh,p.186.Forthediplomacyof1212–13,seeVincent,‘Arollofknights’.

48.Wendover,pp.551–2;Crowland,p.212;Coggeshall,p.167.

49.Dunstable,pp.40,38;Coggeshall,p.167;SC,p.282.

50.Vincent,‘Englishliberties’,p.257.

51.JamesofAragon,pp.24–5.

52.Coggeshall,p.168.53.RLC,p.202.Holt,

Northerners,pp.98–100,analysesthearmy.

54.RLP,p.118b.55.Thereisafineaccountofthe

campaigninRamsay,AngevinEmpire,pp.451–65.

56.Barratt,‘RevenueofJohn’,p.839;PR1214,p.91.Thepiperollfor1213islost.SeeBarratt,‘The1213piperoll’.

57.PR1214,p.95;PR1219,pp.205–6;F,p.126;Holt,Northerners,pp.100–102.

58.RLC,p.213;Vincent,DesRoches,pp.107–13;Holt,KingJohn,p.91.

59.CRR,vii,pp.158–9;F,p.89;Holt,MC,pp.61,66.

60.Coggeshall,p.168.61.SLI,p.203.62.RLC,pp.192b,198b,199,

214;Anonymous,pp.150–51.63.SLI,pp.194,213;RLP,p.

138b.64.SLI,p.165;F,p.126;

Coggeshall,p.167.Crouch,‘Baronialparanoia’,pp.58–9,

bringsouttheimportanceofcorporateactionin1212.

65.Brut,p.201.66.SouthwarkandMerton,p.49.67.Wendover,pp.582–3.68.Holt,MC,pp.406–11,

criticizingR.M.ThomsoninElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.189–92,andGransden,CustomaryofBury,p.xxvnote5.Myargumentdiffersfromallthree.

69.ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.112–13,112note1.

70.ForwhatfollowsseeElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.110–29.Forthissourceseeabove,p.78

71.ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.128–9,saidalittlelaterinproceedings.

72.RLC,p.174.Intheevent,thevisittoRochestertookplaceaftertheBurymeeting.AgapintheitineraryofafewdaysleavesopenwhetherJohnwentontoCanterburyandDover.

73.RLC,pp.175–7;RLP,p.123.

74.FitzWalterandMandevilleatteston2November;RCh,p.202,RLP,p.123.

75.ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.126–7.ThequotationwasfromDeuteronomy7:19.

76.RLP,p.123.Norfolk’ssonhadmarriedtheMarshal’seldestdaughter.

77.Norgate,JohnLackland,p.192.

78.SC,pp.283–4;RCh,p.202b.Foranuanceddiscussionofthecharter,whichbringsoutitsadvantagesforJohn,see

Harvey,EpiscopalAppointments,pp.18–24.

79.RLC,p.179.80.CMS,p.201;Southwarkand

Merton,p.49.81.CRR,vii,p.315;Sanders,

EnglishBaronies,pp.16,53;Harper-Bill,ed.,BlythburghCartulary,i,p.7;Holt,Northerners,p.12;RF,p.417.

82.Wendover,p.584;SLI,p.194.83.CRR,vii,p.315;RLP,p.

126b;RCh,pp.203–5.Ros

wasalsoaguarantorofthelettersofconduct.

84.DD,pp.28–30;Crowland,pp.217–18.

85.SLI,pp.198–201.86.DD,pp.28–30.87.Gervase,ii,p.109.88.Tyerman,Englandandthe

Crusades,pp.134–5;S.Lloyd,EnglishSocietyandtheCrusade,pp.163–5.

89.SLI,pp.202–4,212–13,217.90.ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.

162–5;RLC,p.193b.ForJohn’sprotestaboutthe

electionmadeatEly,seeRLP,pp.132b–133.

91.RLC,p.197b;Kantorowicz,LaudesRegiae,p.217.

92.Crowland,p.219.93.Landon,Itinerary,pp.185–6.94.SLI,pp.196–7.Iagreewith

Holt’sargumentsthatthiswaswhatInnocentdescribedlaterasthe‘triplexformapacis’:MagnaCarta,pp.413–17.

95.SLI,pp.202,214.96.Wendover,pp.585–6;

Crowland,pp.219,225;RLC,p.189b;Holden,Lordsofthe

CentralMarches,pp.178–9.IagreewithHoltindoubtingWendover’slistofwhowasatStamford.

97.Wendover,p.586.98.Whatfollowsallcomesfrom

John’slettertothepopeof29May:F,p.129;seealsoSLI,pp.214–15.

99.SLI,pp.196–7.100.SouthwarkandMerton,p.49.101.Bracton,ii,p.237.102.Forthe‘diffidatio’,see

Strickland,WarandChivalry,pp.231–5,andGillingham,

‘Introductionofchivalry’,pp.223–4.Fortheoriesofresistancebetween1215and1399andtheeventsof1215–7,seeValente,TheoryandPracticeofRevolt,pp.12–67

103.Seeabove,p.257.104.RCh,p.209b;RLP,p.141;F,

p.129;SLI,p.215.105.RLP,p.141.106.RLC,p.204.107.RLP,p.135;RLC,p.198b.108.RCh,p.207.Thecharter

survivesinthemunicipalarchives:London

MetropolitanArchives,COL/CH01/010.

109.SouthwarkandMerton,p.49;Crowland,p.220;RLP,p.137b.

110.Crowland,p.220.111.Paris,HA,ii,p.156.112.PR1214,p.93;RLP,p.129b.113.RLP,p.135;RLC,p.198b.114.RLP,p.145;Smith,‘Treatyof

Lambeth’,p.577note11.115.Holt,Northerners,p.110;

Powicke,StephenLangton,pp.207–13.

116.Crowland,p.220.

117.ForwhatfollowsIamindebtedtoStringer,‘AlexanderII:thewarof1215–1217’,and‘Alan,sonofRoland,lordofGalloway’,pp.85–9,althoughmyemphasisisslightlydifferent.

118.RLC,p.189b;RLP,p.144.Foradifferentview,seeStringer,EarlDavid,pp.51–2and51note154.

119.Gervase,ii,p.111;RLC,p.216b.David’slegitimatesonwasonlyachild.

120.Crowland,p.220;Dunstable,p.43.

121.RLP,p.132b;Holden,LordsoftheCentralMarches,pp.187–8.

122.Dunstable,p.43;Crowland,p.220;Brut,p.90;AC,p.70;J.E.Lloyd,HistoryofWales,ii,pp.642–4.Latimer,‘Rebellion’,pointsoutthattherewererebelsamongsttheWelshmarcherbarons,quiteapartfromGilesdeBriouze,bishopofHereford.

123.RLC,pp.181,197;Latimer,‘Rebellion’.

124.Wendover,p.585.125.RLC,p.200.126.Faulkner,‘Knights’,pp.7–8;

RLP,p.137b;CRR,vi,p.360.127.Seebelow,p.382–5.128.Thereturnsarefor

Herefordshire(CACW,no.1);RutlandandLeicestershire(F,p.144);Shropshire,andStaffordshire(Eyton,Shropshire,x,pp.326–7);andGloucestershire.Thislast(TNAXBox2705)was

discoveredbyAdrianJobsonandisdiscussedinhisforthcoming‘RebellioninGloucestershire’.

129.F,p.144;CRR,vi,p.131;v,p.38;vii,p.240.

130.Holt,Northerners,pp.43–4;butseeThomas,Vassals,pp.45–6;CACW,no.1.

131.Coggeshall,p.171.132.Carpenter,‘Sheriffsof

Oxfordshire’,pp.42–6.133.PR1215,p.10;PR1211,p.

14;P.Brown,Sibton,pp.90–93;seeabove,p.226.

134.SeeRLC,pp.260,417b,622b;BF,p.962.

135.Faulkner,‘Knights’,pp.2,8.136.HototEstateRecords,p.32.137.Crouch,EnglishAristocracy,

pp.17–18.138.CRR,vi,p.231;Lapsley,

‘Buzones’,pp.80–83;PCCG,no.154.

139.Holt,Northerners,p.47;RLP,pp.132b,134b,135b;RLC,pp.216b,217;Tilley,‘MagnaCartaandthehonourofWallingford’.

140.IamgratefultoAdrianJobsonforallowingmetoseesomeofthepreliminaryconclusionsinhisforthcoming‘RebellioninGloucestershire’.

141.Seeabove,pp.135–7.142.Wendover,p.585;seebelow,

p.441.143.PR1215,p.10.144.RLP,pp.135b–136;

Crowland,pp.220–21.145.Holt,Northerners,pp.105–6.146.Gervase,ii,p.109;MR1208,

p.129;RLP,p.138b.

147.Carpenter,Minority,p.48.148.RLP,p.136b.149.RLP,pp.138b,142.150.F,p.129.151.RLP,pp.142–3.

10TheDevelopmentoftheOppositionProgramme

1.Wendover,p.550;Coggeshall,pp.167,170;seealsoDD,no.19.

2.Wendover,pp.552,582–6;Brut,pp.200–201.

3.O’Brien,God’sPeace,pp.

156–203.4.Chapter8inthe1100charter

andchapter9intheArticles.5.Chapters2,4and11.6.Seeabove,p.258–9.7.Fortherootsofthisusage,see

Holt,‘MagnaCarta1215–1217’,pp.293–6,andHolt,MC,pp.518–22.

8.Seeabove,p.272–3.9.Sharpe,‘Chartersofliberties’,

pp.18–20,37–8,46–7,53–4.10.ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.

166–7.11.Wendover,pp.552–4.

12.Coggeshall,p.170;Crowland,pp.217–18;Anonymous,pp.145–6;Brut,p.201.

13.IfollowLiebermannhere,seeSharpe,‘Chartersofliberties’,pp.45–6.

14.ForexampleinBLCottonClaudiusDii,fos.68v,70v.SeeKer,‘Libercustumarum’,forthissource.IamgratefultoHughDohertyforinformationaboutcopiesofHenryII’scharter.

15.Holt,MC,p.224.16.Chapters11,10,6.

17.Forthedocument,seeabove,p.17.ItisprintedinHolt,MC,pp.427–8.

18.Crowland,p.218.19.Chapter5intheUnknown

Charterandchapter7inthe1100Charter.

20.Chapters4,6,3.21.Holt,MC,p.419.22.Chapters2,5,7,11.Chapter

10givestheforestprivilegesto‘knights’.

23.Wendover,p.586.24.Iowethispointto

Summerson’scommentaryon

chapter20.25.Smith,‘MagnaCarta’.26.Underthetermsofchapter25,

judgementwouldbebythetwenty-fiveifthedisseisinwasbyJohn.Itwastobebyjudgementofthecomplainant’speersintheking’scourtifitwasbyHenryIIorRichard.JohnwouldpresumablyhavearguedthatitwasHenryIIwhohaddeprivedthekingofScotsofthenortherncounties.IfJohnwastohavethedelayenjoyed

byothercrusaders,thenjudgementwastobebyLangtonandthebishopsSeebelow,p.552n.20.

27.Sharpe,‘Chartersofliberties’,p.44.

28.Gesetze,pp.656–6.29.Gesetze,pp.656–7;Bisson,

‘An“UnknownCharter”forCatalonia’,pp.211–12.

30.Maddicott,SimondeMontfort,p.157.

31.Burton,p.471;DBM,nos.3,11;Brand,Kings,BaronsandJustices,pp.43–53.For

knightshavingtheirownagendas,seeMaddicott,Parliament,pp.220–24.

32.Forafulleranalysisofwhatfollows,seeabove,pp.147–54.

33.F,p.89;RLC,p.131;SC,p.254,ch.20;Hunnisett,MedievalCoroner,p.151.

34.Seeabove,p.133.35.Seebelow,p.439–40.36.Thereisnochangeofinkat

thesepoints,however.37.Thismaybeanotherchapter,

however,putinafterthe

joiningupofLondon.38.Holt,‘ThemakingofMagna

Carta’,pp.219,224.39.Cheney,‘Twenty-fivebarons’,

p.285.ThedetailwasthetimeJohnwastohavetoputrightanybreachesoftheCharter.

40.Galbraith,‘Runnymede’,p.308.

41.Melrose,fo.31v.IowethetranslationtoDauvitBroun.Forthedateofthisportionofthechronicle,seeBrounand

Harrison,ChronicleofMelrose,pp.131–4.

42.Anonymous,p.150;Wendover,p.603.

43.Holt,MC,pp.499–500.44.Forthe1258oath,seeHey,

‘Theoathsof1258’.45.Altamira,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.

239–40.46.Turner,KingandhisCourts,

pp.241–3.47.RCh,p.45.48.CMS,p.3.Althoughthe

Londonchroniclewherethisappearswaswritteninthe

1250s,itwasherecopyingfromwhatwasacontemporarylistofsheriffs.IamindebtedforthispointtoIanStone,whoispreparinganeweditionofArnoldfitzThedmar’sLondonchronicle.

49.RLC,p.64;SC,p.312;Round,CommuneofLondon,pp.237–42;‘Londonmunicipalcollection’,pp.507–8;Summerson,ch.13.

50.Gervase,ii,pp.96–7.

51.ThomasofMarlborough,pp.438–41;seealsoGransden,‘Ademocraticmovement’.

52.Hyams,RancorandReconciliation,pp.11,65,67,80;andforlaterandinaEuropeancontextseeBrunner,LandandLordship,pp.36,43,63,66,81–7,90.

53.Riley-Smith,FeudalNobility,pp.156–9.

54.Enchiridion,pp.134–43,withthe‘resistance’passagebetweenpp.142and143.

55.Rady,‘Rightofresistance’,arguesthatthechiefconcernwasnottobeaccusedofinfidelityandthuscutofffromroyalpatronage.

56.Gervase,ii,pp.97–8.57.Bracton,ii,pp.33,110;iii,p.

43;iv,pp.158–9;Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,pp.40–41;Brand,‘Dateandauthorship’.

58.RLC,pp.200,244;RLP,p.138;Turner,‘SimonofPattishall’,pp.212–13.

59.Forwhatfollows,seeVincent,‘Twenty-fivebarons’.

60.Ihavearguedforthisview,whilesettingoutthewholedebate,inmy‘ArchbishopLangton’.SeeHolt,MC,pp.268–70,280–87.

61.Seeabove,p.259.62.ASL,pp.12–13.63.Wendover,pp.554,585.64.Itwasinthiseven-handed

spiritthatheseemstohaveofferedtoexcommunicatethebarons,ifJohnsenthisforeignmercenarieshomeandthebaronsthenrefusedtolaydowntheirarms:F,p.129;

Carpenter,‘ArchbishopLangton’,p.1046note21.OnewonderswhetherJohn’sorderon13March,tellingtheforcessummonedfromPoitouthattheycouldgohome,followedarequestfromLangtonrelatedtoanofferalongtheselines:RLP,pp.130–130b.

65.Althoughunnamed,hewouldalsohavebeeninvolvedwiththegrievancesoftheWelshunderchapter44.

66.Forthemeaningoftheclause(25),seeCarpenter,‘ArchbishopLangton’,p.1046note17.Seealson.20tochapter11below.

67.Baldwin,‘MasterStephenLangton’,pp.817–19.

68.SLI,pp.201–2.69.RLC,p.146.70.LambethPalaceLibraryMS

1212,fo.111.ThethreewereWilliamofEynsford,WilliamdeRosandRichardofGraveney.Seebelow,p.384.

71.Iamusingherethetitleofch.8inReynolds,KingdomsandCommunities.FordiscussionseealsoMaddicott,Parliament,pp.139–47

72.Dialogus,pp.152–3;Hyams,King,LordsandPeasants,pp.260–62;Turner,EnglishJudiciary,p.262;seeabove,p.193.

73.Baldwin,MastersandPrinces,p.166.

74.Reynolds,KingdomsandCommunities,pp.268–9.

75.Seeabove,p.111–12.

76.Reynolds,KingdomsandCommunities,pp.268–9.Seeabove,pp.151–2.

77.EHD1189–1327,pp.496–7.78.Paris,GA,pp.225–9.79.Holt,Northerners,pp.59–60.

11Runnymede1.RLP,pp.142b–143.2.Holt,MC,pp.249–50,givesa

gooddescriptionofthetopography.

3.Forwhatfollows,ElectionofAbbotHugh,pp.168–73.

4.Coggeshall,p.172.5.SeeHolt,MC,p.476.6.RLP,p.143.7.Holt,MC,pp.244–8.8.Forwhatfollows,seeHoyt,

RoyalDemesne,pp.144–5.9.SeeArticles,chapter15.10.Forthecopiesandhowthey

containelementsofdrafts,seeabove,pp.19–22.Theyarefullydiscussedinmy‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’.

11.Galbraith,‘AdraftofMagnaCarta’,p.348;andseeabovep.19–20.

12.PeterboroughDeanandChapterMS1,ondepositatCambridgeUniversityLibrary,fos.7v–74.

13.SocietyofAntiquaries,London,MS60,fo.226;CartulariesofPeterboroughAbbey,p.6;andseeabove,p.20.Thecartularyisknownasthe‘BlackBook’ofPeterborough.

14.BodleianLibrary,Oxford,MSLat.Hist.a.1(P);Vincent,TheMagnaCarta,p.74.HereandinthePeterboroughcopy

‘consiliumnostrum’evidentlymeans‘ourcouncil’ratherthan‘ourcounsel’.Seeabove,p.166.IntheBodleiancopy’sversionofchapter48,themalpracticesrevealedbytheinvestigationoftheknightsaretobe‘corrected’–‘emendentur’.ThisisareadingfromtheArticlesoftheBarons,notMagnaCarta,sothecopyclearlyhaselementsofadraft.

15.AnothercopyoftheCharter,thatinalatethirteenth-

centurystatutebook,omitstheneedforconsentinchapter12altogether:TNAE164/9,fo.45.

16.Contrastchapters25and37.17.Thisvariantappearsinthe

copyoftheCharterinthePeterboroughcartularymentionedabove,inthecopyinthelatethirteenth-centurystatutebookthatGalbraithfoundintheHuntingtonLibraryinCalifornia(Galbraith,‘AdraftofMagnaCarta’)andinanumberof

othercopies.Galbraithdatedthestatutebooktobefore1290.

18.Seeabove,p.224.19.CPR1247–58,p.637,fora

parallelin1258.20.Theinterpretationgivenhere

ofchapter25oftheArticlesis,asHoltputsit(MC,p.286andnote102),‘theobviousconstructionoftheLatin’.IfitwasintendedsimplytomeanthatLangtonandthebishopsweretodecidewhetherJohnshouldhavethe‘term’

enjoyedbyothercrusaders,itwasbadlydrafted.SeealsoCarpenter,‘ArchbishopLangton’,p.1046andnote17,andforLangtonandtheArticlesseeabove,pp.332–5.

21.SeeHelmholz,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.348–9,andBrundage,MedievalCanonLawandtheCrusader,pp.172–4.

22.Smith,‘MagnaCarta’,p.359.InthelightofSmith’spaper,Holtalteredwhathehadwrittenbetweenhisfirstandsecondeditions:contrastMC

(1965),p.193,andMC(1992),p.288.Ithinkhisfirstformulationisnearerthetruth.

23.Smith,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.361–2,345–6.Seebelow,p.393.

24.Chapter59;Smith,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.349,359.

25.SLI,p.215.26.Duggan,Becket,p.44.Iowe

thispointtoNicholasVincent.27.Ambler,‘Kingshipand

tyranny’,p.127,andher‘Peacemakersandpartisans’,pp.140–66.

28.SC,pp.117–18,158;Bisson,‘An“UnknownCharter”forCatalonia’,p.211.

29.RLP,p.100;LambethPalaceLibraryMS1212,fos.12v,107(areferenceIowetoNicholasVincent).

30.Seeabove,p.317.31.Seeabove,pp.106–7.32.Turner,EnglishJudiciary,pp.

168–71.33.Klerman,‘Womanprosecutors

inthirteenth-centuryEngland’,pp.295–6;Wilkinson,Womenin

Thirteenth-CenturyLincolnshire,pp.144–9.In1202overseventyappealsweremadebywomenbeforethejusticesinLincolnshire:LAR.pp.lvi,342andseenos.630,673,690,847.

34.Seeabove,pp.111–12.35.Davis,‘Anunknowncharterof

liberties’,p.723,thusthoughttheclauseshowedtheauthorwasof‘humbleextraction’.

36.Anonymous,p.150.37.Thisisprintedasa

continuationofchapter37.

38.APS,pp.111–12;Duncan,‘JohnkingofEngland’,p.271.Seeabove,p.121.

39.Forafullerdiscussion,seeabove,p.120.ForfitzWalter’smilitaryrole,see‘Londonmunicipalcollection’,p.485.

40.Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’,p.361,ch.45.

41.SeeCarpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’.

42.Inchapter9.43.PaulBrandhaskindly

commentedonthedraftingof

chapter39.44.ItwasHenrySummersonwho

pointedthischangeouttome.45.SarumMissal,pp.220–21;

MagdalenCollegeOxfordMS168,fos.90–92(Powicke,StephenLangton,p.176).IammostgratefultoDavidD’Avrayforsendingmeacommentaryonthesermon.ForLangton’ssermons,seeRoberts,SermonsofStephenLangton.

46.SeeCarpenter,‘ThedatingandmakingofMagnaCarta’.

47.Holt,MC,pp.250–55;Cheney,‘TheeveofMagnaCarta’,pp.330,332–3,andCheney,‘Twenty-fivebarons’,p.280.

48.RCh,pp.202–9.49.Galbraith,‘AdraftofMagna

Carta’.50.Holt,MC,pp.248–9,and

Holt,‘ThemakingofMagnaCarta’,p.230.

51.RCh,p.210b.52.Thesecondcopyretainingthe

popeisinalatethirteenth-centurystatutebook:TNAE

164/9,fo.47.Thethird,whichIhaveonlyveryrecentlydiscovered,isinacopyofthebeginningandendofthe1215Charterfoundinthelatefourteenth-centuryRegisterofWilliamCheriton,priorofLlanthonyGloucester:TNAC115/78,fos.123–123v.(IamgratefultoJessicaNelsonforlocatingthisreference.)AsintheHuntingtoncopy,theCharterhereisgivenbyJohnatWindsoron15JuneratherthanatRunnymede.The

omittedtextmakesitimpossibletoknowwhethertheCheritonandHuntingtoncopieswerethesameinotherways.

53.Wendover,p.603;Anonymous,p.150.

54.DBM,pp.90–91,103,113.55.Coggeshall,pp.139–40,146,

154–6.56.Vincent,ed.,EpiscopalActa:

Winchester,p.130.57.Paris,vi,p.65.Hubertseems

inerrorinrememberingthatEarlFerrerswasalsothere.

58.IfollowhereHolt,MC,pp.481–3,withthetextatpp.490–91.

59.Holt,MC,p.263.60.RLP,p.180b;Rowlands,‘Text

anddistribution’,p.1429.61.RLP,p.181.62.RLP,p.150.63.Anonymous,p.150.64.Crowland,p.222.65.RLP,pp.180b,143b.66.ForHenryIIIdevelopingthis

argument,seeCarpenter,Minority,pp.387–8.

67.Crowland,p.221;Paris,HA,ii,p.159.

68.RCh,p.210b.

12TheEnforcementandFailureoftheCharter

1.BassetCharters,no.238.2.RLP,p.144;forthedeparture

ofsomeoftheFlemings,seeAnonymous,p.151.

3.Enchiridion,p.142.4.RLP,p.180b;Rowlands,‘Writ

forpublication’,p.1429.5.Coggeshall,p.172.

6.RLC,pp.377–377b.7.RLP,pp.144–5.8.RLP,pp.146b,148b,149b–

150;RLC,pp.218–218b.9.Fox,‘Originals’,p.333and

note2.10.RLP,p.180b;Holt,MC,pp.

494–5.11.Seebelow,note34.12.Dunstable,p.43;Rowlands,

‘Writforpublication’,p.1428.

13.Forhiscareer,seeVincent,‘ElyasofDereham’.

14.Collins,‘Documents’,p.238.

15.ActaHughofWells,p.4.IowethisreferencetoHuwRidgeway.Seealsoabove,p.230.

16.RL,pp.20–22.17.Fortheroleofthechurchin

disseminatingnews,seeMaddicott,‘Politicsandthepeople’,pp.8–9.

18.Crowland,p.222.19.Burton,pp.321–2.20.Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’,

p.351.Seeabove,p.19.21.ButseeClanchy,Memoryto

WrittenRecord,pp.220–21.

22.Carpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’;DBM,p.96.IowethereferencetoBylandtoSophieAmbler.

23.Seebelow,p.432.24.Anonymous,pp.149–50.25.BLAdd.MSS32085,fos.

102–106v.26.Cheney,‘Twenty-fivebarons’.27.Cheney,‘Twenty-fivebarons’;

Holt,MC,pp.478–80.Inthelegalvolume(BLHarleian746,f.74),theorderistheearlsofClare,Aumale,Essex,Winchester,Hereford,

Norfolk,andOxford,WilliamMarshaljunior,RobertfitzWalter,GilbertdeClare,EustacedeVescy,themayorofLondon,WilliamdeMowbray,GeoffreydeSay,RogerdeMontbegon,WilliamofHuntingfield,RobertdeRos,JohndeLacy,Williamd’Aubigné,RicharddePercy,WilliamMalet,JohnfitzRobert,WilliamdeLanvallei,HughBigod,andRicharddeMunfichet.

28.Strickland,‘EnforcersofMagnaCarta’;Powicke,StephenLangton,pp.207–13;Holt,Northerners,p.110.Painter,ReignofJohn,pp.288–90,givesageographicalanalysisoftheleadersoftherevolt.

29.Cheney,‘Twenty-fivebarons’,p.307;Holt,MC,pp.478–80.

30.Wendover,pp.605–6.31.RLP,p.143b.32.Forthesurvivaloftheletterto

thesheriffofGloucestershire,whichwaswitnessedon20

June,not19June,seeRowlands,‘Textanddistribution’.ThismaywellhavebeentheletterforEngelard,sincehewassheriffofbothGloucestershireandHerefordshire.TheletterisnowinthearchivesofHerefordcathedral.

33.RCh,p.210.TherecipientsofthelettersareanalysedinRowlands,‘Textanddistribution’,pp.1424–6.

34.Aroyalletterof27June,discussedbelow,whichwas

senttoallthesheriffs,wasissuedfollowingajudgementwithwhichLangtonwasassociated,soitisnotunlikelythatDerehamwasatcourtatthistime,andthenreceivedthetwelve19Juneletters,aswellashisfirstbatchoffourCharters.Hemayalsohavereceivedthe27JuneletterforHampshire,sinceoneofthe19Juneletterswascertainlyforthatcounty.Itisthe27JuneletterforHampshire,translatedintoFrench,which

iscopied,alongsidetheFrenchtranslationoftheCharter,inthecartularyofPontAudemar.Onesuspects,therefore,thatthetranslationlikewisewasmadefromtheCharterconnectedwithHampshire,andthusfromtheCharter(iftheargumentsadvancedabovearecorrect)senttoWinchestercathedralfortheWinchesterdiocese.

35.LambethPalaceLibraryMS1213,fo.94.

36.RLC,p.216b.

37.Seeabove,pp.334–5.TherearemanyreferencestotheEynsford,RosandGraveneyfamiliesinduBoulay,LordshipofCanterbury.

38.RLJ,pp.179,180,182,207,210,211,217,219.

39.BF,pp.687,239,242;CRR,iv,pp.21,97;v,pp.8,113,191,213,273.

40.DuBoulay,LordshipofCanterbury,p.107;forthelong-runningdisputebetweenBecketandHenryIIovertheoverlordshipofRos’sseven

fees,seeBarlow,Becket,pp.83,89,136,193,196,213.

41.PR1212,p.15.42.Barlow,Becket,pp.93–4,111;

Warren,HenryII,pp.457–8,478note1.

43.RLC,pp.234,235b,237b,295,325;Gervase,ii,p.110.Inthe1220s,probablythroughtheinfluenceofHubertdeBurgh,Eynsfordbecamebrieflyastewardoftheroyalhousehold.

44.Forelectionsinthecountycourt,seeabove,pp.133–4.

45.RLP,p.145b;Holt,‘Vernacular-Frenchtext’,p.364.ThewritsenttoKentiscopiedinLambethPalaceLibraryMS1213,fo.195.

46.Crowland,p.222;Coggeshall,p.173;Wendover,p.606.

47.Seebelow,pp.448–9.48.F,p.134.49.Crowland,p.222;PR1215,p.

10.50.RLP,pp.143b–145b;RLC,pp.

215–18;thefiguresherecomefromHolt,MC,pp.360–61.

51.RLC,p.215.

52.RLC,p.218.53.RLC,p.216b;RCh,pp.29,

186b;Stringer,EarlDavid,pp.49–50.

54.RLP,p.17b;PR1209,p.190.55.RLC,p.216b.56.RLC,pp.216b,217;forother

‘ifs’,seeRLC,pp.215b,216.57.RLC,p.215.Ithinkthisletter

doesimplythatSalisburywasnotpresentatRunnymede,despiteJohnputtinghimdownintheCharterasoneofhiscounsellors.Anonymous,p.149,suggeststhesame,but

seeHolt,‘MakingofMagnaCarta’,pp.237–8.

58.RLC,pp.216,216b.59.Holt,MC,p.490;Crowland,

p.221,whoseviewwasthatGeoffreyhadnoclaimsavethathisfather,GeoffreyfitzPeter,enjoyedcustodyoftheTowerasJohn’sjusticiar.

60.RLP,p.139b;RLC,p.215;Holt,MC,pp.431–2.

61.Tilley,‘MagnaCartaandthehonourofWallingford’.

62.Holt,MC,pp.499–500(discoveredbyH.G.

Richardson).63.Wendover,p.606(wherethe

councilwastomeetatWestminster,whichismostunlikely);Melrose,fo.31v;Coggeshall,p.172.

64.RLC,pp.215,339b,614b;RLP,pp.43b,44,106,122;MR1208,p.138,no.70.

65.RLC,p.221b.66.Smith,‘TreatyofLambeth’,p.

577note11;RLP,p.145.67.RLC,p.223.68.RLP,p.149.Theplaceofthe

letterisgivenasbetween

NewburyandAbingdon.ItisveryunusualforJohn’sinstrumentsnottobedatedtoaspecificplace.

69.Richardson,‘MorrowoftheGreatCharter’and‘MorrowoftheGreatCharter:addendum’.ForHolt’scritique,seeMC,pp.484–9,whichgoesmuchtoofar,inmyview,inreducingtheimportanceofthecouncil.

70.PR1215,p.10.71.RLP,p.149.72.RLC,pp.221b,222b.

73.RLP,p.141;Crowland,p.225;Dunstable,p.45.

74.RLP,pp.149b–50.75.RLP,p.151;Painter,Reignof

John,p.332.76.RLP,p.150;Smith,‘Magna

Carta’,pp.361–2,345–6.LlywelynhadstillnotobtainedthereleaseofallhishostagesasrequiredbytheCharter:RLP,p.151.DuringthecouncilenvoyswereprobablyalsoreceivedfromKingAlexander,sincehisletterofcredenceforthem

(RLP,p.150)wasenrolledjustbeforetheletterofconductfortheWelshrulers.

77.F,p.134(RLC,p.269).Seeabove,p.387.

78.RCh,pp.213–15.79.Anonymous,p.151;

Gillingham,‘Anonymous’,p.43;Wendover,p.611.

80.RLP,pp.150–50b.81.Holt,MC,pp.499–500,from

Richardson,‘MorrowoftheGreatCharter’,p.443.

82.Melrose,fo.31v.83.RLP,pp.150–150b.

84.SLI,pp.217–19.85.SLI,p.217note1.86.Anonymous,pp.151–2.87.RLP,pp.147,148;

Anonymous,p.151.88.RLP,pp.144–50;Jenkinson,

‘JewelslostintheWash’,pp.163–4.

89.RLC,p.218.90.RLP,pp.152b,153b.91.Crowland,pp.222–3;RLP,p.

153.92.SLI,pp.207–9;Thebull

‘Miramurplurimum’,pp.91–2.

93.Crowland,p.224;SouthwarkandMerton,p.50;Coggeshall,p.173.

94.Thebull‘Miramurplurimum’,pp.90–93.

95.Crowland,pp.224–5;RLP,pp.154b,155.

96.F,p.75.97.Crowland,pp.224–5;

Coggeshall,p.176;F,p.140.98.F,p.104.99.Southern,‘England’sfirst

entryintoEurope’,pp.147–9;see,however,Holt,‘MagnaCarta,1215–1217’,pp.292–3.

100.SLI,pp.212–16.101.Norgate,JohnLackland,p.

248.102.Baldwin,Mastersand

Princes,i,p.166;Carpenter,‘ArchbishopLangton’,p.1042.

103.ThewholestoryistoldinRowlands,‘KingJohn’.

104.Coggeshall,pp.174–5;RLC,p.228;RLP,pp.138,181;Wendover,p.606.

105.RLP,pp.154b–155.106.Galbraith,Studiesinthe

PublicRecords,pp.136,161–

2.107.F,pp.136,137;Holt,

Northerners,p.1.108.Holt,MC,pp.499–500,from

adiscoverybyH.G.Richardson.

109.Smith,‘TreatyofLambeth’,p.577note15.

110.APS,p.108;Petit-Dutaillis,LouisVIII,pp.115–18.

111.Crowland,pp.225–6.112.F,p.140.

13TheRevivaloftheCharter,1216–1225

1.Forthemilitaryevents,seeMcGlynn,BloodCriesAfar.

2.Church,HouseholdKnights,pp.104–8.

3.APS,pp.108,110,112;Melrose,fo.33;Coggeshall,p.183;Anonymous,p.179;Stringer,‘AlexanderII:thewarof1215–1217’.ThesourceforJohn’sremarkisParis,p.642.

4.Warren,KingJohn,pp.278–85;Holt,‘KingJohn’sdisasterintheWash’.

5.Guala,no.140b.6.RLP,p.199;CChR,p.172.7.Coggeshall,pp.183–4.

CoggeshallwasadaughterhouseofSavigny.

8.F,p.192;Church,‘KingJohn’stestament’,pp.516–17;Worcester,pp.391–2,395.ForawidercontextseeDraper,‘KingJohnandStWulfstan’,andMason,‘StWulfstan’sstaff’.

9.Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,pp.435–6.

10.LatintextsandtranslationsoftheChartersof1216,1217and1225,andoftheForestChartersof1217and1225,areinSR,pp.14–27,andtranslationsinEHD1189–1327,pp.327–49.TextandtranslationswillappearinduecourseonthewebsiteoftheMagnaCartaProject.

11.PR1216–25,p.22.ForwhatfollowsseeCarpenter,Minority,pp.31–5.

12.PoliticalSongs,p.22.13.PR1215,p.14;Carpenter,

Minority,p.29.14.Crowland,p.236;Guala,pp.

xli–ii(Vincent’sintroduction).

15.ApartfromtheMarshal,theywereHubertdeBurgh,nowwithhistitleofjusticiar,MatthewfitzHerbert,JohnMarshal,AlanBassetandPhilipd’Aubigné.

16.Thechangehadsomesignificancewhenitcametodecidingwhohadtherightto

thecropsandstockatthepointthewardshipended.

17.SeeCarpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’.Aspeciallywordedengrossmentofthe1216Charter,knownfromanowdestroyedcopy,wassenttoIreland.ItiscollatedwiththeDurhamengrossmentisSR,pp.14–16.ThecopyinanAbingdoncartularly(Abingdon,ii,p.283,no.C355)turnsouttobetheCharterof1217.

18.Layettes,pp.434–7;Guala,p.29.

19.Gervase,ii,p.111.20.Allfourareillustratedin

Vincent,TheMagnaCarta,pp.61–4.

21.RA,pp.148–9,andplateXIX.22.SR,p.16.23.IllustratedinVincent,The

MagnaCarta,p.75,andinanengravinginSR.

24.Carpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’.TherearenoknowncopiesoftheForestCharterorMagnaCartawitha14or15

Novemberdate.Manyhavenodateatall.

25.Lawlor,‘AnunnoticedCharter’,p.525;Guala,pp.30–31;thecharterswithMarshasthegiverareusuallyhybridscombiningelementsfrom1217and1225.

26.RL,pp.180–81.FromthetimeofhisappointmentasbishopofDurhamin1217,downtohisdeathin1226,Marshwaslargelyatitularchancellor(thoughtakingtherevenuesof

office),andtheworkwasdonebyNeville.

27.Ihavenot,however,discoveredacopyofthe1217MagnaCartawherethe‘givers’areGualaandtheMarshalasopposedtoMarsh,butonemaycometolight.SeeCarpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’.

28.Forthetournandfrankpledge,seeabove,pp.178–80.

29.F,p.89.Seeabove,p.133.30.Melrose,fo.36.

31.RLC,p.377b;seeabove,pp.4–5.TheenrolledletteristothesheriffofYorkshirebutitprobablywenttotheothersheriffsaswell.

32.RLC,p.378;Vincent,TheMagnaCarta,pp.61–4.

33.Wendover,pp.75–6;Carpenter,Minority,pp.295–7.

34.Norgate,Minority,pp.225–6;Anonymous,p.173;RLC,p.139b.

35.Carpenter,Minority,p.389,explainswhy,intheevent,

HenryenteredfullpowerinJanuary1227actuallybeforehewastwenty-one.

36.Forexamplein1264,DBM,pp.268–9.

37.C&S,p.162.38.Seeabove,pp.349–51.39.Carpenter,‘Cerneabbey

MagnaCarta’.TheabbotofCernewasoneofthewitnesses.Fortheassemblythatgrantedthetax,seeMaddicott,Parliament,pp.106–8.

40.C&S,pp.137–8,206–7.

41.Blackstone,GreatCharter,pp.27–59;Thompson,MagnaCarta,p.148.

42.Enchiridion,p.142.43.Seebelow,p.445.44.Inthe1236StatuteofMerton:

CR1234–7,p.338.45.Seeabove,pp.151–2.46.Chapters32and36in1225,

andchapters39and43in1217.

47.Chapter21in1225andchapter26in1217.Theuseof‘knights’inasensewhichwouldseemtoincludebarons

isalsofoundinchapter10oftheUnknownCharter.

48.Seeabove,pp.185–6.49.Allfoursurviving

engrossmentsofthe1217Charterhave‘orhisbailiff’–‘ballivussuus’.However,theDurhamandLacockabbeyengrossmentsofthe1225Charteromitthe‘suus’,whereastheothertworetainit.Idonotthinkthisissignificant.

50.CR1231–4,pp.592–3,588–9;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.

49–50.51.Anotherchangethatmight

seemtobuckthebaronialtrendwasthatmadetoMagnaCarta1215’schapter28(19in1225)abouttheseizureofcornandotherchattelswithoutpaymentbyconstablesandbaliffs.From1216theconstablesandbaliffswerenolongerspecifiedasthoseoftheking.

52.Carpenter,Minority,pp.90–91,168–9.

53.Glanvill,p.59;Bracton,ii,p.265;Biancalana,‘Widowsatcommonlaw’,pp.277–84;Loengard,‘WhatdidMagnaCartameantowidows?’,pp.148–9,andher‘RationabilisDos’,pp.66–8.

54.Forwhatfollows,seeabove,pp.111–13.

55.Chapters16and35in1217,chapters14and29in1225.

56.See‘MagnaCartarepeals’.

14DidMagnaCartaMakeaDifference?

1.IamgratefultoPaulBrandforcommentingonadraftofthechapter.

2.SR,p.28;CChR,pp.225–6.3.Holt,MC,p.394.4.Poole,‘Publicationof

Charters’,pp.451–2,touchesbrieflyonthissubject.Forarecentdiscussionofthedisseminationofinformation,seeMaddicott,‘Politicsandthepeople’.

5.RLC,p.377b;RLC,ii,pp.70,73b;Wendover,pp.91–2;Crowland,p.256;Carpenter,Minority,pp.73–4,383–4.

6.CR1254–6,pp.194–5;DBM,pp.312–15.

7.EHD1189–1327,pp.485–8,496–7.

8.Carpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’.

9.Burton,p.322;Rishanger,p.405.ForproclamationsinEnglishin1258,seeDBM,pp.116–23;EHD1189–1327,pp.367–70.

10.Vincent,TheMagnaCarta,pp.49–71.

11.Burton,p.322;C&S,p.851;CCR1272–9,p.582;Maddicott,‘Politicsandthepeople’,p.9;Thompson,FirstCentury,pp.96–7.

12.SeeCarpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’.Iplantheretoupdatethefiguresgivenbelow.IammostgratefultoPaulBrandandSusanReynoldsforsharingtheirknowledgeofcopieswithme.

13.MostoftheseareaccompaniedbytheForestCharter.

14.HototEstateRecords,pp.14,32.

15.Reynolds,‘MagnaCarta1297’.

16.Carpenter,‘CopiesofMagnaCarta’;Lawlor,‘AnunnoticedCharter’.Foraprintedexample,Guisborough,pp.162–79.

17.Carpenter,‘CerneabbeyMagnaCarta’.

18.Holt,‘StAlbanschroniclers’;Reynolds,‘MagnaCarta

1297’,p.241andnote54;Carpenter,‘MatthewParisandtheChronicaMajora’,p.7note43.

19.SR,pp.28–31;Vincent,TheMagnaCarta,p.78.

20.ItwascopiedatStAlbans,however:Wendover,pp.616–20.

21.Paris,v,pp.520–21;Maddicott,Parliament,pp.198–9.

22.Thompson,FirstCentury,p.65.

23.RL,pp.20–22;Carpenter,Minority,pp.73–4,102–3.

24.RL,pp.151–2;Carpenter,Minority,pp.210–11.

25.CRR,x,p.7.Forreferencestowhatmayormaynotbethesameman,seeRLC,p.333;CRR,viii,pp.179,236,254;CRR,xi,no.1019.

26.CRR,xi,nos.2142,2312;RLC,ii,pp.153–4,212–13;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.33–4.

27.Thompson,FirstCentury,ch.4,withthefiguresonp.64.

ThesubjectwillbeexploredmorefullybyPaulBrandinaforthcomingpaper.

28.CRR,xvi,no.136C.29.Nichols,‘Anearlyfourteenth-

centurypetition’;RaziandSmith,eds.,MedievalSociety,pp.179–80;foranotherexampleofknowledgeoftheCharteratthepeasantlevel,seeThompson,MagnaCarta,p.71.

30.Forwhatfollows,seeThompson,FirstCentury,ch.4;Holt,MC,ch.11;

Carpenter,Minority,ch.12;andmostespeciallyMaddicott,‘MagnaCarta’.

31.The‘henceforth’isonlyfoundintheDurhamengrossment.

32.CRR,xii,no.2646;xiv,no.751;forlitigationintheminorityingeneral,seeCarpenter,ReignofHenryIII,pp.26–9.

33.CFR1231–2,no.94;Clasby,‘TheabbotofStAlbans’;CChR,pp.99–100.

34.Carpenter,‘ArchbishopLangton’,pp.1062–4;andfor

fitzAlan,CFR1256–7,no.934.

35.PR1219,p.43;PR1222,p.168(asMargaretdeCressy).ThesubjectofwhathappenedtothefinesmadebywidowsunderJohnhasbeenexploredbyAbigailArmstronginaKing’sCollegeLondonMAessay.

36.Paris,iv,p.385.ForHenry’sitinerary,seeKanter,‘Peripateticandsedentarykingship’,pp.22–6.

37.Ridgeway,‘TheLordEdward’,‘HenryIIIandthe“aliens”’andhis‘Foreignfavourites’.

38.EHD1189–1327,pp.359–67;DBM,pp.96–113.

39.DBM,p.81,chs.4–6;Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,ch.14.

40.Carpenter,‘MagnaCarta1253’,p.182.

41.Seeabove,p.208.42.Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,

pp.171–4;Cassidy,‘Badsheriffs,custodialsheriffs’.In

factthesalaryplanneverreallyfunctioned,andthesolutionfrom1259wastoreducethesizeoftheincrements.

43.DBM,pp.275–7.44.DBM,pp.108–9,155.Forthe

sheriffsoftheperiodofreform,seeRidgeway,‘Sheriffsofthebaronialregime’.

45.DBM,pp.146–7,ch.21;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.47–8;Brand,Kings,BaronsandJustices,pp.81–2.

46.Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.48–61,andfortheweaknessofHenry’srulethatallowedsuchoppression,seeCarpenter,ReignofHenryIII,ch.5.

47.Seeabove,pp.185–6.48.Brand,Kings,Baronsand

Justices,pp.43–53.49.DBM,pp.138–43;Brand,

Kings,BaronsandJustices,pp.42–53,87–90,295–301;seeabove,p.426.

50.DBM,pp.142–5,chs.9and10;Brand,Kings,Barons,and

Justices,pp.54–7.51.DBM,pp.99,115,131–7,

160–63;SpecialEyre,pp.lii–lxiii(AndrewHershey’sintroduction.)

52.Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,ch.5.

53.Forthesechanges,seeabove,pp.129–37,144–5.

54.Burton,p.471.55.Maddicott,SimondeMontfort,

p.176.56.SCWR,p.43;Carpenter,Reign

ofHenryIII,pp.309and325–39,forwhatfollows.

57.Thereformsof1258–9didnothing,however,tooverturnthelegaldisabilitiesofvilleinage.See,forexample,thecaseofthevilleinsofBamptoninOxfordshireinSCWR,p.106.

58.DBM,pp.134–5;FH,ii,pp.426–7.

59.Brand,Kings,BaronsandJustices,pp.77–82,87–90.

60.RH,ii,p.485.61.DBM,pp.116–19;EHD

1189–1327,pp.367–8.

62.Maddicott,SimondeMontfort,istheclassicbiography.

63.EleanorisbroughtaliveforthefirsttimeinWilkinson,EleanordeMontfort.

64.DBM,pp.312–13;SR,tableofcontentsXV;Ambler,‘MagnaCarta1265’.

65.CR1264–8,p.100.66.Forthewayhisepiscopal

supportersjustifiedtherevolution,seeAmbler,‘TheMontfortianbishops’.Jobson,FirstEnglishRevolution,

providesanexcellentnarrativeoftheperiod.

67.Maddicott,Parliament,pp.210–18andch.5.

68.Chapters19and21in1225;efochapters28and30in1215.

69.EHD1189–1327,nos.74and85,ch.2.

70.DBM,no.36C.71.Forhowfairtheaccusations

were,seeHowell,RegalianRight,p.145,andHarvey,EpiscopalAppointments,pp.76–88.

72.Paris,v,p.738;Hershey,‘WilliamdeBussey’.

73.DBM,pp.270–5;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.54–61;Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,pp.30–6,98–106;Moore,‘Thorringtondispute’;SpecialEyre,pp.liv–lxiii.Carpenter,ReignofHenryIII,ch.2,questionsHolt’shypothesisthatbaroniallitigationwentthroughmoresmoothlyafter1215.

74.RL,ii,p.102.

75.DBM,pp.108–9,ch.18;pp.270–71,ch.2;C&S,p.543,ch.24;Waugh,‘Originsofthearticlesoftheescheator’;Thompson,MagnaCarta,p.19.Forexamplesofprocedureotherthanbyletterspatent,seeCFR1270–71,no.408;CFR1271–2,nos.123,136.

76.Mirror,p.178.ForthequestionofdateandauthorshipseeMaitland’sbeautifullywrittenintroduction.TheMirrorofJusticesisanimaginative

workandnoguidetopreciselaw,butitcanmakeinterestingandacuteobservations.

77.ERW,pp.lv,63;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.53–4;RH,i,p.169.

78.Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.36–40;DBM,pp.80–81,no.9;Prestwich,EdwardI,pp.518–19,534–7,548.

79.CR1231–4,pp.592–3,588–9.80.CRR,xvi,nos.31,46,112.81.NorthumberlandPleas,pp.

163–4;Cassidy,‘William

Heron’.SeealsoDBM,pp.126–9,ch.16,whereagainthecharterismisinterpreted.

82.SpecialEyre,pp.xlix,li,lii,lv,lvii,lix,andnos.56,74,76,129(fortheLucywardship),152,173,312,340.

83.ExamplesarebroughttogetherbyJuliaBarrowinHerefordActa,pp.43–7.

84.EHD1189–1327,p.359.85.LettersofGrosseteste,pp.

253–4.86.F,pp.289–90;Carpenter,

‘MagnaCarta1253’.New

lightwillbethrownonthissubjectbyFelicityHill’sdoctoralthesisonexcommunicationandMagnaCarta.

87.Thompson,FirstCentury,p.64.

88.EHD1189–1327,p.485,ch.1.

89.ERW,p.363;forwritsavailable,seealsoThompson,MagnaCarta,pp.42–51.

90.ERW,lv,p.63;Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,pp.53–4;

Thompson,MagnaCarta,pp.44–6.

91.Mirror,p.176.92.Cam,StudiesintheHundred

Rolls,pp.20–22,92–100.93.Forthedifficultiesof

procedurebywrit,seeHershey,‘Justiceandbureaucracy’.

94.DBM,pp.162–3,ch.7;Cam,StudiesintheHundredRolls,p.96,ch.20,p.98,ch.11.

95.NorthumberlandAssizeRolls,pp.163–4.

96.Paris,GA,p.340;EHD1189–1327,p.497.

97.DBM,pp.150–55,chs.5and20.

98.CCR1272–9,p.582.99.DBM,pp.150–51,ch.6.100.Maddicott,‘MagnaCarta’,p.

33,hereaboutLincolnshire.101.DBM,no.37C;Stacey,

‘Crusades,Crusaders’,pp.138–42.

102.Howell,RegalianRight,pp.142–6,wheretheemphasisisontheexploitation.

103.Harvey,EpiscopalAppointments,pp.97–8,andmoregenerallypp.76–99;Huscroft,‘RobertBurnel’,pp.85–6.

104.Forsignificantearlyexamples,seeCarpenter,Minority,pp.63,191,197,204.ThereareoccasionalexceptionsthatIhopetowriteaboutelsewhere.Theyaresometimesexplainedbytheheirbuyinghimselfoutofaperiodofwardshiporpurchasingtheking’sstockin

themanor.TherewereoccasionswhenHenryIIIleviedscutageat3marksafee,thesamerateasin1214,andthuscouldbedeemedtobeinbreachofthe1217/1225Charter’sstipulationthatscutageshouldbetakenasunderHenryII.Howeverhesecuredconsentforsuchlevies:Mitchell,Taxation,pp.186,191,232,248note90,285note142.

105.Waugh,LordshipofEngland,p.86.

106.CFR1218–19,no.367.107.CPR1232–47,p.352.108.Waugh,LordshipofEngland,

pp.159–60,wherethedeclineinthenumberandvalueoffinesforpermissiontomarryfreelyisalsosetout.SeediscussioninRay,‘Theladyisnotforturning’;Annesley,‘TheimpactofMagnaCartaonwidows’;Carpenter,‘HubertdeBurgh,MatildadeMowbray’.

109.Carpenter,StruggleforMastery,pp.420–21;Paris,v,

p.336;Annesley,‘IsabellacountessofArundel’.

110.Theeventualpracticewassimplytotakeanoathfromthewidownottomarrywithouttheking’slicence:CFR1255–6,no.627;Waugh,LordshipofEngland,pp.116–7.

111.Coss,TheLady,pp.121–3;CR1242–7,p.61.Between1236and1258thefinerollshaveadozenfinesimposedforhavingmarriedwomenwithouttheking’slicence.

112.CFR1226–7,no.125.113.Biancalana,‘Widowsat

commonlaw’,pp.284–8,313–16;Loengard,‘WhatdidMagnaCartameantowidows?’,pp.149–50.

114.Klerman,‘Womenprosecutorsinthirteenth-centuryEngland’;Stewart,ed.,1263SurreyEyre,p.cx;Klerman,‘Settlementanddeclineofprivateprosecution’.



117.Thedisseisinsconsequentonthereformsin1236totherunningofroyalmanorswerequicklyreversed:Stacey,Politics,Policy,pp.101–3.SeealsoCarpenter,‘RobertdeRos’.

118.Carpenter,‘RogerMortimer’.119.Forwhatfollows,seeHolt,

MC,pp.332–3;Harcourt,‘Amercementofbarons’;Carpenter,‘RobertdeRos’,pp.7–9.

120.Bracton,ii,p.330.121.PROE370/1/6,m.2.Iam

gratefultoPaulDryburghandJessicaNelsonfortranscribingthisforme.

122.CRR,vi,pp.289–90;CFR1255–6,no.657.

123.Carpenter,‘MagnaCarta1253’,p.186.

124.Holt,MC,pp.332–3;Bracton,ii,pp.330;Carpenter,‘RobertdeRos’and‘MagnaCarta1253’.

125.Brand,OriginsoftheLegalProfession,p.24.

126.Musson,‘Localadministrationofjustice’;Kanter,‘Thefourknights’system’;CFR1256–7;RF,pp.371–464.

127.Mirror,p.179;Clanchy,‘MagnaCarta,clause34’,pp.543–4;Thompson,MagnaCarta,pp.49–51.

128.Carpenter,Minority,pp.392–3;Maddicott,‘EdwardIandthelessonsofbaronialreform’,pp.26–7.

129.Williams,FromCommunetoCapital,pp.207–8,255–60.

130.MGL,i,pp.500–502;JohnofWallingford,p.131;Thompson,FirstCentury,p.39.

131.Meekings,WiltshireEyre,pp.108–9;Fleta,pp.103–4.

132.Forwhatfollows,seeHyams,King,LordsandPeasants,pp.143–5.

133.WalterofHenley,pp.310–11;Poole,FromDomesdayBooktoMagnaCarta,p.476note2;RaziandSmith,eds.,MedievalSociety,p.49;SPMC,p.44.

134.Bracton,ii,p.34;Hyams,King,LordsandPeasants,p.143.

135.ERW,pp.lv,63;butseeFleta,p.103.

136.Nichols,‘Earlyfourteenth-centurypetition’,p.306.SincetheCharteractuallyhadamercements,otherthanforearlsandbarons,assessedbythemenoftheneighbourhood,ratherthanexplicitlybypeers,thepeasantsmayalsohavebeeninfluencedherebytheStatute

ofWestminsterof1275,whichstipulatedjudgementbypeersforeveryoneincludingvilleins:EHD1181–1827,p.399,ch.6.

137.Hyams,King,LordsandPeasants,pp.144–5.

138.Mirror,p.177,andseep.79.139.Ihavecalculatedthe1207–8

and1256–7figuresmyself.TheotherfigureswerecalculatedbyBethHartlandandPaulDryburgh,‘Developmentofthefinerolls’,194–5:seeCFR1224–

34,pp.vii–ix;CFR1234–42,pp.xii–xiii.Forthefinestorecovertheking’sgraceandbenevolencebetween1236and1258,seeCFR1235–6,no.152;CFR1250–1,nos.359,822;CFR1256–7,no.894;CFR1257–8,no.37.Ihavenotincludedthedozenfinesforhavingmarriedwomen(mostlywidows)withouttheking’slicence.Theirtotalvaluewasonly£746.Thelargestwasthe500marksimposedonJohnde

GreyforhavingmarriedthewidowofPaulinusPeyvr:CFR1250–1,no.1213.The£500finein1257wasmadebyJohndeBalliol.ForHenry’streatmentofhimandRobertdeRos,oneofthefewoccasionswhenheactedlikeKingJohn,seeCarpenter,‘RobertdeRos’.ForthegeneralnatureofHenryIII’spersonalruleseeCarpenter,ReignofHenryIII,ch.5.

140.Carpenter,‘Englishroyalchancery’,pp.54–5.

141.Carpenter,Minority,pp.206,210–11.

142.Mitchell,Taxation,pp.186,191,208–9,241–2,253–4.

143.EHD1189–1327,p.486,ch.6.

144.Stacey,‘Parliamentarynegotiation’.

GlossaryofTerms1.Ihavefoundparticularly

helpfulJohnHudson’sGlossaryinhisFormationof

theEnglishCommonLaw,pp.240–48.

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GlossaryofTerms

ThisGlossaryprovidesbriefdefinitionsoftermsfoundinMagnaCartaandelsewhereinthisbook.Itmakesnoclaimstocatchallthesensesinwhichthetermscouldbeused.1Unlessstated,

referencestothechaptersofMagnaCartaaretothoseintheCharterof1215.

advowsonTherightofnominatingaclerictoanecclesiasticalbenefice,mostfrequentlyaparish.Therightwaspossessedbymanylaylordsofmanors,aswellasbishops,monasteriesandcathedralchapters.

afforestationThebringingofanareawithintheboundsoftheroyalforest,thussubjectingitto

royalforestlaw.Seeassart,purpresture,waste.

aid(i)Apaymentdemandedbyalord(includingtheking)fromhistenantsbyknightservice.MagnaCartasoughttolimitsuchaidstothreecustomaryoccasions.(ii)Ataxleviedbythekingonthekingdom.Seeknightservice.

amercementAfinancialpenaltyforfallingintothemercyofthekingoralordthroughthecommittalofsomeoffence.Usuallytheresultofconviction

beforeacourt.Whatwouldnowbecalleda‘fine’.

AngevinempireThetotalityoftheterritoryundertheAngevinkings.GreatlyreducedbyJohn’slossofNormandyandAnjouin1204.

AngevinsAtermusedbyhistorianstocoverkingsHenryII(r.1154–89),RichardI(r.1189–99)andJohn(r.1199–1216).DerivedfromHenryIIbeingthesonofGeoffreyofAnjou(‘Angevin’meaning‘relatingtoAnjou’).

appealAnaccusationbroughtincourtbyoneindividualagainstanother,usuallyofviolenceortheft.

assartTheclearingofanareawithintheroyalforestandthussubjecttoroyalforestlawsoastocreatenewarableland.Itwasapunishableoffencetocreateanassartwithouttheking’slicence.

assize(i)Legislation,so‘theAssizeofNorthampton’.(ii)Alegalactionlikethosenamedinchapter18ofMagnaCarta.Seedarreinpresentment,grand

assize,mortd’ancestor,noveldisseisinandrecognition.

bailiffAlocalofficial.bailiwickAlocalareasubjecttotheauthorityofanofficial,soacountyorhundred.

baronInMagnaCartaalordwhoholdsabaronyfromthekingandowesareliefof£100.Seerelief.Canalsobeusedmorelooselytomeanagreatman.

baronyTheestateheldbyabaronfromthekingandforwhichheowes,inMagnaCarta,areliefof£100.The‘baronyofanearl’

hadthesamestructure(seefee)asthebaronyofabaron.

beauplederAfineleviedatthestartofasessionofacourtbythepresidingofficialsonthoseattending,inorderforthelattertoescapepenalizationformistakesingivingevidenceandotherproceduralerrors.

benchThecentralcourtheldbytheking’sjudges,usuallyatWestminster.Itheardmostlycivilpleasaccordingtotheproceduresofthecommonlaw.Latercalledthecourtof

commonpleasorthecommonbench.

BractonTheshorttitleforagreatbookonthelawsandcustomsofEngland.Thoughtoncetohavebeenwritteninthe1250sbythejudgeHenrydeBracton.Nowlargelyacceptedthatitwaswritteninthe1220sand1230sbythelegalcirclearoundthejudgeWilliamofRaleigh,Bractonhimselfsimplymakinglateradditionstothetext.

burgageAformoftenurefortownpropertyinreturnforrent,with

freedomofalienation.chamberAnofficetravellingwiththekingwhoseofficialsreceived,storedanddisbursedhismoney.

chanceryAnoffice,mostlytravellingwiththeking,whoseclerkswroteandsealedtheking’scharters,lettersandwrits.Theheadwasthechancellor,althoughhecouldbeanabsentee.Thechanceryrollsweretherollsonwhichthechanceryrecordeditsoutput,witheachrollcoveringone

regnalyear.Seealsolettersclose,letterspatentandwrit.

chattelsMovableproperty,especiallycornandanimals.

chiefjusticiarTheking’schiefminister;inchargeofgovernmentduringtheking’sabsencefromthekingdom.Sometimesjustcalled‘thejusticiar’.TherewasalsoachiefjusticiarinIreland.

clerksClerkswereboththoseordainedasbishops,priestsanddeacons,andthosewhoweretonsuredbutremainedinminor

orders,oftenwithlittleimmediateintentionofproceedingtothepriesthood.Manyoftheclerksworkingforthekingfellintothelattercategory.

commonlaw,common-lawlitigationSeethenextentry.

commonpleasCivillitigationintheking’scourtsthatfollowedstandardprocedurescommontothewholekingdom.Suchlitigationformedacentralelementinthecommonlaw.‘Commonpleas’and‘common-

lawlitigation’arelargelysynonymousterms.Seedarreinpresentment,grandassize,mortd’ancestorandnoveldisseisin.

commontermofcrusadersTheperiodwithinwhichacrusaderenjoyedvariousprivilegesandprotections.

coramregeThistranslatesliterallyas‘inthepresenceoftheking’.Thetermforthejudicialcourtthattravelledwiththeking,latercalledthecourtofking’sbench.

cottarAnunfreepeasantsmallholder.

countyThechieflocalgovernmentdivisionofthekingdom.Theboundariesofthemedievalcountiesremainedlargelyunchangeduntil1974.Therewerethirty-eightcountiesin1215.InLatin,‘comitatus’isboththewordforcountyandcountycourt.Inchapter18ofMagnaCarta‘comitatus’isusedinbothsenses.

countyfarmThefixedannualpaymentforwhichthesheriffofacountyansweredeachyearattheexchequer.Thefarmsby

John’sreignhadremainedmuchthesameformanyyearsandhenceinMagnaCarta’schapter25aredescribedas‘ancient’.Thefarmwasderivedfromamercementsimposedinthecountyandhundredcourts,fromtraditionalpayments(suchas‘sheriff’said’),fromthedemesnemanorsofthekinginthesheriff’shands,andfromanysubsidiaryfarmsofhundreds,wapentakesandridings.Seealsodemesnemanor,incrementandprofit.

darreinpresentmentAcommon-lawlegalaction,or‘assize’,todeterminewhohadtherighttonominatetoachurchliving,thelivingbeingusuallyaparish.Theverdictwasgivenbyajuryoffreemenfromtheneighbourhoodofthepropertyindispute.Seeadvowsonandrecognition.

deforestationThetakingofareasoutoftheroyalforestandfreeingthemfromroyalforestlaw.

demesnemanorAmanorinalord’shands,ratherthanheldfromhimbyatenant.Theking’sdemesnemanorsreferredtoinchapter25ofMagnaCartahadoftenbeeninhishandssinceDomesdayBook.

DialogusdeScaccarioThegreatbookwrittenontheworkingsoftheexchequerbyHenryII’streasurer,RichardfitzNigel.Itwasbegunin1177andfinishedsometimeinthe1180s.

diffidatioTheformalactinwhichallegiancetoalordisrenounced

andthelorddefied.disparagementTheoffencegivenwhenanindividualwasmarriedtosomeoneoflowersocialstatus.

disseisinDispossession,usuallyappliedtodispossessionofland,butcouldalsobeofrights.

distrainToforcesomeonetodosomething,usuallybytheseizureofchattelsandland.Thecorrespondingnounis‘distraint’.

distressTocompelandconstrainsomeonetodosomethingby

force.Hasmuchthesamemeaningas‘todistrain’.

dowerTheportionofherhusband’slandsthatawidowisentitledtoafterhisdeath.Onthewidow’sdeaththedowerrevertstoherhusband’sheir.

earlTheEnglishtermfortheLatin‘comes’andtheFrench‘count’.Alargelyhonorarytitleofhighstatus,oftenbutnotalwaysattachedtoacounty.

ellAunitofmeasurementof45inches.

engrossmentAnauthorizedoriginalofadocumentasopposedtoalatercopy.Toengrossistowriteoutsuchadocument.

escheatLandthathascomeintotheking’shands,oftenthroughthefailureofheirsorforfeiture.

escheatorTheroyalofficialwhoadministeredlandthathadcomeintotheking’shandsviaanescheatorwardship.Seewardship.

exchequerThecentralinstitutionofroyalgovernment,usually

sittingatWestminster,whichexactedandauditedtheking’sannualrevenue.SeealsopiperollandDialogusdeScaccario.

eyreAvisitationoftheking’sjusticesinthelocalities,hence‘justicesineyre’.Seealsoitinerantjustices.A‘generaleyre’isatermgivenbyhistoriansforavisitationinwhichpanelsofjudges,empoweredtohear‘allpleas’(sobothcriminalandcivil)andinvestigateroyalrightsandlocal

abuses,weresentthroughthewholecountry.

fairAlargeannualgatheringfortradeheldatafixeddateeachyear,asopposedtoamarket,whichwasusuallyweekly.Newmarketsandfairsneededtobelicensedbytheking.

faithfulmanInMagnaCarta,amanwhohasswornanoathoffealty,thatisloyalty,totheking.Alladultmales,freeandunfree,wereobligedtotakesuchanoath.

farmAfixedannualpaymentowedforacounty,hundred,wapentake,town,manor,forestorotherbailiwick.Seecountyfarm.

feeAnestatethatwasheldbyknightservicefromthekingorotherlord.Thefeeofanearlorabaroncomprisedbothhisdemesnemanorsandthelandsheldfromhimbyhisowntenants.Itmightequallybecalledhis‘barony’or‘honour’.Asingleknight’sfeewasanestateforwhichtheserviceof

oneknightwasowed.Seeholdinglandfromalord,honourandknightservice.

feefarmAformoflandtenureinreturnforrent.

felonyAseriouscrime.fineAnofferofmoneyacceptedbythekinginreturnforaconcessionorfavour.‘Offer’hasthesamemeaning

finerollAroll,oneforeachregnalyear,onwhichthechanceryrecordedthefinesmadewiththeking.Acopywassenttothe

exchequersothatitknewwhatmoneytocollect.

forestTheroyalforestwastheareasubjecttotheking’sforestlaw.

frankpledgeThe‘frankpledge’or‘tithing’wasagroupofadultmales(soagedtwelveandover),oftentenortwelvestrong,whoweresworntokeeptheking’speaceandguaranteethegoodconductoftheirfellows.AlladultmalesofunfreestatussouthoftheHumberweresupposedtobeinsuchgroups.

The‘viewoffrankpledge’wastheinspectionmadebythesherifforbailiffatthehundredorwapentakecourttocheckthattheunfreewereintheirgroups.Thefinancialexactionsimposedattheviewwereveryunpopular.Chapter42ofthe1217Charter(chapter35intheCharterof1225)stipulatedthattheviewshouldonlybeheldonceayear,attheMichaelmastourn.Seetourn.

freemanAnymanwhowasnotlegallyunfree.Seevillein.

freetenantAfreemanwhoheldafreetenement.

freetenementLandheldfreelyfromalord,soinreturnforknightserviceorrent,asopposedtobeingheldbyunfreeservices.Seeknightserviceandlabourservices.

givenbythehandWordsthatappearattheendofroyalchartersandmean‘authorizedby’.The‘giver’wasthepersonwhohadauthorizedthecharter’swritingout(engrossment)andsealing.

GlanvillTheshorttitleforthegreatbookonthelawsandcustomsofEnglandthatexplainedtheformsoftheearlycommon-lawlegalactions.Itwasprobablywrittenbetween1187and1189.AlthoughitgoesbythenameofHenryII’schiefjusticiar,RanulfdeGlanvill,heisnotthoughttohavebeentheauthor,althoughtheworkwasprobablyproducedinhislegalcircle.

grandassizeAcommon-lawlegalactiontodeterminetheultimate

righttoproperty.Theverdictwasgivenbytwelveknightschosenbyfouroftheirfellows.

haubergetAtypeofcloth.heriotApayment(usuallyofhorsesandmilitaryequipment)duetoalordonthedeathofoneofhismen.

holdinglandfromalordAnindividualwho‘held’landfromalordwasinpossessionofthelandasthelord’stenant,andowedhimservicesaccordingtothetermsofthetenure.See

knightservice,tenant-in-chiefandunder-tenant.

homageTheceremonyinwhichanewtenantbyknightservicebecamethemanofhislord,creatingamutualbondofloyalty.Seeknightservice.

honourAbaron’sestatecomprisingbothhisdemesnemanorsandthelandsheldfromhimbyhistenants.Seefee.

honorialcourtAcourtheldbyabaronorotherlordforhistenantsbyknightservice.Ithadjurisdictionoverpossessionof

thefeesheldbythetenantsandoverservicesowedthelord.

hundredAnadministrativesubdivisionofacounty,withitsowncourtthatmetfortnightlyunderHenryII.Insomepartsofthecountry,notablyYorkshire,Lincolnshire,NottinghamshireandDerbyshire,thesubdivisionswerecalledwapentakesratherthanhundreds.Therewerearound630hundredsandwapentakesinthethirteenthcentury.Agoodproportionofthemwereinprivatehandsand

thusrunbyalord,andhisbailiffsratherthanbythesheriff.Seejuryofpresentment.

hundredjurorsTwelvemen,drawnfromtheleadingfreemenofthehundredorwapentake,whosatonthejuryofpresentmentthatgaveevidencetothejusticesineyre.Similarjuriesalsogaveevidencebeforenumerousothergovernmentinquiries.Seejuryofpresentment.

incrementAfixedannualpaymentmadeadditionaltoafarm.In

MagnaCarta’schapter25theincrementisthatowedbythesheriffoverandabovethe‘ancient’farmofhiscounty.Seecountyfarm.

itinerantjusticesJusticesofthekingonavisitationtohearpleasinthecounties.Thesameasjusticesineyre.Seeeyre.

juryofpresentmentAjuryoftwelvefreemenrepresentingthehundredorwapentake,whichcamebeforethejusticesofthegeneraleyreandansweredaseriesofquestionsaboutcrime

androyalrightssincethelastvisitation.Ineffectajuryofaccusationwhenitcametothosewhohadcommittedacrime.Seeeyre.

justicesineyreSeeeyreanditinerantjustices.

justiciarSeechiefjusticiar.knight(i)Someonewhohasgonethroughaformalceremonymakinghimaknightbybeinggirdedwiththeswordofknighthood.Thegirdingcouldbeperformedbythekingoragreatlord.Knighthoodwasnot

hereditary.(ii)Someonewho,withoutnecessarilyhavinggonethroughtheceremony,isregardedanddescribedasaknightforthepurposesofsittingonjuriesandperformingotherjudicialtasks.Kings,earlsandbaronsweregirdedwiththeswordofknighthood.However,theverygreatmajorityofknightsinboththeabovecategoriesweremenoflesserwealthandstatus,andwereunder-tenants,holdingtheirlandfromearlsandbaronsinreturn

forknightservice,althoughsomeweretenants-in-chiefholdingdirectlyfromtheking.Seeknightservice.

knightserviceAformoftenureinwhichatenantdoeshomagetohislordforthelandheholdsfromhimandhastoprovideinreturntheserviceofanumberofknights.Thelordalsoexpectscounsel,moneypaymentsintheformreliefandaid,andhasrightsoverwardshipsandthemarriagesofheirsandwidows.Tenants-in-chief–earls,barons

andknights–heldfromthekingbyknightserviceandthushadtheobligationtoprovideknightsfortheking’sarmy.Knightlyunder-tenantshadanobligationtoprovideknightsfortheiroverlordswhenthekingsummonedanarmy,andalso,morearguably,whentheiroverlordswereinrebellion.Inpractice,however,suchmilitaryobligationswereoftendischargedbyamoneypayment.Seescutage.Forthelord,itwasoftenhisrighttorelief,andhis

controloverwardshipsandmarriages,thatwerethemostvaluedaspectsoftenurebyknightservice.Seeaid,reliefandwardship.

labourservicesTheservicesowedbyanunfreepeasanttohislordinreturnforhisland.Theyinvolvedprovidingagriculturallabourtothelord,oftenonaweeklybasis.Theobligationtoperformsuchserviceswasitselfaproofofunfreedom.Seealsomerchet.

layfeeLandthatowessecularservices,soknightserviceorrent.

letterscloseLettersoftheking,issuedbythechancery,andclosedbybeingfoldedandtiedup,withadabofwaxfromthesealacrossthefold.Theusualvehicleforadministrativeorders.Recordedbythechanceryonthecloserolls.Seealsochanceryandwrit.

letterspatentLettersoftheking,issuedbythechancery,thatwereleftopenor‘patent’with

thesealhangingdownbeneath.Usedforproclamationsandthemakingofappointments.Recordedbythechanceryonthepatentrolls.

liberty(i)Aprivilegeconferredbytheking.(ii)Anexemptareaofjurisdictionsuchasaprivatehundred.Seehundred.

libertyofelectionsThechurch’srightfreelytoelectbishopsandheadsofreligioushouses.

magnateAgeneraltermforgreatlord.

MarchofWalesTheborderareabetweenEnglandandWalesproper.

markAtermoffinancialaccount:twothirdsofapound;160pennies.

marriageportionInLatinmaritagium.Thepropertyassignedtoawomanbyhernatalfamilyonhermarriage.Itwascontrolledbythehusbandduringmarriage.Afterthewife’sdeathitwouldusuallypasstoherheir,althoughthiswould

dependonthetermsoftheinitialgift.

merchetApaymentmadebyanunfreepeasanttohislordforpermissiontogivehisdaughterinmarriage.Themakingofsuchapaymentwasevidenceofunfreedom.

mortd’ancestorAcommon-lawlegalaction,or‘assize’,bywhichfreetenantscouldobtaintheirinheritancesonthedeathofancestorsofwhomtheyaretheheirs.Theverdictwasgivenbyajuryoftwelvefreemenfromthe

neighbourhoodofthepropertyindispute.Seerecognition.

murdrumfineAfinepaidbylocalcommunitieswhentheycouldnotprovethevilleinstatusofsomeonedeadbyotherthannaturalcauses.

noveldisseisinAcommon-lawlegalaction,or‘assize’,bywhichfreetenantscouldrecoverpropertyofwhichtheyhadrecentlybeendisseised(dispossessed)unjustlyandwithoutjudgement.Theverdictwasgivenbyajuryoftwelve

freemenfromtheneighbourhoodofthepropertyindispute.Seerecognition.

offerSeefine.ordinaryAnecclesiasticalofficial.Thedeputyofabishoporabishophimself.

peersSocialequals.pennyThesilverpenny(inLatin‘denarius’)wastheonlycoinincirculation.Therewere12inashilling,160inamarkand240inapound.

pilgrimageInMagnaCarta‘pilgrimage’means‘crusade’.

Therewasnowordfor‘crusade’assuch.However,thosewhohadtakenthecrossweredescribedas‘crucesignati’,meaning‘mensignedbythecross’.

piperollTheannualrollonwhichtheexchequerrecordeditsannualauditoftherevenueduethecrown.Itwasorganizedincountysections.

pleasofthecrownSeriouscrimesthatonlythekingcantryandpunish.Theycomprisedtreason,homicide,affray,premeditated

assault,burglary,rape,serioustheftandarson.

poundAtermoffinancialaccount;240penniesinapound;20shillingsinapound.Amarkisatwothirdsofapound.

precipeSeewritofprecipe.priseTheking’srighttotakegoodsbycompulsorypurchase.Paymentmightinfactbedelayed,ifmadeatall.Alsocalled‘purveyance’.

profitThetermforthevariablerevenueaccountedforeachyearattheexchequerbyasheriff

overandabovethecountyfarmandanyincrement.Asheriffresponsiblefor‘profit’wasdescribedasa‘custodian’,andwasineffectaccountingforalltherevenuehereceived.Seecountyfarmandincrement.

purprestureAnencroachmentonanareasubjecttoroyalforestlawbythemakingofanenclosure,erectingabuilding,ordoinganyotherwork.Apunishableoffence.

purveyanceSeeprise.

puttolawTosubjectapersontoalegalprocedureleadingtotrial,andalsotheproceduresofthetrialitself.

quarterAmeasureofcapacity,sometimestheequivalentof36litres.

recognitionAcommonlegalaction,orassize,likethosementionedinMagnaCarta’schapter18,culminatinginaverdictgivenbyajuryfromtheneighbourhoodofthepropertyindispute.Themenofthejuryare‘recognitors’.

reliefApaymentmadebyatenant-in-chieftothekingorbyanunder-tenant,holdingbyknightservice,toatenant-in-chiefinordertogainpossessionofhislandedinheritance.

ridingAlocalgovernmentdivisioninYorkshireandLincolnshire.

russetAtypeofcloth.scutageAmoneypaymentowedbyatenant-in-chiefinplaceofsendinghisquotaofknightstotheking,assessedonthenumberofknightsheowed.Atenant-in-

chiefwouldendeavourtorecoupthescutageheowedthekingfromhisowntenantsbyknightservice.

seisinPossession,usuallyofland.Toputsomeone‘inseisin’istoputtheminpossession.

serjeantAprofessionalsoldierormilitarilyactivelandholderbelowtherankofknight;latersometimessynonymouswith‘esquire’.

serjeantyAformoftenureinreturnforperformingdutiestotheking(suchasprovidinga

serjeantforhisarmy)orgivinghimobjects.Theobjects,intheexampleofa‘smallserjeanty’giveninchapter37ofMagnaCarta,areknivesandarrows.

sheriffTheking’schieflocalgovernmentagent;inchargeofacounty;appointedanddismissedbytheking.

shillingAtermoffinancialaccount.Therewere12penniesinashillingand20shillingsinapound.

socageAformoffreetenureinreturnforrent.Thelordhadno

rightsofwardshipoverlandheldinsocage.Seewardship.

sokemanApeasantwhoholdshislandlargelyorexclusivelyinreturnforamoneyrent.Ifheoweslabourservices,theyarerelativelylight.Manybutfarfromallsokemenwereconsideredfreemen.

statutebookAnunofficialcollectionoflegislationandlegaltexts,commonfromthesecondhalfofthethirteenthcentury.

suretyApersonwhoguaranteesthepaymentofadebtowedbyanotherperson.

takethecrossTheactofundertakingtogoonacrusade.

tallageAtaxleviedattheking’spleasureonhistownsanddemesnemanors.Seedemesnemanor.

tenant-in-chiefAtenantwhoholdshislanddirectly,so‘inchief’,fromthekinginreturnforknightservice.Hemightbeanearl,abaronoraknight.Seeknightservice.

tenementAland-holding.tithingSeefrankpledge.tournAsessionofthehundredorwapentakecourtatwhichthefullestpossibleattendancewasdemandedbythesherifforbailiff.ThetournwaslimitedtosessionsatEasterandMichaelmasbychapter42ofthe1217Charter(chapter35inthe1225Charter).Seealsofrankpledge.

under-tenantAtenantwhoholdshislandfromatenant-in-chiefasopposedtotheking.Anunder-

tenantcouldholdbyrentorbyknightservice.Tenantscouldalsoholdlandfromunder-tenants,thuscreatingachainoftenure.Seeknightserviceandtenant-in-chief.

vacantabbeyThestateofanabbeybetweenthedeathofoneabbotandtheappointmentofanother.Duringthisperiodthekingwasentitledtotherevenuesoftheabbot.Hewasalsoentitledtotherevenuesofabishopricduringtheequivalentinterval.

viewoffrankpledgeSeefrankpledge.

villAvillageorsmalltown.villeinApeasantwhowaslegallyunfree.Landheldinvilleinagewaslandforwhichcustomsandservicescharacteristicofunfreetenurewereowed.Seelabourservicesandmerchet.

virgateAnareaofland,oftenbetween24and30acres,butcouldbesmaller.

wainage(i)InMagnaCarta’schapter20avillein’smeansoflivelihood,sohiscropsunder

cultivation(tillage),seedcorn,ploughsandploughteams.(ii)Inchapter5(a)thesameitemsasabovebutthistimebelongingtothepersoninwardship,and(b)thetimeoftheagriculturalseason.

wapentakeThesubdivisionofacounty,equivalenttoahundred,foundinYorkshire,Lincolnshire,Nottinghamshire,DerbyshireandLeicestershire.Seehundred.

wardrobeThewardrobe,whichtravelledwiththeking,was

wherehestoredgoods,cashandpreciousobjects.Thechamberoftenstoredthemoneyitreceivedinthewardrobe.Seechamber.

wardshipWhenatenant-in-chiefdied,thekinghadthecustody,orwardship,ofhisestateduringtheminorityoftheheir.Healsohadtherighttomarryofftheheir.Atenant-in-chiefhadthesamerightsofwardshipandmarriageoverhisowntenantsbyknightservice.Seeknightservice.

warrantTheking’sobligationtowarrantlandheldbyanother,referredtoinchapters52and57ofMagnaCarta,meanthisobligationtodefendtheholder’srighttothelandinanylawsuit.Itarosebecausethelandwasheldbygrantoftheking.

warrensAreaswherethehuntingoffoxesandhareswasforbidden,sonotjustthedeerandboarprotectedbyroyalforestlaw.

wasteThefellingoftreesandotherdestructioninareassubject

toroyalforestlaw.Apunishableoffence.

writInitsformawritwasaletterclose.Theterm‘writ’wasusedtodescribelettersclosethatdealtwithmattersconnectedwiththejudicialprocess.Seelettersclose.

writ‘ofcourse’Astandardformwritautomaticallyavailableatsmallcost(probably6d)toinitiatecommon-lawlegalactionssuchasthegrandassize,noveldisseisinandmortd’ancestor.Seegrandassize,

mortd’ancestorandnoveldisseisin.

writofinquisitionconcerninglifeorlimbsAwritsecuringatrialbyjuryforsomeoneaccusedofacrimeforwhichthepenaltymightbelossoflifeorlimbs.

writofliberateInthiscasenotalettercloseconnectedwiththelaw,butoneaddressedtotheexchequerorderingittodisbursemoney.

writofprecipe‘Precipe’means‘command’.Thewrit,referredtoinchapter34ofMagnaCarta,

commandedtherestorationoflandonpainofthecasebeingtransferredtotheking’scourt.

MapoftheEnglishCounties

AppendixIKingJohn’sletterannouncingthetermsofthe1209TreatyofNorham

In1209KingJohnforcedwhathistorianscalltheTreatyofNorhamonWilliamtheLion,kingofScots.Hithertothecontentofthetreatyhasonlybeenknownfromtheaccountsofchroniclers.Theresurvives,however,inacartularyofStAugustine’sabbey,Canterbury,acopyofKingJohn’sletterannouncingwhatareevidentlythetermsofthetreaty.Ihavediscussedthesignificanceoftheletterbetweenpp.238and241above.Ihopealsotocommentonitinaforthcomingarticle.HereI

simplyprovideatranscriptionoftheLatintextaccompaniedbyatranslation.

TheStAugustine’scartularycontainingJohn’sletterisnowpreservedatTheNationalArchives:TNAE164/27.Theletterisbetweenfolios137and137v.Thecartularyhasmaterialarrangedroughlychronologicallydownto1323.ItalsocontainsachroniclecoveringtheyearsAD1to1324,whileacontinuationdownto1332isclearlyanaddition.It

wouldseem,therefore,thatthecartularyisaworkofthemid-1320s.*Thehandinwhichtheletteriswritteniscompatiblewiththatdate.†Alongsidechartersbearingonthepropertiesandrightsoftheabbey,thecartularyalsohassomedocumentsofapublicnature.The1209letterisprecededbyaletterofKingJohnabouttheliftingoftheInterdict.‡ItisfollowedbyacopyofthemanifestothatPrinceLouisissuedonhisarrivalinEnglandin1216.Thisisalso

foundinotherStAugustine’scartularies.§ThetextofJohn’sletterisas

follows.Ihaveretainedthecapitalizationoftheoriginal,butnotthepunctuation.Thedivisionintoparagraphsismyown,theoriginaltextbeingcontinuous.¶

Omnibusdeifidelibusadquoslittereistepervenerint,J.deigratiaetc.salutem.

SciatisquoditaconvenitinternosetDominumWillelmumregem

Scocie,scilicetquodAlexanderfiliuseiusfecitnobishomagiumsicutidemW.rexScociefecithomagiumDominoH.regiAngliepatrinostronectuncrecedetprefatusW.rexScociedehomagioquodnobisfecitquamdiuvixerit.

PretereaidemW.rexScocietradiditnobisduasfiliassuas,scilicetMargaretamprimogenitamfiliamsuametaliamYsabellamitaquodHenricusprimogenitusnosterdesponsabitpredictamMargaretam

quandoipseerit*ixvelxannorumvelantea.

EtexquoeamdesponsaveritnosinfraannumvelbieniumproximummaritabimuspredictamYsabellamadgratiametadhonoremnostrametpredictiregisScocie.

Etsihumanitercontigeritde(eademMargareta)†H.filionostroantequamducatinuxorempredictamMargaretam,Ricardusfiliusnosteripsamdesponsabit.Et

sihumanitercontigeritdeeademMargaretaantequamdesponsetur,predictaYsabellapredictomodomaritabiturHenricofilionostrovelRicardofilionostrosihumanitercontigeritdeeodemH.filionostroantequamipsamdesponsaverit.

EtsihumanitercontigeritdeW.regeScocie,nosetfiliinostrietnostrierimusauxiliantespredictoAlexandrofiliosuotanquamhomininostroadipsumtenenduminterrasuaetindignitatibussuis.

EodemmodoeruntidemrexScocieetfiliussuusetsuiauxiliantesfilionostrotanquamdominosuosidenobishumanitercontigerit.

EtnosetidemrexScocieetfiliinostriiuvabimusnosadinvicemdumvixerimus.

EtsalveremanebunteidemregiScocieetfiliosuoomneslibertatesetdignitatessuiettotumclamiumquodidemrexScocieinNorthumberland’,Westmerland’et

Cumberland’habuitetomnesaliequereleetclamia.

Etomniamalainternosmotacessabuntinperpetuumperhacconventionem.

ToallGod’sfaithfulpeople,towhomtheselettersarrive,JohnbythegraceofGodetc.,greeting.

YouaretoknowthatithasbeenagreedbetweenusandlordWilliam,kingofScotland,inthisfashion,namelythatAlexanderhissonhasdoneushomageas

William,kingofScotland,didhomagetothelordHenry,kingofEngland,ourfather;nornowwillWilliam,kingofScotland,withdrawfromthehomagewhichhehasdoneusaslongashelives.

Moreover,William,kingofScotland,hashandedushistwodaughters,namelyMargaret,hisfirst-borndaughter,andIsabella,theother,sothatHenry,oureldestson,willmarrytheforesaidMargaretwhenhewillbenineortenyearsoldorbefore.

Andwhenhehasmarriedher,we,withinthenextyearortwoyears,willmarryofftheforesaidIsabellaatourpleasureandtoourhonourandtothatoftheforesaidkingofScotland.

AndifHenryoursondiesbeforehemarriestheforesaidMargaret,Richardoursonwillmarryher.AndifMargaretdiesbeforesheismarried,theforesaidIsabellaistobemarriedinthesamewaytoHenryourson,ortoRichardour

sonifHenryoursondiesbeforehemarriesher.

AndifWilliam,kingofScotland,dies,weandoursonsandourmenwillaidtheforesaidAlexander,hisson,asourman,inmaintaininghiminhislandandhisdignities.

Inthesameway,thekingofScotlandandhissonandhismenwillaidoursonastheirlordifwedie.

AndweandthesamekingofScotlandandoursonswillhelp

eachotherforaslongaswelive.

AndtherewillremainsavedtothekingofScotlandandhissonallhislibertiesanddignitiesandallclaimwhichthesamekingofScotlandhadinNorthumberland,WestmorlandandCumberlandandallothersuitsandclaims.

Andallillsmovedbetweenuswillceaseinperpetuitybythisagreement.

AppendixIITheCanterburyMagnaCarta

TheengrossmentofMagnaCartapreservedintheBritishLibraryandknownasCiwasgiventoSirRobertCottonin1630bySirEdwardDering.Itwas,atthetime

ofthegift,withDeringatDovercastle,wherehewaslieutenant.IhavesaidinChapter1thatinthelatethirteenthcenturyCiresidedinthearchivesofCanterburycathedral.*Theevidenceisasfollows.PreservedtothisdayinthecathedralarchivesisagreatregisterofCanterburycathedralpriory.ItisnowlabelledRegisterE.Apartfromlateradditions,RegisterEwasprobablyfinishedintheearly1290s.Thehandappearsmuchthesamedowntoadocumentdated7August1291.

Anotherdocumentdated14June1294,bycontrast,seemsalateraddition,asdoesmaterialfromthereignofEdwardII.†RegisterEischieflyconcernedwithchartersmakingconcessionstothepriory,butitalsohassomepublicdocuments,andbetweenfolios46Vand48vthereisacopyofthe1215MagnaCarta:‘cartaeiusdem[KingJohn]magnaDeRonnemed’.‡AcollationofRegisterE’sMagnaCartawithCi,asdisplayedinJohnPine’sengravingof1733,strongly

suggeststhattheonewascopiedfromtheother.ThisisbecausecertainmistakesintheRegisterEcopyoftheCharterarereadilyexplicableifthescribewascopyingfromCi,onemistake,thatexplainedunderitem3below,beingespeciallytelling.

1.Inhiscopyofchapter37oftheCharter,theRegisterscribeomittedthewordsinsquarebracketsfromthefollowingpassage:‘nonhabebimuscustodiam[heredisnecterresuequeestdefeodoalterius

occasioneilliusfeodifirmevelsocagiivelburgagiinechabebimuscustodiam]illiusfeodifirme…’.ThetextofCioffersanexplanationofwhathappenedhere,since,ifthescribehadpausedafterthefirst‘custodiam’,hiseyecouldeasilyhaveskippedonto‘illiusfeodifirme’because,inCi,the‘custodiam’before‘illiusfeodifirme’–‘custodiamilliusfeodifirme’–isatthestartofthenextline.

2.Inchapter52,theRegisterscribehaswritten‘catallis’(chattels)ratherthanthe‘castellis’(castles),foundcorrectlyintheLincoln,SalisburyandCiiengrossments.InCi,however,the‘ca’comesattheendoftheline,andthenextlinecontinueswith‘stallis’.The‘s’and‘t’,moreover,areruntogether,makingittheeasierforacopyisttoread‘catallis’.

3.Inchapter53,thecorrecttextoftheCharterread:

EundemautemrespectumhabebimuseteodemmododeiusticiaexhibendadeforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestisquasHenricuspaternostervelRicardusfraternosterafforestaverunt…

TheRegisterscribe,however,hererepeatshimselfsothetextruns:

Eundemautemrespectumhabebimuset

eodemmododeiusticiaexibendaDeforestisetafforestandisvelremansurisforestis.EundemautemrespectumhabebimuseteodemmododeiusticiaexhibendadeforestisdeafforestandisquasHenricuspaternoster…*

WhathashappenedhereseemsclearbyreferencetoCi.Therethetextjustruns:

Eundemautemrespectumhabebimus[*]deforestisdeafforestandis[*]quasHenricusPaternoster…

However,asmallsignjustaboveandbeforethe‘Eundem’,intheshapeofalinewithadiamond-likeshapedhead,indicatesthattwopassagesneedtobeinsertedintothetext.Ihaveindicatedtheplaceswheretheybelongedby[*]intheabovequotation.Thetwomissing

passagesarefoundatthebottomofCi,wherethesignreappears:

EundemautemRespectumhabebimuseteodemmododeJusticiaexhibendaDeforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestis.

Hereonlythenon-underlinedwordsweremeanttobeinserted.Theunderlinedoneswerethoseinthetextprecedingtheplaceswheretheinsertionsweretogo,andwerethusincludedasfindingaids.

WhentheRegisterscribegottothissectionofCi,hecorrectlynotedthat,after‘habebimus’,heneededtobringupintohismaintextwhatwasatthebottomofCi,butinsteadofstoppingat‘exhibenda’hewentontocopythewholeofwhatfollowed–‘Deforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestis’–leavingouttheunderliningbutincludingthecapital‘D’in‘De’.Intheprocesshemanagedtowrite‘etafforestandis’ratherthan‘deafforestandis’.*Thescribehad,

therefore,beenalerted,byneithertheunderliningnorthecapitalin‘De’,tothefactthat‘Deforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestis’wasseparatefrom‘Eundemautemrespectumhabebimuseteodemmododeiusticiaexhibenda’,andwastheretodealwiththesecondomission.Thescribe’sonlyexcusewasthatatthebottomofCithe‘deiusticiaexhibenda’and‘Deforestisdeafforestandis…’didrunonwithonlyasinglelettergapbetweenthem.Havingmadehismistake,at

leastthescribeimmediatelyrecognizeditassuch,andsoughttoputmattersright.Inactualfact,hadhebeenmoreastute,hewouldhaveseenthathecouldhaveleftwellaloneandgonestraightonto‘quasHenricus…’Apartfromthecapital‘D’inthe‘De’,thepassageatthebottomofCi–‘Deforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestis’–withthe‘Deforestisdeafforestandis’indicatingwhere‘velremansurisforestis’shouldgo,wasexactlyhowtheCharterdidcontinue,with‘deforestis

deafforestandis’followingonimmediatelyfrom‘deiusticiaexhibenda’.Failingtoappreciatethis,thescribedecidedhismistakeneededremedy.However,perhapsunwillingtospoilthelookofhistext,orperhapsjustnotbothered,hedidnotcrossoutwhathehadwritten,orwriteanewversionoveranerasure.Instead,heleftthepassageinplace,andstartedthechapteralloveragain–‘Eundemautemrespectum…’,thuscreatingthecuriousrepetitionwehavementioned.Eventhen,thescribe

didnotgetthetextquiteright,becausethistimehefailedtoincludethe‘velremansurisforestis’ofthesecondinsertion.

4.Onesmallfinalpointrelatesnottoanymistakebuttothespellingof‘Runnymede’attheendoftheCharter.IntheRegistercopyitappearsas‘Runingmed’,justasinCi,andalsoasintheSalisburyengrossment.Cii,ontheotherhand,has‘Ronimed’andLincoln‘Runimed’.*

Thereare,therefore,goodgroundsforthinkingthatCiwasinthearchivesofCanterburycathedralinthelatethirteenthcentury,whenthecopyinRegisterEwasmadefromit.†Itsappearancein1630withDeringatDovercastleiseasilyexplained,giventhedocumentsheisknowntohavepurloinedfromCanterburycathedral.Ci’spresenceatDoverhasaccordinglynothingtodowithanyconnectionwiththeCinquePorts,asissometimessupposed.Chapter12setsoutthereasonsfor

thinkingthatCiwas,infact,theChartersenttotheCanterburydiocesein1215.‡Probablyitwaskeptfromthestartatthecathedral.Itcanhenceforthbeknownas‘theCanterburyMagnaCarta’.

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PENGUINCLASSICSPublishedbythePenguinGroupPenguinBooksLtd,80Strand,LondonWC2R0RL,EnglandPenguinGroup(USA)Inc.,375HudsonStreet,NewYork,NewYork10014,USAPenguinGroup(Canada),90EglintonAvenueEast,Suite700,Toronto,Ontario,CanadaM4P2Y3(adivisionofPearsonPenguinCanadaInc.)PenguinIreland,25StStephen’sGreen,Dublin2,Ireland(a

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ThiseditionfirstpublishedbyPenguinClassics2015

Commentarycopyright©DavidCarpenter,2015

Theimageonthecovershowsanengravingmadein1733oftheoriginalofMagnaCarta,once

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preserved,asthisbookdemonstratesforthefirsttime,atCanterburycathedral.Theshieldsinthemargins,suppliedbytheengraver,JohnPine,depictthecoatsofarmsofthebaronsappointedin1215toenforcetheCharter.TheCanterburyMagnaCarta,muchdamagedsince1733,isnowintheBritishLibrary:CottonCharterxiii.31a.TheengravingshownisoneintheBritishMuseum:1861,0513.331

Photograph©TheTrusteesoftheBritishMuseum.

Allrightsreserved

Themoralrightoftheauthorofthecommentaryhasbeenasserted

ISBN:978-0-141-96846-9

*ThefontsizedowntothispointreflectsthelargelettersandcapitalsoftheLincolnCharter’sfirstline.

†Canterbury,Ciiandthebishops’copyomit‘et’.Salisburyhasit.

‡InCanterbury,Ciiandthebishops’copy,thenameofPeterfitzHerbertprecedesthatofHubertdeBurgh.SalisburyisasLincoln.

*TheLincolnhandgetsslightlysmallerfromthispointonwardsuntiltheendoftheCharter.

†Lincolndoesnothavealargecapitalforthe‘C’in‘Concessimus’,butIhavefollowedtheotherengrossments,whichdo.

*CanterburyandCiihave‘nobisrespondeant’.

†Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyinsert‘tamen’here.

‡Anemphatic‘V’onlyappearsinLincolnandthebishops’copy.

*Lincolnhas‘et’here.

*Salisburyhas‘aliterassidendo’.

†Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyhave‘lococerto’.

‡Salisburyhereomits‘et’andhas‘De’ratherthan‘de’.

*OnlySalisburycouldbereadasstartinganewchapterhere.CanterburyandCiihave‘et’.

†Canterbury,Ciiandthebishops’copyhave‘judiciasufficienter’.SalisburyisasLincoln.

‡Salisburyherehas‘Nulla’ratherthan‘Nec’.

§Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyomit

‘et’.¶Canterbury,CiiandSalisburyallhave‘WapentakiietTrethingi’.Thebishops’copyfollowsLincoln.

*Salisburyomits‘nostras’.†Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyhave‘fuerit’.

‡Ciiandthebishops’copyhave‘Et’here.

§Salisburyhas‘capiet’,hereandelsewherepreferringthefutureindicativetothepresentsubjunctivefoundintheotherengrossments

andthebishops’copy:Fox,‘Originals’,p.330.

¶Salisburyplaces‘inde’after‘reddat’.

**Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyhavehere‘exercitu’.Salisburyalsoplaces‘fuerit’after‘exercitu’.

††Salisburyhas‘capiet’.

*Salisburyrunsstraightonherewith‘nec’.

†Salisburyhas‘illius’.‡Salisburyomits‘de’.§Canterbury,Ciiandthebishops’copyinsert‘de’before‘Medewaye’.SalisburyisasLincoln.

¶Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyput‘possit’after‘amittere’.

**Salisburyomits‘mensura’.

*Alltheengrossmentsandthebishops’copystartanewchapterhere.

†Salisburyhas‘vel’.‡Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyhave‘de’here.

§Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyadd‘et’here.

*Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyread‘nobisaliudservitium’.

†Ciihas‘Et’here.‡Salisburyinserts‘vel’here.

*Above‘deleantur’inCanterburythereisasignintheformofalinewithadiamond-likeshapeattheendthatrefersdowntothefootoftheCharterwherewefindthesamesignfollowedby‘deleanturpereosdemitaquodnoshocsciamuspriusvelJusticiariusnostersiinAnglianonfuerimus’,the

passage‘pereosdem…fuerimus’havingbeenomittedinthetext.Theunderliningofpassagessoastodrawattentiontothemwascommonpractice,andwashereemployedtohelpmarktheplacewheretheinsertionshouldgo.Thepassage‘pereosdem…fuerimus’isalsoaddedatthefootof

Cii,havinglikewisebeenomittedfromthetext,althoughthe‘per’seemsnowlostasisanysignof‘deleantur’.

†CanterburyandCii(inthepassagetheyaddatthebottom)andSalisburyandthebishops’copyplace‘prius’after‘sciamus’.

‡Salisburyinserts‘nos’here.

§Atyesandthenamesthatfollowarespeltinavarietyofdifferentways.

¶Ciihas‘PetrumetGionemetAndream’.

**Lincolnandthebishops’copyhave‘et’here.Canterbury,SalisburyandCiihave‘Et’,althoughonlyinthelasttwodoesitsuggestanewchapterorsubsectionofachapter.

††Canterburyhas‘castallis’.‡‡Salisburyhas‘fiet’.

*InCanterbury,thereisanothersignintheformofalinewithadiamond-likeshapeattheendabove‘Eundem’.ItrefersdowntothefootoftheCharterwherewefindthesamesignfollowedby‘EundemautemRespectumhabebimus,eteodemmododeJusticiaexhibenda’,‘et…exhibenda’havingbeen

omittedfromthetext.Thesamepassage‘Eundem…exhibenda’appearsatthefootofCii,wherethereisthesameomission.

†AtthefootofCanterbury,inthePineengraving,wefind‘Deforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestis’,‘velremansurisforestis’havingbeenomittedfromthetext.

Indrawingattentiontotheomission,Canterburyreliesonthesignatthestartofthechapterbefore‘Eundem’(seenoteabove).‘Deforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestis’alsoappearsatthefootofCii,‘velremansurisforestis’havinglikewisebeenomittedfromthetext.InCanterbury‘Deforestis

deaffore’wasactuallydestroyedbythefireof1731andwassuppliedinthePineengravingbyreferencetoCii;seeBLCottonCharterXIII31b;andabove,pp.15–16.

*HereandelsewhereSalisburyrenders‘vigintiquinque’as‘xxv’.Italsoplaces‘eisdem’after‘xxv’.

†Salisburyhas‘substituentur’.

‡InCanterbury,above‘suorum’,thereisasign—..thatrefersdowntotheright-handfootofthedocumentwherewefindmarkedoutbyasimilar

sign‘pariumsuoruminAngliavelinWallia’,‘inAngliavelinWallia’havingbeenomittedfromthetext.

§Salisburyhas‘Walensis’andomits‘velelongatus’.

¶Salisburyhas‘Wallie’.

*Salisburyhas‘eius’not‘ipsius’.

†Canterburyhas‘concessissimus’.Salisbury,Ciiandthebishops’copyareasLincoln.

‡Salisburyplaces‘observent’after‘quantumadsepertinet’.

§Salisburyhas‘firmaetintegra’.

¶Above‘gaudere’inCanterbury,thereisasign∴referringdowntotheright-handfootoftheCharter,wherewefindmarkedoutbyasimilarsign‘gaudereinperpetuum’,‘inperpetuum’havingbeenomittedfromthetext.InthePineengraving,‘gaudere’isnothereunderlined.Salisbury

alsohas‘gaudereinperpetuum’asopposedto‘inperpetuumgaudere’.

**‘eligant’appearsinCanterbury,Salisbury,Ciiandthebishops’copy.

††‘accedant’appearsinCanterbury,Ciiandthebishops’copy.SalisburyisasLincoln.

*Salisburyadds‘et’here.†Salisburyhas‘justiciariisnostris’.

‡Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyalladd‘illam’after‘causam’.

§‘illis’isomittedinCanterburyandSalisbury.

¶Acapital‘S’marksoutthe‘Scilicet’inSalisbury.

**Salisburyhas‘predictis’before‘xxv’(itsrendering

of‘vigintiquinque’).Thebishops’copyabsurdlyreads‘voluerint’ratherthan‘noluerint’.

††Salisburyandthebishops’copyhave‘predictis’here.

‡‡Thebishops’copyhas‘possint’.

§§‘illis’ratherthan‘predictis’appearsinthebishops’copy.

*Thebishops’copyhas‘vel’not‘et’.

†Lincolndoesnotbeginanewsectionhere.

‡Thebishops’copyhas‘huius’not‘eiusdem’.

§SalisburyomitsHenry,archbishopofDublin.

¶Salisburyhas‘illa’.

*Salisburyomits‘et’andhas‘omnes’after‘concessiones’.

†Canterbury,Cii,Salisburyandthebishops’copyhave‘observabuntur’.

‡InLincolnthewordsfrom‘Quintodecimo’arespacedoutsoastofillthewholeofthelastline.Ciihas‘Decimoseptimo’.

*OnthebackoftheLincolnCharter,inthebottomleft-andthebottomright-handcorners,thewordLINCOLNIAappearsincapitallettersprobablyinthesamehandasthatwhichwrotethebodyoftheCharter.Alsowrittenonthebackinacontemporaryhandis‘ConcordiainterRegem

JohannemetBaronesperconcessionemlibertatumecclesieetregnianglie’,‘TheConcordbetweenKingJohnandtheBaronsinreturnfortheconcessionofthelibertiesofthechurchandthekingdomofEngland’.

*Forthecartulary,seeDavis,Breay,HarrisonandSmith,MedievalCartularies,p.41,no.195.

†IamgratefultoTeresaWebberforadviceaboutthehand.

‡Ihopetocommentonthisonalateroccasion.

§ItisprintedinF,p.140,fromtheStAugustine’s

cartularyBLCottonJuliusDii.

¶IamgratefultoHenrySummersonforhelpwithboththetranscriptionandthetranslationoftheletter.

*Agapofaboutfourcharactershasbeenleftbetween‘erit’and‘ix’.

†ThewordsIhaveputwithinbracketsareunderlinedfordeletion.

*Seeabove,p.16.†CanterburyCathedralArchives,RegisterE,fos.56–59v.ThereisthesamebreakinRegisterA,atfos.152–153v.WhatarenowRegistersAtoDbeganlifeasacontemporaryduplicateofRegisterE.Theduplicatewasbrokenupintoseparatevolumes,aftertheinsertionofalarge

amountoflatermaterial.SomematerialwasalsolostintheprocessandRegistersAtoDhavenocopyofthe1215MagnaCarta.ForalltheCanterburyregisters,seeDavis,Breay,HarrisonandSmith,MedievalCartularies,pp.36–40,withEasno.168andAtoDasnos.169–72.Iam

mostgratefultoCressidaWilliams,theCanterburycathedralandcityarchivist,forsendingmeimagesofthefoliosinRegisterEcontainingthecopyofMagnaCarta.

‡‘cartaeiusdem’referstothechartercopiednext,abovewhichisJohn’scharterconcedingthechurchfreedomofelections.Iam

citingherethepencilnumberingofthefolios.

*The‘exibenda’and‘exhibenda’isasperthescribe.

*Inthepassage‘[Deforestisdeaffore]standisvelremansurisforestis’atthebottomofCi,thesectionIhaveputbetweensquarebracketswasdamagedbythefireof1731,andwassuppliedinthePineengravingbyreferencetoCii,theotherengrossmentpossessedbytheBritishMuseum,wherethesame

omissioninthetextwascorrectedinthesamewaywith‘Deforestisdeafforestandisvelremansurisforestis’appearingatthebottomofthedocument.(BLCottonCharterXIII31brecordsthedamageinthefireandthenumberoflettersthathadtobesuppliedbyreferencetoCii.Seealso

above,p.15–16andnote40.)IfIamrightinthinkingthatEwasindeedcopiedfromCi,thenEconfirmsthatthesectionatCi’sfootdidindeedstart‘Deforestis’.E’s‘etafforestandis’,ratherthan‘deafforestandis’,avariantthatmakesnosense,wouldseemsimplytobeacarelessmistake.

*CiiisalsoseparatedfromCiandtheRegistercopybyhavingthepeopleinchapter50listedinadifferentorder,with‘Andream[deCancellis]’comingfourthratherthansecond.EdoesnotrepeatCanterbury’smistaken‘concessissimus’inchapter60,havingcorrectly‘concessimus’.

†Thereisanearliercopyofthe1215ChartermadeatCanterburycathedralpriory.Thisisfoundamongamiscellaneouscollectionofmaterial,relatedtothepriory,whichwaswrittenupduringthearchbishopricofRobertKilwardby(1273–8).Thefoliosweresubsequentlyboundupwithlater

materialtoformwhatisnowBLGalbaEiii.(SeeDavis,Breay,HarrisonandSmith,MedievalCartularies,no.182.)ThecopyoftheCharterisfoundbetweenfos.72vand80.ItseemslikelythatittoowascopiedfromCi,butsincethescribeavoidedthesametellingmistakes,thereisnomeans

ofproof.Itisworthnoting,however,thattheGalbacopy,likeCiandRegisterE,has‘Runingmed’.

‡Seeabove,pp.373–9.