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Although our ignorance about     climate disruption will always 

dwarf what we know, a staggering amount has been learned in the last three decades—not just scientific understanding of complex phenom-ena and the potential of various micro and macro technologies that might contribute to solutions, but an immense and rapidly growing body of knowledge about the social, economic, and political impacts. These potential impacts threaten the well-being of much of the world’s population and even the existence of whole countries. Reports about this knowledge have been delivered in various ways to the public worldwide, and, in particular, to those persons with the greatest power to effect change. Still relatively little is being attempted in the way of solutions, and the level of alarm among either the public or the powerful continues to be muted. Why is nothing (so little, anyway) being done? Neither more frightening, scientifically-grounded scenarios nor more certainty of scien-tific understanding have made much, if any, difference to the political response over the last twenty years.

Scientists, environmentalists, and political pundits have attributed the cause of (or blame for) this ignorance, apathy, or immorality to, among other things: dysfunctions of the global political system; irrespon-sible news reporting and analysis; a highly effective anti-environmental 

opposition in an era of extreme political polarization; and just the far-reaching alienation, shallow thinking, and addiction to amuse-ment spawned by the rampant consumerist egoism of modernity. The most common answers offered are to wait for problems to get worse, to hope for a huge ecological collapse or disaster to break through the fog, or to expect that the environment will become a priority once problems of the economy and security are resolved. But, if past experience tells us anything, it is that a perception that problems are getting worse will not change anything, a disaster will bring only a temporary blip in the attention-action cycle, and problems of the economy and security will always be with us and will always be more salient and more emotionally (and ideologically) charged than cumulative, long-standing, slow developing environmental challenges ever can be.

There are further problems with these diagnoses and solutions. There is little evidence of a strong appetite, even among scientists and environ-mentalists, for the kinds of sweeping radical public actions that one might think would be commensurate with the risks, urgency, and scale of a problem such as climate disruption. Moreover, there is an abundance of evidence that, in most rich countries—and, indeed, in most poorer ones that have been surveyed—a majority of 

the general public already does accept that climate disruption is a serious problem, and has for a number of years. Nevertheless, support for serious action is tenuous.

According to John M. Meyer, this notable lack of response constitutes “the resonance dilemma.”1 Public opinion in many countries shows a similar consistent and long-standing gap between broadly-felt concern about immense environmental chal-lenges and the absence of a sense of urgency or even priority regarding actions. Meyer’s solution for the resonance dilemma is for environ-mentalists, scientists, and political theorists to practice social criticism that engages more with the everyday material concerns that resonate widely with the public, by pushing pragmatically for change that is grounded in the material realities that everyone faces. The route to fundamental societal changes to minimize (or mitigate) climate disrup-tion should run from the bottom 

Making Climate Resonateby Robert V. Bartlett

REVIEWINGWhat We Think About When We Try Not to Think About Global Warming: Toward a New Psychology of Climate Actionby Per Espen Stoknes

Chelsea Green Publishing

Bartlett, R.V. (2015). Making Climate Resonate. Solutions 6(5): 66–70.https://thesolutionsjournal.com/2015/5/making-climate-resonate

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up, through the politics of everyday life—for example, in grappling with land as private property, automobility, and household practices. Whatever the merits of Meyer’s case, he presents it as the alternative to waiting, or hoping, for more of the same to have a different result. But, connecting better with everyday material practices is not the only way that greater reso-nance might be achieved.

A critical assessment of the reso-nance failures of climate disruption, and other daunting environmental challenges, might probe more deeply into the puzzle of why people do not respond to increasingly 

well-documented facts and then ask whether the psychological sciences could better inform the political strategies and techniques that environmental activists, scientists, and policy entrepreneurs use to try to achieve political resonance. The primary aims of Per Espen Stoknes’s lively and accessible new book are to summarize the insights of psychol-ogy into why people do not believe established facts about climate (even many people who admit to knowing and accepting them do not really believe them), to identify the reasons that climate communications and campaigns of the past three decades 

have been largely unpersuasive, and to outline the contributions that the psychological sciences might make toward greater belief and more action.

Part I of the book is a primer on the psychology of denial, both the hard denial of facts and also the soft denial of the need for urgent or substantial action. Synopses of distinctive schools of psychological research shed light on human understanding, belief, and behavior with respect to climate knowledge.

Evolutionary psychology helps explain the centrality for the human mind of self-interest, status seeking, social imitation, short-term thinking, 

Takver The book employs psychological insights to analyze why people know and accept the facts on climate change, but fail to believe and act on them.

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and risk vividness. Strategies for collective adoption of climate action must be based on understanding how these forces inevitably shape thinking and action.

Cognitive psychology illuminates how the brain processes and judges information based on risk perception and framing. According to Stoknes, people “tend to downplay risks that are dull, common and familiar, anonymous, somewhat controllable, not much discussed, long-term, 

gradual, and natural, as well as those that affect others and lack any clear bad guy.” Climate change is a set of risks that presses all of these buttons. Moreover, environmentalists and scientists have been complicit in fram-ing climate disruption (for example, as non-threatening, uncertain climate change) in ways that are either neutral and reduce issue resonance or are counterproductive (losses, costs, and sacrifice).

Social psychology explains how people work to keep attitudes aligned with those of their primary social groups, as well as with their own internal matrixes, such that they try to keep behaviors and thoughts consis-tent with their feelings and emotions. Changing attitudes is never a simple matter of providing information.

It is not just immediate social groups who profoundly influence attitudes, cognition, and behavior. The psychology of identity offers understanding of the resilience of broad cultural core beliefs and ways of living, cultural premises, and cognitions that can be resistant to change for a long time, even to the point of social collapse and disap-pearance, as many histories of Easter Island, the Norse Greenland colony, and others attest.

From these schools, Stoknes dis-tills five main psychological defense barriers that keep climate messages from having an impact: distance, negative messages, dissonance, denial, and identity. The anti-climate movement has successfully triggered all of these barriers, but environ-mentalists, scientists, and climate communicators have triggered them too. Part II of the book focuses on strategic communications solutions for these barriers—using social networks, framing with emotionally positive messages, offering easy and convenient behavior choices, using the power of stories, and providing positive social impact signals.

Stoknes does an excellent job of following his own advice in suggest-ing what must be done differently 

in order to achieve effective climate communication for transformation, given that changing many more hearts and minds will necessar-ily be a political prerequisite for effective action. One could quibble that perhaps his coverage of the psychological sciences could be more comprehensive—not included, for example, are any insights from moral psychology although there are moral components to all attitudes, think-ing, and behaviors related to climate disruption.2,3 And, Stoknes’s skill at writing clear and engaging diagnoses of the challenges of climate commu-nications and his flair for succinctly distilling recommendations grounded in the sciences of psychology do not extend to a talent for writing inspirational reflections, counsel, and exhortations, which constitute Part III of the book.

In sum, much of what we know about climate, we have learned in the last thirty years—which likewise is true for much of what we know about human thinking, attitudes, and behavior. For whole societies and the global political system to respond appropriately to knowledge about the former will require lots of people to better ground their communica-tions of all sorts much more on the latter. This book is a highly acces-sible and stimulating place to start learning about “a new psychology of climate action.” 

References1.  Meyer, J. Engaging the Everyday: Environmental Social

Criticism and the Resonance Dilemma (MIT Press, 

Cambridge, 2015).

2.  Feinberg, M. and R. Willer. The Moral Roots of 

Environmental Attitudes. Psychological Science 24(1) 

56-62 (2015).

3.  Haidt, J. The Righteous Mind: Why Good People are

Divided by Politics and Religion (Pantheon Books, New 

York, 2012).

There is little evidence of a strong appetite, even among scientists and environmentalists, for the kinds of sweeping radical public actions that one might think would be commensurate with the risks, urgency, and scale of a problem such as climate disruption.

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Tackling Muslim-American Stereotypes with Satireby Zafirah Zein

“We’re not that kind of Muslim!” ends the opening credits to Aasif Mandvi’s Halal in the Family, a new web series battling anti-Muslim prejudice in the United States. The telling phrase sends out a direct message to its viewers: We are not who you think we are.

Emulating popular television classics such as All in the Family and The Cosby Show, it serves as the country’s first American–Muslim sitcom. The family is even named the Quosby’s, featuring Mandvi as the politically incorrect dad decked in eighties sweaters, perpetually embarrassing his wife and kids.

“Halal in the Family” has four episodes, each of which centers around a problem faced by Muslims in the U.S., especially after 9/11. It tackles issues such as government surveillance, stereotyp-ing, media bias, and bullying by using satire. The series’ website also provides snippets of information and statistics to support the issues being raised in the various storylines. Its first episode, “Spies Like Us” reveals the family’s exaggerated paranoia upon having found out that the children’s white math teacher was vol-unteering at the neighborhood mosque. An infographic accompanies the episode, highlighting the unlawful and protracted surveillance on Muslim communities by the New York Police Department that has led to naught in the U.S. fight against terrorism. Many American Muslims now live in an environment of suspicion due to governmental actions aimed at weed-ing out extremism.

In an article for The Guardian, Mandvi said, “The problem with the mainstream media is there’s no room for nuanced, complex conversations in terms of Middle Easterners and Muslims, and the millions of identities that that entails.”

The Indian–American comedian is best known for his work on The Daily Show, where he often features in parodies on Middle Eastern and Islamic topics that challenge the media’s paint-ing of Muslims in a largely negative and unified light. With this fresh but unapologetically crude web project, Mandvi is contributing to continuing initiatives by Muslim activists and orga-nizations in combating Islamophobia in the U.S. Halal in the Family portrays the diversity of the Muslim community 

as a whole while proving that Muslims in the U.S. are just about as American as everyone else.

Despite this brave effort, Mandvi’s sitcom plays a heavy gamble as it employs provocative humor that sometimes serves to entrench the very stereotypes it wants to diminish. “Why would I build a mosque? I’m not trying to cause any trouble,” says Mandvi’s character Aasif Qu’osby, in a Halloween episode in which the family’s neighbors adversely react to their house decorations 

John Edwards Actor and writer Aasif Mandvi, creator of Halal in the Family, speaks at a Writer’s Guild of America East event in New York City.

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based on a misperception that the family was constructing an Islamic site. It begets the troubling view prevalent in today’s world: the more religious Muslim is the more dangerous one.

Still, Halal in the Family is a media breakthrough that pioneers the advent of Muslim voices in the American mainstream. Muslims watching can take consolation in the belly laughs induced by jokes that underscore the shared experience of being Muslim in America while the show’s non-Muslim viewers are allowed the realization that the world of American Muslims is not much different than their own. 

SOS Children’s Villages Spread Knowledge for Mothers through SMSby Dana Rawls

Communication technologies allow users to keep in touch with events occurring in far flung places of the world, no matter where they are. Now one country is using these same technol-ogies to strengthen families and protect the most vulnerable among them.

In Sri Lanka, SOS Children’s Villages, a children’s charity operating in over 125 countries, has created a mobile technology program designed to provide women with parenting tips, guidance on effective family communications, and even financial advice in order to help provide safe and nurturing environments for chil-dren in the region. The program, called Mobile for Development, was started in November 2013 and uses mobile phone technology to address a myriad of children’s health issues.

The pilot Mobile for Development program involved 150 mothers in two impoverished areas of Sri Lanka devastated by the 2004 tsunami, who were able to choose for themselves the 

type of content they would be receiv-ing by phone. The women received three face-to-face training sessions and then SMS (text) messages for 180 days. The text messages, entitled ‘SMS Quicklearns,’ were provided by MobilTrain, which partnered with SOS Children’s Villages to provide content and technical support. The daily mes-sages prompted the women to partake in self-reflection, practical ‘to-do’ or ‘to-try’ exercises, and homework assignments that were then monitored by a project focus group. The mes-sages also provided the women with information on improving communi-cations with their children, helping their children with their studies, and learning how to save money for more financial stability in the future. The mothers also had weekly meetings to discuss and share their experiences.

The program has already provided incredibly positive results. Among them, the women have said that they 

are now better able to understand the emotional needs of their children and families.

“The program has uplifted the education of children in these com-munities, reducing malnutrition, providing psychosocial support and capacity building of families,” says Ananda Karunarathne, National Director of SOS Sri Lanka. “The moth-ers are demanding this kind of project because they see the value of the method of learning and content.”

“It is a project that helped us learn about technology and how it can empower. It is beneficial in all aspects,” said one of the mothers participating in the program.

Due to the program’s success, SOS is planning to expand the program’s length from six months to one year. Plans are also underway to introduce the project in other locations where it can strengthen families and help par-ents to better care for their children. 

Adam Jones SOS Children’s Villages’ program Mobile for Development uses SMS to send Sri Lankan mothers, such as this woman in Jaffa, daily information and useful advice around family development.