Mall walking and urban sociability

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Mall walking and urbansociabilitySteven P. Schacht a & N. Prabha Unnithan ba Weber State Universityb Colorado State UniversityPublished online: 30 Jul 2010.

To cite this article: Steven P. Schacht & N. Prabha Unnithan (1991) Mall walkingand urban sociability, Sociological Spectrum: Mid-South Sociological Association,11:4, 351-367, DOI: 10.1080/02732173.1991.9981977

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MALL WALKING AND URBANSOCIABILITY

STEVEN P. SCHACHTWeber State University

N. PRABHA UNNITHANColorado State University

In this article we examine a relatively new social activity: mallwalking: This is a low-impact, aerobic workout in which participantswalk for exercise in the climate-controlled, safe environment of theshopping mall before it is officially open to the public. Participantsmall walk for various reasons and display differing levels of commit-ment. However, through their sociability and interaction, a sharedenvironment of mall walking has been constructed and maintained.In sum, mall walkers have transformed the physical setting of themall into one where, in conjunction with exercise, the quest for so-ciability can be somewhat satisfied.

City dwellers are subject to "countervailing pressures"(Wiseman 1979) in developing social relationships. Urban life,particularly in the Western world, discourages primary rela-tionships (Sennett 1977). Yet "people, regardless of where theylive, need a certain amount of close interpersonal interactionto develop socially and will determinedly seek out such rela-tionships for their continuing psychic survival" (Wiseman1979, p. 23). At home and at work, because of the relativelyextended interaction among participants, primary relation-ships may be more easily cultivated. This possibility can beextended to the urban neighborhood as well (Ottensmann1978). Furthermore, the need for sociability or "simple humaninteraction that exists for its own sake, that is spoiled if itscontent grows significant, and that is separated from interac-tion solely geared to providing or receiving information"(Kenen 1982, p. 163) can be seen in urban locales other thanthe ones just identified. "The systematic location and codifica-tion of the style, content and conditions of such interpersonalcontacts are basic to the study of human group life" (Wise-man 1979, p. 24).

We thank Peter Adler, Patricia A. Adler, and anonymous Sociological Spectrumreviewers for their helpful comments on earlier versions of this article.

SOCIOLOGICAL SPECTRUM, 11:351-367, 1991Copyright © 1991 by Hemisphere Publishing Corporation 351

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352 S. P. SCHACHT AND N. P. UNNITHAN

The search for sociability finds expression in a variety ofsettings and in conjunction with other activities. Previous re-search identified many of these locations and the nature ofthe interactions that occur within them. Irwin (1977) describeda number of urban scenes in which city dwellers can partici-pate for leisure and find "a way and a place where one mayjustifiably plug into more complete, emotionally sustaining re-lationships." The scenes from the 1970s described by him in-clude fern bars, discotheques, and skiing areas. Wiseman(1979) analyzed quasiprimary or fleeting relationships insecond-hand clothing stores that allow fellow shoppers to beconvivial yet anonymous for the duration of their visits. Ol-denburg and Brissett (1982) identified locations apart fromhome and work that they referred to as "third places," whichallow people to gather "primarily to enjoy each other's com-pany" and exist for the sake of "pure sociability" (emphasisadded; p. 269). Examples of third places are bars or taverns,coffee houses, saunas, fishing camps, and so on. Kenen (1982)suggested that the micro-ecology of urban laundromats al-lows participants to signal both avoidance and sociability toeach other. Snyder (1986) described how the process of in-volvement in shuffieboard serves to integrate the elderly intoa particular social world and attendant subculture. At thesame time, the urban pursuit of sociability can have negativeconsequences as well. Nixon (1986) described how recrea-tional swimmers have established an "informal social orderthat shapes their behavior into predictable, 'sociable' pat-terns" (p. 320). Suzuki (1976) illustrated how such an activity,in this case walking and loitering in West Germany's railroadstations by Germans and guest-worker Turks, leads to an exac-erbation of interethnic tensions and conflict.

In this article, we describe a relatively new urban partici-patory phenomenon: mall walking. This is a low-impact, aero-bic workout in which participants walk for exercise inside theconfines of a shopping mall. We describe mall walking interms of its formal (organizational) and informal (participants')goals. We analyze the social realities that have been con-structed by the participants through this experience and re-late these to the quest for urban sociability. Before describingour methods and findings, a brief comment on the place ofshopping malls in American cities is provided.

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MALL WALKING AND URBAN SOCIABILITY 353

The shopping mall is a relatively recent invention. Thefirst one, named Southdale, opened in Edina, Minnesota in1956. Jacobs (1984) estimated that there are now 23,000 mallsin the United States. Kowinski (1985, p. 21) commented that"most of America's retailing is done in shopping centers now;the vast majority of department stores are in malls, and thereare national chains of shops, restaurants, and services (includ-ing law and medicine) that have virtually all of their outlets inshopping centers."

In addition to its retailing functions, the shopping mall isalso a social setting that attracts people for many other activi-ties. On any given day, one may enter this setting to meetfriends, converse, eat, see a movie, express a consumer opin-ion, sit on Santa's lap, and exercise (this is only a partial list) aswell as shop. Kowinski (1985) argued that shopping malls,highways, and television constitute a triad that signifies theemergence of a national (and despite local variations, a largelyuniform) American culture. Marketing surveys are now rou-tinely performed in shopping malls, suggesting that Americanbusiness has also recognized the insights that people in theselocations can offer into cultural tastes and preferences.Hickey, Thompson, and Foster (1988) studied the place of afantasy figure, the Easter bunny, in an urban mall. Unfortu-nately, Jacobs's (1984) study remains the only general investi-gation of the mall; in the article, Jacobs did mention the phe-nomenon of mall walking.1

METHODS

The discovery of mall walking as a research topic wasserendipitous. Steven P. Schacht visited a shopping mall (here-after referred to as the mall) in a mid-sized Colorado city,where the research was subsequently to be performed, about2 weeks after Christmas. He had erroneously assumed thatthe stores would continue their extended Christmas hours,

1Our use of the term mall walking is different in some respects from jacobs's(1984) usage. We use it to designate a specific, somewhat organized participatoryactivity in the mall for purposes of exercise. Jacobs (1984) used it in reference to"cruising" (p. 102) as well as mall walking for exercise in general (p. 12). Curiously, hisbook is dedicated to a "mall walker extraordinaire," although he failed to specifywhat kind.

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which they did not. However, at 8:00 a.m. with all the storesclosed, the mall was full of people walking. Such early, large-scale activity had not been observed in other malls before.Subsequently, we learned that mall walking existed in otherColorado cities, and that a club (Mall Walkers Club) had beencreated at this particular mall to support the activity. Primarilybecause of the uniqueness of the activity and the lack of so-ciological work on it, we decided that mall walking was wor-thy of investigation.

In keeping with the objectives of most qualitative-ethnographic research, we hoped "to grasp the native's pointof view, his relation to life, to realize his vision of the world"(Malinowski 1922, p. 25). The social world of mall walking wasinvestigated to learn and understand the "culture of mallwalking." Culture, in this context refers to the acquiredknowledge that people use to interpret experiences and gen-erate social behavior (Spradley 1979). Furthermore, this studywas concerned not only with the constructed shared mean-ings of the mall walkers, but also the symbols that enable thisprocess to occur (Blumer 1969).

The specific research approach that appears most suitedto accomplish this task is a variant of Spradley's developmen-tal research sequence (Spradley 1979). This choice is war-ranted both in terms of being a proved ethnographic methodand its strong orientation of discovering the native's view. Thekey steps of this approach that had the greatest utility for theproposed research were (a) providing an interview format; (b)making a domain analysis; (c) breaking down these domainsusing structural questions to discover taxonomies of the set-ting; and finally (d) using these smaller components—to dis-cover overall cultural themes of the setting from the native'spoint of view. In other words, the researcher sets out to learnfrom the informants the elements that make up the settingthey participate in and, from these, what shared culturalthemes might exist between participants.

Our discussion of mall walking as an urban activity isdivided into three parts: formal organizational reasons formall walking, informal reasons for mall walking, and the socialorder mall walkers have constructed. Information on the for-mal organizational reasons for participation are drawn fromclub brochures and newspaper articles. The informal reasons

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for participation, from the point of view of the mall walkersthemselves and the social order that has been constructed asa result of their participation, are addressed using both obser-vation and in-depth interviews. All observations were madeand interviews performed between 7:00 a.m. and 10:00 a.m., atwhich time the mall opens for business.

The observational segment of the data collection wasperformed first to sensitize us to the setting and to give somepreliminary ideas about the interactions taking place. Thisconsisted of six 2- to 3-hr visits over a period of nearly 3months in which participants were passively observed andnotes were discreetly taken. From these initial observations,four categories of participants were identified. These group-ings are discussed in greater detail in the Findings section.Either one member (if solo participant) or several members ofeach group were then interviewed intensively. Each of theseinterviews lasted from 1.5 to 3 hr. A total of four in-depthinterviews were completed, each representing a category ofthe participants present at this setting.

Our analysis of these three aspects of mall walking leadsus to suggest that this activity can be best understood as an-other, although limited, example of the urban quest for socia-bility.

FINDINGS

Formal Organizational Goals of Participation

The generalizations drawn in this section are based on twosources: (a) two articles on mall walking in local newspapers(Talley 1989; Tiller 1989), and (b) an official brochure distributedby the Mall Walkers Club. Both of these sources are very similarin terms of what they state. In fact, one of the newspaper articles(Talley 1989) appears to be written from the brochure, conclud-ing that one should obtain the brochure for further information.Prior research by Jacoby (1965) demonstrated that the formalgoals delineated by a voluntary association are often excellentindicators of those held by its participants. Outlining these for-mally stated goals will provide a limited idea about mall walking.The goals of our research are twofold: (a) to discover why indi-viduals might want to participate in such an activity (goals) and,

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closely related, (b) to investigate the benefits mall walkers expectonce they start to participate.

The basic organizational premise is that walking is good,healthy exercise. This serves as the core argument for whysomeone would want to undertake such an activity. From this,walking is posited as the best, most natural form of exercisethat will improve circulation, reduce fat, lower blood pressureand stress levels, and increase overall mental sharpness. All ofthis is to occur in the climate-controlled environment of themall—free of ice, snow, traffic, and dogs every day from 6:00a.m. to closing. Mall walking is also presented as an excellentway to meet people socially and to have a good time.

The mall offered more tangible incentives for becoming aMall Walkers Club member: Each new member received alocker, a mall-walker button, and charts to tabulate the num-ber of miles one has walked. Membership in the club and itsbenefits are free. Furthermore, members who have walked100 miles receive a certificate of accomplishment and a mallbonus package (discounts from mall retailers). Obviously,store owners perceive benefits from the activity of mall walk-ing too: a means of drawing potential customers into the mall.

Specific tips for participation are also offered in the formof how to mall walk and measure one's achievement. Thehow-to tips are stated as five guidelines for participation: (a)Lightweight, flexible walking shoes with soft, well-cushionedsoles should be worn; (b) one should stretch before walkingto prevent muscle strains; (c) one's posture should be erect toreduce chances of foot, leg, or back pain; (d) one should walkin a rocking motion, heel to toe; and (d) one should paceoneself so as to avoid overexertion. Measuring one's activity isaccomplished using two techniques. First, one is supposed tomeasure the heart rate while walking. The reason for this istwofold: (a) so walkers do not overexert themselves, makingthe pulse rate too high, and (b) to measure if one is gettinginto better shape (i.e., over time pulse rate should decreasefrom exercise). The second type of measurement is completedby recording the total mileage covered each walking date.This is accomplished by following the official mall walkersroute (i.e., 1 lap equals .5 miles, 4 laps equals 2 miles).

Not only are there numerous formally offered reasons forparticipating, but there also appears to be a structure to this

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participation. In the rest of this article, we explore how closelythese formal statements approximate the reality of the partici-pant's experience.

Informal Reasons for Participation:Preliminary Observations

Initially, the mall was entered to discover some basiccharacteristics and inferred motivations about the mall-walking experience through strict observation. In this prelimi-nary research, anywhere from 50 to 150 participants were ob-served at any given time. From these preliminary observationsessions, four categories of mall walkers were discerned.

1. Male-female couple (entirely elderly and the largestgroup).

2. Female-female couple (50% elderly and 50% younger).3. Solo female (predominantly younger).4. Solo male (entirely elderly).

(All male participants were elderly, whereas there was a greatdeal of variation in the age of the female participants.)2 Thesefour groupings appeared to be exhaustive and mutually exclu-sive categories (e.g., no male-male couples were observed).

None of the participants appeared to be wealthy. No onewore Reebok walking shoes or Speedo leotards in this setting.Typical attire was no-name sweats and tennis shoes, althoughseveral simply wore street clothes and soft-soled shoes. Weassumed that in all probability, at least for the younger partici-pants, if they were wealthy they would probably exercise at ahealth club. In conjunction with this observation, we con-cluded that the majority of those present were taking advan-tage of the opportunity for cheap exercise to stay in shape orto lose weight. Although none of the mall walkers wereobese, the majority of the younger female participants in cou-ples appeared to be trying to lose weight. A few of the elderlyparticipants also appeared to belong to this category. How-

2Teenagers, a ubiquitous presence at malls, are absent from mall walking. Rea-sons for this may include time of day (teenage groups form much later in the day),perception of mall walking as an elderly activity, and the numerous facilities outsideof malls that cater to younger peoples' exercise needs.

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ever, because most of the elderly appeared to be in goodphysical shape, their presence suggests a desire to stay thisway. Most younger, solo female participants also appeared tobe in good physical shape.

Many of the participants (especially the elderly) also ap-peared to be there to meet others and to spend their free timeconstructively. Although we obviously did not have any con-clusive evidence in support of this assertion, several of theparticipants appeared to know each other, and there was agenerally friendly atmosphere overall. In fact, unfriendlinessand rudeness were almost never observed (an exception tothis is discussed later). The second observation, constructiveuse of free time, is a logical deduction: exercise is beneficialfor nearly everyone.

The vast majority of those present appeared to be enjoy-ing themselves (for both expressive or instrumental reasons).However, a small minority seemed to be participating againsttheir will. They did not give the appearance of enjoying mallwalking. This appeared to be an all-male phenomenon con-sisting of individuals who had apparently been "draggedalong" to please their partner. This was inferred from two setsof observations: (a) Several men lagged behind their partners,which often earned them "dirty looks" from their walkingcompanions, and (b) in a few instances, there was overt con-flict. For example, when one such couple entered the mall,the woman enthusiastically threw off her coat and started in arather hurried pace. The man reacted to this by taking histime in removing his coat and verbally responding in an irri-tated manner, "What's your hurry, honey? You know I don'twant to be here anyways."

Finally, and similar to this last observation, there ap-peared to be fairly distinct levels of enthusiasm. They couldbe deciphered by examining the given participants' attire,speed of walking, and the amount of the mall covered (i.e.,those who were clad in sweats, walking a vigorous pace, andcovering the entire mall were seen as the most enthusiastic).

THE FOLLOW-UP

With these initial observations serving as guidance,Steven P. Schacht reentered the setting to interview a repre-

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sentative from each of the observed categories of participants:male-female couple, female-female couple, solo female, andsolo male. Initially, we hoped to conduct these interviews in asit-down, relaxed format. Only one interview (solo male) wasobtained in this manner. Others agreed to the interview onlyif Steven P. Schacht walked with them. In hindsight, a greatdeal more information was gained by actually participating inthe mall walking. Although there was striking similarity be-tween the information obtained from each of these partici-pants, there were also some striking differences.

Differences and Similarities of the Participants

The biggest difference among participants was the mean-ing attached to the activity. The majority of, if not all, m e n -there is no way of knowing this absolutely because all maleparticipants were not interviewed—participated because ofmedical problems. Often this was under the direction of theirphysician. Specifically, they had had a heart attack or had ex-perienced other serious cardiovascular problems (i.e., stroke,high blood pressure). Because these problems are typicallyexperienced by older members of our society, this offers anexplanation of why all male participants were also older. At notime did we observe, nor did any of our interviewees report,young male mall walkers.

According to our informants, mall walking is posited byphysicians as an excellent, low-impact form of exercise that isvery suitable for older people. Furthermore, as a low-impactform of exercise, mall walking is also well suited for personswho have experienced heart problems, and it helps decreasethe risk of similar problems in the future. A few women mallwalked for this reason too, but it was typically a male motiva-tion. Although our initial observations were correct aboutmall walking being a form of exercise, the foremost reason formen participating was doctors' orders.

This last conclusion also sheds light on the prior observa-tion of the few unwilling male participants. We were told thatnearly all beginning male participants displayed various overtnegative reactions toward mall walking. Most of them startedshortly after experiencing a heart attack, undergoing myocar-dial revascularization, or suffering some other cardiovascular

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ailment. This typically meant that a great deal of control overone's life was lost. They had been told that they no longercould smoke (in many cases), that their diet was going to haveto change, and that there were numerous pills to be takenand rehabilitation regimes to be followed. In other words, adoctor was telling them what their life was to be like fromnow on. All of this was compounded by being told that theywere now going to have to undertake some form of exercise.Many had not exercised inyears and had no desire to startnow. Others disliked the idea of going to the mall, a place thatmany had perhaps avoided in the past. All of this added up tothe feeling of lost control over one's life. However, the reasonmany did grudgingly participate was the compelling alterna-tive: probable death.

The majority of both men and women appeared to andreported enjoying mall walking. Often this enjoyment was ac-quired after an initial period of dislike. Several themes of thisenjoyment were apparent. Some felt a sense of accomplish-ment at having covered a predetermined distance. Othersliked the feeling of being in good shape. These were usuallyreported in conjunction with socializing with other people.One variant of enjoyment reported by men was to please theirpartner. They enjoyed getting it over so they would not hearabout it later. Long-term participants with this attitude (a mi-nority) reported that encouragement from their partner wasthe real reason they participated, but mall walking was notthat bad. This explains why the majority of male participantswere present with their partners. Men who participated alonedid so because their walking companion was not availablethat particular day. However, three men were reported alwaysto participate alone. Two reasons were offered for this: (a)They were not currently involved with someone or (b) theirpartner refused to participate.

Recognizing these qualifications, the majority of menwalked with their partner. Most female companions walkednot for health reasons, but to provide companionship fortheir partner and to make sure that their partner was actuallyexercising. This is not to say that they do not individually re-ceive any benefits from this activity. After all, they were stay-ing in shape, meeting others, and spending time with theirpartner. The female informant in the male-female couple in-

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terviewed reported that this was the first joint activity she andher husband had ever undertaken. This in itself could also beconsidered a significant reason for participation.

Although providing companionship for their partner ex-plains why many older women participated, it does not ex-plain the presence of older and younger solo women or fe-male couples. Older solo women, like their malecounterparts, were often present because their usual walkingcompanion was unavailable. The more typical reason for be-ing solo is that they did not have someone with whom toparticipate. Because of the demographic reality that men inAmerican society die at a younger age than women, there is asizable segment of the older female population that is single.Mall walking simply reflects this. Older solo women were alsomore likely to participate for reasons of sociability. In fact, afew of the female-female couples who had originally partici-pated solo decided that it would be more enjoyable to walktogether.

Younger women participated primarily as a form of exer-cise, often as a way to lose or to maintain weight. Youngersolo women reported always participating alone and almostexclusively for exercise. This is in contrast to younger female-female couples who, in addition to reasons of exercise, alsoparticipated for sociability. Informants also commented thatthis was taken one step further; younger female mall walkerssometimes participated in groups of three. However, this wasrare—it is difficult to walk three abreast at some narrow pointsof the mall—and during all visits, we never observed morethan two participants together.

The younger solo women also differed from their youn-ger female-female couple counterparts in other significantways. Solo female mall walkers were definitely more "de-voted." This was deduced both in terms of stated reasons forparticipation and from several other observed indicators oflevels of enthusiasm. Solo women were more likely to wearathletic clothing, to walk the entire course, and to do so witha vigor, exercising their whole body. This pace was so briskthat the solo female study participant was somewhat difficultto keep up with and admittedly did slow down to be inter-viewed. Also noteworthy is that a few of the solo participantswore music headsets as part of their attire. This perhaps fur-

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ther indicated their stronger commitment to mall walking perse as opposed to sociability. As a group, younger women ex-hibited the highest level of commitment. This also explainstheir appearance of being in the best physical condition of allparticipants.

Although solo women reported mall walking entirely forreasons of exercise, female-female couples reported severalreasons. The foremost of these was as means of getting out ofthe house. Several of these younger female-female coupleparticipants were homemakers, keeping house, caring fortheir children, and not being employed outside of the home.For some this meant waiting until the children were off toschool. Others dropped their children off at a day-care facility,whereas others brought their children to tag along or to pushin a stroller. The end result for most in this category was toescape to the mall to socialize with a friend for a few hoursbefore returning to their responsibilities. Mall walking wasalso reported as a means to check out sales at the mall retail-ers.

Becoming a Mall Walker

How does one become a mall walker? This is where thepreviously discussed Mall Walkers Club becomes relevant.The majority of participants learned of mall walking from twosources: their doctor or club advertising. Older mall walkers(men) were most likely to learn of mall walking from theirphysicians with the aforementioned strong recommendationthat they start exercising for health reasons. Younger partici-pants usually learned of the activity through the other infor-mation source: club advertising (brochures and posters foundwithin the mall). From this, it was discovered that older partic-ipants were more likely to be club members at least initially,whereas most younger participants started on their own andnot as club members. The reason for this qualifier is that overa short period of time almost all walkers dropped their formalmembership. The club worked more as a way to get peoplestarted. This also explains the variety of sponsors of the club—the city's parks and recreation department, a local hospital,and the mall—and why it is free.

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Why Mall Walking

Of the infinite forms of exercise promoted in this coun-try, why do these individuals choose mall walking? Differentparticipants offered different reasons. For the younger femaleparticipants, four specific reasons were offered.

1. Joining a health club today is often very expensive incomparison to mall walking, which costs no more than one'sattire. Some mall walked as a form of affordable exercise.

2. For those who could afford a health-club membership(some previously had been members), health clubs wereviewed as too uptight and concerned with how attractive onewas. They preferred the more relaxed and sociable atmo-sphere of the mall.

3. The mall is seen as a safe place to exercise. This reasonwas given by all groups of participants; younger women andthe elderly feel particularly vulnerable in urban environments.

4. The mall setting provided cover from the outside cli-mate. In fact, a minority reported using the mall only whenthe weather was not conducive to walking. This reason wasalso offered by all groups of participants.3

As just outlined, older participants also reported mallwalking for several of the same reasons as their youngercounterparts. However, one reason they offered exclusivelycould be directly explained by their age: They perceivedhealth clubs as being only for the young in society. A solomale informant stated: "I have no desire to go to a health clubto see someone half my age flexing his biceps." Althoughmoney may have been a reason for some of the older partici-pants not joining a health club, this was never mentioned.This was contrary to previous observations. Health clubs weresimply seen as a place for the young to exercise, "yuppieclubs" as one informant labeled them.

3Jacobs (1984, p. 67) stressed the appeal of the mall as a place that remains"safe, warm and dry." Nash (1981) described how cold weather decreases urban activ-ity and interaction. The mall can be seen and is often deliberately designed to act as ahaven from external weather extremities (Kowinski 1985).

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SOCIAL ORDER OF MALL WALKINGAND SOCIABILITY

Early one morning a male-female couple was observedentering the mall who appeared to be out of place. They werewearing street clothes (recall that several of the participantsdid), but of more significance was that they were also wearinghard-soled street shoes. Not only did club brochures recom-mend that a participant always wear some sort of soft-soledwalking shoe, but all participants always complied. On enter-ing the mall, the couple stood watching others pass by andlooked like they were not sure what to make of this. Finallythey removed their coats and started to walk behind someothers. The following exchange was overheard: "What are wesupposed to do?" "I don't know. Just follow the people infront of us."

Simple as it may appear, there is a definite social order4 ofmall walking. These inexperienced walkers had no idea whatthe expectations of the setting were and, as a result, were notsure how to participate. Their solution, a pragmatic one, wasto imitate the behavior of the other participants. By the timethey left, aside from their shoes, they appeared to be social-ized mall walkers.

Other indicators of a shared, socially constructed mall-walking order existed. The participants always covered themall in a counterclockwise direction. Would the opposite betrue if this setting was in Britain or in other parts of the world?The only time this norm was violated was by young childrenaccompanying their mothers. Because this is a societal normin America (i.e., we drive on the right side and race in a coun-terclockwise direction), it is not surprising that young chil-dren often violated it. They had not been socialized to thepoint that it was also a shared social reality.5

A more subtle unspoken rule was that one always yieldsright of way to participants who are walking faster. Some-times, however, adherence to this rule led to problems. Al-though one was supposed to heed right of way, which way

4We use this term in the same manner Nixon (1986) used it to describe norms,statuses, and roles associated with social structures of recreational swimming.

5Children are identified by Jacobs (1984) as a source of similar kinds of "devi-ance" in the mall.

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they did so (direction turned) was sometimes not understood.As a result, the polite gesture of heeding to a faster walkerresulted in a collision. This was fairly rare, however, and wasusually the fault of the faster walker not waiting for the slowerone to get out of their way. Also this was a problem only in afew narrow areas of the mall.

Similarly, many participants ranked others in terms oftheir level of devotion. This was especially true for the morecommitted. They could readily identify the serious mall walk-ers, those who were not, and why in all probability they werepresent. Younger women were especially quick to offer thisinformation, but when asked all mall walkers could rank otherparticipants. Informants used many of the same criteria inevaluation (i.e., clothes, speed, briskness of walking, area cov-ered) as had been inferred in our prior observations. One ex-ception was that although women were often judged byclothes, men were not. This hierarchy of mall walkers placedyounger solo women at the top, then typically female-femalecouples, with solo men and male-female couples at the bot-tom. These differing levels of commitment are largely ex-plained by the perceived reasons for being there. As men-tioned, younger solo women participated entirely for reasonsof exercise, whereas older men did so under doctors' orders.

A final observation is the general atmosphere of sociabil-ity in the mall setting. People expected others to be bothfriendly and courteous, and in turn, they acted this way to-ward them (i.e., sociability was the norm). This created a feel-ing of trust. As previously mentioned, many came to the mallto walk because they did not feel safe in a threatening urbanenvironment found elsewhere. The limits of sociability indi-cated that relationships formed through mall walking weregenerally of the quasiprimary kind (Wiseman 1979). For exam-ple, although younger solo women were quite willing to sayhello and be pleasant to other regular mall walkers, this wasas far as it went. This was because not only of their level ofcommitment, but also they did not perceive their presenceprimarily in terms of sociability. Not once during the researchwas an unfriendly gesture seen, and none of the informantsreported any.

At the same time, it should be emphasized that, unlikethe "scenes" that Irwin (1977) described, mall walking does

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366 S. P. SCHAGHT AND N. P. UNNITHAN

not appear to have initiated or expanded "emotionally sus-taining relationships." Mall walking provides some significantand satisfying interaction in an ordered, convenient, and se-cure setting. It is thus one limited answer to the urban questfor sociability.

CONCLUSIONS

Mall walkers come from diverse backgrounds and partici-pate for differing reasons. Solo women participated primarilyfor exercise. Other reasons include socializing while exercis-ing, checking out the stores, or escaping their homes for ashort period. Still others, particularly older men, mall walk asa means to please their partners. For varying reasons, all par-ticipants reported enjoying mall walking. Through their inter-action in the mall setting, they have constructed a limited so-cial world of mall walking: direction walked, yielding right ofway, being able to identify the level of commitment of otherparticipants, and so on. They have also constructed a friendlyenvironment where all, including "vulnerable" city dwellers,are made to feel safe and welcome to participate.

As a whole, the participants have taken the physical set-ting of the shopping mall and recreated the social setting ofmall walking. In so doing, they have created yet another set-ting where, in conjunction with exercise, the quest for socia-bility in urban life can also be satisfied in a limited manner.

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Documents

Mall walking and urban sociability