Managerialism Kritik CODI 2012

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Managerialism KritikShell[Insert Specific Link]The affirmatives view of the environment and capitalism is not as innocent as it appears--it represents a subjective knowledge of the world infused with a managerial ethos--this approach maintains the view that the environment as a natural resource for consumptionThey legitimate capitalist consumption-- plan only strives for creative ways to maintain resources to consume.Luke in 2k2 (Timothy W., [Program Chair of the Government and International Affairs Program, School of Public and International Affairs at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University], eco-managerliasim: Environmental Studies as a Power/Knowledge formation," http://web.archive.org/web/20030802005346/http://aurora.icaap.org/2003Interviews/luke.html, kdf) http://aurora.icaap.org/2003Interviews/luke.html, kdf]

Before scientific disciplines and industrial technologies turn its' matter and energy into products, nature must be transformed by discursive processes into natural resources. Once nature is rendered intelligible through such practices, it is used to legitimize many political projects. I think one site for generating, accumulating, and circulating such knowledge about nature, as well as determining which human beings will be to society, is the modern research university, where we sit. As a primary structure for credentialing individual learners and legitimating collective teaching, universities help to construct our understanding of the natural world. Over the past generation, advanced study in environmental sciences on many university campuses, especially in the United States, has become a key source of key representations for the environment, as well as the home base of those scientific disciplines that generate analyses of nature's meanings. These educational operations also produce eco-managerialists, or those professional technical workers with specific knowledge as it has been scientifically or organizationally validated, and the operational power as it is institutionally constructed in governments at various levels, to cope with "environmental problems" on what are believed to be sound scientific and technical grounds. Professional technical experts working on and off campus create disciplinary articulations of various knowledge to generate performative techniques of power over, but also within and through, what is worked up as nature in the managerial structures of modern economies and societies. These institutionalized attempts to capture and contain the forces of nature underpin the strategies of eco-managerialism. Techno-scientific knowledge about the environment, however, is and always has been evolving with changing interpretive fashions, shifting political agendas, developing scientific advances. Such variations, as Foucault asserts designate a will to knowledge that is anonymous, polymorphous, and susceptible to regular transformations, and determined by the play of identifiable dependencies. What are some of these dependencies and perhaps some of these transformations? In this polymorphous combination of anonymous scientific environmental knowledge, with organized market and state power, as Foucault indicates, we find that it traverses and produces things. It needs to be considered as a productive network which runs through the whole social body, much more than a negative instance, whose function is repression. Schools of environmental studies and colleges of natural resources often provide the networks in which the relations of this productive power set the categories of knowledge and the limits of professional practice through the training of eco-managerialism. In accord with the prevailing regimes of truth within science, academic centres of environmental studies reproduce these bodies of practice and types of discourse, which in turn the executive personnel managing contemporary state and social institutions, what they regard as objective, valid, or useful, to facilitate economic growth. From these discourses, one can define, as Foucault suggests, the way in which individuals or groups represent words to themselves, utilize their forms and meanings, compose real discourse, reveal and conceal it in what they are thinking or saying, perhaps unknown to themselves, more or less than they wish, but in any case leaving massive verbal traces of those thoughts which must be deciphered and restored as far as possible in their representative vivacity. So given these tendencies, might we look at the workings of eco-managerialism? Where life, labour, and language can join in a discourse of environmental studies, one finds another formation of power knowledge which shows how man and his being can be concerned with the things he knows, and know the things that in positivity determine his mode of being in highly vocalized academic constructions of "the environment." Instead, the environment emerges in part as a historical artifact of expert management that is constructed by these kinds of scientific interventions. And in this network of interventions, there is a simulation of spaces and intensification of resources and incitement of discoveries, and a formation of special knowledges that strengthen the control that can be linked to one another as the impericities of nature for academic environmental sciences and studies. And probably in many ways, the key impericity here I would say, is the process of what I call the resourcification of nature. How does nature get turned into resources? The new impericities behind eco-managerialism more or less presumes that the role of nature is one of a rough and ready resourcification for the global economy and national society. That is, the earth must be re-imagined to be little more than a standing reserve, a resource supply centre, a waste reception site. Once presented in this fashion, nature then provides human markets with many different environmental sites for the productive use of resourcified flows of energy, information, and matter, as well as the sinks, dumps, and wastelands for all of the by-products that commercial products leave behind. Nature then is always a political asset. Still, its fungiblization, its liquidification, its capitalization, and eco-managerialism cannot occur without the work of experts whose resourcifying activities prep it, produce it, and then provide it in the global marketplace. The trick in natural resources or environmental affairs education is to appear to be conservationist, while moving in fact, many times, very fast to help fungiblize, liquefy, or capitalize natural resources for a more thorough, rapid, and perhaps intensive utilization.

Threats about the environment leads to the worse form of biopolitical control and destruction turning the caseScares about oil shortages spill over to wars in foreign countries to secure morethe same thing will happen with the environmentLuke in 1997 (Timothy, The (Un)Wise (Ab)Use of Nature: Environmentalism as Globalized Consumerism?, http://www.cddc.vt.edu/tim/tims/Tim528.htm, kdf)

In conclusion, Foucault is correct about the network of governmentality arrangements in the modern state. State power is not "an entity which was developed above individuals, ignoring what they are and even their very existence," because its power/knowledge has indeed evolved "as a very sophisticated structure, in which individuals can be integrated, under one condition: that this individuality would be shaped in a new form, and submitted to a set of very specific patterns."116 Producing discourses of ecological living, articulating designs of sustainable development, and propagating definitions of environmental literary for contemporary individuals simply adds new twists to the "very specific patterns" by which the state formation constitutes "a modern matrix of individualization."117 The emergent regime of ecologized bio-powers, in turn, operates through ethical systems of identity as much as it does in the policy machinations of governmental bureaux within any discretely bordered territory. Ecology merely echoes the effects from "one of the great innovations in the techniques of power in the eighteenth century," namely, "the emergence of 'population' as an economic and political problem."118Once demography emerges as a science of statist administration, it is statistical attitudes can diffuse into the numerical surveillance of Nature, or Earth and its nonhuman inhabitants, as well as the study of culture, or society and its human members, giving us ecographies written by the Worldwatchers steering effects exerted from their astropanopticons through every technoscientific space.119 Government, and now, most importantly, superpowered statist ecology, preoccupies itself with "the conduct of conduct," particularly in consumerism's "buying of buying" or "purchasing of purchasing." Habitus is habitat, as any good product semanticist or psychodemographer knows all too well. The ethical concerns of family, community and nation previously might have guided how conduct was to be conducted; yet, at this juncture, "the environment" serves increasingly as the most decisive ground for normalizing each individual's behavior. Environments are spaces under police supervision, expert management, risk avoidance, or technocratic control. By bringing environmentalistic agendas into the heart of corporate and government policy, one finds the ultimate meaning of a police state fulfilled. If police, as they bound and observed space, were empowered to watch over religion, morals, health, supplies, roads, town buildings, public safety, liberal arts, trade, factories, labor supplies, and the poor, then why not add ecology--or the totality of all interactions between organisms and their surroundings--to the police zones of the state? The conduct of any person's environmental conduct becomes the initial limit on other's ecological enjoyments, so too does the conduct of the social body's conduct necessitate that the state always be an effective "environmental protection agency." The ecological domain is the ultimate domain of unifying together all of the most critical forms of life that states must now produce, protect, and police in eliciting bio-power: it is the center of their enviro-discipline, eco-knowledge, geo-power.120 Few sites in the system of objects unify these forces as thoroughly as the purchase of objects from the system of purchases.Mobilizing biological power, then, accelerates exponentially after 1970 along with global fast capitalism. Ecology becomes one more formalized disciplinary mode of paying systematic "attention to the processes of life....to invest life through and through"121 in order to transform all living things into biological populations to develop transnational commerce. The tremendous explosion of global economic prosperity, albeit in highly skewed spatial distributions, after the 1973/1974 energy crises would not have been possible without ecology to guide "the controlled insertion of bodies into the machinery of production and the adjustment of the phenomena of population to economic processes."122 An anantamo-politics for all of Earth's plants and animals now emerges out of ecology as strategic plans for terraformative management through which environmentalizing resource managerialists acquire "the methods of power capable of optimizing forces, aptitudes, and life in general without at the same time making them more difficult to govern."123To move another step past Foucault's vision of human biopower, these adjustments in the resourcing of Nature as environmentalized plants and animals to that of transnational capital are helpful to check chaotic systems of unsustainable growth. In becoming an essential subassembly for transnational economic development, ecological discourses of power/knowledge rationalize conjoining "the growth of human groups to the expansion of productive forces and the differential allocation of profit" inasmuch as population ecology, environmental science, and range management are now, in part, "the exercise of bio-power in its many forms and modes of application."124 Indeed, a postmodern condition perhaps is reached when the life of all species are wagered in each one of humanity's market-centered economic and political strategies. Ecology, which did emerge out of the traditional life sciences, now circulates within "the space for movement thus conquered, and broadening and organizing that space, methods of power and knowledge" as green disciplinary interventions, because the state has "assumed responsibility for the life processes and undertook to control and modify them."125

Thus the Alternative: Vote Negative to reject managerialist ethicsResisting managerialist calls is crucial to rethink how we interact with Natureplans like the aff only act to revitalize what is best for the consumer and capitalismthis logic needs to be rejected at whatever costLuke in 97 (Timothy W,[Program Chair in the Government and International Affairs, School of Public and International Affairs, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University], The (Un)Wise (Ab)Use of Nature: Environmentalism as Globalized Consumerism?, http://www.cddc.vt.edu/tim/tims/Tim528.PDF, kdf/jt)

In the final analysis, ecologically sustainable development, as Makower observes, boils down to another expression economic rationality. It is "a search for the lowest-cost method of reducing the greatest amount of pollution" in the continued turnover of consumer-centered production processes.22 Almost magically, sustainable development can become primarily an economic, and not merely an environmental, calculation. The initiatives taken by some businesses to prevent pollution, reduce waste, and maximize energy efficiencies are to be supported. Ecology can win, but only if it can reaffirm on a higher, more perfect register most of fast capitalism's existing premises of technology utilization, managerial centralization, and profit generation now driving advanced corporate capitalism.These maneuvers are not taken simply to preserve Nature, mollify green consumers, or respect Mother Earth; they are done to enhance corporate profits, national productivity, and state power, because "the e-factor" is not simply ecology--it also is efficiency, excellence, education, empowerment, enforcement, and economics. As long as realizing ecological changes in business means implementing an alternative array of instrumentally rational policies, such as finding lower-cost methods of energy use, supply management, labor utilization, corporate communication, product generation or pollution abatement, sustainable development also will maintain the economy. Gore's new stewardship through sustainable development may not be strictly ecological, but his green geopolitics cultivates the image, at least, of being environmentally responsible.23 This compromise allows one to work "deliberately and carefully, with an aim toward long-term cultural change, always with an eye toward the bottom line, lest you get frustrated and discouraged in the process" so that these "environmentally responsible businesses can be both possible and profitable."24

LinksGenericThe plan is a veiled endorsement of further consumption as much as environmentalist like the affirmative authors talk about reducing consumption, they know it would never happen their positions just get appropriated by global capitalLuke 1997 (Timothy, prof @ Department of Political Science Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, The (Un)Wise (Ab)Use of Nature: Environmentalism as Globalized Consumerism?, Presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, http://www.cddc.vt.edu/tim/tims/Tim528.htm)Environmentalism, then, should not be automatically assumed to be opposed to mass consumption, as many in the "wise use" movement have claimed. Of course, there are factions among the environmental movement, ranging from voluntary simplicity to deep ecology, who tout the virtues of consuming less, consuming differently, or consuming nothing.71 However, they typically take these positions as part of a more general rejection of modern production as well. Their anti-industrial pretensions, in turn, are often not well-supported in either their theories or practices inasmuch as producing/consuming nothing soon would cause mass economic chaos, producing/consuming differently often boils down to defending certain privileged artifacts or crafts against mass market pressures, and producing/consuming less frequently seems like a new rationing scheme to reallocate poverty. While most environmental rhetorics sound anti-consummative, many of them upon closer reading perhaps should be more rightly understood as pro-consummational in their post-consumptive reasoning.Scares about the stability of earth only serve to extend human superiority over Natureif the house gets dirty we must clean it Luke in 1997 (Timothy, The (Un)Wise (Ab)Use of Nature: Environmentalism as Globalized Consumerism?, http://www.cddc.vt.edu/tim/tims/Tim528.htm, kdf) Under this terraforming horizon, what seems little more than an a pious aside in Agenda 21, in fact, reveals a great deal more. When this document would have us recognize "the integral and interdependent Nature of the Earth," it emphasizes how the Earth is "our home."31 Terraforming, then, is a form of globalized "home building," whose processes and progress should be monitored from two sets of now commonly-denominated books: the registers of oikonomia as well as the ledgers of oikologos. The infrastructuralization of the Earth reimagines it as a rational responsive household in which economically action commodifies everything, utilizes anything, wastes nothing, blending the natural and the social into a single but vast set of household accounts whose performativities must constantly weigh consumption against production at every level of analysis from suburbia to the stratosphere in balancing the terrestrial budgets of ecological modernization. The infrastructuralization of Nature through environmentalizing movements and discourses propels contemporary societies and economies beyond the autogenic giveness of Nature into terraformative anthropogenesis, dissolving the formal boundaries between inside/outside, Nature/Culture, or earth/economy. As Baudrillard observes, "it implies practical computation and conceptualization on the basis of a total abstraction, the notion of a world no longer given but instead produced--mastered, manipulated, inventoried, controlled: a world, in short, that has to be constructed."32 The workings of "the environment" as a concept now bring many contemporary terraforming efforts to rescue the Earth's ecology back to the sources of its original meanings. To note this ironic conjunction does not uncover some timeless semantic essence; it merely reaccentuates aspects in the term's origins that accompany it from its beginnings into the present. As a word, environment is brought into English from Old French, and in both languages "an environment" is a state of being produced by the verb "environ." And, environing as a verb marks a type of strategic action, or activities associated with encircling, enclosing, encompassing or enveloping. Environing, then, is the physical activity of surrounding, circumscribing, or ringing around something or someone. Its first uses denote stationing guards, thronging with hostile intent, or standing watch over a place or person. To environ a site or a subject is to beset, beleaguer or besiege. Consequently, an environment--either as the means of these activities or the product of such actions--should be treated in a far more liberal fashion.DamsSupply chains like dams reduce rivers to resources that are reduced to quantifiable entities like energy this process of reduction replaces everyday experience with a simulation of the earth, reflected in human knowledgeSoufalis 5(Zoe, Adjunct Research Fellow and associate member at theCentre for Cultural Research, Big Water, Everyday Water: A Sociotechnical Perspective, Continuum: Journal of Media & Cultural Studies Vol. 19, No. 4, December 2005, pp. 445463)

For the history of Big Water is also the history of big dams, a fad in the nineteenth century tradition of the Grand Project that peaked in the mid-twentieth century in Australia, as well as abroad, where, as part of aid and development programmes, they were often spectacular concretisations of colonial and/or dependency relations. Like many other suburban Australians, as a child in the 1960s I was taken on family excursions and group picnics to various dams in catchments beyond the citys periphery (in my case, Perth, Western Australia). Dams are tremendous feats of technoscience and engineering and grand poetic expressions of human power and will. The dams very giganticism (Heidegger, 1977, p. 135), and the huge potential force of the dammed up water behind it, invite awed contemplation of technical expertise embodied and exalted to something like a force of god or nature: a technological sublime (Marx, 1965; Nye, 1994, esp. pp. 136142). The dam and its attendant aqueducts, pipelines, treatments plants and so on, through to the household tap that gushes water on demand, is an assemblage that exemplifies the epochal modern project of technology and instrumental rationality, as Heidegger delineates in his essay on The Question Concerning Technology (1977). A hydroelectric scheme on the Rhine is one example of how part of the world, such as a flow of water, can be turned into a calculable quantity of resource, such as hydroelectricity (Heidegger, 1977, p. 16) and becomes part of the Bestand, the standing-reserve or resource well (Zimmerman, 1990), available for mobilisation by complex and large-scale energy, transport, communications and delivery systems, and switched about ever anew, to serve an ever more extended logic of supply (Sofia, 2000).

Deep-EcologyDeep ecology shifts power relations where nature becomes more dominated because it is no longer power from the outside but power from withinLuke in 97 (Timothy W., [Program Chair of the Government and International Affairs Program, School of Public and International Affairs at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University], Ecocritique, p. 19-20, kdf)

Deep ecology's critique of the Enlightenment schema is neither as thorough nor as radical as its advocates claim. By citing new norms to constrain humanity's destruction of the ecosphere, deep ecologists aspire to overturn the Enlightenment schema underpinning advanced industrialism's instrumental rationality. In adopting examples they see in primal cultures, deep ecologists believe they can effectuate Nature's reenchantment, develop nondominating sciences, and launch a new ecological society by creating new forms of human selfhood.57 Although deep ecology presents these goals as tantamount to the abolition of man's domineering power over Nature, it appears instead that human power would not be replaced by biocentric equality as much as it could be displaced by a silent anthropocentrism in this new human subjectivity. The new philosophy of nature might seal "the death of man" in ecological functioning by supplanting a coercive set of human power relations with a new discipline of ethical surveillance (self-administered by the subject in Taoist meditation, Buddhist self-in-Self introspection, and mythic Amerindian purification rituals) to reconstitute human agency within natural subjectivity. The sites of power plainly would shift, because the disciplines of self and social understanding would be forced into new polarities of value and practice.58 In constituting biospheric entities as subjects, humanity would become, following Aldo Leopold's paradoxical idealization, just "plain citizens" in an egalitarian biotic/ geological/atmospheric community.59 The strategies of ecosophy would shift human power over Nature (and humanity by implication) from external sovereign control in a Hobbesian sense to internal participative normalization with Nature in a new Foucauldian sense. Much of the modern Enlightenment schema could survive these transformations. 60 Enforcing harmony with Nature might be as destructive and domineering as attaining dominance over Nature. Deep ecology's construction of reenchantment, mature selfhood, and Nature bear the birthmarks of modernity in its reconceptualization of the postmodern as primal premodernity. In this regard, deep ecology's confrontation with technocratic industrialism mirrors Rousseau's confrontation with the Enlightenment. 61 The good person, or ecosophical people, should follow "the voice of Nature," not "the voice of Reason," which simply expresses instrumental strategies for satisfying corrupt social desires. As subjects of the dominant worldview, people disenchant the world and seek instrumental control in the false voice and language of Reason. Yet, these corrupting social forces interfere with people's sensing and following of their true natural sentiments. If we develop, as Naess, Devall, or Sessions claim, our intuition of Earth Wisdom, or attune our sentiments to Nature, then we might tap into new virtuous realms of true freedom. Even so, the pure voice of Nature, speaking through individual conscience in the language of virtue, expresses a very modern concern for individual self-realization of each unique quality to its utmost in each subject's being.EnergyThe Affirmative puts an environmentally friendly face on energy as a pretext to manage environmental affairs. This ecomanagerialism suppresses radical alternativesDavid Parker and Barry Larsen, Editors, Well Sharp, January 23, 2008, An ecosocialist critique of sustainable development: maintaining growth through sustainabledegradation, ACC. 5/3/2008, http://wellsharp.wordpress.com/2008/01/23/an-ecosocialist-critique-of-sustainable-development-maintaining-growth-through-sustainable-degradation/.Luke uses the term ecomanagerialism to describe the shift of corporate thinking about environmental issues into more positive environmentally friendly channels. This shift has occurred with the gradual acceptance of the natural world as one of the necessary pre-conditions of any profitable business enterprise. For example, environmentalists have worked hard over many years to move the business approach to resource exploitation away from sustained maximum yield and towards sustainability; successes have been achieved through a combination of activism, resource management legislation, tradeable quotas, global competition, and bench-marking and eco-labelling. Extensive monitoring is also part of the picture, as it is a necessary part of maintaining keeping sustainable business practices on track. Overall, the shifts in attitudes and practices embodied by ecomanagerialism have effectively blunted calls for more radical green economic alternatives and at the same time have allowed society to maintain its aspirations for continuing growth and expanding consumption.

ExpertsDont assume their evidence about warming is plain fact knowledge produced at universities is all designed with money on the mind those environmentalists who get published are the ones who say what big corporations and the state wants to hear proves the link and takes out the impact to the affLuke 1996 (Timothy, prof @ Department of Political Science Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Generating Green Governmentality: A Cutlural Critique of Environmental Studies as a Power/Knowledge Formation, http://www.cddc.vt.edu/tim/tims/Tim514a.htm)

Those who continue to imagine all environmentalists as some sort of countercultural resistance fighters only need to consult the Nicholas School of the Environment at Duke to get a sense of where academic environmental studies actually lead. While some of its graduates--only 16 percent--end up working for advocacy nonprofits, like the Rain Forest Alliance, World Wildlife Fund, or Chesapeake Bay Foundation, many also find positions with staid groups like Worldwatch, the Nature Conservancy or the National Geographic Society. Another 32 percent work for federal and state governments, and 42 percent work for private consulting and industrial firms, like ABT Association, ERM, Inc., ICF Kaiser International, General Motors, Texaco, or Westvaco Corporation.50 The key validation of academic environmental studies at Duke is wholly careerist: good placement and respectable salaries for newly graduated natural resource professionals. Marketability of their labor equals effectiveness for their education. The performative truths such schools impart must be valid; otherwise, big business, federal agencies, and global NGOs would not drop by to recruit their graduates. Their training in Ecotoxicology and Risk Assessment, Resource Economics or Forest Resource Management does not stress post-anthropocentric deep ecology; likewise, the Nicholas School will not count holistic New Age Deep Ecology Studies among its in-house graduate programs. Technoscientific truths are those tied to reproducing environmental studies as the coda of careerist knowledge and professional power. As Yale's School of Forestry and Environmental Studies flatly exclaims, these educational institutions deploy curricula and employ faculty to serve both academic and applied markets with their knowledge. Consequently, different power and knowledge formations in the state and corporate sectors are continuously interwoven through environmental studies: "some of the faculty's work is research-oriented, and some is management-oriented, as befits our dual role as a graduate school and a professional school. The work takes place in forests and wilderness areas, in the inner city and multinational corporations, and in libraries and laboratories, around the globe."51 In these curricula and their professional tracking, the discourses of resource managerialism/risk assessment/recreationist administration become, as Foucault argues, "embodied in technical processes, in institutions, in patterns for general behavior, in forms of transmission and diffusion, and in pedagogical forms which, at once, impose and maintain them."52 Environmental studies graduates, then, find in their professional labor the callings of green governmentality--mediated through their formal knowledges of environmental study and implemented through their institutionalized powers over natural resources. Under this managerial regimen, power/knowledge systems bring "life and its mechanisms into the realm of explicit calculations," making the disciplines of environmental knowledge and discourses of managerial power into many concrete networks devoted to the "transformation of human life."53Relying on so-called experts suppresses democratic challenges to capitalismTimothy W. Luke in 2k6, Program Chair in the Government and International Affairs, School of Public and International Affairs, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, March 2006, The System of Sustainable Degradation, Capitalism, Nature, Socialism, v. 17, No. 1, p. 111.The structures for sustainable degradation assure that limited democratic challenges can be launched against the often unquestioned prerogatives of technical expertise and capital ownership. Expertise and property constitute the most material forms of power within the existing conditions of production. Experts and owners are treated as distinct centers of authority with a special legitimacy. It is this sort of narrowly interpreted and questionably legitimated power that democratizing social movements have contested over the past couple of centuries in capital's development.GPSGPS distances humanity from the earth by reducing it to pure navigational data that replaces everyday living spaces with navigational coordinates, creating a flat surface for human management and interventionJoronen 8Joronen, Mikko. Department of Geography, University of Turku. 2008. The Age of Planetary Space: On Heidegger, Being, and Metaphysics of Globalization. https://www.doria.fi/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10024/66733/AnnalesAII257Joronen.pdf?sequence=1From all of the ways modern technology has transformed us, the world, and the earth, spatial magnitude may be the one having consequences most comprehensive and pervasive. In the appendix to one of his best-known essays, The Age of the World Picture, German philosopher Martin Heidegger (18891976) describes this technological transformation in terms of what has apparently become known as the process of globalization, an increasingly spreading globe-wide connectedness of things from societal practices to the use of natural entities. We are now faced with the planetary imperialism of technologically organized man, Heidegger writes, with a technology of organized uniformity that has become the surest instrument of total rule over the earth (Heidegger 1977d:152). Although it has become somewhat self-evident that after a couple of decades of rapid intensification this technological conquest of planetary space has grown in monumental heights, it is equally apparent that the issue of globalization is not solely emptied into recent speeding up of the loss of the sense of distance. The globe rather seems to provide a symbol for an entire age of technological conquest and ordering. In fact, it is this technological conquest, as Heidegger points out in his other much sited essay Question Concerning Technology, which is not a mere order of a machine but a way of revealing, that constitutes an entire era of gigantic enframing (Gestell) of the terrestrial globe, the planetary earth (1977a:23). In a fundamental sense of the word, we contemporaries are being caught up in a cyber-world of the real, thrown into a world governed by technical command revealing the whole of the earth as nothing but a reserve on call for the networks of its commanding orderings. By implicitly indicating fundamental levelling and ever-heightening possession of the space of the earth, such ordering of things has turned the earth into a planetary resource to be used up by the manipulative powers of technological societies. It is this technological power, which evermore reaches ahead by calculating and arranging things as functions according to its own ordering power that defines the fundamental outcome of the technological revealing of planetary space: the uniform capturing and positioning of spatial relations of things into a framework of total orderings.

GPS enframe the earth as a strategic object navigational data creates the fiction of the earth as a single internally consistent object and erase the history of colonialism that conditions Third World underdevelopment, ending in racially violent resource extractionKato 93 (Masahide, Department of Political Science, University of Hawaii, Nuclear Globalismi Traversing Rockets, Satellites, and Nuclear War via the Strategic Gaze, Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, Vol. 18, No. 3 (Summer 1993), pp. 339-360, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40644779, AM)As mentioned earlier, the absolute point of the strategic gaze abolishes the historical contestation over perspectives, giving way to a total monopoly of interpretative media. The camera's eye from outer space produced what had been long sought since the invention of camera and the rocket: ahistorical or transcendental "rectitude."8 An aerial photographer captures the emergence of such rectitude very succinctly The advantage of hyperaltitude space photographs is that each one shows vast terrains in correct perspective, from one viewpoint and at one moment of time. Thus they are far more accurate than mosaics of the same area pieced together from photographs taken from the constantly shifting points of view of conventional aircraft at random periods of time, extending from dawn to sunset or even over weeks and months, depending upon clear weather.9 The pursuit of rectitude in the field of aerial photography has been none other than a constant battle against the three-dimensional existence of forms and volumes that allow more than a single point of view. With the vantage point of hyperaltitude from outer space, "three-dimensional forms are reduced to texture, line and color."10 Rendering the totality of Earth a two-dimensional surface serves no purpose other than for technostrategic interpretation of the earth as data and maps, thereby disqualifying "other" points of view (i.e., spatiolocality). In this way, with the back-up of technoscientific reason, the "absolute" point of the strategic gaze manifests uncontestable control as far as the interpretation of surface of the earth is concerned. Flattening the surface of the earth has also brought about a radical change in the regime of temporality. As the words of the aerial photographer quoted earlier reveal, the notion of rectitude also depends on the construction of the single privileged moment. The image of every part of the earth is now displaced onto that "absolute" moment. In other words, the "absolute" point of the strategic gaze produces a homogeneous temporal field (i.e., an a-temporal field, or to use common vocabulary, "real time") in which "juxtaposition of every locality, all matter" becomes viable.11 The so-called "real time" is therefore the very temporality of the strategic gaze, that is, the absolute temporality that presides over other forms of constructing time (i.e., chronolocality). Such construction of temporality did not suddenly emerge with the advent of the new mode of communication. It is a historical tendency of capitalism to displace geographical distance onto temporal distance. As Karl Marx pointed out, development of transportation and communication displaces spatial distance onto temporal distance, which is arranged and hierarchized in relation to the mtropoles.12 Therefore, to borrow Paul Virilio's term, the development of transportation and communication transforms geopolitics into "chronopolitics." The "instantaneous transmission" produced by satellite communication has rendered metropolitan centers capable of pushing chronopolitics further to the absolute level in which temporal distance reflects nothing but the strategic networking of capital. Let us now tie this configuration of transcendental space and time to the process of transnational capitalist formation, specifically in its conquest of the periphery. In 1962, TNCs such as AT&T, ITT, RCA, and General Telephone inaugurated the state-sponsored monopoly business (Comsat Corporation) in the field of communication satellites. During the Vietnam War, the technology of communication satellites played a critical role in the so-called "remote control warfare." Through various sensorial devices, every movement in the hinterland of Southeast Asia (although they couldn't distinguish liberation armies from lay villagers or water buffaloes) were transmitted to the absolute gaze of the commander positioned at Kissinger's office.13 The words of Retired General Schriever (who was appointed as an adviser on space and science policy by the Reagan administration) accurately summarize the "absoluteness" of the power of surveillance by satellites: What I want is a radar surveillance system which allows you to spot everything that's moving, either on the surface or above the surface of the earth. . . . You could pin your enemy down on earth. What would they do? If I control the high ground and you can't move, what are you doing to do? You're going to negotiate a surrender. That's what it's all about.14 Politically speaking, the image recapitulation of the earth by transnational capital and imperial states bespeaks their effort to reterritorialize/contain the spatial movements of excolonies (the so-called "Third World movements"). Through an objectification process of the periphery, TNCs have attempted to make the Third World disappear from their screen by reclassifying it in the cognitive category of "natural resources." The same process has taken place in the case of the Green Revolution, in which the strenuous recolonization of the peripheral space was none other than a counterrevolutionary attempt to destroy the hegemonic recomposition of the periphery (the Third World movements). In both cases, what was at great stake was the sovereignty of the Third World, that is, the relative autonomy of Third World space and time. By the objectification of the periphery through the eye of the absolute strategic gaze, the sovereignty of the Third World has been nullified without involving any conventional battles. The Declaration of Bogota in 1976 signed by eight equatorial nations (Brazil, Colombia, Congo, Ecuador, Indonesia, Kenya, Uganda, and Zaire) protested the First World monopoly over satellite surveillance.18 It was a desperate attempt by the Third World nations, who were faced with the invisible invasion and destruction of their sovereignty by the TNCs and imperial states. The final transfer of Landsat to a private corporation, the Earth Observation Satellite Company (EOSAT), in 1984 consolidated an era of transnational capitalization of the strategic gaze. France joined the competition for the remote-sensing satellite information market with SPOT (satellite pour l'observation de la terre), which produced images with 10-meter resolution (as opposed to the 30-meter resolution provided by Landsat).19 The images reproduced by SPOT have further liquefied national configurations, replacing them with the configurations of transnational capital. With the dissolution of the superpower rivalry between the United States and the former Soviet Union, their terrain of competition has shifted to launching commercial satellites on converted intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) rockets. Herein, the integration of the First World imperial states and TNCs has become total as far as satellite surveillance is concerned. For example, Satelife, which is a private venture run by U.S. and former Soviet specialists, aims to "give physicians in remote areas of developing countries access to major centers of medical information located in industrialized countries." Planet Earth, a U.S., Japanese, and West European project, is designed to monopolize "a relatively detailed and accurate picture of the changes and interactions occurring in the planet ecosphere."20 Behind the rhetoric of such humanitarian postures, it is very clear the TNCs and imperial states have secured a monopoly over transcendental space and time, traversing and penetrating the Third World with impunity.21 Outer space thus has become the space of transnational capital par excellence. One could say that satellite surveillance perfected one of Sun Tzu's axioms, "supreme excellence consists in breaking the enemy's resistance without fighting."

Highway SystemThe highway system divides life into systems of resources, separating the suburban home from urban work these divisions create violent individual self-managementTaylor 6(James Michael, MA Thesis Texas A&M Dept of Philosophy, THE QUESTION CONCERNING HEIDEGGER: TECHNOLOGY AND BEING, A DEEPER UNDERSTANDING, repository.tamu.edu/bitstream/1969.1/4247/1/etd-tamu-2006B-PHIL-Taylor.pdf)

In the face of a technological world the four areas of technological influence and interference that Dias outlined in chapter I spring readily to mind (Dias, 392). In his first category he outlined machines that may do us direct and irreversible physical harm. The nuclear weapon remains one of the most striking example of such a machine. Diasi second category is that of the tendency of technology to promote injustice (Dias, 393). An insidious use of machines and resources seems to reveal the polarization of classes based on technology. New class structures are being established around the technologically savvy, and the technologically ignorant. Dias third category is that technology has profound sociological impacts (Dias, 393). One need only look at the highway system in America to understand the impact technology can have on how society is formed. An authentic sense of community can be lost when community becomes another resource to be accessed on the end of a long drive. Despite these examples the most troubling category is Dias last, that of the psychological (Dias, 393). Technology changes humanity itself from the inside out. Devices like the digital clock have altered our perceptions of time. Life can be divided out into discrete, separable, and infinitely reducible segments.Highways enframe the environment as petrotopia, a streamlined connection between spaces that makes them available for immediate consumptive penetration this fantasy conceals everyday violence within those communities, while revealing society as a factory of material productionLeMenager 12(Stephanie, Assoc Prof of English @ U of Cal Santa Barbara, The Aesthetics of Petroleum, after Oil!, American Literary History January (2012), http://alh.oxfordjournals.org/content/early/2012/01/16/alh.ajr057.full)

The inescapability of petroleum infrastructures in the twentieth century has entered literature in the form of both dystopian and utopian imagery. This imagery became of particular literary interest in the 1950s and 1960s, when petromodernity reached its classic phase within the US-built environment. I use the term petrotopia, signifying petroleum-utopia, to refer to the now ordinary US landscape of highways, low-density suburbs, strip malls, fast food and gasoline service islands, and shopping centers ringed by parking lots or parking towers. My inclusion of the term utopia in a description of a far from ideal environment draws upon David Harvey's critical assessment of utopianism as a hegemonic spatial ordering (160). Harvey recognizes the implementation of utopianism to result in political systems that strictly regulate a stable and unchanging social process, such that the dialectic of social process is repressed and no future needs to be envisaged because the desired state is already achieved. The building of the auto-highway-sprawl complex has been a utopian project. We can recognize its origins in the Radiant City of Le Corbusier or the massive highway projects of Robert Mosesdisasters on the human scale, for the most part, born of what Corbu called the rapture of power and speed (xxiii), often racially inflected schemes to eliminate urban blight, and more broadly the potential of traffic, n commerce, to expand the band-width of information and pleasure.8 As utopia, petrotopia represents itself as an ideal end-state, repressing the violence that it has performed upon, for example, south Bronx neighborhoods leveled for freeway development or the wetlands below New Orleans which were filled to build suburban homes. While petrotopia represses the dialectics of social and ecological process, it foregrounds a temporal schema that serves its goals. Sprawl and spread suggest movement outward, in time, but minus an ethical imperative that ascribes notions of consequence to time. In its amoral, monstrous reproduction of itself in its own image, petrotopia resembles the species of utopia Harvey describes as the processual utopia of free market ideology, which, when it comes to ground, produces space to restlessly destroy and reorganize it in the service of (petro) capital (177). This relentless production of space creates problems of scale that, in turn, invite the return of repressed consequences, irreversible damage. The points at which utopian imagining, the infinite work of the imagination's power of figuration, in theorist Louis Marin's terms, meet a discrete unit of narrative time, something that happened and cannot be undone, can be instructive of how petrotopia betrays itself, tipping back into the more solid proposition of socio-ecological disaster (413). Temporally discrete event produces rents in the petrol screen. This essentially formal problem of narrative structure challenging an ideology reliant upon iconicity and image has been discussed in philosophical terms as the bad faith of technocractic modernity. Environmental philosopher Barbara Adam names the fantasy of temporal reversibility as a fundamental principle of the technoscientific optimism growing out of the Cold War (41). The damage wrought by technoscience can be undone, in other wordsthat is the fantasy. It is my purpose here to consider a few events in cultural history where the specter of the irreversible interrupts petromodern ebullience, and the media environments sustained by petroleum infrastructure break to static. This static, the brief interruption of the message, may be the closest analogue to hope that we inherit from the twentieth century.

HSRHigh speed rail infrastructure will only reinforce managerial ethicsPeters 9 (Deike Peters, Associated Faculty at Center for Metropolitan Studies. summer 2009. "The Renaissance of Inner-City Rail Station Areas: A Key Element in Contemporary Urban Restructuring Dynamics" https://www.geschundkunstgesch.tu-berlin.de/fileadmin/fg95/Hauptordner_Megaprojekte/literaturanhang/Peters_162_185.pdf) The ongoing remaking of urban cores through urban redevelopment mega-projects is part and parcel of the urbanization of neoliberalism (Brenner and Theodore 2002) and post-Fordist restructuring. Large-scale manufacturing employment and production have given way to an urban economy dominated by service-, knowledge-, and consumption-based industries (Harvey 1989). The heightened competition for investments forces cities governing elites to search proactively for new opportunities of economic growth, leading to processes of disembedding (Castells 1996), the emergence of new geographies of centrality (Sassen 1991), and a shift from a managerial to an entrepreneurial governance approach (Harvey 1989; Dangschat 1992). Meanwhile, new logistics and distribution gateways and terminals are emerging at the edges of large metropolitan areas (Hesse 2008). Central cities are gaining ground as key locales for capitalist consumption and culture. Urban cores are (re-)gentrified as attractive tourist spaces (Judd and Fainstein 1999; Hoffman et al. 2003; Hannigan 1999) and as prime living and working spaces for the creative class (Florida 2002). An updated version of urban growth machine politics emerges (Molotch 1976; Logan and Molotch 1987; Savitch and Kantor 2002) which, in Europe, is strongly related to the EU Lisbon Agenda and corresponding national politics. The specifics of these processes need to be understood through solid macro- and micro-level analyses that feature in-depth comparative case studies of particular places and actors within particular cities. There is not one single dominant theory on contemporary urban restructuring, of course. Rather, there are several strands of literature vying for prominence, each contributing certain key insights to the complex subject matter and presenting sometimes-conflicting views on the same cities.2 Nevertheless, there is wide agreement among urban scholars that postindustrial, post-Fordist, neoliberal restructuring represents a double-edged sword for cities. High-speed communication and transportation infrastructures enable corporations to avoid the high land costs and negative agglomeration externalities associated with high-profile central city locations and relocate elsewhere. However, for many key, high-profile economic activities, place still matters (Dreier, Mollenkopf, and Swanstrom 2004). Sassen (1991) first showed how advanced producer and financial services remain clustered in urban cores, and how certain centralizing tendencies in fact intensify in global cities that represent the most strategic command and control centers of the global economy.3 Promoting trains allows sovereign control over lines of transportation resulting in a collectivist nightmare. Will 2011George F., High Speed to Insolvency, Newsweek, http://www.thedailybeast.com/newsweek/2011/02/27/high-speed-to-insolvency.htmlSo why is Americas win the future administration so fixated on railroads, a technology that was the future two centuries ago? Because progressivisms aim is the modification of (other peoples) behavior. Forever seeking Archimedean levers for prying the world in directions they prefer, progressives say they embrace high-speed rail for many reasonsto improve the climate, increase competitiveness, enhance national security, reduce congestion, and rationalize land use. The length of the list of reasons, and the flimsiness of each, points to this conclusion: the real reason for progressives passion for trains is their goal of diminishing Americans individualism in order to make them more amenable to collectivism. To progressives, the best thing about railroads is that people riding them are not in automobiles, which are subversive of the deference on which progressivism depends. Automobiles go hither and yon, wherever and whenever the driver desires, without timetables. Automobiles encourage people to think theyunsupervised, untutored, and unscriptedare masters of their fates. The automobile encourages people in delusions of adequacy, which make them resistant to government by experts who know what choices people should make. Time was, the progressive cry was Workers of the world unite! or Power to the people! Now it is less resonant: All aboard!

Infrastructure BankThe infrastructure bank enframes transit within economic logic, reducing social relations to pure cost-benefit analysis decisions about relationality between communities are formed on the efficiency of their circulation, rather than a genuine dialogue between individuals inhabiting a common living spaceSturup 9 [Sophy, World Academy of Science, Engineering and Technology Mega Projects and Governmentality http://www.waset.org/journals/waset/v54/v54-176.pdf]The first problem identified above related to project selection. The point was made that the selection of projects is in general not a result of normative needs analysis. The discussion on the development of the art of government showed that in Foucaults understanding of the world, problems and their solutions arise in a dynamic relationship, and that problem definition is determined by the art of government available in which to solve it. In this sense art of government is being used as a particular type of Heidiggerian episteme: a way of being which determines what we see [102]. This provides an explanation for the observed phenomena that problems come to be defined according to the technical solutions available [103]. As a technology, MUTPs are a particularly constructed solution which provides for the constitution of particular problems and needs that they are the solution of. There are several pointers to the nature of the art of government of MUTP in the literature already. Boyce [104] notes that at one level mega projects are much more about doing something rather than doing the right thing, and that they have a distinctly pharaonic flavour to them. This pharaonic flavour is described in a similar way to the notion of sovereign power; that which could be described as the mentality of I am the king and my will be done. Certainly the problems associated with displacement of persons in favour of these projects suggest a form of power where the imposition of the will of The Government on the people, or a group of people is justified. The fact that project proponents feel they need The Government investment and regulation to get these projects done indicates more of this type of mentality. There is clear evidence that at any point in time there are multiple arts of government operate at any one time. If the art of government of MUTP is primarily sovereignty, then this could provide insight into a number of problems for MUTPs. The other art of government strongly in play in advanced In governmentality, individuals are empowered as managers of their own conduct. This is achieved through proper education, and development of a variety of systems which enforce proper behaviour (disciplines) and punish deviation (sovereignty). At its pinnacle, this logic is reflected in advanced liberalism where the individual is reconditioned to entrepreneurial behavior through making everything conditional upon that behavior, life becomes a cost/benefit analysis [105]. Thus in governmentality the logic of power is that power is located in the individual. Governmentality is a logical threat to the development of MUTPs. It threatens the likelihood of their occurring and blurs their function where they are implemented. This is because, in governmentality, the State is increasingly expected to remove itself from activity, because the will of the people becomes almost impossible to identify. The people are now individuals who have been given the conditions to manage themselves, their individual will is identified through the market and their choices as consumers. In this logic, MUTP would only occur with the agreement of all individuals affected or in response to a truly consumer driven market demand. De Bruijn & Leijtens [106] work on the increase in contestation of information can be reinterpreted as a function not of the vibrancy of democracy but rather from the increasing application of governmentality demonstrating how this logic plays out. Governmentality, increases peoples sense of needing to rely on their own judgement as they are increasingly individuated and increasingly responsible for their actions and beliefs. This leads to a decrease in the ability to take others word for it, and therefore to act collectively, which would logically lead to a decrease in the number of mega projects and contestation of them. Inland WaterwaysInland waterways reduce rivers to resources for human consumption this process of revealing interprets water only in terms of its potential for trade and exchange, removing its intrinsic potentialBeckman 00[Professor at Harvey Mudd College] MARTIN HEIDEGGER AND ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS http://www2.hmc.edu/~tbeckman/personal/Heidart.html

The essence of technology originally was a revealing of life and nature in which human intervention deflected the natural course while still regarding nature as the teacher and, for that matter, the keeper. The essence of modern technology is a revealing of phenomena, often far removed from anything that resembles "life and nature," in which human intrusion not only diverts nature but fundamentally changes it. As a mode of revealing, technology today is a challenging-forth of nature so that the technologically altered nature of things is always a situation in which nature and objects wait, standing in reserve for our use. We pump crude oil from the ground and we ship it to refineries where it is fractionally distilled into volatile substances and we ship these to gas stations around the world where they reside in huge underground tanks, standing ready to power our automobiles or airplanes. Technology has intruded upon nature in a far more active mode that represents a consistent direction of domination. Everything is viewed as "standing-reserve" and, in that, loses its natural objective identity. The river, for instance, is not seen as a river; it is seen as a source of hydro-electric power, as a water supply, or as an avenue of navigation through which to contact inland markets. In the era of techne humans were relationally involved with other objects in the coming to presence; in the era of modern technology, humans challenge-forth the subjectively valued elements of the universe so that, within this new form of revealing, objects lose their significance to anything but their subjective status of standing-ready for human design. (8) At this point, we have almost completed the analysis of modern technology in its essence. Only one final aspect of this analysis remains; it is an understanding of the overarching context in which technology came to proceed along this path. Heidegger named this context by the German word 'Ge-stell,' which has been translated to the English word, 'enframing.' In Heidegger's words, "enframing [Ge-stell] means the gathering together of that setting-upon which sets upon man, i.e., challenges him forth, to reveal the real, the mode of ordering, as standing-reserve." {[7], p. 20} But, "where Enframing reigns, there is danger in the highest sense." {[7], p. 28}

SecurityThe rhetoric of security ensures manipulation of the population to steepen the control of the elite and empower corporationsLuke in 2k5 (Timothy W. Sust. Dev. 13, 228-225 (2005), kdf)

Finding the worlds communities and individuals focused on the sustainable protection of development in a register of safety or security can then turn into a key theme of new political operations, economic interventions and ideological campaigns to raise public standards of collective morality, personal responsibility and collective vigor. The politics being defined in such rhetoric, therefore, operates as a whole series of different tactics that combined in varying proportions the objective of disciplining the body and that of regulating populations (Foucault, 1980, p. 140). With these dispositions, rhetoric can,in turn, ensure popular belief broadly in the established order as well as coordinating effectively the actions and thoughts of the ruling/owning/controlling elites by finding the right relations of doxic submission which attaches us to the established order with all the ties of the unconscious (Bourdieu, 1990, p. 55) to the economy by developing new technologies, dominating more markets and exploiting every national economic asset. On the other hand, the phenomenon of failed states, ranging from basket cases such as Rwanda, Somalia or Angola to crippled entities such as the Ukraine, Afghanistan or Kazakhstan, is often attributed to the severe environmental frictions associated with rapid economic growth (Kaplan, 1996). Consequently, a genuine world politics, whose key issues range from global stability to sustainable development to a moral community, is receiving greater consideration in the name of creating jobs, maintaining growth or advancing technological development in the politics of the post-Cold War era. Through the images of rhetoric, a new order of things emerges out of sustainability theories as they inter-operate among the normalizing discussions of firms, states and the media. This project of command, control and communication is a vast undertaking, but these terms start circulating in the networks` of public discourses, foreign policy and neo-liberal capitalism.StateThe state organizes all resources for consumption according to national identityLuke 1996 (Timothy, prof @ Department of Political Science Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Nationality and Sovereignty in the New World Order, Presented to the Communications Technologies Seminar Series, sponsored by the Telecommunications Users Association of New Zealand, the New Zealand Academy for the Humanities, and Victoria University of Wellington, March 21, 1996, http://www.cddc.vt.edu/tim/tims/Tim470.htm)

All territorialized formations of national governmentality, however, are also "an imagined political community--and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign" (Anderson, 1991: 6). On one level, acquiring nomological "powers of speech" among one people or ethnonational group begins the constitution, on another level, of a centered, single country, or one territorial "jurisdiction" (more literally, here, a form of lawful speech, a center of legal diction, or a mode of speaking nomologically), for, but also "over," the diverse array of peoples inhabiting the spaces where this lawful speech carries (Gellner, 1983). Such powers transform many places on many terrains into one zone of continuous jurisdictive governmentality, spatializing the power of making rules in this territory materially, organizationally and symbolically as its rule-making realm of sovereignty. At the margins of sub-national and super-national spaces, national codes of lawful speech establish borders where power constantly reconstructs its territorial containments (Helgerson, 1992). Autonomous spaces--nation-states--are places where autonymous powers get to name the games that define and delimit their rules, making them the rulers. Through these tactics, then, statalizing power reworks the ground, divides up its resources, and commands economic production to materialize its rules against other powers, fixing its external sovereignty in a regime of governmentality. Rousseau captures the quality of these dynamics in governmentality quite aptly when he observes that the in-statement of state power "is devoted solely to two objects: to extend their rule beyond their frontiers and to make it more absolute within them. Any other purpose they may have is subservient to one of these aims, or merely a pretext for attaining them" (1917: 95).Statist action toward sustainability jeopardizes all life through biopolitical controlLuke in 2k5 (Timothy W. Sust. Dev. 13, 228-225 (2005), kdf)

As sustainable development concepts are constructed discursively by contemporary technoscience and civic discourse, the art of government continues to find the principles of its rationality tied to the specific reality of the state (Foucault, 1991, p. 97), where the rhetorical programs of globalization, sustainability and development are shaped to serve the systemic requirements of politics. Government comes into its own when it has sustainability or the welfare of populations, the improvement of their condition, the increase of their wealth, security, longevity, health and so on as its object. Moreover, such sustainability goals can give rational firms and governments all of the planets life to reformat as endangered populations, needing various corporate commodities and state ministrations to transform their lives into objects of managerial control as part and parcel of a range of absolute new tactics and techniques (Foucault, 1991, p. 100). Coping with sustainability simply crystallizes another consolidation of instrumental rationalitys three movements: government, population, political economy, which constitute . . . a solid series, one which even today has assuredly not been dissolved (Foucault, 1991, p. 102) in the buzz of political conflicts.

ImpactBiopowerThe Biopolitical project they endorse leads to the worse forms abuse and calculations constantly putting our existence into questiontheir extension of capitalism ensures the domination continuesLuke in 97 (Timothy W., [Program Chair of the Government and International Affairs Program, School of Public and International Affairs at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University], Ecocritique, p.90-92, kdf)This meaning for sustainable development in Worldwatch discourse reframes it in the practices of technoscientific power/ knowledge. One can argue that the modern regime of biopower formation described by Foucault in early modern states was not especially attentive to the role of Nature in the equations of biopolitics.41 The controlled tactics of inserting human bodies into the machineries of industrial and agricultural production as part and parcel of strategically adjusting the growth of human populations to the development of industrial capitalism, however, did generate systems of biopower. Under such regimes, power/ knowledge systems bring "life and its mechanisms into the realm of explicit calculations," making the manifold disciplines of knowledge and discourses of power into a new sort of productive agency as part of the "transformation of human life. "49 Once this threshold was crossed, some observers began to recognize how the environmental interactions of human economics, politics, and technologies continually placed all human beings' existence as living beings into question. Foucault might be read as dividing the environment into two separate but interpenetrating spheres of action: the biological and the historical. For most of human history, the biological dimension, or forces of Nature acting through disease and famine, dominated human existence with the ever-present menace of death. Developments in agricultural technologies as well as hygiene and health techniques, however, gradually provided some relief from starvation and plague by the end of the eighteenth century. As a result, the historical dimension began to grow in importance along with "the development of the different fields of knowledge concerned with life in general, the improvement of agricultural techniques, and the observations and measures relative to man's life and survival contributed to this relaxation: a relative control over life averted some of the imminent risks of death. "50 The work of the Worldwatch Institute acknowledges how "the historical" then begins to envelope, circumscribe, or surround "the biological," creating interlocking disciplinary expanses for "the environmental" to be watched, managed, controlled. And, these environmentalized settings quickly dominate all forms of concrete human reality: "in the space of movement thus conquered, and broadening and organizing that space, methods of power and knowledge assumed responsibility for the life processes and undertook to control and modify them. "51 Although Foucault does not explicitly define these spaces, methods, and knowledges as such as being "environmental," these governmentalizing maneuvers might be seen as the origin of many disciplinary projects, which all feed into environmentalization. As biological life is refracted through economic, political, and technological existence, "the facts of life" pass into fields of controlfor disciplines of ecoknowledge and spheres of intervention for their management as geopower at various institutional sites, such as the Worldwatch Institute. In the disciplines of worldwatching, the raw powers of "Nature" are erased, leaving behind only the systematic patterns of "the global environment." They represent the world as a closed totality through "ecoknowledges" that will disclose its logics, interconnections, and operations as "geopower" seen by correctly informed analysts. This construction also reveals the Worldwatchers' actual relation to the world as such; they sit above, outside, beyond the sites of greatest crisis as analytical advocates, who now are powerless but also seek empowerment through their reformist advocacy of particular strategies of change. Worldwatching, then, is perhaps the necessary and expected outcome of postimperial trans-nationalism. It extends and elaborates a pluralist model of countervailing political organizations on a global level from the home bases of transnational business. As policy wonks and scientific experts, they have mobilized various scientific communities to participate in monitoring the environmental crisis and set policy agendas. Yet, the watchdog function of environmentalism is globalized without a serious forum or effective mechanism for exerting political pressure. Sometime in the future, if and when this Worldwatch lobbying campaign works, it hopes to effect real change through local governments and the agencies of the United Nations. In the meantime, it centers itself in Washington, settling for lobbying the American state and multilateral aid agencies as the next best pressure point.Techno-managerial solutions are rooted in biopolitical modes of power and knowledge productionTimothy W. Luke, Program Chair in the Government and International Affairs, School of Public and International Affairs, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 2004, Ideology and Globalization: From Globalism and Environmentalism to Ecoglobalism. Rethinking Globalism, Ed. Manfred Steger, p. 70-71.Henri Lefebvre has argued that every society produces a space. its own space, and this will have other Indeed, many societies have come and gone on the Earth, and a globality of sorts has existed in ocher times Today, however, the transnational corporate capitalist economy and society produce their own peculiar places in the sites and structures of contemporary globalist and environmentalist spatiality The generation of these social spaces has resulted in the rapid proliferation of commodified social labor and its abstract space. The production of globality and ecology in the particular forms taken by contemporary globalism and environmentalism also represents, as Lefebvre notes the dissolution of old relations on the one hand and the generation of new relations on the other In many ways, the agendas of neoliberal globalization seem to be intent on effacing absolute spaces of locally consecrated sites for Nature as well as the historical spaces of regionally territorialized national places22 Over the past generation, advanced study in environmental science on many university campuses and in most corporations has become a key source of new representations for "the environment- as well as the home base for the scientific disciplines that generate analyses of Nature's meanings. These educational practices produce ecomanagers, or professional-technical workers with specific knowledge (which has been scientifically validated), together with the operational powers (as they have been institutionally constructed) to cope with "environmental problems" on what are believed to be sound scientific and technical grounds. Here the dominant globalist discourse spawns many professional careers. Technical experts working on and off campus create disciplinary articulations of various kinds of "knowledge" to generate performative techniques of "power" over, but also within and through, what is worked up as Nature in the managerial structures of modem economies and societies.

Case TurnThe 1AC white-washes over-consumptive practices consumption will increase post the plan because corporation can shield themselves from criticismLuke 1997 (Timothy, prof @ Department of Political Science Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, The (Un)Wise (Ab)Use of Nature: Environmentalism as Globalized Consumerism?, Presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, http://www.cddc.vt.edu/tim/tims/Tim528.htm)In these new spaces, terraformative hyperecologies can be monitored to judge their relative success or failure in terms of abstract mathematical measures of consumption, surveying national gains or losses by the density, velocity, intensity, and quantity of goods and services being exchanged for mass consumption. Here one finds geo-economists pushing for wiser uses of all biotic assets in all anthropogenic exchanges. Consumption is outsourced from many different planetary sites by using varying levels of standardized energy, natural resources, food, water and labor inputs drawn from all over the Earth through transnational commodity, energy, and labor markets.44 Geo-economic forms of state power and/or market clout, in turn, allegedly will provide the requisite force needed to impose these costs on the many outside for the benefit of the few inside. By substituting "Earth Days" for real ecological transformation, the hyperecologies of transnational exchange are successfully repacking themselves in green wrappers of ecological concern; but, they still often involve the profligate waste of energy, resources, and time to maintain the abstract aggregate subjectivity of "an average consumers" enjoying "the typical standard of living" in the developed world's cities and suburbs. Yet, if this is indeed happening, then how did these patterns develop?

Global DominationThe threats of global catastrophe posed by the affirmative serve as a justification for global control of the entire earth this proves our argument about the extension of disciplinary control as continual war.Luke 1997(Timothy, prof @ Department of Political Science Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, The (Un)Wise (Ab)Use of Nature: Environmentalism as Globalized Consumerism?, Presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, http://www.cddc.vt.edu/tim/tims/Tim528.htm)

An environmental act, even though the connotations of most contemporary greenspeak suggests otherwise, is a disciplinary move.33 Environmentalism in these terms strategically polices space in order to encircle sites and subjects captured within these enveloping maneuvers, guarding them, standing watch over them, or even besieging them. And, each of these actions aptly express the terraforming programs of sustainable development. Seen from the astropanopticon, Earth is enveloped in the managerial designs of global commerce, which environmentalize once wild Nature as now controllable ecosystems. Terraforming the wild biophysical excesses and unoptimized geophysical wastes of the Earth necessitates the mobilization of a worldwatch to maintain nature conservancies and husband the worldwide funds of wildlife. Of course, Earth must be put first; the fully rational potentials of second nature's terraformations can be neither fabricated nor administered unless and until earth first is infrastructuralized.34This is our time's Copernican revolution: the anthropogenic demands of terraforming require a biocentric worldview in which the alienated objectivity of natural subjectivity resurfaces objectively in managerial theory and practice as "ecosystem" and "resource base" in "the environment." Terraforming the Earth environmentalizes a once wild piece of the cosmos, domesticating it as "humanity's home" or "our environment." From narratives of world pandemics, global warming, or planetary pollution, global governance from the astropanopticon now runs its risk analyses and threat scenarios to protect Mother Earth from home-grown and foreign threats, as the latest security panics over asteroid impacts or X-File extraterrestrials in the United States express in the domains of popular culture. Whether it is space locusts from Independence Day or space rocks snuffing out Dallas in Asteroid, new security threats are casting their shadows over our homes, cities, and biomes for those thinking geo-economically in the astropanopticon.From such sites of supervision, environmentalists see from above and from without, like the NASA-eyed view of Earth from Apollo spacecraft, through the enveloping astropanoptic designs of administratively controllable terraformed systems.35 Encircled by enclosures of alarm, environments can be disassembled, recombined, and subjected to expert managers' disciplinary designs. Beset and beleaguered by these all-encompassing interventions, environments as ecosystems and terraformations can be redirected to fulfill the ends of new economic scripts, managerial directives or administrative writs.36 How various environmentalists might embed different instrumental rationalities into the policing of ecosystems is an intriguing question, which will be explored below.

AlternativeAlt SolvesThe Alternative solvesonly through a shift in the way we view ecological catastrophes can we fix the problemSimon Dalby, Professor at Carleton University, PhD from Simon Fraser University, 2007, Anthropocene geopolitics: globalisation, empire, environment and critique, Geography Compass 1 10318, kdf

Support for the contention about the need to take science seriously in the reformulation of geopolitics can also be found in contemporary discussions of social theory, and in particular in one prominent student of the social nature of science, Bruno Latour (2004, 18), has formulated matters in an especially interesting manner where he discusses politics as the progressive composition of the common world. Moving on from his earlier discussions of hybrids and the ontological impossibility of the distinction between nature and culture that shapes so much modern thinking (Latour 1993), he poses a series of meditations on the necessity for rethinking democracy once that distinction is rendered untenable. This runs neatly parallel to the implications of thinking geopolitics in light of the changed perspectives in earth system sciences epitomised by the formulation of the Anthropocene. All of which requires a shift of focus away from geographies of administration in terms of blocks of space and a recognition of how economic and ecological phenomenon are about connections, links and consequences that flow across these boundaries.

The knowledge we garner from the alternative makes it so we are all citizens who view the environment critically and make change from within the self not the institutionJustin Johnson, St. Olaf College, May 1, 2005, Environmental Discourse Analysis, accessed online April 17, 2008, http://www.stolaf.edu/depts/cis/wp/johnsoja/seniorproject/index.html, kdf

An alternative epistemology that emphasizes how we construct our knowledge has been put forth by Jrgen Habermas. He developed the concept of communicative rationality, where a proposition could be considered to be valid (or true) to the extent that it was agreed upon by a group of agents participating in an ideal speech situation. Habermas theory conflicts with the rationalist tradition by identifying rationality in the structures of interpersonal linguistic communication (discourses) rather than as absolute truths existing outside of human action. Habermas also offers a theory of discourse ethics, which argues that a moral judgment has validity if agreed to by agents in the ideal speech situation. The emphasis on ideal speech lends itself well to discourse analysis. While it certainly may be the case, as Foucault suggests, that we cannot separate discourse from its constitutive power structure, it seems possible that discourse analysis could allow us to understand the forces at play, bringing us closer to the ideals of communicative rationality. Andrew Dobson makes exactly this point in Democratising Green Theory where he argues that all rational, uncoerced and knowledgeable individuals (i.e. all individuals in the ideal speech situation) will come to the conclusion that the ecological systems upon which human life depends should be protected. More generally, this conclusion is what John Dryzek described as a generalizable interest, or something that all rational people would agree is true. For Dryzek, there is no objective rationality to which we should refer when debating environmental issues; rather, the only remaining authority is that of a good argument, which can be advanced on behalf of the veracity of empirical description, understanding, and equally important, the validity of normative judgments. His conception of generalizable interests is explicitly based on discourse analytic arguments, and as such, he focuses on how we construct our knowledge, beliefs, and normative judgments about environmental issues.

The alt solves the caseonce we escape the globalized capitalist order we can truly enact environmental policiesLuke in 97 (Timothy W., [Program Chair of the Government and International Affairs Program, School of Public and International Affairs at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University], Ecocritique, p. xii-xiii, kdf)

The conclusion weaves together insights from the preceding chapters into a preliminary outline for imagining that social world we need to create beyond the environmental destruction that each of these ecocritiques deplores. To take advantage of the energies mobilized by an Earth First! or Nature Conservancy, and to avoid the pitfalls associated with sustainable development or green consumerism, this alternative, as Marcuse, Soleri, and Bookchin emphasize, stresses the importance of rebuilding local communities within a restructured global economy. Localistic communities, which could embed their economies and societies in Soleri's arcological structures to reorder the built environment and rebalance human communities with their natural environments, also have a good shot at developing some of Marcuse's "new sensibility" of themselves, society, and Nature as they bring various new ethics of peace and beauty to Bookchin's ecotechnological and ecopopulistic means for pacifying their existence.Reps First ModWe must question environmental representationsthey determine our reality and the way we approach the problemSeung-Kyu Rhee, 2003, Dynamic change of corporate environmental strategy: rhetoric and reality, accessed April 23, 2008, http://www3.interscience.wiley.com/cgi-bin/abstract/104526180/ABSTRACT?CRETRY=1&SRETRY=0, kdf

Although rhetoric involves political and symbolic posture, and does not always accurately represent reality, it plays an important role in the dynamic change process of environmental strategy. We first elaborate on the related concepts and develop frameworks to analyze corporate environmental strategy and its change. We report two case studies of Korean companies using the framework. Longitudinal case studies also provide additional implications for corporate environmental strategy in developing countries such as Korea. There is a gap between the rhetoric and reality of environmental strategy and it constantly changes over time depending on specific internal and external influences.

THE AFFIRMATIVES REPRESENTATIONS FORM A NEXUS OF POWER AND KNOWLEDGE WHERE IDENTITIES OF SUFFERING BECOME NORMALIZED. THIS MAKES POSSIBLE THE WORST FORMS OF VIOLENCE AND THE EXTERMINATION OF ENTIRE GROUPS PEOPLE. OUR CRITICISM CAN DISLODGE THIS SIGNIFYING CHAIN Roxanne Lynn Doty, Assistant Professor of Political Science at ASU, 1996[Imperial Encounters: The Politics of Representation in North-South Relations, p. 2-3, //JT]

The discourses that have been instantiated in the various imperial encounters between North and South have been characterized by the active movement of different forces, which creates the possibility of meaning. The fact that particular meanings and identities have been widely taken to be fixed and true is indicative of the inextricable link between power and knowledge. This link, in effect, stops the signifying chain, at least temporarily, creates a center, and permits meanings and identities to become naturalized, taken for granted. The naturalization of meaning has had consequences ranging from the appropriation of land, labor, and resources to the subjugation and extermination of entire groups of people. It has also, however, always been incomplete, implying the possibility for transformation as well as the need for reinscribing the status quo. Such an understanding suggests the need for a critical examination of the coexistence of the seemingly opposed but inseparable forces by which a discourse is partially fixed but by which it also becomes impossible to institute total closure.

Reps FirstVoting negative is an act of problematization towards the linguistic symbolic order as a medium of reconciliation because language is the greatest prerequisite of violenceSlavoj Zizek, senior researcher at the Institute of Sociology, University of Ljubljana, Slovenia, 2006, The Antinomies of Tolerant Reason: A Blood-Dimmed Tide is Loosed, Accessed Online on April 19, 2008, http://www.lacan.com/zizantinomies.htm

What we should always bear in mind is the fact that the protests (and the very real violence accompanying them) were triggered by means of representation, by words and images (caricatures, which a large majority of those protesting did not see, but just read or heard about). The Muslim crowds did not react to caricatures as such; they reacted to the complex figure/image of the West that was perceived as the attitude behind the caricatures. Those who proposed the term Occidentalism as the counterpart to Edward Saids Orientalism were up to a point right: what we get in Muslim countries is a certain ideological image of the West which distorts Western reality no less (although in a different way) than the Orientalist image of the Orient. What exploded in violence was a complex cobweb of symbols, images and attitudes (Western imperialism, godless materialism and hedonism, the suffering of Palestinians, etc.etc.) that became attached to Danish caricatures, which is why the hatred expanded from caricatures to Denmark as a country, to Scandinavian countries, to Europe, to the West it was as if all these humiliations and frustrations got condensed in the caricatures. And, again, one should bear in mind that this condensation is a fact of language, of constructing and imposing a certain symbolic field. This simple and all too obvious fact should compel us to render problematic the idea (propagated lately by Habermas, but also not strange to a certain Lacan) of language, symbolic order, as the medium of reconciliation/mediation, of peaceful co-existence, as opposed to the violence of immediate raw confrontation: in language, instead of exerting direct violence on each other, we debate, we exchange words, and such an exchange, even when it is aggressive, presupposes a minimum of recognition of the other. The idea is thus that, insofar as language gets infected by violence, this occurs under the influence of contingent empirical pathological circumstances which distort the inherent logic of symbolic communication. What if, however, humans exceed animals in their capacity to violence precisely because they speak? [7] As already Hegel was well aware, there is something violent in the very symbolization of a thing, which equals its mortification; this violence operates at multiple levels. Language simplifies the designated thing, reducing it to a unary feature; it dismembers the thing, destroying its organic unity, treating its parts and properties as autonomous; it inserts the thing into