Manifesto of the Communist Party English Bengali and Rules of Communist League 1st International

7/29/2019 Manifesto of the Communist Party English Bengali and Rules of Communist League 1st International

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Karl Marx and Frederick Engels

Manifesto

of the Communist Party

Kvj© gvK© m Ges †d« WwiL G¨vs‡Mjm

KwgDwb÷ cvwU© i g¨vwb‡d‡÷v ( English & Bengali)

( Bs‡i wR I evsjv)

Ges

KwgDwb÷ jxM I 1g AvšÍ R©vwZ‡Ki wbqgvejx

Translation in Bengali : Shah Alam

esMvbyev`: kvn& Avjg



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cÖ Kvkbvq:

Bbdi‡gkb †m›Uvi di IqvK© vm© wd« Wg

evRvi RMZcy i, †cvó †KvW -3562

Puv`cy i, evsjv‡`k|

www.icwfreedom.org

e-mail:[email protected]

Mob: (880)+ 01675216486, 01715345006.

cÖ KvkKvj: ‡m‡ Þ¤î, 2012|

gy ª‡Y -

w` wPÎv wcÖ ›Uvm©

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3

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wK‗‧, cu y wRZ‗¿ webv‡k, kÖwgK †kÖYxi HK¨ I msnwZ AR© ‡b GKK_vq KwgDwb÷

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Ò ‡jwbbev`xiv [ wm wc Gm BD - wm wc AvB ( Gg ) ] KwgDwb÷ cvwU©i B¯Í vnvi Aby ev‡Ì KvimvwR K‡i‡Q,Ó eBLvwb, ‡jLvi mgq n‡Z †hgb Avwg wb‡R GK ai‡Yi Zvov Aby fe KiwQjvg, †Zgb cy¯Í KLvwb cÖ Kv‡ki ci †ek K‡qKRb eÜz , B¯Í vnv‡ii evsjv Aby ev‡ì Rb¨ Ae¨vnZ Zvov w`‡Z _v‡Kb| wK‗Í ivRx

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cÖ k¯Í Kivi hveZxq wenvw` K‡iI †kl iÿv Ki‡Z cv‡iwb BwZnv‡mi wbq‡gB|

cY¨ Drcv`bx cÖ wµq vq kÖ wgK †kÖYx‡K cÖ Z¨ÿ B‘Uvi - wW‡c‡Û‘U m¤ú‡K© i g‡a¨ wb‡q G‡m‡Q Avay wbK wkí| mvgvwRK D r cv`bx wµqvq cÖ ‡Z¨K kÖ wgKB n‡q



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DV‡jv ¸iyZ¡c~ Y©; AwfÁZv Z_v Ávb n‡Z Kg - ‡ek mK‡jB wbwðZ nj †h, cY¨ Dr cv`bx cÖ wµqvq cÖ‡Z¨‡K cÖ ‡Z¨‡Ki mn‡hvwM, Ges †KD bq we‡klfv‡e ¸iæ Z¡c~ Y© A vevi †KD bq ¸iæZ¡ nxb, eis cÖ ‡Z¨‡KB `vwqZ¡ I KZ© ‡eï w`K †_‡K mg ¸iæ Z¡c~ Y©; ZvB mK‡jB mgvb gh© v`vi AwaKvix| A_©vr kÖ gRxex gvby ‡li g‡a¨

GB mvg¨‡ev‡ai Rb¥ w`‡q‡Q, Kvh© Z Avay wbK wkí A_©vr e¨w³ gvwjKvbv webv‡ki exR †hgb cu y wRi g‡a¨B we`¨gvb †Zgb gvby ‡l gvby‡l Du Pz- bxPz i N„Y¨ aviYv ev †KD ÔgnvbÓ Avi †KD gnvb e¨w³i cu ~ Rvix-mvaviY, Ggb RNb¨ I A‣eÁvwbK g~j¨‡ev‡ai wecix‡Z mKj gvby lB mgvb gh© `vi AwaKvix GB h_v_© wP‗Í v- ‡PZbv Z_v mvg¨ †ev‡ai Rb¥ w`‡”Q -cy u wRZ‗¿|

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ZvQvov, ey ‡R© vqv mgvR e„×, ZvB ey‡R©vqv †kÖYx cÖ wZwµqvkxj; Kv‡RB, ey ‡R© vqv gvwjKvbv weKv‡k ey ‡R©vqv mgvR †hgb Aÿg, †Zgb ey ‡R© vqv †kÖYx A‡hvM¨|

d‡j - Df‡qB Avay wbKZv I Db’ q‡bi cª wZeÜK| Kv‡RB, mvgÄm¨c~ Y© eënv‡ivc‡hvMxZvq A‡bv‡b¨vcvq Drcv`b DcKiY cy b:cy b we‡`ª vnx nq| ZvB,cu y wRi cwigvY e„ w× n‡jI cu y wRZ‗¿ x A_© bxwZ Z_v e¨w³ gvwjKvbv weKv‡ki my ‡hvM iwnZ n‡q‡Q KwgDwb÷ B¯Í vnvi iPbvi c~ ‡e© B| AZ:ci, ey‡R©vqv mgv‡Ri webvk I KwgDwb÷ mgvR cÖ wZôvq B `y wbqvi kÖ wgK †kÖYxi KiYxq| my Zivs KwgDwbRg cÖ wZôvq `y wbqvi kÖ wgK‡K GKwÎZKiY I `y wbqvi kÖ wgK Av‡‘`vjb‡K GKwÎZKiY, msMÖw_ZKiY, mgw‗ ZKiY, my msnZKiY, ‡eMevb I

we¯Í… ZKi‡Yi gva¨‡g P~ ov‗Í mxgvq DcbxZ nIqvi GKwU gva¨g wnmv‡e mgvRZ‡‗¿ i AMÖ`~ Z wnmv‡eB cÖ wZwôZ n‡qwQj KwgDwb÷ jxM |

kÖwg‡Ki gy w³ ¯vbxqI bq RvZxqI bq, Z‡e GKUv mvgvwRK mgm¨v; ZvB,cu y wRZvw‗¿ K mgv‡Ri cwieZ©bB cu y wRZvw‗¿ K mgm¨vi mgvavb | Zv‡Z †KejgvÎ kÖwgK †kÖYxi bq, eis mgMÖ mgvR B mKj †kvlY -e Âbv, •eixZv I •elg¨ n‡Z gy ³ n‡e| Z‡e GB KvRwU Kivi †hvM¨ -Dchy ³ †KejgvÎ kÖwgK †kÖYx| my Zivs ,

`y wbqvi kÖwg‡Ki HKë× cÖ ‡Póv e¨ZxZ kÖ wgK †kÖYxi gy w³ jvf Kiv m¤¢ e bq ;Ges †Kv_vI †Zgb cÖ ‡Póv n‡jI Zv †h civwRZ n‡Z eva¨ †mB Dcjwä‡ZB cÖ wZwôZ n‡qwQj Av‗Í R© vwZK kÖ gRxex gvby ‡li mwgwZ Z_v 1g Av‗Í R©vwZK|



8

A_P, †jwbb I †jwbbev`x †gvo‡jiv, ivóª we‡k‡li ÿgZvjv‡f ivR‣bwZK `j MVb K‡i Zv‡KB KwgDwb÷ cvwU© wnmv‡e cÖ ZviYvg~ ‡j evRviRvZ K‡i‡Q| ZvB †jwbb I †jwbbev`x †gvoj‡ì KvimvwR‡Z KwgDwb÷ cvwU©, Kw gDwb÷ Av‡‘`vjb I KwgDwbRg m¤ú‡K© fqvbKiK‡gi åvw‗Í I weåvw‗Í weivRgvb|

A_P, GB åvw‗Í I weåvw‗Í `~ ixf~ ZKiY Z_v †jwbbev` eR©b I cwiZ¨vM Kiv Qvov †hgb KwgDwb÷ Av‡‘`vjb cy bM© Vb I KwgDwb÷ cvwU© MVb m¤¢ e bq, †Zgb Pig cÖ wZwµqvkxj ey ‡R© vqv †kÖYxi DrLvZ I webvk Qvov kÖwgK †kÖYxi gyw³ nvwm‡ji †Kv‡bv weKí bvB|

AZ:ci, KwgDwb÷ msMV‡bi bxwZgvjv wel‡q †jwbbxq RÄvj `~ ixKi‡Y I KwgDwb÷ Av‡‘`vj‡b AvMÖ nx‡ì g‡a¨ A‗Í Z evsjv fvlx‡ì wbKU KwgDwb÷ cvwU© I KwgDwb÷ Av‡‘`vj‡bi HwZnvwmK msMV b¸‡jvi wbqgvejx Dc¯ vcb Kiv Riæ wi|

ZvB , KwgDwb÷ g¨vwb‡d‡÷vi mwnZ KwgDwb÷ jxM I 1g Av‗Í R©vwZ‡Ki wbqgvejx mg~‡ni evsjv fvl© vY msMÖ w_Z nj|

g~ j Aby ev` Kg© wU, Avwg GKv Ki‡jI, Bbdi‡gkb †m‘Uvi di IqvK© vm© wd« W‡gi, eÜz iv Kg- ‡ek mK‡jB hLvm¤¢ e wbLuy Z Aby ev‡` mva¨g‡Zv mn‡hvMxZv K‡i‡Qb| ZvB, Aby ev‡` - h_v_© Zv A_ev Awb”QvK… Z fz j - åvw‗Í i `vq -`vwqZ¡ Avgv‡ì mK‡ji|

D‡jøL¨,my ‡hvM _vKvq,eBwUi †kl w`‡K -

Bbdi‡gkb ‡m›Uvi di IqvK© vm© wd« Wg Gi

†g․wjK aviYv I wbqgvejx gy w`ª Z nj|

kvn& Avjg|

01 †m‡Þ¤^ i , 2012|



9

K wgDwb÷ g¨vwb‡d‡÷v Bourgeois and Proletarians | Proletarians and Communists | Socialist

and Communist Literature | Position of the Communists in relation to

the various existing opposition parties | Preface to 1872 German edition

| Preface to 1882 Russian edition | Preface to 1883 German edition |

Preface to 1888 English edition | Preface to 1890 German edition .

A spectre is hunting Europe — the spectre of communism. All the

powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise

this spectre: Pope and Tsar, Matternich and Guizot, French

Radicals and Germans Police-spies.

GKUv f~ Z BD‡ivc‡K Zvov Ki‡Q - KwgDwbR‡gi f~ Z| GB f~ Z‡K `~ i Ki‡Z

GK cweÎ †Rv‡Ui g‡a¨ Xy K‡Q cy ‡iv‡bv BD‡iv‡ci mKj kw³: †cvc Ges Rvi,

†g‡Uª iwbL I wM‡Rv, divmx i¨vwWKv‡jiv I Rvg© vb cy wjk -†Mv‡q‘`viv|

Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as

communistic by its opponents in power? Where is the opposition that

has not hurled back the branding reproach of communism, against the

more advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary

adversaries?

Ggb †Kvb& we‡ivax cvwU© Av‡Q, ¶gZvq Avmxb cÖ wZc¶ hv‡K KwgDwb÷ fvevcb’

e‡j wb‘`v K‡iwb? Ggb we‡ivax cvwU© B ev †Kv_vq †h wb‡R AviI AMÖ mi

we‡ivax `j¸wji, Z_v cÖ wZwµqvkxj wec¶‡ì Qu y‡o †`qwb KwgDwbR‡gi Acev`m~PK Mvwj?

Two things result from this fact:

I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to

be itself a power.

II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the

whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, andmeet this nursery tale of the spectre of communism with a

manifesto of the party itself.

http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/classics/manifesto.html#Bourgoise


http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/classics/manifesto.html#Proletarian


http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/classics/manifesto.html#Socialist



http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/classics/manifesto.html#Position




http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/classics/manifesto.html#1872German

http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/classics/manifesto.html#1882Russian


http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/classics/manifesto.html#1888English





http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/classics/manifesto.html#1888English


http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/classics/manifesto.html#1882Russian












10

GB NUbv n‡Z `y ‡Uv e¨vcvi ¯^ vfvweK cwiYwZ jvf K‡i:

1. KwgDwbRg wb‡RB GKUv kw³ wnmv‡e B‡Zvg‡a¨ BD‡iv‡ci mKj kw³

KZ© „ K ¯^xK… Z n‡q‡Q|

2. GwU n‡”Q ZzsM mgq hLb cÖ Kv‡k¨, mviv RM‡Zi mb¥y ‡L, KwgDwb÷‡ì cÖ Kvk Kiv DwPr Zv‡ì gZvgZ, Zv‡ì j¶¨, Zv‡ì cÖ eYZv, Ges

KwgDwbR‡gi f~‡Zi wkï‡Zvl M‡íi Reve †Ìqv DwPr cvwU© i wb‡Ri

GKUv g¨vwb‡d‡÷v w`‡q|

To this end, Communists of various nationalities have

assembled in London and sketched the following manifesto, to

be published in the English, French, German, Italian, Flemishand Danish languages.

GB D‡Ïk¨ wb‡q wewfb’ RvwZi KwgDwb÷iv jÛ‡b mg‡eZ n‡q wb¯§wjwLZ

g¨vwb‡d‡÷v iPbv K‡i‡Q, Bs‡iRx, divmx, Rg© vb, BZvjxq, †d¬ wgk, Ges †Wbxq

fvlvq Zv cÖ KvwkZ n‡e|

I -- BOURGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS [1]

ey ‡R© vqv I cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ [1]

The history of all hitherto existing society [2] is the history of class

struggles.G hver we`¨gvb mKj mgv‡Ri BwZnvm [2] n‡”Q †kªYx msMÖ v‡gi BwZnvm|

Freeman and slave, patrician and plebian, lord and serf, guild-master [3]

and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant

opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden,

now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary

reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the

contending classes.

http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/classics/manifesto.html#c1r1













11

¯^ vaxb gvby l I `vm, c¨vwUª wkqvb I wcø weqvb, jW© I f~wg`vm, wMì gvóvi [3] I

wVKv kª wgK,GK K_vq, wbcxobKvix I wbcxoZ, G‡K Ac‡ii w¯ i we‡ivax c¶

n‡q †_‡K‡Q, Aweivg hy× Pvwj‡q‡Q KL‡bv †Mvc‡b , KL‡bv cÖ Kv‡k¨, cÖ wZevi

G hy× †kl n‡q‡Q, nq‡Zv mgv‡Ri eo AvKv‡ii GKUv •ecøweK cy bM© Vb, A_ev

cÖ wZØw‘Ø †kªYx¸wji mvaviY aŸsm cÖ vwß‡Z|

In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a

complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold

gradation of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights,

plebians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters,

journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again,subordinate gradations.

BwZnv‡mi Av‡MKvi hy M¸wj‡Z, cÖ vq me©Î Avgiv †`wL mgv‡Ri bvbvb ixwZi

GK RwUj eë¯ v, mvgvwRK web¨v‡mi eûgy wLb avc| cÖ vPxb †iv‡g Avgiv cvB

c¨vwUª wkqvbm, bvBUm, wcø weqvbm, `vm‡ì; ga¨hy ‡M, mvg‗Í cÖfy , Aby mvg‗Í, wMì

gvóvi, wVKv kª wgK, wk¶vbwek, f~ wg`vm; GB me †kªYx¸wji g‡a¨ cÖ vq

me¸wji, Avevi Aa¯Í b avcmg~n|The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of

feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but

established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of

struggle in place of the old ones.

Avay wbK ey ‡R©vqv mgvR hv m vg ‗Í mgv‡Ri aŸsm¯‧c n ‡Z DwÌZ Zv †kªYx we‡iva

`~ i K‡iwb| Bnv wK‗‧ cÖ wZôv K‡i‡Q bZz b †kªYxmg~ n, wbcxo‡bi bZz b kZ© mg~ n ,cy ivZ‡bi ¯ ‡j msMÖ v‡gi bZ z b aiY|

Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this

distinct feature: it has simplified class antagonisms. Society as a whole is

more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great

classes directly facing each other -- bourgeoisie and proletariat.

Avgv‡ì hy M, hvB ‡nvK, ey‡R© vqv `L‡ji hy‡Mi ¯ Z‗¿ •ewkó¨ GB : Bnvi

mijxK… Z †kªYx we‡iva| mgvR mvgMÖxKfv‡e AwaK n‡Z AwaKZi fv‡e ‡fs‡M



12

Uz K‡iv n‡”Q `y wU wekvj ‣eix wk we ‡i, mivmwi G‡K Ac‡ii gy ‡Lvgy wL `y wU wekvj

†kªYx- ey ‡R© vqv I cÖ‡jZvix‡qZ|

From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the

earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of thebourgeoisie were developed.

cÖ viw¤¢ K w`‡Ki kni¸wji ivRKxq mb`cÖ vß bvMwiKM‡Yi Djçb N‡U ga¨

hy ‡Mi f~ wg`vm‡ì ga¨ n‡Z | ey ‡R© vqv‡ì Dcv`vb¸‡jvi cÖ_gwU weKwkZ

n‡qwQj GB bvMwiKM‡Yi g‡a¨ †_‡K |

The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh

ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and Chinese markets,

the colonisation of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the

means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to commerce, to

navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to

the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid

development.

Av‡gwiKv Avwe¯‥vi, Avwd« Kv cÖ `w¶‡Y D`xqgvb ey ‡R© vqv‡ì Rb¨ bZzb ‡ÿÎ

D‡b¥vwPZ nj| c~ e© fviZ I P xbv evRvi¸‡jv, Av‡gwiKvi Dcwb‡ekxKiY,

Dcwb‡ek¸wji mwnZ e¨vemv, mvaviYfv‡e wewbg‡qi gva¨g I c‡Yï cÖ e„ w×,

cÖ ‡Yv`bv w`‡q‡Q evwY‡R¨, †b․hvÎvq, wk‡í , hv Av‡M KL‡bv Rvbv wQj bv, Ges

Z`vby hvqx, cZ‡bvb¥y L mvg‗Í mgv‡R wecø ex Dcv`vb `ª y Z cwic~Y© nq|

The feudal system of industry, in which industrial production wasmonopolized by closed guilds, now no longer suffices for the growing

wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place.

The guild-masters were pushed aside by the manufacturing middle

class; division of labor between the different corporate guilds vanished

in the face of division of labor in each single workshop.

wk‡íi mvg‗Í Zvw‗¿ K c×wZ, hv‡Z wk‡ívrcv`‡bi GK‡PwUqv my weav †fvM KiZ MwÛe× wMì¸wj, Zv bZz b evRv‡ii µg ewa© Z cÖ ‡qvRbxqZvi Rb¨

†Kv‡bvµ‡gB ch© vß bq| Zvi ¯ vb wbj g¨vwbDd¨vKPvwis c×wZ| wMì

gvóvi‡ì †V‡j GK cv‡k mwi‡q w`j g¨vwbDd¨vKPvwis ga¨ †kªYx; cÖ wZwU GKK



13

Kg© kvjvi kª g wefv R‡bi mvg‡b GKB `‡j GKxf~ Z wewfb’ wM‡ìi ga¨Kvi kª g

wefvRb Acm„ Z nj|

Meantime, the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even

manufacturers no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam and machineryrevolutionized industrial production. The place of manufacture was

taken by the giant, MODERN INDUSTRY; the place of the industrial

middle class by industrial millionaires, the leaders of the whole

industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.

G mg‡q evRvi wbi‗Í i evo‡Z _v‡K, Pvwn`v AbeiZ e„ w× †c‡Z _v‡K|GgbwK

g¨ vwbDd¨vKPvwis Avi h‡_vchy ³ wQj bv| AZ:ci, ev®ú I †gwkbvix wkí Drcv`‡b we cø e mvab Kij| g¨vwbDd¨vKPvwis‡qi ¯ vb wbj AwZKvq Avay wbK

wkí; wkí ga¨ †kªYxi ¯ vb wbj wkí wgwjwbqviiv, mgMÖ wkí evwnbxi †bZv ,

Avay wbK ey‡R© vqv|

Modern industry has established the world market, for which the

discovery of America paved the way. This market has given an immense

development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land.

This development has, in turn, reacted on the extension of industry; and

in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways extended, in

the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital,

and pushed into the background every class handed down from the

Middle Ages.

Avay wbK wkí cÖ wZôv K‡iwQj wek¦ evRvi, hvi c_ K‡i w`‡qwQj Av‡gwiKv Avwe¯‥vi| GB evRvi evwY‡R¨, †b․hvÎvq I moK †hvMv‡hv‡M Acwi‡gq Db’ wZ

mvab Kij| GB Db’ wZi ‡nZzev‡` , wewµqvq wk‡íi cÖ mvi NU‡jv; Ges †h

nv‡i wkí, evwYR¨, †b․hvÎv, †ijI‡q cÖ mvwiZ nj, wVK †mB nv‡i ey ‡R© vqv

weKwkZ nj, evwo‡q‡Q Zvi cu y wR, Ges ga¨hy ‡Mi cÖ ‡Z¨K †kªYx‡K cðvrf~ wg‡Z

‡V‡j bvwg‡q w`‡q‡Q|

We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of

a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes of

production and of exchange.



14

AZ:ci, Avgiv †`wL , Drcv`b c×wZ I wewbg‡qi GK ci¤ú i v wecø ‡e , wK

fv‡e Avay wbK ey ‡R© vqv wb‡RB GK `xN© Db’ qb cÖ wµqvi †cÖ vWv±|

Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied by a

corresponding political advance in that class. An oppressed class underthe sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing association

of medieval commune [4]: here independent urban republic (as in Italy

and Germany); there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy (as in

France); afterward, in the period of manufacturing proper, serving

either the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a counterpoise

against the nobility, and, in fact, cornerstone of the great monarchies in

general -- the bourgeoisie has at last, since the establishment of

Modern Industry and of the world market, conquered for itself, in the

modern representative state, exclusive political sway. The executive of

the modern state is but a committee for managing the common affairs

of the whole bourgeoisie.

ey ‡R© vqv weKv‡ki cÖ wZwU c`‡¶‡c H †kªYxi mv`„ k¨c~Y© ivR‣bwZK AMÖMwZ

mvwaZ n‡qwQj | mvg‗Í cÖfy ‡ì kvm‡bi Aaxb GK wbcx w oZ †kªYx , ga¨ hy Mxq

KwgD‡bi [4] GK m k¯¿ I ¯ qs-kvm ‡bi mwgwZ: GLv‡b ¯ vaxb kû‡i mvaviYZ‗¿

( †hgb BUvjx Ges Rvg© vbx ); †mLv‡b ivRZ‡‗¿i Ki`vZv Ò Z… Zxq gÛjxÓ (†hgb

d« vÝ ); AZ:ci, g¨vwbDd¨vKPvwis Kv‡j mvg‗Í cÖ fy ‡ì cÖ wZc¶ nq cÖ vq mvg‗Í

A_ev, wbisKz k ivRZ‗¿ ‡K †mev K‡i Ges Kvh© Z , mvaviYfv‡e e„ nr ivRZ‡‗¿ i

wfwË cÖ ¯Í i- ey ‡R©vqviv Avay wbK wkí I wek¦ evRvi cÖ wZôvi Kvj n‡Z

GK‡PwUqv ivR‣bwZK wbq‗¿ ‡Yi Av‡‘`vjb K‡i †klZ wb‡Ri Rb¨ Rq K‡i

Avay wbK cÖ wZwbwaZ¡ g~ jK ivóª | Avay wbK iv‡óªi wbe© vnx n‡”Q mgMÖ ey ‡R© vqv‡ì

mvaviY KvRKg© eë¯ vcbvi Rb¨ GKwU KwgwU gvÎ|

The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part.

HwZnvwmKfv‡e, ey ‡R© vqv †kªYx, Ly eB wecø ex f~ wgKv cvjb K‡i‡Q|

The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to

all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the

motley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural superiors", and has

left no other nexus between people than naked self-interest, than







15

callous "cash payment". It has drowned out the most heavenly ecstacies

of religious fervor, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine

sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It has

resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the

numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single,

unconscionable freedom -- Free Trade. In one word, for exploitation,

veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked,

shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.

ey ‡R© vqv †kªYx †hLv‡bB cÖ vavb¨ †c‡q‡Q, †mLv‡bB mvg ‗Í Zvw‗¿ K, wcZ… Zvw‗¿ K I

cÖ kv‗Í cjø xcÖ K… wZm`„ k mKj m¤úK©¸wj †kl K‡i w`‡q‡Q| †hme wewPÎ mvg‗Í

eu va‡b gvby l eu vav wQj Zvi Ò ¯^ fvewm× DciIqvjvi Ó Kv‡Q, Zv Giv wQu ‡o

†d‡j‡Q wbg© gfv‡e, wbwe© Kvi Ò bM` cÖ `vbÓ Gi bM’ ¯^ xq ¯ v_© Qvov RbM‡Yi

g‡a¨Kvi Avi mKj eÜb Giv cwiZ¨vM K‡i‡Q| ¯ v_©ci wnmv‡ei kxZj R‡j

Giv Wy we‡q w`‡q‡Q agx© q Db¥ËZvi ¯^Mx© q cigvb‡‘`v”Q¡ vm, ga¨hy Mxq exi‡Z¡ i

cÖ ej Drmvn , cÖ vPxb Awaevmxi fvevjyZv| Giv e¨w³MZ we‡kl g~ j¨ wewkó‡K

w¯ i K‡i‡Q wewbgq g~‡j¨, AMwYZ Awebvk¨ mbè× ¯ vaxbZvi ¯ ‡j Giv ù vo

Kiv‡jv H GKK Ab¨vh¨ ¯^vaxbZv- gy ³ eëmv| GK K_vq †kvl‡Yi Rb¨ Giv Ae¸bw ôZ agx© q I ivR‣bwZK weåg cÖ wZKwíZ Kij bM’, wbj© ¾, cÖ Z¨¶ , wbôz i †kvlY |

The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto

honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the

physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its

paid wage laborers.

G hver mb¥v b I Îv‡mvÏxcK kª ×vi mv‡_ †`Lv cÖwZwU †ckvi ‡R¨vwZðµ Lwm‡q

w`‡q‡Q ey ‡R© vqviv| Giv wPwKrmK, AvBbRxex, cy ‡ivwnZ,Kwe, weÁv‡bi

gvby l‡K Zv‡ì gRy ix †fvMx kª wg‡K iƒ cv‗ÍwiZ K‡i‡Q |

The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and

has reduced the family relation into a mere money relation.

Ae¸Úb fve cÖ eYZv cwievi †_‡K wQb’ K‡i‡Q ey ‡R©vqviv, Ges cvwievwiK m¤úK© ‡K ch©ewmZ K‡i‡Q wbQK UvKvi m¤ú‡K©|



16

The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal

display of vigor in the Middle Ages, which reactionaries so much admire,

found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has been

the first to show what man's activity can bring about. It has

accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman

aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put

in the shade all former exoduses of nations and crusades.

ga¨hyMxq ejeËvi ‡h wbôz i cªKvk‡K cÖ wZwµqvkxjiv G‡ZvUv cÖ kw ¯Í K‡i, ZviB

†hvM¨ cwic~ iK wnmv‡e Pig wbw¯qZvi AjmZv‡K du vm K‡i w`‡q‡Q ey‡R© vq viv|

GivB cÖ_g †`wL‡q w`‡q‡Q gvby‡li Kg©KvÛ wK NUv‡Z cv‡i| G‡ì Avðh© KxwZ©

wgk‡ii wcivwgW, †iv‡gi cÖ q:cÖYvjx, Ges Mw_K wMR©v‡K eû`~ i Qvwo‡q‡Q;

G‡ì cwiPvwjZ Awfhvb, RvwZ¸wj I ag© hy ×mg~‡ni mv‡eKx mKj ewnM©gb‡K

¤ø vb K‡i w`‡q‡Q|

The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the

instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and

with them the whole relations of society. Conservation of the old modesof production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the first

condition of existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant

revolutionizing of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social

conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the

bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast frozen relations,

with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are

swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can

ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man

is at last compelled to face with sober senses his real condition of life

and his relations with his kind.

Drcv`‡bi h‗¿cvwZi , Ges Zv‡Z Drcv`‡bi m¤úK© vw` Ges †mB ms‡M mgv‡Ri

cy ‡iv m¤ú‡K© i Aweivg •e cø exKiY bv K‡i ey ‡R© vqv †kªYx wUK‡Z cv‡i bv|

wecix‡Z Av‡MKvi wkímsµv‗Í †kÖYx mg~‡ni we`¨gvbZvi cÖ_g kZ© wQj cy ‡iv‡bv Drcv`b c×wZi AcwiewZ© Z iƒ c msi¶Y Kiv| Drcv`‡bi Aweivg

•e cø ex KiY, mgv‡Ri mKj kZ© vejxi weN’ nxb wek„sLjv, wbi‗Í i AwbðqZv, Ges



17

Aw¯ iZv ey ‡R©vqv hy M‡K ¯^vZ‗¿¨gwÛZ K‡i‡Q Av‡MKvi mKj hy M †_‡K| mKj

¯ vqx, `ª æ Z RgvUe ä m¤úK© ¸wj, Zv‡ì cÖ vPxb aviv I cig cu ~Rbxq ms¯‥vi I

gZvgZ¸wj mn †Su wU‡q `~ i n‡q‡Q, beMwVZ¸wj `„ pe× nIqvi c~ ‡e©B †m‡K‡j

n‡q Av‡m| hv wKQy `„ p ZvB evZv‡m wgwj‡q hvq, hv wKQy cweÎ Zv nq AeÁvc~Y©,

†klZ gvby l Zvi Rxe‡bi cÖ K… Zve¯ v I Zvi wbR cÖ RvwZi mwnZ m¤ úK© ¸wji

gy ‡Lvgy wL n‡Z eva¨ nq cwiwgZ †eva Øviv|

The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the

bourgeoisie over the entire surface of the globe. It must nestle

everywhere, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere.

wbR Drc ‡b’ i Rb¨ Aweivg cÖ mvigvb GK evRv‡ii ZvwM‡` ey ‡R© vqviv Qy ‡U †eovq mgMÖ f~ -c„ô| G‡ì Aek¨B me© Î Rwo‡q _vKv, me© Î emwZ ¯ vcb Ges

me©Î ms‡hvM cÖ wZôv Ki‡Z nq|

The bourgeoisie has, through its exploitation of the world market, given

a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every

country. To the great chagrin of reactionaries, it has drawn from under

the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All old-

established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being

destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction

becomes a life and death question for all civilized nations, by industries

that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material

drawn from the remotest zones; industries whose products are

consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In placeof the old wants, satisfied by the production of the country, we find new

wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and

climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-

sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-

dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual

production. The intellectual creations of individual nations become

common property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness

become more and more impossible, and from the numerous national

and local literatures, there arises a world literature.



18

ey ‡R© vqviv wek¦ evRv‡i G‡ì †kvl‡Yi gva¨‡g cÖ wZwU †`‡ki Drcv`b I †fv‡M

GK wek¦ Rbxb PwiÎ ` vb K‡i‡Q| cÖ wZwµqvkxj‡ì fqvbK weiw³i g‡a¨ Giv

wk‡íi cv‡qi Zjv †_‡K †U‡b wb‡q‡Q †mB RvZxq f~wg hvi Dci wkí

`vu wo‡qwQj| cy iv‡bv me cÖ ZwôZ RvZxq wkí aŸsm Ki‡Q A_ev, cÖ wZw`b Zv

aŸsmcÖ vß n‡”Q| Zv‡ì ¯ vbP~ ¨Z Ki‡Q Ggb me bZz b wkí hv‡ì cÖ eZ© b mf¨

RvwZ¸wji giv- eu vPvi cÖ ‡k’ i kvwgj; Ggb wkí hv Avi ïay †`kR Ku vPvgvj bq,

eis `~ i-`~ iv ‗Í AÂj n‡Z Avbv KuvPvgvj wb‡q KvR K‡i; Ggb wkí hv‡ì

Drcb’ †Kej †`‡kB bq, eis c„ w_exi me© Î eëüZ nq| †`k we‡k‡li

Drcv`‡b hv wgU‡Zv †mB cy i‡bv Pvwn`vi ¯ ‡j Avgiv †`wL bZz b Afve hvi

m‗‧ w ó mva‡b Avek¨K n‡”Q `~ieZx© f~ wg I †`‡ki Drcb’ mg~ n| cy‡ iv ‡bv ¯ vbxq I

RvZxq wew”Qb’ Zv I ¯ qsm¤ú~ Y© Zvi ¯‡j cvw”Q cÖ ‡Z¨K †¶‡ÎB Av`vb -cÖ `vb ,

RvwZmg~ ‡ni wek¦Rbxb A‡b¨vb¨wbf© iZv| Ges GgbUvB e‡U ‡hgb e¯‧MZ

†Zgb ey w×e„wËK Drcv`‡b | ¯^ Z‗¿ ¨ RvwZ¸wji ‡e․w×K m„ wó¸‡jv n‡q hvq

mvaviY m¤úwË| RvwZMZ GK‡`k`wk© Zv I msKxY© gvbwmKZv AwaK n‡Z

AwaKZi gvÎvq Am¤¢ e n‡q c‡o, Ges wecy j msL¨K ¯ vbxq I RvZxq mvwnZ¨

n‡Z D‖¢ ~ Z nq GKUv wek¦ mvwnZ¨|

The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of

production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication,

draws all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization. The cheap

prices of commodities are the heavy artillery with which it forces the

barbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It

compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode

of production; it compels them to introduce what it calls civilization into

their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In one word, it

creates a world after its own image.

Ercv`‡bi Dcvq mg~ ~ ‡ni `ª æ Z Db’ wZ mvab K‡i †hvMv‡hvM gva¨‡gi AwZKvq

my ‡hvM - my weavw` cÖ `v‡bi gva¨‡g ey ‡R©vqviv `ywbqvi mKj GgbwK fqvbK ee©i

RvwZmg~ n‡K mf¨Zvi g‡a¨ †U‡b G‡b‡Q| m¯Ív c‡Yï fvix Kvgvb hvi ‡Rvi Øviv we‡`kx‡ì cÖ wZ Zxeª GK¸‡q N„Yv †cvlYKvix ee© i‡ì AvZ¥mgc© b Kwi‡q‡Q |

ey ‡R© vqv Drcv`b c ×wZ cwiMÖ n‡Y mKj RvwZ‡K Giv eva¨ K‡i‡Q aŸs‡mi h‗¿Yv

fy M‡Z; Zv‡ì‡K Giv eva¨ K‡i‡Q hv‡K Zviv mf¨Zv e‡j Zvi cÖ Pjb Zv‡ì



19

gv‡S NUv‡Z †hgb - Zv‡ì wb‡R‡ì‡K ey ‡R©vqv eb‡Z| GK K_vq Giv wb‡Ri

cÖ wZ”Qwe‡Z GKUv `y wbqv M‡o ‡Zv‡j|

The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. It

has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban populationas compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of

the population from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made the

country dependent on the towns, so it has made barbarian and semi-

barbarian countries dependent on the civilized ones, nations of

peasants on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West.

ey ‡R© vqviv MÖ vg‡K kn‡ii kvmbvaxb K‡i‡Q| Giv cÖ Pz i bMi m„ wó K‡i‡Q, MÖ v‡gi Zz jbvq kn‡ii RbmsL¨v wecy j gvÎvq ewa©Z K‡i‡Q, Ges GBfv‡e RbmsL¨vi

GK we‡ePbv‡hvM¨ Ask‡K D×vi K‡i‡Q MÖ vg¨ Rxe‡bi wb‡e© v‡avwPZZv n‡Z |

wVK †hgb MÖ vg‡K Giv kn‡ii Dci wbf© ikxj K‡i‡Q wVK †Zgb Giv ee© i I

Aa©-ee © i †`k¸wj‡K wbf© ikxj K‡i‡Q mf¨‡ì, K…l‡Ki RvwZ‡K ey ‡R©vqv

RvwZi, c~ e©‡K cwð‡gi Dci|

The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scattered

state of the population, of the means of production, and of property. It

has agglomerated population, centralized the means of production, and

has concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence

of this was political centralization. Independent, or but loosely

connected provinces, with separate interests, laws, governments, and

systems of taxation, became lumped together into one nation, with onegovernment, one code of laws, one national class interest, one frontier,

and one customs tariff.

RbmsL¨vi, Drcv`‡bi Dcvq Ges m¤úwËi BZ¯Í Z Qwo‡q _vKv Ae¯ vUv‡K

ey ‡R© vqviv µ‡gB `~ i Ki‡Z _v‡K| Giv RbmsL¨v‡K c y Äxf~Z, Drcv`‡bi

Dcvq‡K †K‘`ª xf~ Z, Ges m¤úwË‡K KwZc‡qi nv‡Z R‡ov K‡i‡Q| Gi

cÖ ‡qvRbxq cwiYwZ wQj ivR‣bwZK †K‘`ª xfeb| Avjv`v ¯^v_© vw`, AvBb, miKvi Ges Ki eë vi ¯ vaxb wKsev wX‡jXvjvfv‡e mshy ³ cÖ ‡`k¸wj GK RvqMvq



20

R‡ov n‡q GK miKvi, GK AvBb mswnZv, GK RvZxq †kÖYx ¯ v_©, GK mxgv‗Í

Ges GK ky é cÖ_v m‡gZ GK RvwZ‡Z cwiYZ n‡q‡Q|

The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has

created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have allpreceding generations together. Subjection of nature's forces to man,

machinery, application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam

navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents for

cultivation, canalization or rivers, whole populations conjured out of the

ground -- what earlier century had even a presentiment that such

productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labor?

AZx‡Zi mKj cÖ R‡b¥i GKÎxK… Z Drcv`b kw³i †P‡q AwaKZi n‡Z AwaK

wekvj I AwZKvq Drcv`b kw³ m„wó K‡i‡Q ey ‡R© vqviv, Zv‡ì `y j©f GK kZ

eQ‡ii kvm‡b|cÖ K…wZi kw³‡K gvby ‡li ekxKiY, K… wl I wk‡í h‗¿cvwZ,

imvq‡bi cÖ ‡qvM, ev ®ú kw³i mvnv‡h¨ †b․Pvjbv, †ijI‡q, B‡jw±ª K‡UwjMÖ vd,

Pvlvev‡ì Rb¨ mgMÖ gnv‡`k cwi®‥vi Kiv, b`x ev LvjKvUv , †fjwKevwRi

g‡Zv gvwU dzu ‡o cy ‡iv GKwU Rbmgwói Avwe© fve, mvgvwRK kÖ ‡gi †Kv‡j †h GZLvwb Drcv`b kw³ my ß wQj, GgbwK c~ ‡e©Kvi †Kv‡bv kZK Zvi c~ e© vby f~ wZ

Avu P Ki‡Z †c‡iwQj?

We see then: the means of production and of exchange, on whose

foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal

society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of

production and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal societyproduced and exchanged, the feudal organization of agriculture and

manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property

became no longer compatible with the already developed productive

forces; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder;

they were burst asunder.

Avgiv ZLb †`wL : Drcv`b I wewbg‡qi Dcvqmg~ n, hvi wfwË ey ‡R© vqviv wb‡RB •Zix K‡i‡Q Zvi DrcwË n‡q‡Q mvg‗Í mgv‡R | Drcv`b I wewbg‡qi Dcvqmg~ ‡ni

weKv‡ki GKUv wbwðZ ch© v‡q, ‡h kZ© vax‡b Zv Drcb’ I wewbgq K‡i‡Q mvg‗Í mgvR,

K… wl I g¨v‡bd¨vKPvwis wk‡íi mvg‗Í msMVb, GK K_vq B‡Zvg‡a¨ weKwkZ Drcv`b



21

kw³i mwnZ m¤úwËi mvg‗Í m¤úK© Avi msMwZc~ Y© wQj bv; Zviv eûiKgfv‡e

cÖ wZeÜK n‡qwQj| cÖ wZeÜK¸‡jv we‡ùvi‡Y LÛ- weLÛ Ki‡Z nZ; Zv we‡ùvwiZ

n‡q LÛ-weLÛ nj|

Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social andpolitical constitution adapted in it, and the economic and political sway

of the bourgeois class.

Z`¯‡j GwM‡q Gj Aeva cÖ wZ‡hvwMZv,Z`ms‡M G‡Z Awf‡hvwRZ n‡q‡Q GKwU mvgvwRK I ivR‣bwZK msweavb, Ges ey ‡R© vqv †kÖYxi A_© ‣bwZK I ivR‣bwZK wbq‗¿Y|

A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern bourgeois

society, with its relations of production, of exchange and of property, a

society that has conjured up such gigantic means of production and of

exchange, is like the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the

powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his spells. For

many a decade past, the history of industry and commerce is but the

history of the revolt of modern productive forces against modern

conditions of production, against the property relations that are theconditions for the existence of the bourgeois and of its rule. It is enough

to mention the commercial crises that, by their periodical return, put

the existence of the entire bourgeois society on its trial, each time more

threateningly. In these crises, a great part not only of the existing

products, but also of the previously created productive forces, are

periodically destroyed. In these crises, there breaks out an epidemic

that, in all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity -- the

epidemic of over-production. Society suddenly finds itself put back into

a state of momentary barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a universal

war of devastation, had cut off the supply of every means of

subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be destroyed. And why?

Because there is too much civilization, too much means of subsistence,

too much industry, too much commerce. The productive forces at thedisposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the

conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become

too powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so



22

soon as they overcome these fetters, they bring disorder into the whole

of bourgeois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property. The

conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth

created by them. And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises?

On the one hand, by enforced destruction of a mass of productive

forces; on the other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more

thorough exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way

for more extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the

means whereby crises are prevented.

Avgv‡ì †Pv‡Li mvg‡b Aby iƒ c GKUv MwZPvÂj¨ Pj‡Q| Drcv`b, wewbgq Ges

m¤úwËi mwnZ wb‡Ri m¤úK© m‡gZ AvaywbK ey ‡R© vqv mgvR Rv`y e‡j Drcv`b I wewbg‡qi Ggb `vbexq Dcvq M‡o Zz ‡j‡Q †h, Zvi `kv AvR †mB Rv`y K‡ii

g‡Zv †h g‗¿ e‡j cvZv‡ji kw³mg~ n‡K †W‡K nvwRi K‡i Avi †m¸wj wbq‗¿Y

Ki‡Z cvi‡Q bv| weMZ eû `kK a‡i, wkí I evwY‡Rï BwZnvm n‡”Q

ey ‡R© vqv‡ì Aw ¯Í Z¡ I kvm‡bi kZ©vejx- Drcv`‡bi AvaywbK Ae¯ vi weiæ ‡×,

m¤úwË m¤ú‡K© i weiæ ‡× Avay wbK Drcv`b kw³mg~ ‡ni we‡`ªv‡ni BwZnvm|

evwYR¨ msKU hv wbw`©ó mgq A‗Íi wd‡i G‡m cÖ wZevi cy ‡iv ey ‡R© vqv mgv‡Ri Aw¯Í Z¡ ‡K Av‡iv †ekxgvÎvq wecb’ K‡i Zvi D‡jøLB h‡_ó| GB me msK‡U

†KejgvÎ we`¨gvb Drc‡b’ i bq, eis AZx‡Z m„ ó Drcv`b kw³i GKUv wekvj

Ask ch© v e„ Ëfv‡e aŸsmcÖ vß nq| GB me msK‡U cÖ v`y f© ve nq GK gnvgvwii,

Av‡MKvi mKj hy‡M hv GK D‖¢ UZ¡ e‡j g‡b n‡Z cvi‡Zv - AwZ Drcv`‡bi

gnvgvwi| nVvr mgvR wb‡R‡K Avwe¯‥vi Ki‡jv †cQ‡b wbcwZZ ÿwY‡Ki

ee©iZvi GK Ae¯ vq; G‡Z mgy cw¯ Z nj †h gb GKUv `y wf© ÿ, aŸs‡mi GK we k¦ Rbxb hy ×, hv‡Z Rxeb wbe© v‡ni cÖ wZwU Dcv‡qi mieivn wew”Qb’ nj; g‡b

n‡”Q wkí Ges evwYR¨ aŸsm n‡q †Mj| Ges †Kb ? KviY - ‡mLv‡b AwZgvÎv q

mf¨Zv, AZ¨waK Rxeb wbe© v‡ni Dcvq, AZ¨waK wkí, AZ¨waK evwYR¨|

mgv‡Ri wbq‗¿Yvaxb Drcv`b kw³¸wj Avi ‡Kv‡bvg‡ZB ey ‡R© vqv m¤úwËi

kZ© vejxi Av‡iv weKv‡k cÖ eYZv m¤úb’ bq; wecix‡Z - hØviv Zviv k„sLwjZ

wQj †mmKj kZ© vejxi †P‡q Zviv Ly eB ÿgZvm¤úb’ n‡q‡Q, Ges Ly e `ª y Z †m me k„sLj‡K Zviv civf~ Z Ki‡jv, mgMÖ ey ‡R©vqv mgv‡R Zviv wek„sLjv

Avb‡jv, ey ‡R© vqv m¤úwËi Aw¯Í Z¡ wec`vcb’ Ki‡jv| ey ‡R©vqv mgv‡Ri Ae¯ v



23

Ly eB msKxY© Zv‡ì m„ ó m¤ú` avi‡Y| Ges ey ‡R© vqviv wKfv‡e GB me msKU

n‡Z †invB cvq? GKw`‡K Drcv`b kw³i GK wekvj cwigvY aŸsm mvab K‡i,

Ab¨w`‡K bZz b evRvi weR‡qi gva¨‡g, Ges cy ‡iv‡bv¸‡jv‡Z AwaKZi †kvlY

Pvwj ‡q|A_© vr ejv hvq, AviI e¨vcK Avi I aŸsmvZ¥K msK‡Ui c_ cÖ ¯‧ Z K‡i,

msKU Govevi hv Dcvq Zv‡K Kwg‡q †d‡j|

The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the

ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.

‡h A‡¯¿ ey‡R© vqviv mvg‗Í Z‗¿‡K aivk vqx K‡iwQj, †mwU GLb ey ‡R© vqv‡ì wb‡ Ri

weiæ ‡× D`¨Z|

But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring

death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to

wield those weapons -- the modern working class -- the

proletarians.

ey ‡R© vqviv †KejgvÎ Ggb A¯¿ B M‡owb hv Zvi wb‡Ri g„Zz¨ †W‡K Av‡b; Giv

Ggb gvby ‡liI Avwef© ve NwU‡q‡Q hviv †m mKj A¯¿ ¸wj eënvi Ki‡e -

Avay wbK kÖ wgK †kÖYx.. cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ|

In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in the

same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class,

developed -- a class of laborers, who live only so long as they find

work, and who find work only so long as their labor increases

capital. These laborers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a

commodity, like every other article of commerce, and are

consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to all

the fluctuations of the market.

‡h Aby cv‡Z ey ‡R©vqviv Z_v cu y wR ev‡o GKB Aby cv‡Z ev‡o

cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ.Avay wbK kÖ wgK †kÖYx.. kÖ wgK‡ì GKUv †kÖYx, eu v‡P Z‡ZvÿY

h‡ZvÿY †m KvR cvq, Ges Z‡ZvÿYB †m KvR cvq h‡ZvÿY Zv‡ì kÖ g cu y wR

cÖ mvwiZ K‡i| evwY‡Rï cÖ wZwU e¯‧ i g‡Zv GBmKj kÖ wgKiv nq GKwU cY¨,

hviv Zv‡ì‡K wewµ K‡i Uz K‡iv UzK‡iv K‡i, Ges dj¯^ iƒ c Zviv

cÖ wZ‡hvwMZvi mKj DÌvb -cZb , evRv‡ii mKj DVwZ -cowZi Aaxb|



24

Owing to the extensive use of machinery, and to the division of labor,

the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and,

consequently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage of

the machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and

most easily acquired knack, that is required of him. Hence, the cost of

production of a workman is restricted, almost entirely, to the means of

subsistence that he requires for maintenance, and for the propagation

of his race. But the price of a commodity, and therefore also of labor, is

equal to its cost of production. In proportion, therefore, as the

repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage decreases. What is more,

in proportion as the use of machinery and division of labor increases, inthe same proportion the burden of toil also increases, whether by

prolongation of the working hours, by the increase of the work exacted

in a given time, or by increased speed of machinery, etc.

h‡‗¿ i e¨vcK eënvi, Ges kÖg wefvR‡bi Kvi‡Y cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi KvR - mKj

e¨w³MZ •ewkó¨ Ges dj¯ iƒ c kÖ wg‡Ki Rb¨ mKj AvKl©YxqZv nvwi‡q‡Q| ‡m n‡q

D‡V h‡‗¿ i GKwU DcvsM, Ges Zvi Rb¨ hv ìKvi Zv n‡”Q †KejB AwZ mij, AwZ GK‡N‡q, Ges AwZ mn‡R AR© bxq †K․kj|AZGe, GKRb kÖ wg‡Ki Drcv`b LiP cÖ vq

cy ‡ivcy wi mxwgZ n‡”Q Zvi iÿYv- ‡eÿY I Zvi esk we Í v‡i Zvi ìKvix- Rxeb

wb e© v‡ni Dcvqvw`‡Z| wK‗Í y , GKwU c‡Yï Ges AZGe, kÖ ‡giI `vg n‡”Q Zvi Drcv`b

Li‡Pi mgvb| Avby cvwZKfv‡e, AZGe Kv‡Ri wefrmZv hZ ev‡o gRy wi ZZ

K‡g|Av‡iv hv nq, †h Aby cv‡Z h‡‗¿ i eënvi I kÖg wefvM ev‡o †m Aby cv‡Z ev‡o

LvUz wbi fvi, nq Kg© N‘Uv `xN© vwqZKi‡Yi Øviv GKUv cÖ `Ë mg‡q `vex I Av`vqK… Z

KvR evwo‡q, A_ev, h‡‗¿ i MwZ evwo‡q, BZ¨vw`|

Modern Industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchalmaster into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses of

laborers, crowded into the factory, are organized like soldiers. As

privates of the industrial army, they are placed under the command of a

perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves of the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois state; they are daily and hourly

enslaved by the machine, by the overlooker, and, above all, in theindividual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly thisdespotism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, the more

hateful and the more embittering it is.



25

wcZ… Zvw‗¿ K gvwj‡Ki †QvU Kg© kvjv‡K wkí cu ywRcwZi weivU KviLvbvq cwiYZ K‡i‡Q Avay wbK wkí | kÖ wgK‡ì wekvj Ask KviLvbvi g‡a¨ wfo Rgvq, ‣mwb K ‡ì g‡Zv msMwVZ nq| wkí evwnbxi e¨w³ wnmv‡e Zviv wbcwZZ nq Awdmvi I mv‡R©‘U‡ì GK wbLu yZ cÖ vavb¨ ci¤úivi ûKz gvax‡b| Zviv †Kej ey ‡R© vqv †kÖYxi Ges ey ‡R© vqv iv‡óª i

`vm bq; Zviv •`wbK Ges cÖwZ N‘Uvq †gwk‡bi, cwi`k© ‡Ki, Ges m‡ e© vc wi, cÖ ‧ZKvix ey ‡R© vqv e¨w³i wb‡Ri µxZ`v‡ m cwiYZ nX | GB ‣¯ iZ‗¿ h‡ZvB †LvjvLy wjfv‡e †NvlYv K‡i - gy bvdv nvwmj KivB Zvi jÿ¨ I D‡Ïk¨ Z‡ZvB Zv nq Av‡iv nxb, Av‡iv N„Y¨ Ges Av‡iv weiw³Ki|

The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual labor, in

other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more is

the labor of men superseded by that of women. Differences of age andsex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working class.

All are instruments of labor, more or less expensive to use, according to

their age and sex.

KvwqK kÖ ‡g `ÿZv I kw³i cÖ qvm h‡Zv Kg jv‡M, Ab¨ K_vq hZB Avay wbK wkí

weKvk jvf K‡i, Z‡Zv †ekx K‡i cy iæ l kÖ‡gi j vwfwl³ nq bvix kÖ g| kÖ wgK †kÖYx i

wbKU eqm Ges wjs‡Mi wfb’ Zvi Av‡iv †Kv‡bv ¯ vZ‗¿ ¨ m~ PK mvgvwRK •eaZv bvB|

mK‡jB Zviv kÖ ‡gi nvwZqvi, eënv‡i Kg - ‡ek e¨qmva¨, Zv‡ì e qm I wjsM

Aby mv‡i|No sooner is the exploitation of the laborer by the manufacturer, so far at

an end, that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by theother portion of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, the

pawnbroker, etc.

Drcv`bKvix KZ© „ K kÖ wg‡Ki †kvlY †kl nIqvi ci kÖ wgK Zvi gRy wi bM‡` cvIqv gvÎ†m ey ‡R© vqv‡ì Acivci Ask- evoxIqvjv, ‡`vKvb`vi, eÜKx Kvievix cÖ f… wZi

†Lviv‡K cwiYZ nq|

The lower strata of the middle class -- the small tradespeople,

shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and

peasants -- all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because

their diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which Modern

Industry is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the large

capitalists, partly because their specialized skill is rendered worthless by

new methods of production. Thus, the proletariat is recruited from allclasses of the population.

ga¨ †kÖYxi wb¤’ Í i - †QvU eëmvqx, †`vKvb`vi, Ges mvaviYZ AemicÖ vß eëmvqx, n Íwkíx Ges K… l‡ Kiv - Giv mK‡j µgvMZ cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi g‡a¨ wbcwZZ nq,



26

AvswkK KviY †h AvqZ‡b Avay wbK wkí Pvjv‡Z nq, Zv‡ì ÿz `ª cu ywR Zvi c‡ÿ h‡_ó bq, Ges eo cu y wRcwZ‡ì mwnZ cÖ wZ‡hvw MZvq Zviv ch© y ` Í nq, AvswkK KviY- Drcv`‡bi bZy b c×wZ Øviv Zv‡ì we‡klvwqZ `ÿZv A‡K‡Rv n‡q c‡o| my Zivs RbM‡Yi mKj †kÖYx n‡Z cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ wiµy U nq|

The proletariat goes through various stages of development. With itsbirth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first, the contest iscarried on by individual laborers, then by the work of people of a factory,

then by the operative of one trade, in one locality, against the individual

bourgeois who directly exploits them. They direct their attacks not

against the bourgeois condition of production, but against the instrumentsof production themselves; they destroy imported wares that compete with

their labor, they smash to pieces machinery, they set factories ablaze,

they seek to restore by force the vanished status of the workman of theMiddle Ages.

weKv‡ki bvbv ch©v‡qi g‡a¨ w`‡q cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ hvq| G‡ì Rb¥ †_‡K ey ‡R© vqvi mwnZ msMÖ vg ïiæ nq|me© cÖ_g GKK e¨w³ kÖ wgK KZ© „ K, Zvici GKUv KviLvbvq Kg© iZ e¨w³eM©, Zvici GK GjvKvi GK ‡ckvq wµqvkx‡jiv cÖ wZØw‘ØZv Pvjvq, GKK e¨w³ ey ‡R© vqvi weiæ ‡× †h mivmwi Zv‡ì‡K †kvlY K‡i| Zviv Zv‡ì Avµg‡Yi MwZgy L Pvjbv K‡i Drcv`‡bi ey‡R© vqv eë vi weiæ ‡× bq, eis Drcv`‡bi nvwZqvivwì

weiæ ‡×; Zviv aŸsm K‡i Avg`vbxK… Z gvjvgvj hv Zv‡ì kÖ ‡gi mwnZ cÖ wZ‡hvwMZv K‡i, Zviv h‗¿cvwZ †fs‡M Uz K‡iv Uz K‡iv K‡i, Zviv d¨v±ix¸‡jv‡Z AwM’ ms‡hvM K‡i, ga¨hy‡Mi kÖ gRxex‡ì Aejy ß gh© v`v Zviv Mv‡qi †Rv‡i wdwi‡q Avb‡Z Pvq|

At this stage, the laborers still form an incoherent mass scattered over the

whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition. If anywhere

they unite to form more compact bodies, this is not yet the consequence

of their own active union, but of the union of the bourgeoisie, which

class, in order to attain its own political ends, is compelled to set thewhole proletariat in motion, and is moreover yet, for a time, able to do

so. At this stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight their enemies,

but the enemies of their enemies, the remnants of absolute monarchy, the

landowners, the non-industrial bourgeois, the petty bourgeois. Thus, the

whole historical movement is concentrated in the hands of the

bourgeoisie; every victory so obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie.

GB ch© v‡q kÖ wg‡Kiv cy‡iv †`kgq Qov‡bv- wQUv‡bv G‡jv‡g‡jv RbZv, Ges cvi¯úvwiK cÖ wZ‡hvwMZvq QÎfsM| †Kv_vI hw` Zviv GKÎ nq AwaKZi wbweo msN MV‡b, ZL‡bv Zv Zv‡ì wbR‡ì mwµq mw¤§jb bq,eis ey‡R© vqv‡ì mw¤§j‡bi cwiYwZ, †h †kÖYx Zvi wbR ivR‣bwZK D‡Ïk¨ mva‡b cy ‡iv cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ‡K mPj Ki‡Z eva¨ nq, Ges Z`y cwi ZL‡bv wKQz mg‡qi Rb¨ Zv Ki‡Z mÿg nq| my Zivs, GB ch© v‡q cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ



27

wb‡R‡ì kÎæ bq, eis Zv‡ì kÎæ i kÎæ -GK”QÎ ivRZ‡‗¿ i hrwKwÂZ Aewkóvsk, f~wg gvwjK, wkíwenxb ey ‡R©vqv, †cwU ey ‡R© vqvi wec‡ÿ j‡o| GBfv‡e, cy ‡iv HwZnvwmK Av‡‘`vjb ey‡R© vqv‡ì nv‡Z †K‘`ª xf~ Z nq; my Zivs cÖ wZwU weRq AwR©Z n‡q‡Q ey ‡R© vqv†kÖYxi Rb¨ |

But with the development of industry, the proletariat not only increasesin number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows,and it feels that strength more. The various interests and conditions of

life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and more equalized, in

proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctions of labor, and nearly

everywhere reduces wages to the same low level. The growingcompetition among the bourgeois, and the resulting commercial crises,

make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating. The increasing

improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing, makes theirlivelihood more and more precarious; the collisions between individual

workmen and individual bourgeois take more and more the character of

collisions between two classes. Thereupon, the workers begin to form

combinations (trade unions) against the bourgeois; they club together inorder to keep up the rate of wages; they found permanent associations in

order to make provision beforehand for these occasional revolts. Here

and there, the contest breaks out into riots.

wK‗‧ wkí weKv‡ki mv‡_ cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ †KejgvÎ msL¨vq ev‡o bv; Giv †K‘`ªxf~ Z nq wekvjZg RbZvq, Gi kw³ ev‡o, Ges Av‡iv †ekxfv‡e H kw³ Giv Aby fe K‡i | h‗¿cvwZ †h nv‡i kÖ ‡gi mKj ¯ vZ‗¿¨ wbwðý K‡i Ges cÖ vq me© Î gRy wi Kwg‡q Av‡b GKB bxPz Í ‡i, †m nv‡i cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ evwnbxi g‡a¨ wewfb’ ¯ v_© I Rxeb hvÎvi Ae v AwaK n‡Z AwaKZifv‡e mgvb n‡Z _v‡K| ey ‡R©vqv‡ì g‡a¨Kvi µge a© gvb cÖ wZ‡hvwMZv, ZrcÖ m~ Z evwYR¨ msKU - kÖ wgK‡ì gRywii IVvbvgv NUvq wPiKvj| h‗¿cvwZi DrKl© Zvi cÖ e„ w×, wbi‗Í i `ª æ ZMwZ‡Z weKvk , Zv‡ì RxweKv‡K AwaK n‡Z AwaKZifv‡e AwbwðZ K‡i; e¨w³ kÖ wgK Ges e¨w³ ey‡R©vqvi g‡a¨Kvi msNl©, AwaK n‡Z AwaKZifv‡e `y B †kÖYxi g‡a¨Kvi msN‡l© i PwiÎ jvf K‡i | AZ:ci, ey ‡R© vqv‡ì weiæ ‡× kÖ wg‡ Kiv mw¤§jb ( †Uª W BDwbqb) MVb Ki‡Z ïiæ K‡i;Zviv GK‡Î msNe× nq Zv‡ì gRy wii nvi eRvq ivL‡Z; gv‡S - g‡a¨ NUv we‡`ª vn¸wji c~ e© cÖ ‧ wZ wb‡Z Zviv cÖ wZôv Kij vqx mwgwZ| GLv‡b - ‡mLv‡b cÖ wZØw‘ØZ v cwiYZ nq `vsMvq|

Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The real

fruit of their battles lie not in the immediate result, but in the ever

expanding union of the workers. This union is helped on by the improvedmeans of communication that are created by Modern Industry, and thatplace the workers of different localities in contact with one another. It

was just this contact that was needed to centralize the numerous local



28

struggles, all of the same character, into one national struggle between

classes. But every class struggle is a political struggle. And that union, toattain which the burghers of the Middle Ages, with their miserable

highways, required centuries, the modern proletarian, thanks to railways,

achieve in a few years.

gv‡ S- gv‡S kÖ wg†Kiv weRqx nq, wK‗‧ ¯ í mg‡qi Rb¨| Zv‡` i jovB‡qi cÖ K… Z jvf Avï djvd‡j bq, eis kÖwgK‡ì wbi‗Í i cÖ mvigvb mw¤§j‡b|Avay wbK wk‡íi m„ ó Db’ Z †hvMv‡hvM eë v, Ges hv wewfb’ GjvKvi kÖ wgK‡ì‡K G‡K Ac‡ii ms¯ú‡k© wb‡q Av‡m Zv mnvq nq GB mw¤§j‡b| GwU Ggb GKwU ms‡hvM hv cÖ ‡qvRb wQj mKj GKB cÖ K… wZi, wewfb’ GjvKvi AmsL¨ msMÖ vgMy ‡jv‡K †K‘`ª xf~ Z K‡i †kÖYx¸‡jvi ga¨Kvi GK RvZxq msMÖ v‡g cwiYZ Ki‡Z| wK‗‧ cÖ wZwU †kÖYx msMÖ vg n‡”Q GKwU ivR‣bwZK msMÖ vg| Ges nvBI‡q¸w j i `y ive vi Rb¨ ga¨ hy Mxq bvMwiK‡ì H mw¤§jb AR© ‡b ‡j‡MwQj eû kZvwã, †ijI‡q‡K abëv` , Avay wbK cÖ‡jZvwi‡qZ Zv nvwmj K‡i mvgvb¨ K‡qK eQ‡i|

This organization of the proletarians into a class, and, consequently, into

a political party, is continually being upset again by the competition

between the workers themselves. But it ever rises up again, stronger,firmer, mightier. It compels legislative recognition of particular interests

of the workers, by taking advantage of the divisions among the

bourgeoisie itself. Thus, the Ten-Hours Bill in England was carried. GKwU †kÖYx Ges dj¯ iƒ c GKwU ivR‣bwZK `‡j cwiYZ nIqv cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi GB msMVb Zv‡ì wb‡R‡ì g‡a¨Kvi cÖ wZ‡hv w MZvq evisevi wech© Í n‡q‡Q| wK‗‧ Zv Avevi AbeiZ cÖ ejZi, `„ pZi, ejevb n‡q‡Q| ey ‡R©vqv‡ì wb‡R‡ì g‡a¨Kvi we‡f‡ì my ‡hv‡M kÖ wgK‡ì wewkó ¯ v_© ¸wji AvBbMZ ¯ xK… wZ Av`v‡q eva¨ K‡i GwU|GBfv‡e, Bsj‡Û 10 N‘Uvi wej cvk nj|

Altogether, collisions between the classes of the old society further in

many ways the course of development of the proletariat. The bourgeoisiefinds itself involved in a constant battle. At first with the aristocracy;

later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie itself, whose interests

have become antagonistic to the progress of industry; at all time with the

bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In all these battles, it sees itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for help, and thus to drag it

into the political arena. The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the

proletariat with its own elements of political and general education, inother words, it furnishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting the

bourgeoisie.



29

‡gv‡Ui Dci, cy i‡bv mgv‡Ri †kÖYx¸‡jvi ga¨Kvi msNvZ cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi weKv‡ki MwZc_ Av‡iv bvbvfv‡e GwM‡q †bq|ey ‡R© vqviv wb‡R‡ì‡K GKUv AweiZ hy ‡× RwoZ wnmv‡e †`L‡Z cvq| cÖ_‡g, AwfRvZZ‡‗¿ i mv‡_; cieZx© ‡Z ey ‡R© vqv‡ì wb‡R‡ì ‡mB mKj As‡ki mv‡_ hv‡ì ¯ v_© wk‡íi AMÖMwZ‡Z cÖ wZcÿ n‡q ù vovq; me©

mg‡q ci‡`kx ey ‡R©vqv‡ì mwnZ| GB mKj hy ‡×, Giv eva¨ nq mvnvhï Rb¨ cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi cÖ wZ Av‡e`b Rvbv‡Z Ges GBfv‡e Giv G‡ì‡K wb‡q Gj ivR‣bwZK iY‡ÿ‡Î | my Zivs, ey ‡R© vqviv wb‡Riv wb‡R‡ì mvaviY wkÿv I ivR‣bwZK Dcv`vb¸‡jv cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ‡K mieivn K‡i, Ab¨K_vq, ey ‡R©vqv‡ì‡K joevi Rb¨ cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ‡K A‡ ¿ mw¾Z K‡i Giv |

Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling class are,by the advance of industry, precipitated into the proletariat, or are at least

threatened in their conditions of existence. These also supply the

proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress.

AwaK‗Í, Avgiv †hgb BZ tc~ ‡e© †`‡LwQ,wk‡íi AMÖMwZ Øviv kvmK †kÖYxi cy ‡iv ‡mKmb cÖ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi g‡a¨ wbcwZZ nq, A_ev, wb‡`b c ‡ÿ Zv‡ì Aw Í ‡Z¡ i kZ© vejx ûgwK‡Z c‡o|Giv Aek¨ cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ‡K Av‡jvKm¤úvZ Ges cÖMwZi ZiZvRv Dcv`vb mieivn K‡i|

Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, the

progress of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact within thewhole range of old society, assumes such a violent, glaring character,

that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift, and joins therevolutionary class, the class that holds the future in its hands. Just as,

therefore, at an earlier period, a section of the nobility went over to the

bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to theproletariat, and in particular, a portion of the bourgeois ideologists, who

have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the

historical movement as a whole.

me‡k‡l, hLb †kÖYx msMÖ vg wbð vq K Ae vi wbKUeZx© mg‡q, kvmK †kÖYxi Aejy wßi AMªM wZ Kvh© Z cy i‡bv ey ‡R© vqv mgv‡Ri cy ‡iv cwim‡i Ggb GK µz ×, wns ª PwiÎcwiMÖ n K‡i, Zv‡Z kvmK †kÖYxi GKUv †QvU ‡mKkb wb‡R‡K wb:m¤ j Ae vq ‡d‡j,Ges wecø ex †kÖYx‡Z †hvM`vb K‡i, ‡h †kÖYxwU wb‡Ri nv‡Z fwel¨Z‡K aviY K‡i| AZ:ci, Av‡MKvi Kv‡j wVK †hgb AwfRvZ‡ì GKUv †mKkb ey ‡R© vqv‡ì c‡ÿ wM‡qwQj, myZivs, GLb ey ‡R© vqv‡ì GKUv Ask cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi c‡ÿ hvq, Ges

we‡klfv‡e, ey‡R©vqv fvev`kx© ‡ì GKUv Ask, hviv mvgMÖ xKfv‡e HwZnvwmK Av‡‘`vjb‡K ZvwË¡ Kfv‡e Dcjwä Kivi ch© v‡q wb‡R‡ì‡K Db’ xZ K‡i‡Q|

Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, theproletariat alone is a genuinely revolutionary class. The other classes



30

decay and finally disappear in the face of Modern Industry; the

proletariat is its special and essential product.

AvR‡Ki w`‡b ey ‡R© vqv †kÖYxi gy ‡Lvgy wL ‡h mKj †kÖYx ù vwo‡q Av‡Q, Zvi g‡a¨ cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ ïay GKv GK cÖ K… Z wecø ex †kÖYx| AvaywbK wk‡íi gy ‡L Ab¨vb¨ †kÖYx¸wj

ÿ‡q hvq Ges P~ ov‗Ífv‡e A`„ k¨ nq; cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ Bnvi we‡kl I Avek¨Kxq †cÖvWv±|The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the

artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to save from

extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They are

therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay, more, they are

reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If, by chance,they are revolutionary, they are only so in view of their impending

transfer into the proletariat; they thus defend not their present, but theirfuture interests; they desert their own standpoint to place themselves at

that of the proletariat.

wb¤’ ga¨ †kÖYx-ÿz `ª g¨vby d¨v±mv ivi, †`vKvb`vi,KvwiMi, K… lK, Giv mK‡j ey‡R© vqv‡ì weiæ ‡× j‡o ga¨ †kÖYxi fM’ vsk wnmv‡e we‡jvc‡bi Kej n‡Z Zv‡ì Aw ÍZ¡ iÿv Ki‡Z | †mB Kvi‡Y , Zviv wecø ex bq, eis iÿYkxj| AwaK‗Í Zviv cÖwZwµqvkxj, ‡Kbbv Zviv BwZnv‡mi PvKv‡K wcQ‡b Ny iv‡bvi †Póv K‡i| hw` NUbvP‡µ Zviv wecø ex nq, Zv nq †Kej Zv‡ì `„ wó‡Z cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ wnmv‡e Zv‡ì Avmb’ iƒ cv‗Í i ;GBfv‡e Zviv Zv‡ì eZ© gvb bq, eis fwel¨Z ¯ v_© iÿv K‡i; cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi `„wófswM‡Z Zv‡ì‡K b¨ Í Ki‡Z Zviv Zv‡ì wbR¯ `„ wófswM cwiZ¨vM K‡i|

The "dangerous class", the social scum, that passively rotting mass

thrown off by the lowest layers of the old society, may, here and there,be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions of

life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of

reactionary intrigue.

cy ‡iv‡bv mgv‡Ri me© wb¤’ Íi n‡Z wbwÿß n‡q wbw®qfv‡e c Pbkxj RbZv- mvgvwRK AwKÂbRb, Òwec ¾bK †kÖYxwU‡K Ó GKwU cÖ ‡jZvwiq wecø e nq‡Zv GLv‡b - ‡mLv‡b Av‡‘`vj‡b wbcwZZ K‡i; Z‡e, G‡ì RxebhvÎvi Ae v G‡ì‡K AwaKZifv‡e cÖ ‧ Z K‡i cÖwZwµqvkxj Pµv‡‗Í i GKUv Nyl‡Lvi nvwZqv‡ii Ask wnmv‡e|

In the condition of the proletariat, those of old society at large are

already virtually swamped. The proletarian is without property; his

relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in commonwith the bourgeois family relations; modern industry labor, modern

subjection to capital, the same in England as in France, in America

as in Germany, has stripped him of every trace of national



31

character. Law, morality, religion, are to him so many bourgeoisprejudices, behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests.

cy ‡ i v‡bv mgv‡Ri fvj¸wj B‡Zvg‡a¨ cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi Rxe‡b Kvh© Z †jvc †c‡q‡Q| cÖ‡jZvwi‡qZ n‡”Q m¤úwËnxb; Zvi ¯¿ x- m‗Í v‡bi mwnZ Zvi m¤ú© K

†Kv‡bv g‡ZB ey ‡R© vqv cvwievwiK m¤ú‡K©i mwnZ †g‡j bv; Avay wbK wkí kÖg,cu y wRi wbKU Avay wbK ek¨Zv- d« v‡Ýi g‡Zv Bsj‡Û , Rvg©vbxi g‡Zv Av‡gwiKvq GKB iKgfv‡e Zvi RvZxq Pwi‡Îi cÖ wZwU wPý niY K‡i‡Q| Zvi wbKU AvBb, •bwZKZv, ag© nj KwZcq ey ‡R© vqv c~ e© ms¯‥vi, hvi wcQ‡b - Avm‡jB Avµg‡Yi Rb¨ IZ †c‡Z Av‡Q eû ai‡Yi ey ‡R© vqv ¯ v_©|

All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortify

their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to theirconditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become

masters of the productive forces of society, except by abolishing

their own previous mode of appropriation, and thereby also every

other previous mode of appropriation. They have nothing of their

own to secure and to fortify; their mission is to destroy all previous

securities for, and insurances of, individual property.

c~ e© eZx© mKj †kÖYx hviv cÖ wZcwË †c‡q‡Q, Zviv Zv‡ì AvZ¥mvrKi‡Yi Ae¯ vmg~n cÖ mvwiZ Ki‡Z B‡Zvc~ ‡e© Zv‡ì `LjK… Z cÖ wZôv‡K myiwÿZ Ki‡Z ‡P‡q‡Q mgvR‡K ekxf~ ZKi‡Yi gva¨‡g| Zv‡ì wb‡R‡ì‡K AvZ¥mvrKi‡Yi c~ e© Zb c×wZ, Ges Z`vby hvqx AvZ¥mvrKi‡Yi Ab¨vb¨ cÖ wZwU c~ e© Zb c×wZi we‡jvc mvab Kiv e¨ZxZ mgv‡Ri Drcv `bkxj kw³i gvóvi n‡Z cv‡i bvcÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ| wbwðwZ I my iÿv mva‡b Zv‡ì wbR¯^ wKQz bvB; Zv‡ì wgkb n‡”Q e¨w³MZ m¤úwËi c~ e© Zb mKj wbivcËv Ges iÿvKe‡Pi aŸsm mvab Kiv|

All previous historical movements were movements of minorities,

or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the

self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in

the interest of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest

stratum of our present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up,

without the whole superincumbent strata of official society being

sprung into the air.

c~ e© Zb mKj HwZnvwmK Av‡‘`vjb wQj msL¨v‡íi Av‡‘`vjb, A_ev, msL¨v‡íi ¯ v‡_©| cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi Av‡‘`vjb n‡”Q ¯^- ‡PZb, wecy j msL¨vMwi‡ôi ¯ v‡_©,wecy j msL¨vMwi‡ôi ¯^ vaxb Av‡‘`vjb| cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ n‡”Q



32

Avgv‡ì eZ© gvb mgv‡Ri me© wb¤’ ¯Í i, Awdwmqvj mgv‡Ri Dc‡ii c`vwaKvixcy ‡iv ¯Í i‡K AeÁvq evZv‡m Quy ‡o †djv Qvov Pj‡Z cv‡i bv, wb‡R‡ì‡K Dc‡i DVv‡Z cv‡i bv|

Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat

with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat

of each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its

own bourgeoisie.

cÖ_‡g ey‡R© vqv‡ì mwnZ cÖ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi msMÖ vgUv GKUv RvZxq msMÖ g hwÌ mvie ¯‧ z ‡Z bq, ZLb ch© ‗Í AvKv‡i| cÖ ‡Z¨K †`‡ki cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ Aek¨B me©v‡MÖ wnmve wgUvq Zvi wbR ey ‡R© vqvi mv‡_|

In depicting the most general phases of the development of theproletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging

within existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out

into open revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the

bourgeoisie lays the foundation for the sway of the proletariat.

cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi weKv‡ki AwZ mvaviY Ae¯ v eY© bv Ki‡Z wM‡q Avgiv mÜvb

†c‡qwQ we`¨gvb mgv‡Ri g‡a¨ Kg - ‡ek cÖ ”Qb’ M„ nhy ×, GKUv Ae¯ vq G‡m ‡mB hy × cÖKvk¨ wecø ‡e cwiYZ nq, Ges ‡mB Ae¯vq wnsmvZ¥Kfv‡e ey‡R© vqv‡ì D‡”Q` cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi wbq‗¿Y ÿgZv i wfwË ¯ vcb K‡i |

Hitherto, every form of society has been based, as we have already

seen, on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes. But

in order to oppress a class, certain conditions must be assured to it

under which it can, at least, continue its slavish existence. The serf,

in the period of serfdom, raised himself to membership in thecommune, just as the petty bourgeois, under the yoke of the feudal

absolutism, managed to develop into a bourgeois. The modern

laborer, on the contrary, instead of rising with the process of

industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence

of his own class. He becomes a pauper, and pauperism develops

more rapidly than population and wealth. And here it becomes

evident that the bourgeoisie is unfit any longer to be the rulingclass in society, and to impose its conditions of existence upon

society as an overriding law. It is unfit to rule because it is

incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery,



33

because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state, that it has

to feed him, instead of being fed by him. Society can no longer live

under this bourgeoisie, in other words, its existence is no longer

compatible with society.

Avgiv †hgb B Ztc~ ‡e© †`‡LwQ AvR ch© ‗Í me ai‡Yi mgvR wbcxoK I wbcxoZ †kÖYxmg~ ‡ni •eixZvi Dci wfwËkxj| wK‗‧ GKUv †kÖYx‡K wbcxob Ki‡Z n‡j wb‡`bc‡ÿ Zvi `v‡mvwPZ Aw Í Z¡ iÿv Kivi wbwðZ Ae vejx my wbwðZ Ki‡Z nq|†cwU© ey ‡R© vqv †hgb mvg‗Í •¯ iZ‡‗¿ i †Rvqv‡ji bx‡P †_‡K wb‡RK ey‡R© vqv wnmv‡e weKwkZ Ki‡Z †c‡iwQj, wVK †Zgb f~ wg `vm‡Z¡ i hy ‡M f~wg `vm wb‡R‡K KwgDb m`m¨c‡` Zz ‡jwQj| wecixZ w`‡K, wk‡íi cÖ wµqvq Avay wbK kÖ wgK Dc‡i DVvi cwie‡Z© Zvi wbR †kÖYx Aw Í ‡Z¡i Ae vi bxPZi n‡Z bxPZ‡i wbcwZZ nq| †m wbt ¯

nq, Ges Rb msL¨v I m¤ú‡ì Zz jbvq `ª æZZifv‡e evo‡Z _v‡K wbt¯ Zv| Ges GLv‡b GUv ¯úó nq †h, mgv‡Ri kvmK †kÖYx wnmv‡e Av‡iv _vK‡Z ey ‡R© vqviv Aby chy ³ , Ges Zvi Aw Í ‡Z¡ i kZ©vejx mgv‡Ri Dci Av‡ivcb †hb G KUv c``j ‡bi AvBb| Giv kvm‡b Aby chy ³ KviY, `vm‡Z¡ i g‡a¨ `vm‡ì Aw Í Z¡ wbwðZ Ki‡Z Giv A‡hvM¨, KviY Zvi Øviv LvIqv‡bvi cwie‡Z© Zv‡K LvIqv‡bvi g‡Zv GKUv Ae vq Zv‡K wbcwZZKi‡Yi g‡Zv Ae vq Giv wbR‡K wb‡q †h‡Z mvnvh¨ Ki‡Z cv‡i bv| mgvR ‡Kv‡bvfv‡eB ey ‡R© vqv‡ì Aax‡b eu vP‡Z cv‡i bv, Ab¨ K_vq G‡ì Aw Í Z¡ Avi †Kv‡bvg‡ZB mgv‡Ri mv‡_ my msMZ bq|

The essential conditions for the existence and for the sway of the bourgeois classis the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital is wage

labor. Wage labor rests exclusively on competition between the laborers. Theadvance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces theisolation of the laborers, due to competition, by the revolutionary combination,

due to association. The development of Modern Industry, therefore, cuts fromunder its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces andappropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore produces, above all, are

its own grave-diggers. Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equallyinevitable.

eæ ‡R© vqv †kÖYxi Aw Í Z¡ Ges w bq‗¿‡Yi Rb¨ Avek¨Kxq kZ©vejx n‡”Q cu y wRi MVb I ea© b;cu y wRi Rb¨ kZ© wU n‡”Q gRy wi kÖ g| kÖ wgK‡ì g‡a¨Kvi cÖ wZ‡h vwMZvi Dci gRy wi kÖ g GKv‗Í fv‡e cÖ wZwôZ| mwgwZi †nZz ev‡`, cÖ wZ‡hvwMZv cÖm~Z kÖ wgK‡ì wew”Qb’ Zv- wecø ex mw¤§jb Øviv cÖ wZ vcb K‡i wk‡íi AMÖMwZ, hvi Awb”Qz K cÖ ‡gvUvi n‡”Q ey ‡R© vqviv| myZivs, AvaywbK wk‡íi weKvk ey ‡R© vqv‡ì cv‡qi Zjv †_‡K †K‡o

wb‡q‡Q †mB wfwËwU hvi Dci ù vwo‡q ey ‡R© vqv †kÖYx- †cÖ vWv±¸‡jv Drcv`b I AvZ¥mvr K‡i | AZ:ci, ey ‡R© vqviv hv Drc v`b K‡i, m‡e© vcwi Zv n‡”Q Zvi wbR Kei LbbKvix‡ì| G‡ì cZb I cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi weRq mgvbfv‡e Awbevh©|



34

FOOTNOTES

cv`wUKv

[1] By bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern capitalists, owners of the

means of social production and employers of wage labor.

By proletariat, the class of modern wage laborers who, having no means

of production of their own, are reduced to selling their labor power in

order to live. [Note by Engels - 1888 English edition]

(1) ey ‡R© vqv A_© Øviv ey Svq Avay wbK cu y wRIqvjv †kÖYx, mvgvwRK Drcv`b Dcvqmg~ ‡ni gvwjK Ges gRy wi kÖ ‡gi wb‡qvMKvix|

cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ Øviv Avay wbK kÖwgK †kÖYx, hvi wb‡Ri †Kv‡bv Drcv`b Dcvq bvB, †eu ‡P _vKvi Rb¨ Zv‡ì kÖ g kw³ wewµ K‡i ÿq K‡i|( G¨vs‡Mj‡mi †bvU -1888 mv‡ji Bs‡iRx ms¯‥iY)

[2] That is, all _written_ history. In 1847, the pre-history of society, the

social organization existing previous to recorded history, all but

unknown. Since then, August von Haxthausen (1792-1866) discovered

common ownership of land in Russia, Georg Ludwig von Maurer provedit to be the social foundation from which all Teutonic races started in

history, and, by and by, village communities were found to be, or to have

been, the primitive form of society everywhere from India to Ireland.The inner organization of this primitive communistic society was laid

bare, in its typical form, by Lewis Henry Morgan's (1818-1861)

crowning discovery of the true nature of the gens and its relation to the

tribe. With the dissolution of the primeaval communities, society beginsto be differentiated into separate and finally antagonistic classes. I have

attempted to retrace this dissolution in _Der Ursprung der

Familie, des Privateigenthumus und des Staats_, second edition,

Stuttgart, 1886. [Engels, 1888 English edition]

(2) A_© vr mKj wjwLZ BwZnvm| 1847 mv‡j, mgv‡Ri cÖ vK BwZnvm, wjwLZ BwZnv‡mi c~ e© Zb we`¨gvb mgvR msMVb, G meB wQj AÁvZ| Zvici n‡Z August

von Haxthausen (1792-1866) ivwkqvq f ~ wgi mvaviY gvwjKvbv Avwe¯‥vi K‡ib,Georg Ludwig von Maurer cÖ gvY K‡ib, GwU n‡Z cv‡i mgv‡Ri wfwË †hLvb

n‡Z mKj wUDUwbK Rb‡Mvôx BwZnv‡m hvÎv ïiæ K‡iwQj, Ges cieZx©Kv‡j Mª vgxY Rb‡Mvôx †`Lv w`‡Z cv‡i, A_ev Avw`g Rb‡MvôxZvw‗¿ K ai‡bi mgvR _vK‡Z cv‡i me© Î, BwÛqv n‡Z Avqvij¨vÛ ch© ‗Í| Lewis Henry Morgan's (1818-1861) Gi kxl© Avwe¯‥vi - DcRvwZi mwnZ es ‡ki m¤ú‡K© i cÖ K…Z cÖ K… wZ, Avw`g Rb‡MvôxZvw‗¿ K

http://c/Users/DAFFODIL/Downloads/manifesto.html%23ret_c1r1








35

mgv‡Ri Af¨‗Í ixY msMVb, Zvi wewkó aiY D‡b¥vwPZ K‡iwQj| mb vZb gvbe‡Mvôx¸wji Aemv‡b mgvR cv_© K¨K… Z n‡Z ïiæ K‡i c„_K Ges P~ ov‗Í fv‡e •eixZvc~ Y© †kÖYxmg~ ‡n cwiYZ nj|( we:`ª:- `y ‡e© va¨Zv RwbZ Kvi‡Y evKx As‡ki Aby ev` Kiv nj bv- Aby ev`K| )

[3] Guild-master, that is, a full member of a guild, a master within,

not a head of a guild. [Engels: 1888 English edition]

(3) wMì-gvóvi, A_© vr GKRb gvóvi GKwU wM‡ìi cÖavb bq, wM‡ìi g‡a¨ GKRb c~ Y© m`m¨|

[4] This was the name given their urban communities by the

townsmen of Italy and France, after they had purchased or

conquered their initial rights of self-government from their feudallords. [Engels: 1890 German edition]

"Commune" was the name taken in France by the nascent towns

even before they had conquered from their feudal lords and

masters local self-government and political rights as the "Third

Estate". Generally speaking, for the economical development of

the bourgeoisie, England is here taken as the typical country, for itspolitical development, France. [Engels: 1888 English edition]

(4) Zviv ¯^- kvwmZ miKv‡ii cÖ viw¤¢K AwaKvi Zv‡ì mvg‗Í cÖ fz‡ì wbKU

n‡Z µq ev weRq jv f Kivi ci BZ vjx I d« ‡Ýi kû‡i gvby ‡liv Zv‡ì GB

bMiRb‡Mvôxi GB bvgwU w`‡q‡Q|[ G¨vs‡Mjm: 1890 mv‡ji ms¯‥iY]

GgbwK ¯ vbxq ¯^- kvwmZ miKvi I ivR‣bwZK AwaKvi wnmv‡e "Third

Estate" jvf Kivi c~‡e© "Commune" bvgwU d« v‡Ý D`xqgvb kni¸jv KZ… © K †bIqv n‡qwQj| mvaviYfv‡e ejv hvq, d« vÝ, Zvi ivR‣bwZK weKv‡ki

Rb¨, BsjÛ Zvi A_© ‣bwZK weKv‡ki Rb¨ GKwU wewkó †`k wnmv‡e GLv‡b

†bIqv n‡q‡Q| [ G¨vs‡Mjm: 1888 Bs‡iRx ms¯‥iY]









36

II -- PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS

2- cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ I KwgDwb÷ In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a

whole? The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to

the other working-class parties.

mgMÖ fv‡e cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi cÖ wZ ‡Kvb ai‡Yi m¤ú‡K©i c‡ÿ ù vovq KwgDwb÷iv? kÖ wgK †kÖYxi Ab¨vb¨ cvwU© ¸wji wecix‡Z KwgDwb÷iv c„_K cvwU© MVb K‡i bv|

They have no interests separate and apart from those of the

proletariat as a whole.

mgMÖ fv‡e cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi hv ¯^ v_© Zv Qvov ev c„_K †Kv‡bv ¯^v_© Zv‡ì bvB|

They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which

to shape and mold the proletarian movement.

cÖ ‡jZvwiI Av‡‘` vjb myweb¨¯Í KiY I M‡o Zz j‡Z Zv‡ì wbR¯^ Ggb †Kv‡bv msKxY© bxwZ¸”Q Zviv cÖ wZôv K‡i bv|

The Communists are distinguished from the other working-class

parties by this only:

kÖwgK †kÖYxi Ab¨vb¨ cvwU© ¸‡jv n‡Z KwgDwb÷iv wewkó nq †KejgvÎ GB Øviv:

(1)In the national struggles of the proletarians of the different

countries, they point out and bring to the front the common

interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality.(1) wewfb’ †`‡ki cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi RvZxq msMÖ v g mg~ ‡n cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi mgMÖ mvaviY ¯ v_© Uv‡K Zviv †`Lvq I mvg‡b wb‡q Av‡m, ¯ vaxbfv‡e mKj RvZxqZvi|

(2) In the various stages of development which the struggle of the

working class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they

always and everywhere represent the interests of the movement asa whole.

e y ‡R© vqv‡ì weiæ‡× kÖwgK †kÖYxi msMÖvg, hv weKv‡ki wewfb’ ch©vq AwZµg K‡i, Zv‡Z Zviv me© `v I me©Î mgMÖ fv‡e Av‡‘`vj‡bi ¯^ v_© ‡K cÖ wZwbwaZ¡ K‡i|



37

The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand practically, the

most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of

every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the

other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the

proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the lines of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the

proletarian movement.

my Zivs, KwgDwb÷iv GKw`‡K eënvwiKfv‡e cÖ ‡Z¨K †`‡ki kÖ wgK †kÖYxi cvwU©i AZ¨‗Í cÖ vMÖ mi I `„ pmsKí †mKkb, †h ‡ mKkbwU Ab¨vb¨ mevB‡K mvg‡b †V‡j †bq; Ab¨w`‡K ZvwË¡ Kfv‡e, cÖ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi Av‡‘`vj‡bi GwM‡q Pjvi c_, Ae¯ vejx, Ges P~ ov‗Í mvaviY djvdj - cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi wekvj As‡ki †P‡q

cwi ®‥vifv‡e e y Svi my weav|

The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all

other proletarian parties: Formation of the proletariat into a class,

overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power

by the proletariat.

cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi Acivci mKj cvwU© i g‡Zv KwgDwb÷‡ì GKB Avï jÿ¨:

cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ‡K GKwU †kÖYx wnmv‡e MVb, ey ‡R© vqv Avwac‡Zï D‡”Q`,cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ KZ© „K ivR‣bwZK ÿgZv weRq|

The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way

based on ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered,

by this or that would-be universal reformer.

KwgDwb÷‡ì ZvwË¡K wm×v‗Í †Kv‡bv fv‡eB Ggb †Kvb msKíbv ev bxwZ

wfwË K bq, ‡hwU ev GwU n‡e wek¦ ms¯‥viK KZ© „K Avwe¯‥… Z I D―NvwUZ|They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing

from an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going

on under our very eyes. The abolition of existing property relations

is not at all a distinctive feature of communism.

Avgv‡ì †Pv‡Li mvg‡b Pjgvb HwZnvwmK Av‡‘`vjb , we`¨gvb †kÖYx msMÖ vg

†_‡K DwÌZ cÖ K… Z m¤úK© vw` n‡Z mvaviY m~ ‡Î Zv‡ì wbQK cÖ Kvk| we`¨gvb m¤úwË m¤ú‡K© i we‡jvcmvab ‡gv‡UB KwgDwbR‡gi GKUv ¯ vZ‗¿¨m~ PK •ewkó¨ bq|



38

All property relations in the past have continually been subject to

historical change consequent upon the change in historical

conditions.

HwZnvwmK Ae¯ vi cwieZ© ‡bi cwiYwZ ¯ iƒ c AZx‡Z mKj m¤úwË m¤ú‡K© i Aweivgfv‡e HwZnv wm K cwieZ© b n‡q‡Q|

The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favor

of bourgeois property.

D`vniY ¯ iƒ c , divmx wecø e, ey‡R© vqv m¤úwËi Aby Kz ‡j mvg‗Í m¤úwËi we‡jvcmvab K‡iwQj|

The distinguishing feature of communism is not the abolition of propertygenerally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But modern bourgeois

private property is the final and most complete expression of the system

of producing and appropriating products that is based on class

antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by the few.

mvaviYfv‡e m¤úwËi we‡jvc mvab bq,eis ey ‡R©vqv m¤úwËi we‡jvcmvab KwgDwbR‡gi cv_©K¨KiwYK •ewkó¨ | wK‗‧, Avay wbK ey ‡R© vqv e¨w³MZ m¤úwË n‡”Q - cÖ Wv± Dr cb’ KiY I AvZ¥mvrKi‡Yi GKwU P~ ov‗Í I LyeB cwic~ Y© c×wZi cÖ Kvk hv ù vwo‡q Av‡Q †kÖYx •eixZvi Dci, mvgvb¨ wKQz msL¨K KZ© „K eû Rb‡K †kvlY Kivi Dci|

In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in

the single sentence: Abolition of private property.

GB A‡_©, KwgDwb÷‡ì ZË¡ mvims‡ÿwcZ n‡Z cv‡i GKwU ev‡K¨: e¨w³gvwjKvbvi we‡jvc mvab|

We Communists have been reproached with the desire of

abolishing the right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of

a man's own labor, which property is alleged to be the groundwork

of all personal freedom, activity and independence.

gvby ‡li wbR¯^ kÖ ‡gi dj wnmv‡e m¤úwË, †h m¤úwË mKj e¨w³MZ gy w³, Kg© ZrciZv, I ¯^vaxbZvi Kg© f~ wg n‡Z cv‡i e‡j hy w³ †`Lv‡bv nq Zv

e¨w³MZfv‡e AR© ‡bi AwaKvi we‡jvc‡bi B”Qv †cvl‡Yi `v‡q Avgiv KwgDwb÷iv wbw‘`Z n‡q AvmwQ |



39

Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mean the

property of petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of

property that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to

abolish that; the development of industry has to a great extent

already destroyed it, and is still destroying it daily.

Kó-jä, ¯ vwR© Z, ‡¯^ vcvw R© Z m¤úwË! Avcwb wK e y Sv‡Z Pv‡”Qb ÿz ‡` KvwiMi Ges †QvU K… l‡Ki m¤úwË, hv ey‡R© vqv ai‡Yi c~e© eZx© ‡Z GK ai‡Yi m¤úwË wQj ? HwU we‡jv‡ci †Kv‡bv cÖ ‡qvRb bvB; wk‡íi weKvk BZtc~‡e© Gi weivU Ask ‡K aŸsm K‡i‡Q, GL‡bv wbZ¨B Bnv aŸsm Ki‡Q |

Or do you mean the modern bourgeois private property?

A_ev, Avcwb wK ey Sv‡”Qb Avay wbK ey ‡R© vqv e¨w³MZ m¤úwË ?

But does wage labor create any property for the laborer? Not a bit.

It creates capital, i.e., that kind of property which exploits wage

labor, and which cannot increase except upon conditions of

begetting a new supply of wage labor for fresh exploitation.

Property, in its present form, is based on the antagonism of capital

and wage labor. Let us examine both sides of this antagonism. wK‗‧, gRy wi kÖg wK kÖ wg‡Ki Rb¨ †Kv‡bv m¤úwË m„ wó K‡i? GKUz I bv| Bnv cu y wR m„ wó K‡i, A_© vr H ai‡Yi m¤úwË hv gRy wi kÖ g †kvlY K‡i, Ges UvUKv†kvl‡Yi Rb¨ gRy wi kÖ ‡gi bZzb mieivn Rb¥v‡bvi g‡Zv Ae¯ v Qvov H ai‡Yi m¤úwË evo‡Z cv‡i bv| m¤úwË, Bnvi eZ©gvb aiY - cu y wR I gRywi kÖ ‡gi we‡ivaxZvi Dci cÖwZwôZ | Avgv‡ì‡K GB ‣eixZvi Dfq w`K cixÿv Ki‡Z w`b|

To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a social

STATUS in production. Capital is a collective product, and only

by the united action of many members, nay, in the last resort, onlyby the united action of all members of society, can it be set in motion.

GKRb cu y wRcwZ n‡Z, †KejgvÎ wbLu y Z e¨w³MZ bq, eis Drcv`‡b GKUv mvgvwRK Ae¯ vb _vK‡Z nq| cu ywR GKwU †h․_ cÖ Wv±, Ges †KejgvÎ eû‡jv‡Ki hy ³ wµqv, ïay ZvB bq, †kl ch© ‗Í mgv‡Ri mKj m`‡mï hy ³ wµqv, GUv‡K

MwZkxj ivL‡Z cv‡i|Capital is therefore not only personal; it is a social power.

my Zivs, cu y wR †KejgvÎ e¨w³MZ bq; Bnv GKwU mvgvwRK ÿgZv|



40

When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into

the property of all members of society, personal property is not

thereby transformed into social property. It is only the socialcharacter of the property that is changed. It loses its class character.

AZGe, hLb cu y wR mvaviY m¤úwË‡Z cwiewZ© Z nq, mgv‡Ri mKj m`‡mï m¤úwË‡Z, Z`vby hvqx e¨w³MZ m¤úwË mvgvwRK m¤úwË‡Z iƒcv‗Í wiZ nq bv| Bnv†KejgvÎ m¤úwËi mvgvwRK PwiÎ, hv cwiewZ© Z nq| Bnv Zvi †kÖYx PwiÎ nvivq|

Let us now take wage labor.

GLb Avgv‡ì‡K gRy wi kÖ g ‡`L‡Z w`b|

The average price of wage labor is the minimum wage, i.e., that

quantum of the means of subsistence which is absolutely requisite

to keep the laborer in bare existence as a laborer. What, therefore,

the wage laborer appropriates by means of his labor merely

suffices to prolong and reproduce a bare existence. We by no

means intend to abolish this personal appropriation of the products

of labor, an appropriation that is made for the maintenance and

reproduction of human life, and that leaves no surplus wherewith

to command the labor of others. All that we want to do away with

is the miserable character of this appropriation, under which the

laborer lives merely to increase capital, and is allowed to live only

in so far as the interest of the ruling class requires it.

gRy wi kÖ ‡gi Mo `vg n‡”Q wb¤’ Zg gR ywi, A_©vr kÖ wgK‡K GKRb kÖwgK wnmv‡e Aw¯Í Z¡ en‡b envj ivL‡Z †h cwigvY Rxebavi‡Yi Dcvq cÖ ‡qvRb

wb:m‡‘`‡n †mB cwigvY| my Zivs, gRy wi kÖ wgK Zvi kÖ g Dcv‡qi gva¨‡g hv cvq Zv wbQK Zvi Aw¯Í Z¡ enb I cy biæ rcv`‡bi Rb¨ h‡_ó| kÖ ‡gi Drcb’ e¨w³MZ `Ljxq , hv •Zix n‡q‡Q fiY - ‡cvlY I gvbeRxeb cy biærcv`‡bi Rb¨ Ges Ac‡ii kÖ ‡gi Dci KZ© „ Z¡ Kiv hvq Ggb †Kv‡bv DØ„Ë hv †_‡K nq bv, Zv†Kv‡bvfv‡eB we‡jv‡ci †Kv‡bv B”Qv Avgv‡ì bvB| Avgiv hv `~ i Ki‡Z PvB - Zv GB AvZ¥mvrKi‡Yi ‡kvPbxq Pwi‡Îi , hv‡Z kÖ wgKiv euv‡P ïay B cu y wR e„ w× Ki‡Z,Ges Z‡ZvÿY †eu ‡P _vK‡Z †Ìqv nq, h‡ZvÿY †m kvmK †kÖYxi ¯ v‡_© Avek¨K|

In bourgeois society, living labor is but a means to increaseaccumulated labor. In communist society, accumulated labor is buta means to widen, to enrich, to promote the existence of the laborer.



41

e y ‡R© vqv mgv‡R, Rxe‗Í kÖ g - cy wÄf~ ZK… Z kÖ g cÖ mv‡ii GKUv DcvqgvÎ| KwgDwb÷ mgv‡R, cy Äxf~ ZK… Z kÖ g - kÖ gRxexi Aw¯Í Z¡ msewa© ZKi‡Y, mg„ w×mva‡b, cÖ k¯ÍKi‡Y GKwU Dcvq gvÎ|

In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present; in

communist society, the present dominates the past. In bourgeois

society, capital is independent and has individuality, while the

living person is dependent and has no individuality.

my Zivs, ey ‡R©vqv mgv‡R, eZ©gv‡bi Dci AvwacZ¨ K‡i AZxZ; KwgDw b÷ mgv‡R, AZx‡Zi Dci AvwacZ¨ K‡i eZ© gvb| ey‡R© vqv mgv‡R, cu y wR nj ¯ vaxb Ges ¯ Z‗¿ mËv Av‡Q, †hLv‡b Rxe‗Í e¨w³ nj wbf© ikxj Ges ¯ Z‗¿ Aw ÍZ¡ bvB|

And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeois,abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly so. The

abolition of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois independence, and

bourgeois freedom is undoubtedly aimed at.

Ges GB Ae¯vi we‡jvcmvab‡K ey ‡R©vqviv e‡j e¨w³¯ Z‗¿ ¨Zv I ¯^ vaxbZvi we‡jvcmvab! Ges wVK ZvB| ey ‡R© vqv e¨w³ ¯ Z‗¿ ¨ Zv, ey ‡R© vqv ¯^ vwaKvi Ges ey ‡R© vqv ¯^ vaxbZvi we‡jvcmvabB jÿ¨|

By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions of

production, free trade, free selling and buying.

Drcv`‡bi eZ© gvb ey ‡R© vqv Ae vq ¯ vaxbZvi A_© nj - gy ³ eëmv, gy ³ ‡ePv- ‡Kbv|

But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying

disappears also. This talk about free selling and buying, and all the

other "brave words" of our bourgeois about freedom in general,have a meaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted selling and

buying, with the fettered traders of the Middle Ages, but have no

meaning when opposed to the communist abolition of buying and

selling, or the bourgeois conditions of production, and of the

bourgeoisie itself.

wK‗‧ hw` †ePv Ges †Kbv A` „ k¨ nq, Z‡e gy ³ †ePv-†Kbv A`„ k¨ nq| gy ³ †ePv -

†Kbv welqK Ges mvaviYfv‡e ¯ vaxbZv m¤ú‡K© Avgv‡ì ey‡R© vqv‡ì Ab¨vb¨ mKj Ò mvnmx K_v Ó welqK GB K_v hw` †Kv‡bv A_© enb K‡i - Zv GKgvÎ evav- wb‡la Av‡ivwcZ †ePv- ‡Kbvi mv‡_, ga¨hy ‡Mi evavMÖ ¯Í eëmvqx‡ì mv‡_ cÖ wZ Zz jbvq , wK‗‧, †ePv- ‡Kbv, A_ev, Drcv`‡bi ey‡R© vqv eë¯ v ejx



42

Ges †Lv` ey‡R© vqv‡ì KwgDwb÷ we‡jvcmva‡bi wec i x‡Z hLb ejv nq ZLb †Kvb A_© enb K‡i bv |

You are horrified at our intending to do away with private

property. But in your existing society, private property is already

done away with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for

the few is solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those

nine-tenths. You reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away

with a form of property, the necessary condition for whose

existence is the non-existence of any property for the immense

majority of society.

e ¨w³gvwjKvbv `~ ixKi‡Y Avgv‡ì AwfcÖ v‡q Avcbviv AvZswKZ nb| wK‗‧, Avcbv‡ì we`¨gvb mgv‡R, RbmsL¨vi `kfv‡Mi bq fvM BZtc~ ‡e© e¨w³gvwjKvbv n‡Z `~ ixf~ Z n‡q‡Q; H `kfv‡Mi bq fv‡Mi wbKU Bnvi Aw¯Í Í Z¡ bvB e‡jB †Kej ¸wUK‡q‡Ki wbKU Zvi Aw¯Í Z¡ Av‡Q| my Zivs, AvcbvivMvjvMvwj K‡ib †h Avgiv m¤úwËi Ggb GK aiY Zz ‡j w`‡Z PvB , hvi Aw¯Í ‡Z¡ i Avek¨Kxq kZ© n‡”Q mgv‡Ri wekvj Mwió As‡ki Rb¨ †Kv‡bv m¤úwËi Aw¯Í Z¦ nxbZv|

In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with yourproperty. Precisely so; that is just what we intend.

GK K_vq, Avcbv‡ì m¤úwË wejxb Ki‡Z PvB e‡j Avcbviv Avgv‡ì‡K MvjvMvj K‡ib| h_vh_fv‡e ZvB; Avgiv wVK ZvB PvB|

From the moment when labor can no longer be converted into capital,

money, or rent, into a social power capable of being monopolized, i.e.,

from the moment when individual property can no longer be transformedinto bourgeois property, into capital, from that moment, you say,

individuality vanishes.

‡h g y n~ Z© †_‡K kÖ g †Kv‡bvg‡ZB Avi cu y wR, A_© ev LvRbvq cwiewZ© Z bv n‡q GK‡PwUqvKi‡Y mÿg mvgvwRK ÿgZvq cwiYZ n‡Z A_© vr ‡h g y n~ Z© †_‡K e¨w³K m¤úwË Avi †Kv‡bvfv‡eB ey ‡R© vqv m¤úwË‡Z, cu y wR‡Z iƒ cv‗Í wiZ nq bv †mB gn~ Z© n‡Z Avcbviv e‡jb, e¨w³Zv Acm„ Z nj|

You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean no otherperson than the bourgeois, than the middle-class owner of property. This

person must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and made impossible.



43

AZ:ci, Aek¨B Avcbviv ¯ xKvi K‡ib †h, Ó e¨w³KÓ Øviv Avcbviv m¤úwËi gvwjK ga¨ †kÖYx Qvov, ey ‡R©vqv Qvov Ab¨ †Kv‡bv e¨w³ ey Svb bv| e ‧ Z, GB e¨w³ •Zix Am¤¢ e Ges Aek¨B ‡Su wU‡q we`vq Ki‡Z n‡e |

Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of

society; all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate thelabor of others by means of such appropriations.

mgv‡Ri Drcb’ †fvM - `L‡ji ÿgZv †_‡K †Kv‡bv gvby l‡K KwgDwbRg ewÂZ K‡i bv; Aby ic `L‡ji gva¨‡g A‡bï kÖ g Aaxb Í Kivi ÿgZv n‡Z Zv‡K me© ‡Zvfv‡e Bnv ewÂZ K‡i |

It has been objected that upon the abolition of private property, all work

will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us.

AvcwË Kiv nq †h, e¨w³MZ m¤úwË we‡jvc n‡j mKj KvR ÿv‗Í n‡e, me© Rbxb Avjm¨ Avgv‡ì‡K MÖ vm Ki‡e|

According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone to thedogs through sheer idleness; for those who acquire anything, do not

work. The whole of this objection is but another expression of the

tautology: There can no longer be any wage labor when there is no

longer any capital. Z`vby mv‡i wbQK Avjm¨ †nZz ey ‡R© vqv mgvR eûc~ ‡e© B †Mvjø vq hvIqv DwPr wQj; KviY hviv KvR K‡i bv Zv‡ì `L‡j A‡bK wKQz| mgMÖ AvcwËUvB wK‗Í GKB K_vi wewfb’ fv‡e ejvi AbïKg cÖ Kvk: hLb †Kvbfv‡eB Avi cu y wR bvB , ZLb †Kv‡bvfv‡eB †Kv‡bv gRywi kÖ g _vK‡Z cv‡i bv|

All objections urged against the communistic mode of producing and

appropriating material products, have, in the same way, been urged

against the communistic mode of producing and appropriatingintellectual products. Just as to the bourgeois, the disappearance of class

property is the disappearance of production itself, so the disappearance

of class culture is to him identical with the disappearance of all culture.

e ‧MZ mvgMÖ x Drc‡b’ I †fvM `L‡j KwgDwb÷ c×wZi weiæ ‡× ¸iæZ¡ v‡ivwcZ mKj AvcwËmg~ n GKB iKgfv‡e ey w×e„ wËK Drcb’ I †fvM `L‡ji KwgDwb÷ c×wZi weiæ ‡× DËvcb Kiv nq| wVK †hgb ey‡R© vqv‡ì wbKU †kÖYx m¤úwËi A‗Ía© vb ‡Lv` Drcv`‡bi

A‗Ía© vb , my Zivs †kÖYx ms¯‥… wZi A‗Ía© vbI Zvi wbKU ûey û Abyiƒ c mKj ms¯‥… wZi A‗Ía© vb |

That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormous majority,

a mere training to act as a machine.



44

‡h ms¯‥… wZ nvwi‡q †djvq †m wejvc K‡i, Zv wekvj msL¨vwa‡Kï Rb¨ GKUv †gwk‡bi g‡Zv wµqv Kivi wbQK cÖwkÿY|

But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our intended abolition

of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notions of

freedom, culture, law, etc. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth of theconditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property, just as

your jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a law for all, a

will whose essential character and direction are determined by the

economical conditions of existence of your class.

ey ‡R© vqv ¯ vaxbZv, ms¯‥… wZ, AvBb BZ¨vw` ey ‡R© vqv aviYvi gvb` Û ey ‡R© vqv m¤úwË we‡jv‡c Avgv‡ì AwfcÖ v‡qi mwnZ h‡ZvÿY cÖ ‡qvM Ki‡eb Z‡ZvÿY Avgv‡ì mwnZ

Kjn Ki‡eb bv| Avcbv‡ì wewkó aviYv¸‡jv Avcbv‡ì ey ‡R© vqv Drcv`b I ey ‡R©vqv m¤úwËi A e vwì ¯ vfvweK dj, wVK †hgb , Avcbv‡ì AvBbkv ¿ Avcbv‡ì †kÖYxi B”Qv hvi cÖ ‡qvRbxq cÖ K… wZ I w`Kwb‡`© kbv wbiƒ wcZ nq Avcbv‡ì †kÖYxi Aw Í ‡Z¡ i A_©‣bwZK Ae vi Øviv,‡mB B”QvUv‡K mK‡ji Rb¨ AvB‡b cwiYZ K‡i |

The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternal laws

of nature and of reason the social forms stringing from your present

mode of production and form of property -- historical relations that rise

and disappear in the progress of production -- this misconception youshare with every ruling class that has preceded you. What you see clearly

in the case of ancient property, what you admit in the case of feudalproperty, you are of course forbidden to admit in the case of your own

bourgeois form of property.

Avcbv‡ì eZ© gvb Drcv`b c×wZ I m¤úwËi a iY n‡Z Db¥y Lxb mvgvwRK aiY Gi KviY - HwZnvwmK m¤úK© hv DwÌZ I A`„ k¨ nq Drcv`‡bi cÖ vMÖmiZvq, Zv‡K ¯ v_©ci weåvw‗Í ZvwoZ n‡q Avcbviv Avcbv‡` i c~ ‡e© Kvi cÖ ‡Z¨K kvmK †kÖYxi weåvw‗Íi kixK

n‡q iƒcv‗Í wiZ Ki‡Qb cÖ K… wZi wPi‗Í i weav‡b| cÖ vPxb m¤úwËi †ÿ‡Î cwi®‥vifv‡ e Avcbviv †`‡Lb, mvg‗Í m¤úwËi †ÿ‡Î hv Avcbvi v Keyj K ‡ib, Avcbv‡ì wbR¯ ey ‡R© vqv ai‡Yi m¤úwËi †ÿ‡Î Zv Keyj Ki‡Z Aek¨B Avcbviv evwiZ|

Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this infamous

proposal of the Communists.

cwiev‡ii wejy wß ! G gb wK fqvbK i¨vwWK¨v jiv ch© ‗Í KwgDwb÷‡ì GB RNb¨ cÖ Í v‡e

`vD `vD K‡i R¡ ‡j D‡V|On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family, based?

On capital, on private gain. In its completely developed form, this family

exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this state of things finds its



45

complement in the practical absence of the family among proletarians,

and in public prostitution.

eZ© gvb cwievi, ey ‡R© vqv cwievi ‡Kvb wfwË‡Z vwcZ ? cuy wRi Dci, e¨w³MZ cÖ vwßi Dci| GKgvÎ ey ‡R© vqv‡ì g‡a¨ we`¨gvb cwievi n‡”Q Bnvi m¤ú~ Y © Z weKwkZ aiY|

wK‗‧ me© Rbxb †ek¨ve„ wË Ges cÖ ‡jZvwiqvb‡ì cwiev‡ii gv‡S GB e¨vcvi¸‡jvi Ae v Bnvi c~ iK ‡`‡L Kvh© Z Abycw Z |

The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its

complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of capital.

ey ‡R© vqv cwievi A‗Í wn© Z n‡e hLb e ‧ Z Bnvi c~ iK A‗Í wn© Z n‡e, Ges cy u wRi A‗Ía© v‡bi mwnZ DfqB A‗Í wn© Z n‡e|

Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children bytheir parents? To this crime we plead guilty.

wcZv- gvZv KZ© „ K m‗Í v‡bi †kvlY Avgiv eÜ Ki‡Z PvB e‡j Avcbviv Avgv‡ì‡K Awfhy ³ Ki‡Qb? ¯ xKv i KiwQ GB Aciv‡a Avgiv †`vlx|

But, you say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations, when we

replace home education by social.

wK‗‧ Avcbviv ej‡Z Pvb, Avgiv hLb cvwievwiK wkÿv‡K mgvR Øviv cÖ wZ vcb Kwi, ZLb Avgiv Ly eB c weÎ m¤úK© aŸsm Kwi|

And your education! Is not that also social, and determined by the social

conditions under which you educate, by the intervention direct orindirect, of society, by means of schools, etc.? The Communists have not

intended the intervention of society in education; they do but seek to alter

the character of that intervention, and to rescue education from theinfluence of the ruling class.

Ges Avcbv‡ì wkÿv ! ZvI bq mvgvwRK, Ges †h m v gvwRK Ae vi Aax‡b Avcwb wkwÿZ nb ZØviv , ¯‥zj BZ¨vwì gva¨‡g wkÿvq mgv‡Ri cÖ Z¨ÿ A_ev c‡ivÿ n Í ‡ÿc Øviv w wiK… Z ? wkÿvq mgv‡Ri n Í‡ÿ‡c KwgDwb÷‡ì AwfcÖ vq bvB; Zviv Pvq n Í‡ÿ‡ci cÖK… wZUv c wieZ©b Ki‡Z , Ges kvmK †kÖYxi cÖ fve n‡Z wkÿv‡K D×vi Ki‡Z|

The bourgeois claptrap about the family and education, about the

hallowed correlation of parents and child, becomes all the more

disgusting, the more, by the action of Modern Industry, all the family ties

among the proletarians are torn asunder, and their children transformedinto simple articles of commerce and instruments of labor.



46

Avay wbK wk‡íi wµq vkxjZvq h‡ZvB cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ‡ì ga¨Kvi cvwievwiK mKj eÜb wQu ‡o wewQb’ nq, Ges Zv‡ì m‗Í vb kÖ ‡gi nvwZqvi I evwY‡Rï mv`vgvUv e ‧ ‡Z iƒ cv‗Í wiZ nq, ZvB cwievi I wkÿv, wcZvgvZv I m‗Í v‡bi cweÎ m¤úK© wel‡q ey ‡R© vqv‡ì wbQK evnvev Kz ov‡bvi fvefswM Z‡ZvB fqvbK weiw³ ‡Z cwiYZ nq |

But you Communists would introduce community of women, screamsthe bourgeoisie in chorus.

ey ‡R© vqviv mg‡eZ¯ ‡i wPrKvi K‡i e‡j †Zvgiv KwgDwb÷iv wK‗Í bvix‡ì KwgDwbwU cÖ eZ© b Ki‡e|

The bourgeois sees his wife a mere instrument of production. He hears

that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common, and,

naturally, can come to no other conclusion that the lot of being common

to all will likewise fall to the women.

ey ‡R© vqviv Zv i ¿x‡K Drcv`‡bi wbQK GKUv nvwZqvi wnmv‡e †`‡L| ‡m ï‡b †h, Drcv`‡bi Dcvq¸wj me© mvavi‡Yi Rb¨ eëüZ n‡e, Ges, ¯vfveZB , wecy j welqvwì g‡ZvB mK‡ji mvaviY eënv‡i wbcwZZ n‡e bvix GgbUv Qvov Ab¨ †Kv‡bv wm×v‡‗Í Avm‡Z cv‡i bv|

He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away

with the status of women as mere instruments of production.GgbwK Zvi ÿxY m‡‘`n nq bv †h Bnvi jÿ¨ n‡”Q cÖ K… Z c‡ÿ bvix‡ì Drcv`‡bi wbQK nvwZqvi g‡Zv Ae vb `~ i Kiv|

For the rest, nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous indignation of

our bourgeois at the community of women which, they pretend, is to beopenly and officially established by the Communists. The Communists

have no need to introduce free love; it has existed almost from time

immemorial. evKx‡ì Rb¨ Avgv‡ì ey‡R© vqviv fvb K‡i †h KwgDwb÷iv cÖ Kv‡k¨ I Awdwmqvwj bvix‡ì KwgDwbwU cÖwZôv Ki‡e, Zv‡ì Ggb cweÎ †µv‡ai †P‡q nvm¨ Ki Avi wKQz bvB| wd« jvf cÖ Pjb Kivi †Kv‡bv cÖ ‡qvRbxqZv KwgDwb÷‡ì bvB, §iYvZxZKvj n‡Z Zv we`¨gvb|

Our bourgeois, not content with having wives and daughters of their

proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common prostitutes, take

the greatest pleasure in seducing each other's wives. (Ah, those were thedays!)



47

mvaviY †ek¨v‡ì K_v bv ej‡jI, Avgv‡ì ey ‡R© vqviv Zv‡ì eë vcbvi A‗ÍM© Z Zv‡ì cÖ ‡jZvwiq‡ì ¿ x I Kb¨v‡ì nv‡Z †c‡q cwiZ… ß bq, Zv‡ì me‡P‡q eo Avb‘` n‡”Q G‡K Ac‡ii ¿ x‡K msM‡g cÖ ‡ivwPZKi‡Y| ( Avn& †mme w`b¸wj wQj ! )

Bourgeois marriage is, in reality, a system of wives in common and thus,

at the most, what the Communists might possibly be reproached with isthat they desire to introduce, in substitution for a hypocritically

concealed, an openly legalized system of free love. For the rest, it is self-evident that the abolition of the present system of production must bring

with it the abolition of free love springing from that system, i.e., of

prostitution both public and private.

ey ‡R© vqv weevn nj e ‧ Z mvaviY ¯ v‡_© ¿ x ivLvi GKwU eë v Ges my Zivs Lye †ekx

n‡j KwgDwb÷iv wbw‘`Z n‡Z cv‡i G Rb¨ †h fÛvwg K‡i †MvcbK… Z wd« jvf cÖ wZ vc‡b Zviv GKUv cÖ Kvk¨ •ea eë v cÖPj‡b B”Qz K | evKx‡ì Rb¨ GwU ¯ qs mnR‡eva¨ †h, Drcv`‡bi eZ© gvb eë vi wejy wßi mwnZ H Ae v n‡Z D‖¢ z Z wd« jvf Z_v mve© RwbK I e¨w³MZ Dfq cÖ Kvi †ek¨ve„ wË wejy ß n‡e|

The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish

countries and nationality.

‡`k I RvZxqZv wejy ß Ki‡Z Pvq e‡j KwgDwb÷iv Av‡iv wbw‘`Z nq|

The workers have no country. We cannot take from them what they have

not got. Since the proletariat must first of all acquire political supremacy,must rise to be the leading class of the nation, must constitute itself the

nation, it is, so far, itself national, though not in the bourgeois sense of

the word.

kÖwgK ‡ì †Kv‡bv †`k bvB| hv Zviv cvqwb Zv Zv‡ì wbKU n‡Z Avgiv †K‡o wb‡Z cvwi bv| B‡Zvg‡a¨ cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ‡K me© v‡MÖ Aek¨B ivR‣bwZK AvwacZ¨ AR© b Ki‡Z

n‡e, Aek¨B RvwZi †bZ… †kÖYx n‡Z n‡e, Aek¨B wb‡R‡K RvwZ wnmv‡e MVb Ki‡Z n‡e, hwÌ kãwU ey ‡R©vqv †ev‡a bq, Zey Bnv wb‡RB RvZxq|

National differences and antagonism between peoples are daily more and

more vanishing, owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, to freedom

of commerce, to the world market, to uniformity in the mode of

production and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto.

ey ‡R© vqv‡ì weKv‡k, evwY‡Rï ¯ vaxbZvq, wek¦ evRv‡i, Drcv`b c×wZi mgiƒ cZvq Ges Rxe‡bi Ae vejxi mwnZ msMwZc~ Y© fv‡e AwaK n‡Z AwaKZi fv‡e c Ö wZwbqZB RbM‡Yi g‡a¨Kvi RvwZMZ cv_© K¨ I •eixZv A`„ k¨ n‡”Q|



48

The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still faster.

United action of the leading civilized countries at least is one of the firstconditions for the emancipation of the proletariat.

cÖ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi AvwacZ¨ Zv‡ì Av‡iv `ª æ Z A`„ k¨ nIqvi KviY n‡e|

cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi gy w³ i cÖ_g kZ© ¸‡jvi GKwU n‡”Q Kgc‡ÿ †bZ… vbxq mf¨ †`k¸wji mw¤§wjZ wµqv|

In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another will also be

put an end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will also be put

an end to. In proportion as the antagonism between classes within the

nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to another will come to anend.

GK e¨w³ KZ© „K A‡bï †kvlY †h nv‡i ‡kl n‡e, †m Abycv‡Z GK RvwZ KZ© „ K A‡bï †kvlYI mgvß n‡e| RvwZi wfZiKvi †kÖYxm g ~ ‡ni •eixZv A`„ k¨ nIqvi Aby cv‡Z GK RvwZi cÖ wZ A‡bï kÎæ Zvi mgvwß n‡e|

The charges against communism made from a religious, a philosophicaland, generally, from an ideological standpoint, are not deserving of

serious examination.

ag©, `k© b, I mvaviYfv‡e GKUv Av`wk© K Ae vb n‡Z KwgDwbR‡gi weiæ ‡× •ZixK… Z Awf‡hvM Mfxi cixÿvi Dchy ³ bq|

Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas, views, and

conception, in one word, man's consciousness, changes with everychange in the conditions of his material existence, in his social relations

and in his social life?

gvby ‡li fve, AwfgZ, I aviYv GK K_vq gvby ‡li mÁvbZv †h Zvi e ‧MZ Aw ÍZ¡, Zvi

mv gvwRK m¤úK© I mvgvwRK Rxe‡bi cÖ wZwU cwieZ© ‡bi mwnZ cwiewZ© Z nq, Zv Dcjwä Ki‡Z wK Mfxi ¯ Áv Avek¨K?

What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectual

production changes its character in proportion as material production is

changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of itsruling class.

e ‧MZ Drcv`b †h nv‡i cwieZ© b nq ZLb †m Aby cv‡Z H ey w×e„ wËK Drcv`b Zvi

PwiÎ cwieZ© b K‡i, fvebvi BwZnvm G Qvov Avi wK Qz wK cÖ gvY K‡i? wPiKvj kvmK †kÖYxi fve n‡”Q cÖ ‡Z¨K hy‡Mi AvwacZ¨Kvix fve |

When people speak of the ideas that revolutionize society, they do butexpress that fact that within the old society the elements of a new one



49

have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even

pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence.

gvby l hLb ej‡Z _v‡K ‡Kv‡bv fve hv mgvR‡K ‣ecø exKiY K‡i, Zviv ZLb cÖKvk K‡i H mZ¨ hv cy i‡bv mgv‡Ri g‡a¨ bZz b GKUvi Dcv`vb¸wj m„ wó n‡q‡Q, Ges

we`¨gvbZvi cyi‡bv Ae v¸wji we‡jv‡ci mv‡_ cvjø v w`‡q we‡jvc n‡Z _v‡K cy i‡bv fve¸wj|

When the ancient world was in its last throes, the ancient religions were

overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas succumbed in the

eighteenth century to rationalist ideas, feudal society fought its death

battle with the then revolutionary bourgeoisie. The ideas of religiousliberty and freedom of conscience merely gave expression to the sway of

free competition within the domain of knowledge. hLb cÖ vPxb wek¦ Zvi Aw‗Í g `kvq DcbxZ n‡qwQj, ZLb cÖ vPxb ag© ¸wj wLª wðqvwbwU Øviv civwRZ n‡qwQj| Lª xóxq fveb v hLb 18 kZ‡K hy w³kxj fve¸wji wbKU ‡n‡i‡Q, ZLbKvi wecø ex ey ‡R© vqv‡ì mwnZ mvg‗Í mgvR Zvi giYhy ‡× wjß n‡qwQj | agx© q ¯ vaxbZv I we‡e‡Ki gyw³ i fve¸wj wbQK Áv‡bi †ÿ‡Î gy ³ cÖ wZ‡hvwMZv i cÖ fve Uv‡KB cÖ KvwkZ Kij|

"Undoubtedly," it will be said, "religious, moral, philosophical, and

juridicial ideas have been modified in the course of historicaldevelopment. But religion, morality, philosophy, political science, andlaw, constantly survived this change."

Ò m‡‘`nvZxZfv‡eÓ GUv ejv n‡e, Ò HwZnvwmK weKv‡ki MwZ c‡_ agx© q, •bwZK, `vk© wbK, Ges wePvwiK fve¸wj e`‡j‡Q| wK‗‧ GB cwieZ© ‡b AweiZ wU‡K _vK‡Q ag©,•bwZKZv, k© b, ivRbxwZ weÁvb, Ges AvBb | Ó

"There are, besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice, etc., that are

common to all states of society. But communism abolishes eternal truths,

it abolishes all religion, and all morality, instead of constituting them on

a new basis; it therefore acts in contradiction to all past historicalexperience."

Ò cvkvcvwk, wPi‗Í b mZ¨, †hgb gy w³, b¨vqcivqbZv, BZ¨vw` mgv‡Ri mKj Ae v‡Z mvaviY welq| wK‗‧, G‡ì‡K GKUv bqv wfwË‡Z MVb Kivi cwie‡Z© KwgDwbRg we‡jvc K‡i wPi‗Í b mZ¨, Bnv we‡jvc K‡i mKj ag© Ges mKj •bwZKZv; my Zivs

AZx‡Zi mKj HwZnvwmK AwfÁZvi we ‡ivaxZv K‡i Bnv wµqv K‡i | ÓWhat does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all past society

has consisted in the development of class antagonisms, antagonisms that

assumed different forms at different epochs.



50

wK K‡i GB Awf‡hvM wb‡R‡KB n« vm K‡i ? AZx‡Zi mKj mgv‡Ri BwZnvm MwVZ n‡q‡Q ‡kÖYx •eixZvi weKv‡k, •eixZv hv wewfb’ hy ‡M wewfb’ iƒ c cwiMÖn K‡i‡Q |

But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all past

ages, viz., the exploitation of one part of society by the other. No

wonder, then, that the social consciousness of past ages, despite all themultiplicity and variety it displays, moves within certain common forms,

or general ideas, which cannot completely vanish except with the total

disappearance of class antagonisms.

wK‗‧ Zv ‡h iƒ c B wbK , AZx‡Zi mKj hy ‡M GKwU NUbv, h_v mgv‡Ri GKvsk KZ© „ K Acivsk‡K †kvlY n‡”Q mvaviY | Avðh© bq, ZLb, eû msL¨K I wewP ÎZv m‡Ë¡ I, AZxZ hy ‡Mi mvgvwRK mÁvbZv cÖ `k© b , mÂwiZ nZ wbwðZ mvaviY iƒ ‡c, A_ev ‡ kÖYx

•eixZvi mvwe© K A`„ k¨vqb e¨ Zx Z mvaviY fve¸wj m¤ú~Y© fv‡e A`„ k¨ n‡Z cv‡i bv |The communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional

relations; no wonder that its development involved the most radical

rupture with traditional ideas.

cÖ_vMZ fve¸wji mwnZ GK`g Avg~ j we‡”Q` n‡”Q KwgDwb÷ wecø e; Avðh© bq †h Bnvi weKvk cÖ_vMZ fve¸wji mwnZ GK`g Avg~ j we‡”Q‡` RwoZ|

But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to communism. wK‗‧ KwgDwbRg m¤ú‡K© ey ‡R© vqv AvcwË cÖ msM¸‡jv Avgv‡ì‡K mgvß Ki‡Z w`b|

We have seen above that the first step in the revolution by the workingclass is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class to win the

battle of democracy.

Avgiv Dc‡i †`‡LwQ †h kÖ wgK †kÖYx KZ© „ K msNwUZ wecø ‡e cÖ_g c`‡ÿc n‡”Q MYZ‡‗¿ i hy ‡× weRqx n‡Z cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ‡K kvmK †kÖYxi Ae vq Db’ xZ Kiv|

The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degree, all

capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of productionin the hands of the state, i.e., of the proletariat organized as the ruling

class; and to increase the total productive forces as rapidly as possible.

Drcv`‡bi mKj nvwZqvi iv‡óª i A_© vr kvmK †kÖYx wnmv‡e msMwVZ cÖ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi nv ‡Z †K‘`ª xf~ Z Ki‡Z Ges h‡Zv `ª æ Z m¤¢ e †gvU Drcv`b kw³‡K evwo‡q Zz j‡Z ey ‡R© vqv‡ì wbKU n‡Z mKj cu y wR µgk †Rvi c~ e© K wb‡q wb‡Z cÖ‡jZvwi‡qZ Zvi ivR‣bwZK AvwacZ¨ Kv‡R jvMv‡e|

Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by means of despotic inroads on the rights of property, and on the conditions of



51

bourgeois production; by means of measures, therefore, which appear

economically insufficient and untenable, but which, in the course of themovement, outstrip themselves, necessitate further inroads upon the old

social order, and are unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionizing

the mode of production.

Aek¨B ïiæ ‡Z, m¤úwËi AwaKvi Ges ey ‡R© vqv Drcv`b eë vi Dci •¯ iZvw‗¿ K Dcv‡q nvgjv Qvov Bnv Kvh© Kix n‡Z cv‡i bv; my Zivs A_© ‣bwZKfv‡e Ach©vß I A‡h․w³K wnmv‡e hv †`Lv ‡`q, wK‗‧ Av‡‘`vj‡bi MwZ hv‡ì †cQ‡b †d‡j ‡`q , Avev‡iv Avek¨KZv †`Lv ‡`q cy ‡ iv ‡bv m vgvw RK k„sLjvi Dci AZwK©Z nvgjvi Ges Drcv`b c×wZi m¤ú~Y© Z wecø exKi‡Yi Dcvq wnmv‡e hv Gov‡bv hvq bv Ggb eë vw` Øviv Zv Ki‡Z n‡e|

These measures will, of course, be different in different countries. we wfb’ †`‡k Aek¨B Gme eë vejx n‡e wewfb’|

Nevertheless, in most advanced countries, the following will be pretty

generally applicable.

Zv m‡Ë¡ I, me© vwaK AMÖ mi †`k¸wj‡Z wb‡¤’ v³¸wj fwel¨Z weKv‡ki c‡ÿ Aby K~ j Ae v‡b mgvmxbfv‡e mvaviYZ cÖ ‡hvR¨ n‡e|

1.Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land topublic purposes.

1| f~ - m¤úwËi we‡jvcmvab I f~ wgi mKj LvRbv mve©RwbK D‡Ï‡k¨ eënvi|

2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.

2| GKUv ¸iæ fvi µgea©gvb ev gvÎvwef³K… Z Avq Ki|

3. Abolition of all rights of inheritance.

3| DËivwaKv‡ii mKj cÖ Kvi AwaKv ‡ ii we‡jvc mvab|

4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.

4| mKj †`kZ¨vMx I we‡`ª vnx‡ì m¤úwË ev‡RqvßKiY|

5. Centralization of credit in the banks of the state, by means of a

national bank with state capital and an exclusive monopoly.

5| ivóª xq cu y wR I Abb¨ GK‡PwUqv m¤úb’ GKwU RvZxq e¨vsK gvidZ iv‡óª i e¨vsK¸‡jvi g‡a¨ ‡µwW‡ Ui †K‘`ª xf~ ZKiY|

6. Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the

hands of the state.



52

6| cwienb I †hvMv‡hv‡Mi Dcvq iv‡óª i nv‡Z †K‘`ª xqKiY|

7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by thestate; the bringing into cultivation of waste lands, and the improvement

of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan.

7| GKwU mvaviY cwiKíbv Aby hvqx ivóª xq gvwjKv bvaxb KvivLvbv I Drcv`b Dcv‡qi m¤úª mviY; cwZZ Rwg Pv‡li AvIZvq Avbqb Ges mvaviYfv‡e gvwUi DrKl© mvab Kiv|

8. Equal obligation of all to work. Establishment of industrial armies,

especially for agriculture.

8| Kv‡Ri cÖ wZ mK‡ji mgvb evaëvaKZv| wkíevwnbx cÖ wZôv, we‡klZ K… wli Rb¨ |

9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradualabolition of all the distinction between town and country by a more

equable distribution of the populace over the country.

9| g¨vbyd¨vKPvwis wk‡íi mwnZ K… wli m shy w³; ‡`kgq †jvKmvavi‡Yi AwaKZi mgZvg~ jK e‘U‡bi gva¨‡g MÖ vg - kn‡ii mKj cv_© K¨ µgvemvb|

10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of

children's factory labor in its present form. Combination of education

with industrial production, etc.

10| me© mvavi‡Yi ¯‥z ‡j mKj wkïi Rb¨ wkÿv|KviLvbvq eZ© gvb ai‡Yi wkï kÖ ‡gi Aemvb| wkí Drcv`‡bi mwnZ wkÿvi wgkÖY BZ¨vw`|

When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared,

and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast

association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its political

character. Political power, properly so called, is merely the organizedpower of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its

contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances,

to organize itself as a class; if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old conditions of

production, then it will, along with these conditions, have swept away the

conditions for the existence of class antagonisms and of classesgenerally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as a class.

weKv‡ki MwZc‡_ hLb †kÖYx cv_© K¨ A`„ k¨ vwqZ, G es mKj Drcv`b ‡MvUv RvwZi GK wekvj mwgwZi nv‡Z †K‘`ª xf~ Z n‡”Q, ZLb mve©RwbK ÿgZv Zvi ivR‣bwZK PwiÎ nviv‡e| h_v_© fv‡e ejv n‡j , ivR‣bwZK ÿgZv, n‡”Q Ab¨ †kÖYx‡K wbcxo‡bi Rb¨ GK †kÖYxi wbQK msMwVZ ÿgZv| ey ‡R© vqv‡ì mv‡_ cÖ wZ‡hvwMZvi Kv‡j , hw` cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ



53

cvwicvwk¦ ©K Ae vi Pv‡c eva¨ n‡q , wb‡R‡K GKwU †kÖYx wnmv‡e msMwVZ K‡i; hw` GKwU wecø ‡ei gva¨‡g , Bnv wb‡R‡K kvmK †kÖYx‡Z cwiYZ K‡i, Ges †miKg Ae vq Drcv`‡bi cy i‡bv Ae v‡K ejc~ e© K `~ ixf~ Z K‡i, ZLb GB Ae vi mv‡_ , †kÖYx•eixZv I mvaviYZ †kÖYx¸wji we`¨gvbZvi Ae v¸wj Bnv `~ i Ki‡e, Ges mvav iYfv‡e

†kÖYx¸‡jv Ges Z`vbyhvqx GKwU †kÖYx wnmv‡e Gi wb‡Ri AvwacZ¨ we‡jvc Ki‡e|In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class

antagonisms, we shall have an association in which the freedevelopment of each is the condition for the free development of all.

Bnvi ‡kÖYx¸wj I †kÖYx‣eixZv mn cy i‡bv ey ‡R©vqv mgv‡Ri ‡j Avgiv cv‡ev GKUv

mwgwZ hv‡Z cÖ ‡Z¨‡Ki ¯ vaxb weKv‡ki kZ© n‡”Q mK‡ji ¯ vaxb weKvk|

III SOCIALIST AND COMMUNIST LITERATURE

3- †m ¨vkvwj÷ I KwgDwb÷ mvwnZ¨

1.REACTIONARY SOCIALISM

1| cÖwZwµqvkxj †m¨k vwjRg

a.Feudal Socialism

G| mvg‗Í †m¨vmvwjRg

Owing to their historical position, it became the vocation of the

aristocracies of France and England to write pamphlets against modern

bourgeois society. In the French Revolution of July 1830, and in the

English reform agitation, these aristocracies again succumbed to thehateful upstart. Thenceforth, a serious political struggle was altogether

out of the question. A literary battle alone remained possible. But even in

the domain of literature, the old cries of the restoration period had

become impossible. [1]

BsjÛ I d« v‡Ýi AwfRvZ‡ì wb‡R‡ì HwZnvwmK Ae vbRwbZ Kvi‡Y Avay wbK ey ‡R© vqv mgv‡Ri weiæ ‡× eu vavBnxb cy w Í Kv wjLvUv †ckvq cwiYZ nq| Ry jvB, 1830 Gi d« vÝ wecø e I Bswjk m s¯‥vi D‡ËRbvq N„Y¨ f~ u B‡dvo‡ì wbKU GBme AwfRvZiv ekxf~ Z nj| Gi ci GKUv ¸iæ Zi ivR‣bwZK msMÖ vg Kivi cÖ k’ Aev‗Í i wQj| m¤¢ e iBj †KejgvÎ GKwU mvwnwZ¨K hy × | wK‗‧, GgbwK mvwn‡Zï †ÿ‡Î, †i‡÷v‡ikb

Kv‡ji cy‡ iv ‡bv wPrKvi Am¤¢ e n‡q c‡owQj| (1)

In order to arouse sympathy, the aristocracy was obliged to lose sight,

apparently, of its own interests, and to formulate its indictment against

the bourgeoisie in the interest of the exploited working class alone. Thus,

http://c/Users/DAFFODIL/Downloads/manifesto,%20C.P.html%23c3r1






54

the aristocracy took their revenge by singing lampoons on their new

masters and whispering in his ears sinister prophesies of comingcatastrophe.

wewa g‡Zv mnvby f~ wZ RvMv‡Z , AwfRvZiv AvcvZ `„ wó‡Z , Bnvi wb‡Ri ¯ v_© RjvÄwj

w`‡Z eva¨ n‡q Ges GKv †kvwlZ kÖ wgK †kÖYxi ¯ v‡_© ey ‡R© vqv‡ì weiæ ‡× Awf‡hvM m~Îvqb K‡i | GBfv‡e, AwfR v Ziv Zv‡ì cÖ wZ‡kva wbj Zv‡ì bZz b cÖ fy‡ì Zxeª e¨vsMvZ¥K MxZ †M‡q I Zvi Kv‡b Kv‡b Avmb’ wech© ‡qi Aïf fwel¨ Ø vYx iwU‡q|

In this way arose feudal socialism: half lamentation, half lampoon; half

an echo of the past, half menace of the future; at times, by its bitter, witty

and incisive criticism, striking the bourgeoisie to the very heart's core,but always ludicrous in its effect, through total incapacity to comprehend

the march of modern history.GBfv‡e Dw`Z nj mvg‗Í †m¨vmvwjRg: A‡a© K wejvc, A‡a© K e¨vsM; A‡a©K AZx‡Zi cÖ wZaŸwb, A‡a© K fwel¨‡Zi fxwZ cÖ `k© b; mg‡q mg‡q , G‡ì wZ³, PvZz h©c~ Y© I Zx² mgv‡jvPbv, ey ‡R© vqv‡ì gg© g~ ‡j wM‡q AvNvZ KiZ, A_P Avay wbK BwZnv‡mi AMÖMgb Dcjwä‡Z m¤ú~ Y© AÿgZvq Gm‡ei †gvU dj nZ nvm¨Ki|

The aristocracy, in order to rally the people to them, waved theproletarian alms-bag in front for a banner. But the people, so often as it

joined them, saw on their hindquarters the old feudal coats of arms, anddeserted with loud and irreverent laughter.

Zv‡ì wcQ‡b Rb mgv‡ek NUv‡bvi wbq‡g AwfRvZZ‗¿ GKUv e¨vbv‡ii Rb¨ mvg‡b †`vjvZ cÖ ‡jZvixq wfÿv Sz wj|wK‗‧ RbMY gv‡S gv‡S Zv‡ì mv‡_ †hvM`vb K‡iwQj ,†`‡LwQj Zv‡ì cðv‖¢ v‡M cy i‡bv mvg‗Í † KvUm© Ae Avg© m Ges kÖ ×vnxb I AÆnvwmi mwnZ cwiZ¨vM K‡i‡Q |

One section of the French Legitimists and "Young England" exhibited

this spectacle:

GB nvm¨Ki cÖ `k© bx cÖ `k© b K‡iwQj d« v‡Ýi •eac‗ x‡ì GK †mKmb Ges Ò Bqs BsjÛÓ |

In pointing out that their mode of exploitation was different to that of the

bourgeoisie, the feudalists forget that they exploited under circumstances

and conditions that were quite different and that are now antiquated. In

showing that, under their rule, the modern proletariat never existed, theyforget that the modern bourgeoisie is the necessary offspring of their own

form of society.



55

ey ‡R© vqv‡ì †_‡K Zv‡ì †kvlY c×wZ wfb’ wQj Zv †`Lv‡Z wM‡q , mvg ‗Í iv fz ‡j hvq †h, †h Ae vq I cvwicvwk¦ © KZvq Zviv †kvlY K‡iwQj Zv wQj m¤ú~ Y© wfb’ Zi Ges ZvGLb †m‡K‡j| Zv‡ì Aax‡b Avay wbK cÖ‡jZvwi‡qZ KL‡bv Aw Í Z¡ kxj wQj bv, GUvcÖ `k© b Ki‡Z wM‡q Zviv fz ‡j hvq †h Avay wbK ey ‡R© vqviv n‡”Q Zv‡ì wbR¯ ai‡Yi

mgv‡Ri Avek¨Kxq m‗Ívb|For the rest, so little do they conceal the reactionary character of theircriticism that their chief accusation against the bourgeois amounts to this:

that under the bourgeois regime a class is being developed which is

destined to cut up, root and branch, the old order of society.

Ab¨me e¨vcv‡i, Zviv Zv‡ì mgv‡jvPbvi cÖ wZwµqvkxj PwiÎ G‡ZvUvB †Mvcb K‡i †h ey ‡R© vqv‡ì weiæ ‡× Zv‡ì cÖavb Awf‡hvM u vovq GB : ey ‡R©vqv‡ì kvm‡b GKUv †kÖYx

weKwk Z n‡”Q hvi c~ e© wba© vwiZ wbqwZ n‡”Q mgv‡Ri cy‡ iv ‡bv weavb‡K , AvMv‡Mvov, ‡Qu ‡U †djv|

What they upbraid the bourgeoisie with is not so much that it creates a

proletariat as that it creates a _revolutionary_ proletariat.

ey ‡R© vqv‡ì cÖwZ Zv‡ì wZi¯‥vi h‡Zv bv cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ m„ wói Rb¨ Zvi ‡P‡q A‡bK †ekx n‡”Q Zviv GKwU wecø ex cÖ‡jZvwi‡qZ m„ wó Ki‡Q|

In political practice, therefore, they join in all corrective measuresagainst the working class; and in ordinary life, despite their high falutin'phrases, they stoop to pick up the golden apples dropped from the tree of

industry, and to barter truth, love, and honor, for traffic in wool,

beetroot-sugar, and potato spirits. [2]

myZivs, ivR‣bwZK AvPi‡Y , kÖwgK †kÖYxi weiæ ‡× mKj ms‡kvabxg~ jK eë vq Zviv ‡hvM †`q; Ges Zv‡ì Mvjfiv ey wjevwMkZv m‡Ë¡ I, mvaviY Rxe ‡b wk‡íi MvQ n‡Z cov †mvbvjx Av‡cj Kz ov‡Z Zviv Suy ‡K c‡o, Ges ckg, weU - wPwb I †Mvj Avjy i w¯úwiU(2) cvPv‡i mZ¨, fv‡jvevmv I mb¥vb wewbgq K‡i|

As the parson has ever gone hand in hand with the landlord, so hasclerical socialism with feudal socialism.

j¨vÛ j‡W©i mwnZ nv‡Z nvZ a‡i †hgb wPiKvj hvRK P‡jwQj, †ZgbB mvg‗Í †m¨ v kvwjR‡gi mwnZ Pj‡Q hvRKxq †m¨vkvwjRg|

Nothing is easier than to give Christian asceticism a socialist tinge. Has

not Christianity declaimed against private property, against marriage,against the state? Has it not preached in the place of these, charity and

poverty, celibacy and mortification of the flesh, monastic life and Mother







56

Church? Christian socialism is but the holy water with which the priest

consecrates the heart-burnings of the aristocrat.

Lª xóxq mb ’ ¨vmeª Z‡K mgvRZvw‗¿ K is †Ìqvi †P‡q mnR Avi wKQz bvB| e¨w³MZ m¤úwËi weiæ‡×, weev‡ni weiæ ‡×, iv‡óª i weiæ ‡× wLª wðqvwbwU we‡lv`Mvi K‡i wb ?

Z` ‡j Bnv `wi`ª- ‡mev I `vwi`ª Zv, †K․gvh©- eª Z I B‡‘`ª i K… ”Q ªmvab, mb ’ ¨vm Rxeb I PvP© cvwjKv cÖ Pvi K‡i bvB? wLª wðqvb †m¨vkvwjRg Avi wKQz B bq Zv n‡”Q AwfRv‡Zi A‗Í i -`nb cweÎKi ‡Y cy ‡ivwnZ‡ì cweÎ cvwb|

b. Petty-Bourgeois Socialism

we . †cwU ey ‡R© vqv †m¨vkvwjRg

The feudal aristocracy was not the only class that was ruined by

the bourgeoisie, not the only class whose conditions of existence

pined and perished in the atmosphere of modern bourgeois society.

The medieval burgesses and the small peasant proprietors were the

precursors of the modern bourgeoisie. In those countries which are

but little developed, industrially and commercially, these two

classes still vegetate side by side with the rising bourgeoisie. mvg‗Í AwfRvZZ‗¿ GKgvÎ †kÖYx wQj bv hv ey ‡R© vqv‡ì KZ© „K ÿq cÖ vß n‡q‡Q, GKgvÎ †kÖYx bq hvi Aw¯Í ‡Z¡i Ae¯vejx ey ‡R© vqv mgv‡Ri Ave‡n we× I wb:‡kwlZ n‡q‡Q| AvaywbK ey ‡R© vqv‡ì AMÖ `~ Z wQj ga¨hyMxq bvMwiKMY I †QvU K… lK gvwj‡Kiv| wkíMZfv‡e I evwYwR¨Kfv‡e ¯ í weKwkZ †`kmg~‡n , DVwZ ey ‡R©vqv‡ì cvkvcvwk GL‡bv Dw‖¢ ‡ì g‡Zv Ae¯ vb Ki‡Q GB `y B †kÖYx|

In countries where modern civilization has become fullydeveloped, a new class of petty bourgeois has been formed,

fluctuating between proletariat and bourgeoisie, and ever renewing

itself a supplementary part of bourgeois society. The individual

members of this class, however, as being constantly hurled down

into the proletariat by the action of competition, and, as Modern

Industry develops, they even see the moment approaching when

they will completely disappear as an independent section of

modern society, to be replaced in manufactures, agriculture and

commerce, by overlookers, bailiffs and shopmen.



57

Avay wbK mf¨Zv c~ Y© weKwkZ n‡q‡Q Ggb †`k¸wj‡Z ‡cwU© ey ‡R© vqvi GKwU bZzb †kÖYx MwVZ n‡q‡Q, cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ I ey‡R© vqv‡ì g‡a¨ DVv- bvgv Ki‡Q Ges ey ‡R© vqv mgv‡Ri GKwU m¤ú~iK Ask wnmv‡e wb‡R‡K wbZ¨ bevwqZ Ki‡Q| hvB †nvK, cÖwZ‡hvwMZvi wµqvq GB †kÖYxi e¨w³K m`m¨ wbi‗Í i cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Z wbwÿß n‡”Q, Ges

h‡ZvB Avay wbK wkí weKwkZ nq Z‡ZvB Zviv Ggb gyn~ Z© wbKUeZx© †`‡L †h, Zviv Avay wbK mgv‡Ri ¯ Z‗¿ †mKkb wnmv‡e m¤ú~ Y© fv‡e A`„ k¨ n‡e, wkí, K… wl I evwY‡R¨ Z`vi KKvix,†Mvg Í v I †`vKvb Kg© Pvix KZ„© K cÖ wZ vwcZ n‡e|

In countries like France, where the peasants constitute far more than half

of the population, it was natural that writers who sided with the

proletariat against the bourgeoisie should use, in their criticism of the

bourgeois regime, the standard of the peasant and petty bourgeois, andfrom the standpoint of these intermediate classes, should take up the

cudgels for the working class. Thus arose petty-bourgeois socialism.

Sismondi was the head of this school, not only in France but also in

England.

d« v‡Ýi g‡Zv †`‡k †hLv‡b RbmsL¨vi A‡a© ‡Ki A‡bK †ekx K… lK, GUvB ¯vfvweK wQj †h, †jLK‡ì g‡a¨ hviv ey ‡R© vqv‡ì weiæ ‡× cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi cÿvej¤ b K‡i‡Qb, kÖwgK‡ì Rb¨ gy¸i Zz j‡eb, Zv‡ì ey ‡R© vqv kvm‡bi mgv‡jvPbvq K… lK I †cwU© ey ‡R© vqv †kÖYxi gvb`Û Ges GB Avï †kÖYxmg~‡ni `„wófswM eënvi Ki‡eb| GBfv‡e

†cwU© ey ‡R© vqv †m¨vkvwjRg Avwff© © ~ Z nj| †Kej d« v‡Ý bq, Bsj‡ÛI GB ¯‥z ‡ji cÖavb wQj wmmgwÛ|

This school of socialism dissected with great acuteness the contradictions

in the conditions of modern production. It laid bare the hypocritical

apologies of economists. It proved, incontrovertibly, the disastrous

effects of machinery and division of labor; the concentration of capitaland land in a few hands; overproduction and crises; it pointed out the

inevitable ruin of the petty bourgeois and peasant, the misery of theproletariat, the anarchy in production, the crying inequalities in the

distribution of wealth, the industrial war of extermination between

nations, the dissolution of old moral bonds, of the old family relations, of

the old nationalities.

Avay wbK Drcv`‡bi Ae vejx‡Z ci¯úi we‡ivaxZvmg~ n LzeB m~ ÿ ¥vwZm~ ÿ¥ Zvq we‡kø lY K‡i mZ¨vmZ¨ hvPvB K‡iwQj †m¨vkvwjR‡gi GB ¯‥z jwU| Giv A_© bxwZwe`‡ì

fÛvwgc~ Y© `y:LÁvc K K_vi ¯ iƒ c D‡b¥vwPZ K‡iwQj| ALÛbxqfv‡e , Giv cÖ gvY K‡iwQj,†gwkbvix I kÖ‡gi wefvR‡bi wech©qKi djvdj, ¸wU K‡qKR‡bi nv‡Z cu y wR I f~ wgi †K‘`ª xfeb; AwZ Drcv`b I msKU; Giv wPwýZ K‡iwQj †cwU ey ‡R© vqv I K… l‡Ki Awbevh© aŸsm , cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi `y © kv, Drcv`‡b wek„sLjv, m¤ú` e‘U‡b Zxeª AmgZv,



58

RvwZ¸‡jvi g‡a¨ m¤ú~ Y© aŸsm mva‡bi wkí hy ×, cy‡ iv ‡bv •bwZK eÜ‡bi, cy ‡ iv ‡bvcvwievwiK m¤ú‡K© i, cy‡ iv ‡bv RvZxqZvi Aemvb|

In it positive aims, however, this form of socialism aspires either to

restoring the old means of production and of exchange, and with them

the old property relations, and the old society, or to cramping the modernmeans of production and of exchange within the framework of the old

property relations that have been, and were bound to be, exploded by

those means. In either case, it is both reactionary and Utopian.

h‡ZvB , Bnv‡Z BwZevPK jÿ¨ _vKz K, †m¨vkvwjR‡gi GB icwU Kvgbv K‡i nq‡Zvcy i‡bv m¤úwË m¤úK©vw` m‡gZ Zv‡ì Drcv`b I wewbg‡qi cyi‡bv Dcvq¸wj Ges cy i‡bv mgvR wdwi‡q Avb‡Z, A_ev, †hme Dcv‡qi Øviv cy i‡bv Drcv`b m¤ú©K©

cwiZ¨v³ n‡Z eva¨ n‡qwQj Ges Zv n‡Z n‡e †mB K v Vv‡gvi g‡a¨ Avay wbK Drcv`b I wewb g‡qi Dcvqmg~ n‡K Ave× Ki‡Z| GB `y ‡qi †h †Kv‡bv GKwU †ÿ‡Î BnvcÖ wZwµqvkxj I KvíwbK DfqB|

Its last words are: corporate guilds for manufacture; patriarchal relations

in agriculture.

Bnvi †kl K_v nj: Drcv`K‡ì Rb¨ msNe× wMjW& ; K… wl‡Z wcZ… Zvw‗¿ K m¤úK©|

Ultimately, when stubborn historical facts had dispersed all intoxicatingeffects of self-deception, this form of socialism ended in a miserable

hangover.

‡kl ch© ‗Í, ¯ qs cÖ eÂbvi djkÖ æ wZi mKj Db¥ËZv hLb GK M u y ‡q HwZnvwmK NUbvejx QÎfsM K‡iwQj, ZLb ‡m¨vkvwjR‡gi GB iƒ c mgvß n‡qwQj GK y `k© vMÖ Í evwm wel‡q |

C. German or "True" Socialism

wm . Rvg© vb A_ev Ò mZ¨Ó †m¨vkvwjRg

The socialist and communist literature of France, a literature that

originated under the pressure of a bourgeoisie in power, and that was the

expressions of the struggle against this power, was introduced into

Germany at a time when the bourgeoisie in that country had just begunits contest with feudal absolutism.

d« v ‡Ýi †m¨vkvwjó I KwgDwb÷ mvwnZ¨, GKwU mvwnZ¨ hv DwÌZ n‡qwQj ÿgZvmxb ey ‡R© vqv‡ì Pv‡c, G e s hv wQj ÿgZvi weiæ ‡× msMÖ v‡gi cÖ Kvk, Ggb GKUv mg‡q Rvg© vbx‡Z cÖ weó nj hLb H †`‡ki ey ‡R© vqviv mvg‗Í •¯ iZ‡‗¿ i mwnZ Zvi cÖwZØw‘ØZv ïiæ K‡iwQj|



59

German philosophers, would-be philosophers, and beaux esprits (men of

letters), eagerly seized on this literature, only forgetting that when thesewritings immigrated from France into Germany, French social conditions

had not immigrated along with them. In contact with German social

conditions, this French literature lost all its immediate practical

significance and assumed a purely literary aspect. Thus, to the Germanphilosophers of the eighteenth century, the demands of the first French

Revolution were nothing more than the demands of "Practical Reason" in

general, and the utterance of the will of the revolutionary Frenchbourgeoisie signified, in their eyes, the laws of pure will, of will as it was

bound to be, of true human will generally.

Rvg© vb `vk© wbK, ney `vk©wb‡Kiv, Ges †m․wLb Z¨vM¯ xKviKvixiv ((men of letters), GB

mvwn‡Z¨ AvMÖ ‡ni mv‡_ AwaK… Z nj, ïay fz ‡j †Mj †h hLb GB mKj †jLv¸‡jv d« vÝ n‡Z Rvg© vbx‡Z AwfevwmZ n‡qwQj ZLb Zvi mv‡_ divmxi mvgvwRK Ae vejx AwfevwmZ nqwb| Rvg©vb mvgvwRK Ae vi ms¯ú‡k© G‡m GB divmx mvwnZ¨ Zvi mKj Avï cÖ v‡qvwMK ¸iæ Z¡ nviv‡jv, Ges Lu vwU mvwn‡Zï iƒ c cwiMÖ n Kij|GBfv‡e, Aóv`k kZvwãi `vk© wbK‡ì wbKU cÖ_g divwm wecø ‡ei `vex¸‡jv, mvaviYZ Ó eënvwiK Kvi‡YiÓ `vex A‡cÿv †ekx wKQz wQj bv, Ges ‡gvÏv K_vq Zv‡ì †Pv‡L d« v‡Ýi wecø ex ey ‡R© vqv‡ì B”Qvi Awfe¨w³ ¸iæ Z¡ v‡ivwcZ nj LuvwU B”Qvi AvBb, B”Qv Bnv

†hgb n‡Z eva¨, mvaviYfv‡e Lu vwU gvbweK B”Qv|The work of the German literati consisted solely in bringing the newFrench ideas into harmony with their ancient philosophical conscience,

or rather, in annexing the French ideas without deserting their own

philosophic point of view.

Rvg© vb eY© cwiPq m¤úb’ mgv‡Ri KvR MwVZ n‡q‡Q ïay bZz b divmx fvev`k© Avbqb K‡i Zv‡ì cy ‡iv‡bv `vk© wbK †PZbvi mwnZ Lvc LvIqv‡bv, A_ev Zv‡ì wbR¯

`vk© wbK `„wófswM cwiZ¨vM bv K‡i Lvwb K Uv ms‡hvRb mvab | This annexation took place in the same way in which a foreign language

is appropriated, namely, by translation.

Aby ev‡ì bv‡g GKwU we‡`kx fvlv †hfv‡e AvZ¥mvr Kiv nq GKBfv‡e GB mswgkÖY vb K‡i wb‡qwQj|

It is well known how the monks wrote silly lives of Catholic saints

_over_ the manuscripts on which the classical works of ancientheathendom had been written. The German literati reversed this process

with the profane French literature. They wrote their philosophicalnonsense beneath the French original. For instance, beneath the French

criticism of the economic functions of money, they wrote "alienation of



60

humanity", and beneath the French criticism of the bourgeois state they

wrote "dethronement of the category of the general", and so forth.

cÖavb ag© ¸wji evB‡ii cÖvPxb cu yw_¸wji K¬ vwmK¨vj Kv‡Ri Dci AvkÖ gevmx mb’ ¨vmxiv wKfv‡f K¨v_wjK m‗‧ ‡ì †evKv Rxebx wjLZ Zv my wew`Z| divmx mvwn‡Zï Aegvbbvq

Rvg© vb eY© cwiPq m¤úb’ mgvR GB cÖ wµqv msiÿY K‡iwQj| Zviv wj‡LwQj Zv‡ì k© b wfwËK ev‡R K_v hvi A‗Íiv‡j wQj Avw` divmx | D`vniY¯iƒ c, gy `ª vi A_© ‣bwZK Kvh© vejxi divmx mgv‡jvPbvi A‗Í iv‡j Zviv wj‡LwQj Ò gvbeZvi wew”Qb’ ZvÓ, Ges ey ‡R© vqv iv‡óª i divmx mgv‡jvPbvi A‗Íiv‡j Zviv wjL‡jv- Ò †Rbv‡ij‡ì A‗ÍM©Z‡ì wmsnvmbP~ ¨wZÓ , Ges BZ¨ vKvi|

The introduction of these philosophical phrases at the back of the French

historical criticisms, they dubbed "Philosophy of Action", "True

Socialism", "German Science of Socialism", "Philosophical Foundationof Socialism", and so on.

divmx HwZnvwmK mgv‡jvPbvi wc‡V GB mKj `vk© wbK ey wji AeZviYv K‡i Zviv Ò `k© ‡bi wµqv,Ó Ò mZ¨ mgvRZ‗¿,Ó Ò Rvg© vb mgvRZ‡‗¿ i weÁvb,Ó ÒmgvRZ‡‗¿ i `v k© wbK wfwË,Ó Ges Ggb me Dcbv‡g AwfwnZ K‡i|

The French socialist and communist literature was thus completely

emasculated. And, since it ceased, in the hands of the German, to express

the struggle of one class with the other, he felt conscious of havingovercome "French one-sidedness" and of representing, not truerequirements, but the requirements of truth; not the interests of the

proletariat, but the interests of human nature, of man in general, who

belongs to no class, has no reality, who exists only in the misty realm of philosophical fantasy.

divmx †m¨vkvwjó I KwgDwb÷ mvwnZ¨‡K GBfv‡e cy ‡ivcy wifv‡e †LvRvq cwiYZ Kiv

n‡jv | Ges Rvg© vb‡ì nv‡Z GB mvwnZ¨, GK †kÖYxi mwnZ Ab¨¨ †kÖYxi msMÖ vg cÖKv‡k weiZ nIqvi ci †_‡K Zv‡ì m ÁvbZv Aby f~ Z n‡jv Ò divmx GK‡`k `wk© ZvÓ civf~ Z n‡q‡Q Ges mZ¨ Kvi cÖ ‡qvRb bq eis m‡Zï cÖ ‡qvRbxqZv cÖ wZwbwaZ¡ n‡”Q ;cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi ¯ v_© bq, eis gvbe cÖ K… wZi ¯ v_©, mvaviYfv‡e gvby ‡li, †h †Kv‡bv†kÖYx‡Z Ae vb K‡i bv, hvi †Kv‡bv ev Í eZv bvB, †h ‡KejgvÎ `vk© wbK AjxK Kíbvi Kz qvkv”Qb’ RM‡Z Aw Í Z¡ gvb|

This German socialism, which took its schoolboy task so seriously and

solemnly, and extolled its poor stock-in-trade in such a mountebank fashion, meanwhile gradually lost its pedantic innocence.



61

GB Rvg© vb †m¨vkvwjRg Zvi ¯‥zj co– qvi KvR Ly eB ¸iæ Ziiƒ ‡c I M¤¢ xifv‡e wbj Ges Ggb avàvevwR Xs‡q Zvi ¯í gRy Z evwY‡R¨ cÖ ksmv Kij , ‡h Kv‡j Bnv Zvi wb‡`© vl c wÛwZ g‡bvfve µ‡gB nvivj|

The fight of the Germans, and especially of the Prussian bourgeoisie,

against feudal aristocracy and absolute monarchy, in other words, theliberal movement, became more earnest.

Rvg© vb‡ì hy ×, Ges we‡klZ cÖ æ wkqvb ey ‡R© vqv‡ì mvg‗Í AwfRvZZ‗¿ I Pig ivRZ‗¿ we‡ivax, Ab¨ K_vq D`vi Av‡‘ vjb Av‡iv e¨MÖ n‡qwQj|

By this, the long-wished for opportunity was offered to "True" Socialismof confronting the political movement with the socialistic demands, of

hurling the traditional anathemas against liberalism, against

representative government, against bourgeois competition, bourgeois

freedom of the press, bourgeois legislation, bourgeois liberty andequality, and of preaching to the masses that they had nothing to gain,

and everything to lose, by this bourgeois movement. German socialism

forgot, in the nick of time, that the French criticism, whose silly echo itwas, presupposed the existence of modern bourgeois society, with its

corresponding economic conditions of existence, and the political

constitution adapted thereto, the very things whose attainment was theobject of the pending struggle in Germany.

Gi Øviv mgvRZvw‗¿ K `vex Øviv ivR‣bwZK Av‡‘`vjb‡K mvsN wl© K g~ jK we‡ivaxZv Kivi eûj evwÂZ my ‡hvM Ò mZ¨Ó mgvRZ‡‗¿ i †`Lv w`j, D`viZvev‡ì weiæ ‡× mbvZbx Awfkvc m‡Rv‡i wb‡ÿc Kivi, cÖ wZwbwaZ¡ g~ jK miKv‡ii wec‡ÿ, ey ‡R© vqvcÖ wZ‡hvwMZv, †cÖ ‡mi ey ‡R© vqv ¯ vaxbZv, ey ‡R© vqv AvBb, ey ‡R© vqv ¯ vaxbZv I mgZvi wec‡ÿ, Ges GB ey ‡R© vqv Av‡‘`vj‡b me wKQz nviv‡bv Qvov wKQz B AR© b Kivi bvB g‡g© RbmvaviY‡K Dc‡`k †Ìqvi| Rvg© vb †m¨vkvwjRg mwÜÿ‡Y fz ‡j †Mj †h, ‡h divmx

mgv‡jvPbvi wb‡e©va cÖ wZaŸwb G¸wj wQj, Zvi c~e© kZ© ¯ iƒc Avay wbK ey‡R© vqv mgv‡Ri we`¨gvbZv, Zvi mw nZ mvgÄm¨c~ Y© A_© ‣bwZK Ae vejxi we`¨gvbZv, Ges Zrms‡M Awf‡hvwRZ ivR‣bwZK msweavb, Rvg© vbx‡Z gy jZwe K… Z Av‡‘`vj‡bi D‡Ïk¨ wQj G mg Í welq¸‡jv cÖ vwß|

To the absolute governments, with their following of parsons, professors,

country squires, and officials, it served as a welcome scarecrow against

the threatening bourgeoisie.

hvRK, Aa¨vcK, MÖ vgvÂ‡ji cÖavb f~ wg gvwjK, I AvwaKviwK, cÖf… wZ Aby Mvgx mn Pig KZ©„ ‡Z¡ i miKvi¸‡jv fxwZ cÖ `k © bKvix ey ‡R©vqv‡ì weiæ ‡× Zv mv`‡i Af¨w_© Z KvKvZvo – qv wnmv‡e Kv‡R jvMj|



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It was a sweet finish, after the bitter pills of flogging and bullets, with

which these same governments, just at that time, dosed the Germanworking-class risings.

GB GKB miKvi¸wj Rvg© vb kÖ wgK †kÖYxi RvMi‡Yi Kv‡j wb`© q cÖ nvi Kiv I

ey ‡j‡Ui wZ³ ewoi †WvR †Ìqvi c‡i wVK H mg‡q , Bnvi GKUv wgó mgvwß nj| While this "True" Socialism thus served the government as a

weapon for fighting the German bourgeoisie, it, at the same time,

directly represented a reactionary interest, the interest of German

philistines. In Germany, the petty-bourgeois class, a relic of the

sixteenth century, and since then constantly cropping up again

under the various forms, is the real social basis of the existing state

of things.

Rvg© vb ey ‡R© vqv‡ì mwnZ hy ‡×i Rb¨ GKUv A ¿ wnmv‡e hLb GBfv‡e Ò mZ¨Ó†m¨vkvwjRg miKv‡ii †mev Kij, GKB mg‡q Bnv Rvg© vb wdwjw÷wbK ¯ v_© ,cÖ Z¨ÿfv‡e cÖ wZwµqvkxj ¯ v_© cÖ wZwbwaZ¡ Kij| Rvg©vwb‡Z, cÖ PwjZ Ae vi cÖ K… Z mvgvwRK wfwË wQj †cwU - ey ‡R© vqv †kÖYx, †lv‡jv kZ‡Ki GB fM’ ve‡klwU, ZLb n‡Z Avevi bvbvb iƒ ‡c Aweivg gv_v Pvov w`‡q DV‡Q|

To preserve this class is to preserve the existing state of things inGermany. The industrial and political supremacy of the bourgeoisie

threatens it with certain destruction -- on the one hand, from theconcentration of capital; on the other, from the rise of a revolutionary

proletariat. "True" Socialism appeared to kill these two birds with one

stone. It spread like an epidemic.

GB †kÖYx‡K msiÿY Kiv gv‡b Rvg© vbx‡Z we`¨gvb Ae¯ v‡K ms iÿY Kiv|

ey ‡R© vqv‡ì wkíMZ I ivR‣bwZK AvwacZ¨ G‡ì wbwðZ aŸs‡mi ûgwK¯^ iƒ c -GK w`‡K , cu y wRi †K‘`ª xKi‡Y, Ab¨w`‡K , wecøex cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi AMÖMwZ‡Z|GB y B cvwL GK wX‡j nZ¨v Kivi Rb¨ Ò mZ¨Ó †m¨vkvwjRg Avw e f~ ©Z n‡qwQj| Bnv gnvgvwii g‡Zv Qwo‡q co‡jv|

The robe of speculative cobwebs, embroidered with flowers of rhetoric,steeped in the dew of sickly sentiment, this transcendental robe in which

the German Socialists wrapped their sorry "eternal truths", all skin and

bone, served to wonderfully increase the sale of their goods amongstsuch a public. And on its part German socialism recognized, more andmore, its own calling as the bombastic representative of the petty-

bourgeois philistine.



63

GK ai‡Yi ‡jvKmgv‡Ri g‡a¨ Zv‡ì gvjvgv‡ji wewµ we¯§qKifv‡e e„ w× Ki‡Z Rvg© vb †m¨vkvwj÷iv Zv‡ì Kiæ Y Ò wPi‗Í b mZ¨Ó , mKj Pg© I nvo gy ‡o wbj A‡j․wK K MvD‡b, dUKvevwRi gvKomvi Rv‡ji GB MvDbwU, AjsKv‡ii dzj Øviv bKwkK… Z, iæ M’ fvewejvwmZvi wkwk‡i †fRv‡bv| Ges Zvi wb‡Ri Avnevb - A mf¨ †cwU© ey ‡R© vqvi

Avo¤ic~ Y© cÖ wZwbwa‡Z¡ i g‡Zv wb‡Ri †_‡KB Rvg© vb †m¨vkvwjRg Zv AwaK n‡Z AwaKZifv‡e Keyj Kij|

It proclaimed the German nation to be the model nation, and the German

petty philistine to be the typical man. To every villainous meanness of

this model man, it gave a hidden, higher, socialistic interpretation, the

exact contrary of its real character. It went to the extreme length of

directly opposing the "brutally destructive" tendency of communism, and

of proclaiming its supreme and impartial contempt of all class struggles.With very few exceptions, all the so-called socialist and communist

publications that now (1847) circulate in Germany belong to the domain

of this foul and enervating literature. [3]

Giv †NvlYv Ki‡jv, Rvg© vb RvwZ n‡e g‡Wj RvwZ, Ges Rvg© vb ‡cwU Amfïv n‡e Av`k© gvby l| Zvi cÖ K… Z Pwi‡Îi wVK wecix‡Z GB mKj g‡Wj gvby l‡ì cÖ wZwU `ye© „‡ËvwPZ bxPz Zvi Giv GKUv ¸ß, D”PZi †m¨vkvwjw÷K fvl¨ w`j| KwgDwbR‡gi Ò b„ ksmfv‡e aŸsmvZ¥KÓ cÖ eYZv mivmwi we‡ivaxZv Ges mKj †kÖYx msMÖ v‡gi cÖ wZ

Bnvi cig I cÿcvZnxb N„Yv †NvlYv K‡i Giv Pig Ae v‡b †cu ․‡QwQj| hZwKwÂZ e¨wZµg ev‡` Z_vKw_Z †m¨vkvwj÷ I KwgDwb÷ cÖ Kvkbv hv GLb (1847) Rvg© vbx‡Z Qov‡”Q Zv mKjB AK_¨ I kvixwi K- gvbwmKfv‡e y e© j Kivi mvwnZ¨ RM‡Zi| (3)

2.CONSERVATIVE OR BOURGEOIS SOCIALISM

2| iÿYkxj A_ev ey ‡R© vqv †m¨vkvwjRg

A part of the bourgeoisie is desirous of redressing social grievances

in order to secure the continued existence of bourgeois society.

ey ‡R© vqv mgv‡Ri Pjgvb we`¨gvbZv wbivc` Ki‡Z ey ‡R© vqv‡ì GKUv Ask mgvR cwiPvjb c×wZ cyb:mw¾ZKi‡Y B”Qz K|

To this section belong economists, philanthropists, humanitarians,improvers of the condition of the working class, organizers of

charity, members of societies for the prevention of cruelty to

animals, temperance fanatics, hole-and-corner reformers of every







64

imaginable kind. This form of socialism has, moreover, been

worked out into complete systems.

GB †mKm‡b Av‡Q - A_©bxwZwe`, Rbwn‣Zm x e¨w³MY, gvbeZvev`x, kÖwgK †kÖYxi Ae¯ vi Db’ wZ weavbKvix, `wi`ª †mev msMVK, cïi cÖ wZ wbôziZv wbevi‡Yi ms¯ v¸‡jvi m`m¨, g`¨cvb eR©‡bi cÿcvZx †Mu voviv, Avbv‡P - Kvbv‡P cÖ ‡Z¨K Kíbxq cÖ Kv‡ii ms¯‥viKMY| †m¨vkvwjR‡gi GB iƒ cwU Z`y cwi Kvh©K… Z n‡qwQj c~ Y©vsM c×wZ‡Z|

We may cite Proudhon's Philosophy of Poverty as an example of

this form.

GB iƒ ‡ci D`vnviY¯^ iƒ c Avgiv D‡jøL Ki‡Z cvwi cÖ æ ‡au vi `vwi‡`ª ï `k© b |

The socialistic bourgeois want all the advantages of modern social

conditions without the struggles and dangers necessarily resulting

therefrom. They desire the existing state of society, minus its

revolutionary and disintegrating elements. They wish for a

bourgeoisie without a proletariat. The bourgeoisie naturally

conceives the world in which it is supreme to be the best; andbourgeois socialism develops this comfortable conception into variousmore or less complete systems. In requiring the proletariat to carry out

such a system, and thereby to march straightaway into the social New

Jerusalem, it but requires in reality that the proletariat should remain

within the bounds of existing society, but should cast away all its hatefulideas concerning the bourgeoisie.

mgvRZvw‗¿ K ey ‡R© vqviv Avay wbK mvgvwRK Ae vi mKj my weavw` Pvq, Avwe k¨ ¤¢ vexfv‡e ZrcÖ m~ Z wec` I msMÖvg Qv ov| Zv‡ì Kvgbv Bnvi wecø ex I L Û-weLÛ nIqvi

Dcv`vb¸‡jv ev` w`‡q mgv‡Ri we`¨gvb Ae vUv eRvq ivLv| Zv‡ì B”QvcÖ ‡jZvixqwenxb ey ‡R©vqv| ¯ vfvweKfv‡e ey ‡R© vqviv aviYv K‡i †m `y wbqv me©†kÖô n‡e †hLv‡b Giv me© cÖavb; Ges ey ‡R©vqv mgvRZ‗¿ -GB Av‡qwk aviYvi Kg - ‡ek GKUv m¤ú~ Y© c×wZ‡Z weKvk mvab K‡i| cÖ‡jZvwi‡qZ Ggb GKUv c×wZ Kvh© Ki Ki‡Y,cÖ ‡qvR‡b Ges Z`vby hvqx Awej‡¤ mvgvwRK bZz b †Riæ Rv‡j‡g GwM‡q hvK, wK‗‧ e ‧ Z Bnv Avek¨K †h we`¨gvb mgv‡Ri †P․nwÏi g‡a¨B cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ _vKz K , Z‡e Aek¨B ey ‡R© vqv‡ì m¤ú‡K© mKj N„Y¨ gZvgZ wemR©b w`K|

A second, and more practical, but less systematic, form of this socialismsought to depreciate every revolutionary movement in the eyes of the

working class by showing that no mere political reform, but only a

change in the material conditions of existence, in economical relations,



65

could be of any advantage to them. By changes in the material conditions

of existence, this form of socialism, however, by no means understandsabolition of the bourgeois relations of production, an abolition that can

be affected only by a revolution, but administrative reforms, based on the

continued existence of these relations; reforms, therefore, that in no

respect affect the relations between capital and labor, but, at the best,lessen the cost, and simplify the administrative work of bourgeois

government.

GKwU †m‡KÛ, Ges Z‡ZvwaK eënvwiK Z‡e A‡cÿvK…Z ¯ í cÖYvjxe× iƒ ‡ci GB mgvRZ‗¿ - wbQK †Kv‡bv ivR‣bwZK ms¯‥vi bq, Z‡e †KejgvÎ Aw Í ‡Z¡ i e ‧MZ Ae vi, Avw_© K m¤ú‡K© i wKwÂZ cwieZ© b Zv‡ì Rb¨ †h‡Kv‡bv my ‡hvM n‡Z cv‡i , kÖwgK †kÖYxi †Pv‡L Gme †`wL‡q cÖ wZwU wecø ex Av‡‘`vjb‡K ‡nq cÖwZcb’ K‡i|

Aw Í ‡Z¡ i e ‧MZ Ae vi cwieZ© b Øviv GB ai‡Yi mgvRZ‗¿- ey ‡R© vqv Drcv`b m¤ú‡K© i we‡jvc mvab hv cÖ fvweZ n‡Z cv‡i †KejgvÎ GKUv wecø ‡ei gva¨‡g, Zv†Kv‡bvfv‡eB ey Svq bv, wK‗‧ Pjgvb Aw Í Z¡ wfwËK m¤úK© ¸‡jvi cÖ kvmwbK ms¯‥vi; †m Kvi‡Y, ms¯‥vi, hv cuy wR I kÖ ‡gi ga¨Kvi m¤ú‡K© cÖ fve we Í vi K‡i bv, m‡e© v”P e¨q n«vm K‡i, Ges ey ‡R© vqv miKv‡ii cÖ kvmwbK KvR‡K mij K‡i|

Bourgeois socialism attains adequate expression when, and only when, it

becomes a mere figure of speech.

ey ‡R© vqv mgvRZ‗¿ †KejgvÎ h‡_ógvÎvq Aw fe ¨w³ jvf K‡i hLb Ges †KejgvÎ hLb Zv wbQK e³„ Zvi evK¨vjsKv‡i cwiYZ n‡qwQj|

Free trade: for the benefit of the working class. Protective duties: for thebenefit of the working class. Prison reform: for the benefit of the

working class. This is the last word and the only seriously meant word of

bourgeois socialism.

Aeva evwYR¨: k Ö wgK †kÖYxi DcKv‡ii Rb¨ | msiÿYg~ jK ïé: kÖwgK †kÖYxi DcKv‡ii Rb¨| Kviv ms¯‥vi: kÖ wgK †kÖYxi DcKv‡ii Rb¨| ey‡R© vqv mgvRZ‡‗¿ i GB n‡”Q GKgvÎ ¸iæ Z¡c~ Y© K_v I †kl K_v|

It is summed up in the phrase: the bourgeois is a bourgeois -- for the

benefit of the working class.

evK¨ we‡k‡l mswÿßfv‡e Bnv GB: kÖ wgK †kÖYxi DcKv‡ii Rb¨ - ey ‡R© vqviv n‡”Q ey ‡R© vqv|



66

3.CRITICAL-UTOPIAN SOCIALISM AND COMMUNISM

3|mgv‡jvPbvg~jK - KvíwbK ‡m ¨vkvwjRg I KwgDwbRg

We do not here refer to that literature which, in every great modern

revolution, has always given voice to the demands of the proletariat, suchas the writings of Babeuf [4] and others.

Avgiv GLv‡b H mvwn‡Z¨ i D‡jøL KiwQ bv hv, cÖ wZwU ¸iæ Z¡c~Y© Avay wbK wecø ‡e, me© `vB cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi `vexi fvlv cÖ `vb K‡i‡Q, †hgb evey ‡qd (4) Ges Ab¨vb¨‡ì †jLv|

The first direct attempts of the proletariat to attain its own ends, made in

times of universal excitement, when feudal society was being

overthrown, necessarily failed, owing to the then undeveloped state of

the proletariat, as well as to the absence of the economic conditions forits emancipation, conditions that had yet to be produced, and could be

produced by the impending bourgeois epoch alone. The revolutionary

literature that accompanied these first movements of the proletariat had

necessarily a reactionary character. It inculcated universal asceticism and

social levelling in its crudest form.

hLb mvg‗Í mgvR D‡”Q` nw”Qj , m e© Rbxb D‡ËRbvi †mB mg‡q cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ Zvi

mgvwß NUv‡bvi cÖ_g cÖ Z¨ÿ cÖ ‡Póv¸‡jv wb‡qwQj, Aek¨¤¢vexiƒ‡c Zv e¨_© n‡qwQj, KviY cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi ZLbKvi AweKwkZ Ae v, GKBfv‡e Zvi gy w³i A_© ‣bwZK Ae vi Aby cw wZ, †h Ae v ZL‡bv Drcb’ nw”Qj, Ges Drcb’ n‡Z cvi‡Zv Avmb’ ïay GKv ey ‡R© vqv hy M Øviv| cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi GmKj cÖ_g Av‡‘`vjb¸wji mn‡hvMx wecø ex mvwnZ¨ wQj Aek¨¤¢ vexiƒ ‡c cÖwZwµqvkxj Pwi‡Îi| GwU wbweó wQj me© Rbxb K… ”Q« mvab I mvgvwRK mgZjZ¡ KiY wQj Bnvi ~jZg iƒc|

The socialist and communist systems, properly so called, those of Saint-

Simon [5], Fourier [6], Owen [7], and others, spring into existence in theearly undeveloped period, described above, of the struggle between

proletariat and bourgeoisie (see Section 1. Bourgeois and Proletarians).

Dc‡i ewY© Z cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ I ey ‡R© vqvi ga¨Kvi msMÖvg ( †`Ly b †mKmb 1, ey ‡R© vqv Ges cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ) Gi cÖ viw¤¢ K AweKvkKvjxb Kv‡j †mB‘U - wm‡gvb (5), d«z wiqvi ( 6) , I‡qb (7) Ges A‡bïv we`¨gvbZvi g‡a¨ wb‡q Av‡m h_v_© fv‡e Z_vKw_Z †m ¨vkvwjó I KwgDwb÷ c×wZmg~ n|

The founders of these systems see, indeed, the class antagonisms, as wellas the action of the decomposing elements in the prevailing form of society. But the proletariat, as yet in its infancy, offers to them the

spectacle of a class without any historical initiative or any independent

political movement.



















67

GB mKj c×wZ¸‡jvi cÖ wZôvZvi v, mgv‡Ri weivRgvb iƒ ‡ci g‡a¨ †`‡L e ‧ Z -†kÖYx we‡ivaxZv, GKBfv‡e cP‡bi Dcv`v‡bi wµqvkxjZv| cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ ZL‡bv Bnvi ‣kk‡e , wK‗‧ †Kv‡bv HwZnvwmK cÖ_g c`‡ÿc A_ev †Kv‡bv ¯ vaxb ivR‣bwZK Av‡‘`vjb Qvov Zv‡ì wbKU cÖ Í ve K‡i GKwU †kÖYxi Ru vKRgKc~Y© Ae v|

Since the development of class antagonism keeps even pace with thedevelopment of industry, the economic situation, as they find it, does notas yet offer to them the material conditions for the emancipation of the

proletariat. They therefore search after a new social science, after new

social laws, that are to create these conditions.

‡kÖYx we‡ivaxZvi weKvk Kvj n‡Z , Ggb wK wk‡íi AMÖMwZ‡Z, A_© ‣bwZK cwiw wZ, ‡hgb Zviv †`Lj, Zv Zv‡ì‡K ZL‡bv cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi gyw³i e ‧MZ kZ© vejx Dc vcb

K‡iwb| my Zivs, Zviv A‡‗^ lY Kij GKUv bZz b mgvR weÁvb, bZz b AvBb, hvcieZx© Kv‡j GB mKj kZ© vejx m„wó Ki‡Z cv‡i|

Historical action is to yield to their personal inventive action; historicallycreated conditions of emancipation to fantastic ones; and the gradual,

spontaneous class organization of the proletariat to an organization of

society especially contrived by these inventors. Future history resolves

itself, in their eyes, into the propaganda and the practical carrying out of

their social plans. Zv‡ì e¨w³MZ D‖¢ vebx wµqvi wbKU HwZnvwmK wµqv ; Kíbvwejvmxi wbKU gy w³i HwZnvwmKfv‡e m„ ó kZ© vw`; Ges we‡klfv‡e GB mKj D‖¢ veK‡ì Avwe®‥…Z mgv‡Ri GKwU msMV‡bi wbKU cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi µgv‗ wqK , ¯ Z:ù~Z© †kÖYx msMVb AebZ nj| Zv‡ì †Pv‡L, Zv‡ì mvgvwRK cwiKíbvi iUbvq I eënvwiKZvq fwel¨Z BwZnvm wb‡RB w i x K… Z|

In the formation of their plans, they are conscious of caring chiefly for

the interests of the working class, as being the most suffering class. Onlyfrom the point of view of being the most suffering class does the

proletariat exist for them.

Zv‡ì cwiKíbv m„ RbKv‡j, Zviv m‡PZb wQj cÖavbZ me‡P‡q ÿwZMÖ Í ‡kÖYx wnmv‡e kÖwgK †kÖYxi ¯ v‡_© i Rb¨| ‡KejgvÎ me© vwaK ÿwZMÖ Í †kÖYxi `„ wó‡Z Zv‡ ì Rb¨ Aw Í Z¡ gvb Av‡Q cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q Z|

The undeveloped state of the class struggle, as well as their own

surroundings, causes Socialists of this kind to consider themselves farsuperior to all class antagonisms. They want to improve the condition of

every member of society, even that of the most favored. Hence, they

habitually appeal to society at large, without the distinction of class; nay,



68

by preference, to the ruling class. For how can people when once they

understand their system, fail to see in it the best possible plan of the bestpossible state of society?

AcwiYZ †kÖYx msMÖ v‡gi Ae v, GKBfv‡e Zv‡ì wbR¯ cvwicvwk¦ © K Zv, GB ai‡Yi

mgvRZ‗¿ xiv wb‡R‡ì‡K mKj †kÖYx we‡ivaxZvi A‡bK D‡aŸ© e‡j we‡ePbv Kivi KviY wQj| Zviv Pvb mgv‡Ri cÖ‡Z¨K m`‡mï, Ggb wK me© vwaK my weav‡fvMxi Ae vi Db’ wZ mvab Ki‡Z| AZ:ci, †kÖYx cv_© K¨ Qvov Zviv Af¨vmMZfv‡e, Av‡e`b Rvbvb e„ nËi mgv‡Ri wbKU, AwaK‗‧, kvmK †kÖYxi cÖ wZ AwaK AbyivM †`wL‡q| hLb GKevi Zv‡ì c×wZ RbMY ey S‡Z cvi‡Zv ZLb wK K‡i Zviv Bnvi g‡a¨ †`L‡Z e¨_© nZ mgv‡Ri me© vwaK †kÖô Ae vi me© vwaK †kÖô cwiKíbv ?

Hence, they reject all political, and especially all revolutionary action;

they wish to attain their ends by peaceful means, necessarily doomed tofailure, and by the force of example, to pave the way for the new social

gospel.

AZ:ci, mKj i vR‣bwZK , I we‡klfv‡e mKj ‣ecø weK wµqv Zviv cÖ Z¨L¨vb Kij; Zviv B”Qv K‡i kvw‗Íc~ Y© Dcv‡q Zv‡ì mvdj¨ AR© ‡b , Aek¨¤¢ vex e¨_© Zv, Ges ej cÖ ‡qv‡Mi `„ óv‗Í, bZz b mvgvwRK bxwZgvjvi Rb¨ c_ †`Lv‡Z mvnvh¨ Ki‡e|

Such fantastic pictures of future society, painted at a time when the

proletariat is still in a very undeveloped state and has but a fantasticconception of its own position, correspond with the first instinctiveyearnings of that class for a general reconstruction of society.

fwel¨Z mgv‡Ri Ggb D‖¢ U Qwe Ggb mg‡q wPwÎZ Kiv nj hLb cÖ‡jZvwi‡qZ ZL‡bvLy eB AweKwkZ Ae vq, Ges wb‡Ri Ae vb m¤ú‡K© G‡ì Av‡Q GKUv D‖¢ U aviYv- mgv‡Ri GKUv mvaviY cy bM© V‡bi Rb¨ H †kÖYxi cÖ_g mnRvZ AvKvsLvi mv‡_ Zv msMwZc~ Y© |

But these socialist and communist publications contain also a

critical element. They attack every principle of existing society. Hence,

they are full of the most valuable materials for the enlightenment of the

working class. The practical measures proposed in them -- such as theabolition of the distinction between town and country, of the family, of

the carrying on of industries for the account of private individuals, and of

the wage system, the proclamation of social harmony, the conversion of

the function of the state into a more superintendence of production -- allthese proposals point solely to the disappearance of class antagonisms

which were, at that time, only just cropping up, and which, in these

publications, are recognized in their earliest indistinct and undefinedforms only. These proposals, therefore, are of a purely utopian character.



69

wK‗‧, GmKj †mvkvwj÷ I KwgDwb÷ cÖ Kvkbvmg~ n mgv‡jvPbvg~ jK Dcv`vbI aviY K‡i| we`¨gvb mgv‡Ri cÖ wZwU bxwZ‡K Giv AvµgY K‡i| AZ:ci, kÖ wgK †kÖYxi Ávb jv‡f Ly eB g~ jëvb e Í y ‡Z Zv cwic~Y©| Gm‡ei g‡a¨ cÖ Í vweZ eënvwiK eë v- †hgb kni I MÖ v‡gi g‡a¨Kvi cv_© K¨, cwiev‡ii, e¨w³i e¨w³K jv‡fi Rb¨ wkí Pvjbv

Ges gRywi c×wZi we‡jvc mvab, mvgvwRK m¤úªxwZi †NvlYv, Drcv`‡bi Dci AwaKZi ZË¡ veav‡bi িননেত ivóª xq Kvh© vejxi iƒ cv‗Í i, GB mKj cÖ Í vevejx ïay gvÎ †kÖYx we‡iva A‗Ía© v‡bi w`K wb‡`© k K‡iwQj hv H mgqKv‡j, m‡e gvÎ †e‡o DVwQj, Ges †KejgvÎ Zv‡ì cÖ viw¤¢ K A¯úó I Awbiƒ cbxq iƒ c GB mKj cÖ Kvkbvq Keyj Kiv n‡qwQj| my Zivs, G mKj cÖ Í vevejx n‡”Q cy‡ ivcy wi KvíwbK cÖK… wZi|

The significance of critical-utopian socialism and communism bears aninverse relation to historical development. In proportion as the modern

class struggle develops and takes definite shape, this fantastic standingapart from the contest, these fantastic attacks on it, lose all practical

value and all theoretical justifications. Therefore, although the

originators of these systems were, in many respects, revolutionary, their

disciples have, in every case, formed mere reactionary sects. They holdfast by the original views of their masters, in opposition to the

progressive historical development of the proletariat. They, therefore,

endeavor, and that consistently, to deaden the class struggle and to

reconcile the class antagonisms. They still dream of experimentalrealization of their social utopias, of founding isolated phalansteres, of

establishing "Home Colonies", or setting up a "Little Icaria" [8] -- pocket

editions of the New Jerusalem -- and to realize all these castles in the air,

they are compelled to appeal to the feelings and purses of the bourgeois.

By degrees, they sink into the category of the reactionary conservative

socialists depicted above, differing from these only by more systematic

pedantry, and by their fanatical and superstitious belief in the miraculous

effects of their social science.

mgv‡jvPbvg~ jK - KvíwbK ‡m ¨ vkvwjRg I KwgDwbRg Gi ¸iæZ¡ enb K‡i HwZnvwmK weKv‡ki ‡ÿ‡Î GK wecixZ K_b| †h Aby cv‡Z Avay wbK †kÖYx msMÖ vg weKwkZ I my wbw`© ó iƒc cwiMÖ n K‡i, †m nv‡i Bnvi Dci D‖¢ U AvµgY, cÖ wZ‡hvwMZv †_‡K GB D‖¢ U Ae vb `~ i n‡Z _v‡K, mKj eënvwiK g~ j¨ I mKj ZvwË¡ K †h․w³KZv nvivq| my Zivs, hw`P, G mKj c×wZi D‖¢ ve ‡Kiv eû †ÿ‡Î wecøex, Zv‡ì Aby mvixiv cÖ wZwU †ÿ‡Î MVb K‡i‡Q wbQK cÖwZwµqvkxj m¤úª `vq| cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi cÖMwZkxj HwZnvwmK weKv‡ki wecix‡Z Zviv `„ pfv‡e AvKu‡o _vKZ Zv‡ì cÖ fz ‡ì g~ j fvebv| my Zivs, ‡kÖYx msMÖ vg †fu vZv Kiv I †kÖYx we‡iva‡K wgUgvU Ki‡Z

Zviv AweiZfv‡e cÖ ‡Póv Pvjv‡jv| wew”Qb’ c¨v‡jb‡÷qvi vcb, Ò †nvg K‡jvbxRÓ Gi cÖ wZôv, A_ev GKUv Ò wjUj AvB‡KwiqvÓ (8) Awaôvb K‡i Zviv GL‡bv ¯c’ †`‡L Zv‡ì

mvgvwRK BD‡Uvwcqvi cixÿvg~ jK ev Í evq‡bi --- bZz b †Riæ Rv‡j‡gi c‡KU ms¯‥iY, Ges GB mKj cÖ vmv` evZv‡m ev Í evq‡b , Zviv eva¨ nq ey ‡R© vqv‡ì Abyf~ wZ I UvKvi _wji wbKU







70

Av‡e`b Rvbv‡Z| µgk Zviv Wz ‡e hvq Dc‡i ewY© Z cÖ wZwµqvkxj iÿYkxj mgvRZ‗¿ xi K¨vUvMwi‡Z, Gme †_‡K ZdvZ ï_y AwaKZi K¬ vw‗Í Ki cwÛwZcbv, Ges Zv‡ì mgvR weÁv‡b Zv‡ì AwZ †Mu vov I Kz ms¯‥v‡ii A‡j․w KK cÖ fve|

They, therefore, violently oppose all political action on the part of the working

class; such action, according to them, can only result from blind unbelief in thenew gospel.

my Zivs, Zviv kÖ wgK †kÖYxi mKj ivR‣bwZK wµqvi cÖ PÛfv‡e we‡ivaxZv K‡i; Zv‡ì g‡Z, GB ai‡Yi wµqv bZz b bxwZgvjvq AÜ Awek¦ v‡mi dj vdj gvÎ|

The Owenites in England, and the Fourierists in France, respectively, oppose theChartists and the Reformistes.

Bsj‡Û I‡qbc‗ xiv, Ges d« v‡Ý ‡dvixqvi c‗ xiv, h_vµ‡g PvwU÷© ‡ì Ges ms¯‥vic‗ x‡ì

we‡ivaxZv K‡i| FOOTNOTES

[1] NOTE by Engels to 1888 English edition: Not the English Restoration (1660-1689),

but the French Restoration (1814-1830).

[2] NOTE by Engels to 1888 English edition: This applies chiefly to Germany, where thelanded aristocracy and squirearchy have large portions of their estates cultivated for theirown account by stewards, and are, moreover, extensive beetroot-sugar manufacturers anddistillers of potato spirits. The wealthier british aristocracy are, as yet, rather above that;

but they, too, know how to make up for declining rents by lending their names to floatersor more or less shady joint-stock companies.

[3] NOTE by Engels to 1888 German edition: The revolutionary storm of 1848 sweptaway this whole shabby tendency and cured its protagonists of the desire to dabble in

socialism. The chief representative and classical type of this tendency is Mr Karl Gruen.

[4] Francois Noel Babeuf (1760-1797): French political agitator; plotted unsuccessfullyto destroy the Directory in revolutionary France and established a communistic system.

[5] Comte de Saint-Simon, Claude Henri de Rouvroy (1760-1825): French social

philosopher; generally regarded as founder of French socialism. He thought societyshould be reorganized along industrial lines and that scientists should be the new spiritualleaders. His most important work is _Nouveau_Christianisme_ (1825).

[6] Charles Fourier (1772-1837): French social reformer; propounded a system of self-

sufficient cooperatives known as Fourierism, especially in his work _Le_Nouveau_Monde_industriel_ (1829-30)

[7] Robert Owen (1771-1858): Welsh industrialist and social reformer. He formed amodel industrial community at New Lanark, Scotland, and pioneered cooperative

societies. His books include _New_View_Of_Society_ (1813).

[8] NOTE by Engels to 1888 English edition: "Home Colonies" were what Owen calledhis communist model societies. _Phalansteres_ were socialist colonies on the plan of Charles Fourier; Icaria was the name given by Caber to his utopia and, later on, to his

American communist colony.

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71

IV --POSITION OF THE COMMUNISTS IN RELATION TO

THE VARIOUS EXISTING OPPOSITION PARTIES

4| we`¨gvb bvbvb we‡ivax cvwU© ¸‡jv wel‡q KwgDwb÷‡ì Ae vb Section II has made clear the relations of the Communists to the existing

working-class parties, such as the Chartists in England and the Agrarian

Reformers in America.

kÖwgK †kÖYxi we`¨gvb cvwU© ¸wji ‡ÿ‡Î KwgDwb÷‡ì m¤úK© wel‡q †mKkb 2 Gcwi ®‥vifv‡e ejv n‡qwQj, †hgb Bsj‡Û PvwU© ÷ Ges Av‡gwiKvq K…wl ms¯‥viK‡ì|

The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims, for theenforcement of the momentary interests of the working class; but in the

movement of the present, they also represent and take care of the future

of that movement. In France, the Communists ally with the Social

Democrats* against the conservative and radical bourgeoisie, reserving,

however, the right to take up a critical position in regard to phases and

illusions traditionally handed down from the Great Revolution.

KwgDwb÷iv hy × K‡i Avï jÿ¨ AR© ‡b , kÖ wgK †kÖYxi Avw_© K ¯ v_©vw` Kvh© KixKi‡Y;

wK‗‧ eZ© gv‡bi Av‡‘`vj‡bI Zviv fwel¨Z Av‡‘`vj‡bi cÖ wZwbwaZ¡ I †`L fvj K‡i| d« v‡Ý iÿYkxj I i¨vwWK¨vj ey ‡R© vqv‡ì weiæ ‡× KwgDwb÷iv †m¨vmvj †W‡gvµ ¨ vU‡ì mwnZ ‣gÎx m¤úK© vcb K‡i, Aek¨ gnv wecø e †_‡K cÖ_vMZfv‡e wbm„ Z weåg I ey wj wel‡q mgv‡jvPbvg~ jK Ae vb msiÿY K‡i|

In Switzerland, they support the Radicals, without losing sight of the fact

that this party consists of antagonistic elements, partly of Democratic

Socialists, in the French sense, partly of radical bourgeois.

myBRvij¨v‡Û, Zviv mg_© b K‡i i¨vwWK¨vj‡ì, G mZ¨ †`Lvi `„ wó bv nvwi‡q †h, we‡ivax Dcv`v‡b MwVZ GB cvwU©, AskZ †W‡gv‡µwUK †m¨vmvwj÷‡ì , divmx †ev‡a AskZ i¨vwWK¨vj ey ‡R© vqv‡ì |

In Poland, they support the party that insists on an agrarian revolution as

the prime condition for national emancipation, that party which fomentedthe insurrection of Krakow in 1846.

‡cvjv‡Û, Zviv mg_© b K‡i †mB cvwU© hv RvZxq gy w³i Rb¨ cÖavb kZ© wnmv‡e GKUv K… wl wecø ‡ei Dci †Rvi †`q, †h cvwU© 1846 Gi µvKvD Af~ ¨Ìv‡b BÜb hywM‡qwQj|

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72

In Germany, they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a

revolutionary way, against the absolute monarchy, the feudalsquirearchy, and the petty-bourgeoisie.

Rvg© vbx‡Z, Zviv ey ‡R© vqv‡ì ms‡M wg‡j hy × K‡i, hLbB Iiv GK”QÎ ivRZ‗¿, mvg‗Í

f~ - ¯ vgx, I †cwU ey ‡R© vqv‡ì weiæ‡× GKUv weíex c‡_ wµqvkxj |But they never cease, for a single instant, to instill into the working class

the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism between

bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the German workers maystraightway use, as so many weapons against the bourgeoisie, the social

and political conditions that the bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce

along with its supremacy, and in order that, after the fall of the

reactionary classes in Germany, the fight against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin.

wK‗‧, ey ‡R©vqvi mv‡_ cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi kÎæ Zvg~ jK we‡ivaxZvi h_vm¤¢ e ¯”Q ¯ xK… wZUv kÖwgK †kÖYxi g‡a¨ mÂvi‡Y Zviv KL‡bv, GK g~ n~ Z© I weiZ nq bv, KviY hv‡Z ey ‡R © vqviv wbR Avwac‡Zï Rb¨ AwZ Avewk¨Kfv‡e †h mvgvwRK I ivR‣bwZK Ae vejxi cÖ eZ© b K‡i, Zv‡Z Rvg© vb kÖ wgK †kÖYx Ly e †ekx A ¿ mivmwi ey ‡R© qvi weiæ ‡× eënvi Ki‡Z cv‡i, Ges GKB wbq‡g Rvg© vbx‡Z cÖ wZwµqvkxj †kÖYxi cZ‡bi c‡i ey ‡R©vqvi weiæ ‡× ZvrÿwYKfv‡e hy × ïiæ n‡Z cv‡i |

The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because that

country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be carriedout under more advanced conditions of European civilization and with a

much more developed proletariat than that of England was in the

seventeenth, and France in the eighteenth century, and because thebourgeois revolution in Germany will be but the prelude to an

immediately following proletarian revolution.

KwgDwb÷iv cÖavb Z Rvg© vbxi cÖ wZ Zv‡ì `„ wó wdwi‡q‡Q, KviY H †`kwU GKwU ey ‡R © vqv wecø ‡ei cÖ v°v‡j, hv n‡Z eva¨ BD‡ivcxq mf¨Zvi AwaKZi cÖ vMÖ migvb Ae vq, Ges d« v‡Ýi Aóv`k kZK I Bsj‡Ûi m‡Zi kZ‡Ki †P‡q AwaKZi weKwkZ GK cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ m‡gZ Ges KviY Rvg© vbx‡Z ey ‡R© vqv wecø e n‡e eis ZvrÿwYK Aby m i‡Y GK cª‡jZvwiq wecø e Gi DcµgwYKv¯ iƒ c|

In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary

movement against the existing social and political order of things. ms‡ÿ‡c, we`¨gvb mvgvwRK I ivR‣bwZK k„sLjvi welqvwì weiæ ‡× cÖ wZwU wecø ex Av‡‘`vjb me© Î mg_© b K‡i KwgDwb÷iv|



73

In all these movements, they bring to the front, as the leading question in

each, the property question, no matter what its degree of development atthe time.

GB mKj Av‡‘`vj‡b, Zviv cÖ ‡Z¨KwUi gy L¨ cÖ k’ wnmv‡e mgv‡b wb‡q Av‡m -m¤úwË

cÖ k’, G mg‡q Bnvi weKv‡ki gvÎv KZ Lvwb Zv welq bq|Finally, they labor everywhere for the union and agreement of the

democratic parties of all countries.

me‡k‡l, Zviv me© Î cwikÖg K‡i mKj †`‡ki MYZvw‗¿K cvwU© ¸‡jvi wgjb I Pz w³i Rb¨|

The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly

declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of

all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at acommunist revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their

chains. They have a world to win.

KwgDwb÷iv Zv‡ì AwfgZ I jÿ¨ †Mvcb Kiv‡K Amb¥vbRbK g‡b K‡i| ZvivcÖ Kv‡k¨ †NvlYv K‡i †h Zv‡ì Afxó AwR© Z n‡Z cv‡i ‡KejgvÎ mg Í we`¨gvb mvgvwRK Ae vi ejc~ e© K cwimgvwß NwU‡q| GKUv KwgDwb÷ wecø ‡e kvmK †kÖYx¸‡jv‡K m‗¿ Í n‡Z `vI| cÖ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi nvivevi wKQz bvB ‡Kej Zv‡ì k„sLj Qvov | Rq Kivi Rb¨ Zv ‡ì Av‡Q GKUv wek¦ |

Proletarians of all countries, unite!

mKj †`‡ki cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ , GK nI!

FOOTNOTES

* NOTE by Engels to 1888 English edition: The party then represented in

Parliament by Ledru-Rollin, in literature by Louis Blanc (1811-82), in the daily

press by the Reforme. The name of Social-Democracy signifies, with these itsinventors, a section of the Democratic or Republican Party more or less tingedwith socialism.

PREFACE TO 1872 GERMAN EDITION

1872 Rvg© vb ms¯‥i‡Y gy LeÜ The Communist League, an international association of workers, which

could of course be only a secret one, under conditions obtaining at thetime, commissioned us, the undersigned, at the Congress held in London

in November 1847, to write for publication a detailed theoretical andpractical programme for the Party. Such was the origin of the following

Manifesto, the manuscript of which travelled to London to be printed a

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74

few weeks before the February Revolution. First published in German, it

has been republished in that language in at least twelve different editionsin Germany, England, and America. It was published in English for the

first time in 1850 in the _Red Republican_, London, translated by Miss

Helen Macfarlane, and in 1871 in at least three different translations in

America. The french version first appeared in Paris shortly before theJune insurrection of 1848, and recently in _Le Socialiste_ of New York.

A new translation is in the course of preparation. A Polish version

appeared in London shortly after it was first published in Germany. ARussian translation was published in Geneva in the 'sixties. Into Danish,

too, it was translated shortly after its appearance.

kÖwgK‡ì Av‗Í R© vwZK mwgwZ, KwgDwb÷ jxM, cÖ wZôvKvjxb mg‡q Aek¨B hv n‡Z

cvi‡Zv GKwU †Mvcb msMVb,b‡f¤ i 1847 G jÛ‡b Aby wôZ Ks‡Mª ‡m , cvwU© i Rb¨ GKUv we Í vwiZ ZvwË¡K I eënvwiK Kg© m ~ wP cÖ Kv‡ki Rb¨ wjL‡Z wb¤’ ¯ vÿiKvix, Avgv‡ì‡K ÿgZv ‡Ìqv nq | bx‡Pi B Í vnviLvwbi m~ ÎcvZ GiKg, hvi cvÛzwjwc gy `ª ‡Yi Rb¨ jÛ‡b hvq †deª æ qvix wecø ‡ei mvgvb¨ K‡qK mßvn c~ ‡e©| Rvg© vbx‡Z cÖ_g cÖ KvwkZ nq, H fvlvq b~ ¨bc‡ÿ ev‡ivwU wfb’ ms¯‥iY cy b:cÖ KvwkZ n‡qwQj Rvg© vbx, BsjÛ I Av‡gwiKvq | cÖ_gev‡i g‡Zv 1850 G †iW wicvewjKvb, jÛb -G wg‡mm g¨vKdvi‡jb KZ© „ K Aby w`Z Bs‡iRx‡Z , Ges 1871-G Ab~ ¨b wZbwU wewfb’ Aby ev‡`

Av‡gwiKvq cÖKvwkZ n‡qwQj| divmx ZiRgv c¨vwi‡m cÖ_g `„k¨gvb n‡qwQj 1848Gi Ry b Af~ ¨Ìv‡bi mvgvb¨ Av‡M, Ges m¤úª wZ wbD Bq‡K© i Le Socialiste_cwÎKvq|GKwU bZz b Aby ev‡ì KvR Pj‡Q| Rvg© vbx‡Z Bnv cÖ_g cÖKvwkZ nIqvi ci ¯ íKvj c‡i GKwU †cvwjk ZiRgv jÛ‡b †`Lv hvq| lv‡Ui `k‡Ki w`‡K GKwU ivwkqvb Aby ev` †R‡bfv‡Z cÖ KvwkZ n‡qwQj| Bnvi Avwef© v‡ei mvgvb¨ c‡i †Wwb‡kI Ab~ w`Z n ‡qwQj|

However much that state of things may have altered during the last

twenty-five years, the general principles laid down in the Manifesto are,on the whole, as correct today as ever. Here and there, some detail

might be improved. The practical application of the principles will

depend, as the Manifesto itself states, everywhere and at all times, on

the historical conditions for the time being existing, and, for that

reason, no special stress is laid on the revolutionary measures proposed

at the end of Section II. That passage would, in many respects, be very

differently worded today. In view of the gigantic strides of Modern

Industry since 1848, and of the accompanying improved and extended

organization of the working class, in view of the practical experience

gained, first in the February Revolution, and then, still more, in the Paris

Commune, where the proletariat for the first time held political power



75

for two whole months, this programme has in some details been

antiquated. One thing especially was proved by the Commune, viz., that

"the working class cannot simply lay hold of ready-made state

machinery, and wield it for its own purposes." (See The Civil War in

France: Address of the General Council of the International WorkingMen's Assocation, 1871, where this point is further developed.) Further,

it is self-evident that the criticism of socialist literature is deficient in

relation to the present time, because it comes down only to 1847; also

that the remarks on the relation of the Communists to the various

opposition parties (Section IV), although, in principle still correct, yet in

practice are antiquated, because the political situation has been entirely

changed, and the progress of history has swept from off the earth the

greater portion of the political parties there enumerated.

Aek¨ MZ 25 eQ‡i Ae¯ vwì cwieZ©b n‡jI B¯ÍvnviwU‡Z wee„ Z mvaviY bxwZgvjv †gv‡Ui Dci Av‡Rv G‡Zvw`bKvi g‡Zv wVK Av‡Q| GLvb - ‡mLv‡b,cy bsLvb y cy sLfv‡e eY© bv Kiv wKQz welq Av‡iv Db’ Z n‡Z cvi‡Zv| †hgb B Í vnvi wb‡RB ej‡Q - me© Î I me© mg‡q bxwZ¸‡jvi eënvwiK cÖ ‡qvM wbf©i Ki‡e, mgmvgwqKKv‡j we`¨gvb HwZnvw mK Ae vejxi Dci, Ges †mB Kvi‡Y 2q †mKm‡bi †klfv‡ M cÖ ÍvweZ wecø ex c`‡ÿcmg~‡ni Dci we‡kl †Rvi †Ìqv nqwb| AvR‡Ki w`‡b n‡j H AskwU eû †ÿ‡ÎB Ly eB wfb’ fv‡e ewY© Z nZ| 1848, n‡Z Avay wbK wk‡íi cÖKvÛc`‡ÿ‡c Pjv we‡ePbv Ki‡j, Ges Z`ms‡M kÖ wgK †kÖYxi Db’ Z I ewa©Z msMVb, Ges AwR© Z eënvwiK AwfÁZv we‡ePbv Ki‡j, cÖ_‡g †deª æ qvix wecø e Ges ZLb , GL‡bvch© ‗Í c¨vix KwgDb, †hLv‡b cÖ‡jZvwi‡qZ cÖ_gev‡ii Rb¨ cy‡iv `yB gvm ivR‣bwZK ÿgZv a‡i †i‡LwQj, GB Kg© m~ wP we Í vwiZ wKQz †ÿ‡Î †m‡K‡j n‡q‡Q| KwgDb ØvivGK welq we‡klfv‡e cÖ gvwYZ n‡q‡Q, h_v †h, Ò kÖwgK †kÖYx ZvrÿwYKfv‡e eënv‡ivc‡hvMx ivóª h‗¿ mv`vgvUvfv‡e a‡i jvL‡jB nq bv, Ges Zvi wb‡Ri D‡Ïk¨

mva‡b Bnv eënvi Ki‡Z nq| ( †`Ly b, d« v‡Ý M„ nhy ×: kÖ gRxex gvby ‡li Av‗Í R© vw ZK mwgwZi mvaviY cwil‡ì fvlY -1871, †hLv‡b GB welqwU Av‡iv weKwkZ Kiv n‡qwQj| ) Dci‗Í, Bnv ¯ qsÑmvÿ¨ †h, eZ© gvb mgqKv‡ji †cÖ wÿ‡Z mgvRZvw‗¿ K mvwn‡Zï mgv‡jvPbv wQj AcwiYZ, KviY Bnv †b‡g G‡mwQj †KejgvÎ 1847 ch© ‗Í;GQvov, wewfb’ we‡ivax cvwU© i mwnZ KwgDwb÷‡ì m¤ Ü m¤ú‡K© ewY© Z g‗Í e¨mg~ n (†mKmb -4) hwÌ bxwZMZ fv ‡e GL‡bv mwVK, Zey eënvwiKfv‡e †m‡K‡j, KviY ivR‣bwZK cwiw wZ m¤ú~ Y© fv‡e cwiewZ© Z n‡q‡Q, Ges BwZnv‡mi AMÖMwZ ivR‣bwZK `j¸‡jvi wekvj wnm¨v c„ w_ex n‡Z †Su wU‡q we`vq K‡i GK ZvwjKvfz ³ K‡i‡Q|

But then, the Manifesto has become a historical document which we

have no longer any right to alter. A subsequent edition may perhaps

http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1864iwma/1871-cwf/index.htm










76

appear with an introduction bridging the gap from 1847 to the present

day; but this reprint was too unexpected to leave us time for that.

wK‗‧ ZLb, B Í vnviwU GKwU HwZnvwmK `wj‡j cwiYZ n‡q‡Q hvi Avi †Kv‡bv A`j - e`j Kivi †Kv‡bv AwaKvi bvB| 1847 n‡Z eZ© gvb w`b ch© ‗Í dvivK †mZz eÜ‡b

GKwU f~ wgKv m¤¢ eZ DËiKvjxb GKwU ms¯‥i‡Y †`Lv hv‡e; wK‗‧ GB cy b:gy `ªY wQj G‡ZvUvB AcÖ Z¨vwkZ †h Zvi Rb¨ Avgviv mgq w`‡Z c‡iwb|

KARL MARX

FREDERICK ENGELS

London,June24,1872.

Kvj© gvK© m . ‡d« WvwiK G¨vs‡Mjm jÛb, Ry b 24,1871|

PREFACE TO 1882 RUSSIAN EDITION

1882 iy k ms¯‥i‡Y gy LeÜ

The first Russian edition of the Manifesto of the Communist Party,translated by Bakunin, was published early in the 'sixties by the

printing office of the Kolokol. Then the West could see in it (the

Russian edition of the Manifesto) only a literary curiosity. Such a

view would be impossible today.

KwgDwb÷ cvwU© i B¯Ívnv‡ii cÖ_g iy k ms¯‥iY, evKzwbb KZ© „ K Ab~ w`Z,†Kv‡jv‡Kvj Gi gy`ªY Awdm KZ© „ K lv‡Ui `k‡Ki ky iæ ‡Z cÖ KvwkZ n‡qwQj| ZLb cwðg GUv‡Z †`L‡Z †cZ ( B¯Í vnv‡ii iæ k ms¯‥iY) †KejgvÎ GKUv mvwnZ¨ welqK Jrmy K¨| AvR‡Ki w`‡b GiKg `„ wó Am¤¢ e|

What a limited field the proletarian movement occupied at that

time (December 1847) is most clearly shown by the last section:

the position of the Communists in relation to the various

opposition parties in various countries. Precisely Russia and the

United States are missing here. It was the time when Russiaconstituted the last great reserve of all European reaction, when the

United States absorbed the surplus proletarian forces of Europe

through immigration. Both countries provided Europe with raw



77

materials and were at the same time markets for the sale of its

industrial products. Bother were, therefore, in one way of another,

pillars of the existing European system.

wewfb’ †`‡ki wewfb’ we‡ivax cvwU©i cÖ wZ m¤^ ‡Ü KwgDwb÷‡ì Ae¯ vb: †kl †mKm‡b Ly eB cwi®‥vifv‡e cÖ `wk© Z n‡q‡Q cÖ ‡jZvwiI Av‡‘`vjb H mg‡q ( wW‡m¤î 1847) KZUv mxwgZ †ÿÎ `Lj K‡iwQj | ivwkqv I hy³ivóª GLv‡b h_v_© fv‡e wbiæwÏó| mgqUv wQj hLb ivwkqv MwVZ n‡qwQj BD‡ivcxq mKj cÖ wZwµqvi †kl wekvj wiR© vf, hLb Awfevm‡bi gva¨‡g BD‡iv‡ci DØ„ ËcÖ ‡jZvwiI kw³ hy³ivóª ï‡l wb‡qwQj| Dfq †`k BD‡ivc‡K KuvPvgv‡ji ms¯ vb K‡iwQj Ges GKB mg‡q wk‡ívrcb’ wewµi Rb¨ wQj evRvi | my Zivs , Df‡qB wQj , A‡bï GKB c_ , we`¨gvb BD‡ivcxq c×wZi ¯Í¤¢|

How very different today. Precisely European immigration fitted

North American for a gigantic agricultural production, whose

competition is shaking the very foundations of European landed

property -- large and small. At the same time, it enabled the United

States to exploit its tremendous industrial resources with an energy

and on a scale that must shortly break the industrial monopoly of

Western Europe, and especially of England, existing up to now.Both circumstances react in a revolutionary manner upon America

itself. Step by step, the small and middle land ownership of the

farmers, the basis of the whole political constitution, is

succumbing to the competition of giant farms; at the same time, a

mass industrial proletariat and a fabulous concentration of capital

funds are developing for the first time in the industrial regions.

AvR‡K GK`g AbïKg| BD‡ivcxq Awfevmb h_vh_fv‡e DËi Av‡gwiKvi wekvjvK… wZi K…wl Drcv`‡bi Rb¨ gvbv b mB n‡q †M‡Q, hvi cÖwZ‡hvMxZv BD‡ivcxq †QvU - eo f~ m¤úwËi wfwËwU Su vwK‡q w`‡”Q| GKB mg‡q, hy ³ivóª mÿg nj R¡ vjvbx mn Bnvi my cÖ Pz i wkí m¤ú` Kv‡R jvMv‡Z Ges kxNª B GKUv gvÎvq GL‡bv ch© ‗Í we`¨gvb cwðg BD‡ivcxq we‡klZ Bsj‡Ûi wkí GK‡PwUqv ‡fs‡M co‡Z eva¨| Av‡gwiKvi wb‡Ri Dci GKUv wecø ex •kjx cÖ wZwµqv Ki‡jv Dfq cvwicvwk¦KZv| †MvUv ivR‣bwZK mvaviY MV‡bi wfwË-

Lvgvix‡ì ‡QvU I ga¨g f~ wg gvwjK wekvj AvK… wZi Lvgvixi cÖ wZ‡hvMxZvq g‡i hv‡”Q: GKB mg‡q GB cÖ_gev‡ii g‡Zv wkívÂ‡j GK wekvj wkí cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ I K¨vwcUvj Znwe‡ji GK Awek¦ vm¨ †K‘`ª xfeb NU‡Q|



78

And now Russia! During the Revolution of 1848-9, not only the

European princes, but the European bourgeois as well, found their

only salvation from the proletariat just beginning to awaken in

Russian intervention. The Tsar was proclaimed the chief of

European reaction. Today, he is a prisoner of war of the revolutionin Gatchina, and Russia forms the vanguard of revolutionary action

in Europe.

Ges GLb ivwkqv ! 1848-9 Gi wecø e Kv‡j, †KejgvÎ BD‡ivcxq wcÖ ÝivB bq, eis BD‡ivcxq ey ‡R© vqvivI m`¨ RvMi‡Yvb¥y L cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi wbKU n‡Z h_vixwZ Zv‡ì GKgvÎ cwiÎvY †`L‡jv ivwkqvi n¯Í ‡ÿ‡c| Rvi‡K BD‡ivcxq cÖ wZwµqvi cÖavb †NvlYv Kiv n‡qwQj| AvR‡K †m MvU‡Pwbqv wecø ‡ei GKRb hy × e‘`x, Ges BD‡iv‡c wecø ex wµqvi A‡MÖ G‡m ù vwo‡q‡ Q ivwkqv|

The Communist Manifesto had, as its object, the proclamation of

the inevitable impending dissolution of modern bourgeois

property. But in Russia we find, face-to-face with the rapidly

flowering capitalist swindle and bourgeois property, just beginning

to develop, more than half the land owned in common by the

peasants. Now the question is: can the Russian obshchina, thoughgreatly undermined, yet a form of primeaval common ownership of land,

pass directly to the higher form of Communist common ownership? Or,on the contrary, must it first pass through the same process of dissolution

such as constitutes the historical evolution of the West?

KwgDwb÷ B¯Í vnv‡ii D‡Ïk¨ wQj Avay wbK ey ‡R© vqv m¤úwËi Awbevh© Avmb’ Aejywß †NvlYv Kiv| wK‗‧ ivwkqvq Avgiv †`wL, `ª æ Z cjø weZ cu y wRZ‗¿ x cÖ ZviYv

I wVK weK‡ki k y iæ n‡ZB ey ‡R©vqv m¤úwËi gy‡Lvgy wL i‡q‡Q A‡a© ‡Ki †ekx f~ wgi mvaviY gvwjK K… lK | GLb cÖ k’ n‡”Q: GL‡bv f~ wgi Avw`Kvjxb mvaviY gvwjKvbvi GKUv aiY - hw`P eûjvs‡k `y e©j n‡q‡Q, Zey y I ivwkqvb AewPbv wK mivmwi AMÖmi n‡Z cvi‡e KwgDwb÷ mvaviY gvwjKvbvi GKUv D”PZi ai‡Y? A_ev, wecix‡Z, cwð‡gi HwZnvwmK weeZ© b †hgbUv n‡q‡Q Aejy wßi wVK GKB cÖ wµqvq GUv ïiæ ‡Z †h‡Z eva¨?

The only answer to that possible today is this: If the Russian

Revolution becomes the signal for a proletarian revolution in theWest, so that both complement each other, the present Russian

common ownership of land may serve as the starting point for a

communist development.



79

H †ÿ‡Î hv m¤¢ e AvR‡K Zvi GKgvÎ DËi n‡”Q GB: ivwkqvi wecø e hw` cwð‡g GKUv cÖ‡jZvixq wecø‡ei ms‡K‡Z cwiYZ nq, hv‡Z Df‡qB G‡K Ac‡ii c~ iK nq, Zv n‡j nq‡Zv ivwkqvi f~ wgi eZ© gvb mvaviY gvwjKvbv KwgDwb÷ weKv‡ki Rb¨ hvÎv we‘`y n‡Z cv‡i|

KARL MARX

FREDERICK ENGELS ; London,January21,1882

Kvj© gvK© m - ‡d« WwiK G¨vs‡Mjm ; jÛb, Rvby qvix-21,1882|


1883 Rvg© vb ms¯‥i‡Y gy LeÜ The preface to the present edition I must, alas, sign alone. Marx, the man

to whom the whole working class class of Europe and America owesmore than to any one else -- rests at Highgate Cemetary and over his

grave the first first grass is already growing. Since his death [March 13,

1883], there can be even less thought of revising or supplementing the

Manifesto. But I consider it all the more necessary again to state thefollowing expressly:

nvq, eZ© gvb ms¯‥i‡Y gy LeÜ GKv Avwg ¯ vÿ‡i eva¨| nvB†MBU mgvwa‡ÿ‡Î mgvwa Í n‡q‡Q gvK© m Ges Zvi mgvwa‡Z B‡Zvg‡a¨ cÖ_g NvmI MRv‡”Q, BD‡ivc I Av‡gwiKvi kÖwgK †kÖYx Ab¨ †h Kv‡iv †P‡q Zvi wbKU AwaKZi †ekx FYx| Zvi g„ Zz ï [ 13 gvP©,1883] ci n‡Z B Í vnv‡ii ms‡kvab I m¤ú~ iYxKi‡Yi wP‗Í v Ggb wK Av‡iv Kg n‡Z cv‡i| ZvB, Avev‡iv Ly e B my ¯úófv‡e Bnv wb‡¤’ wee„ Z Kiv Av‡iv †ekx cÖ ‡qvRb e‡j

Avwg we‡ePbv KiwQ:The basic thought running through the Manifesto -- that economic

production, and the structure of society of every historical epochnecessarily arising therefrom, constitute the foundation for the political

and intellectual history of that epoch; that consequently (ever since the

dissolution of the primaeval communal ownership of land) all history hasbeen a history of class struggles, of struggles between exploited and

exploiting, between dominated and dominating classes at various stages

of social evolution; that this struggle, however, has now reached a stagewhere the exploited and oppressed class (the proletariat) can no longer

emancipate itself from the class which exploits and oppresses it (the

bourgeoisie), without at the same time forever freeing the whole of



80

society from exploitation, oppression, class struggles -- this basic thought

belongs soley and exclusively to Marx.

B Í vnv‡ii gva¨‡g Pjgvb †g․wjK wP‗Í v-- hv A_© ‣bwZK Drcv`b, I cÖ wZwU HwZnvwmK mg‡qi mgvR msMVb n‡Z D‖¢ ~Z, Z`g~ ‡j H hy ‡Mi ivR‣bwZK I ey w×e„ wËK BwZnv‡mi

Rb¨ wfwË MwVZ, Bnvi djkÖæ wZ‡Z ( ZLb n‡Z f~ wgi Dci Avw`Kv‡ji MYgvwjKvbvi Aemvb ) mKj BwZnvm n‡”Q †kÖYx msMÖ v‡gi BwZnvm, †kvlK I †kvwlZ‡ì g‡a¨Kvi , mvgvwRK weeZ© ‡bi wewfb’ Í‡i AwaK¨Kvix I AwaZ †kÖYxi ga¨Kvi msMÖ vg; hvB‡nvK,GB msMÖ vg GLb Ggb GKUv ch© v ‡q DcbxZ n‡q‡Q †h †hLv‡b GKB mg‡q mgMÖ mgvR‡K †kvlY, cxob I †kÖYx msMvª g n‡Z wPiKv‡ji Rb¨ g³ bv K‡i, †h †kÖYxcÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ‡K †kvlY I wbcxob K‡i ( ey‡R© vqv) , Zvi Kej n‡Z - †kvwlZ I wbM„nxZ †kÖYx (cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ) wb‡R‡K †Kv‡bvfv‡eB gy ³ Ki‡Z cvi‡e bv GB †g․ wjK wP‗Í v GKKfv‡e I GKv‗Í fv‡e gvK© ‡mi |

[ENGELS FOOTNOTE TO PARAGRAPH: "This proposition", I wrotein the preface to the English translation, "which, in my opinion, is

destined to do for history what Darwin's theory has done for biology, we

both of us, had been gradually approaching for some years before 1845.How far I had independently progressed towards it is best shown by my_Conditions of the Working Class in England_. But when I again met Marx atBrussels, in spring 1845, he had it already worked out and put it before me in

terms almost as clear as those in which I have stated it here."]

[ GB c¨vivq G¨vs‡Mj‡mi cv`wUKv: Ò Bs‡i wR Aby ev‡ì gy Le‡Ü wj‡Lw Qjvg, Ò Rxe weÁv‡bi Rb¨ Wvi DB ‡bi ZË¡ hv K‡i‡Q, Avgvi g‡Z BwZnv‡mi Rb¨ c~ e© wba© vw iZ Ò GB cÖ Í vebvÓ Zv Ki‡e, hvi w`‡K 1845 Gi wKQz eQi c~ ‡e © µgvMZ Avgviv Df‡q wbKUeZx© nw”Qjvg | Gw`‡K Avwg KZUv ¯Z‗¿ fv‡e G¸w”Qjvg - Avgvi iwPZ Bsj‡Û kÖwgK †kÖYxi Ae v, Zvi ‡kÖô wb`k© b| wK‗‧ 1845 Gi em‡‗Í eª v‡mj‡m hLb Avwg gvK© ‡mi mv‡_ cy bi vq wgwjZ njvg, wZwb ZLb Zv B‡Zvg‡a¨ K‡i †d‡j‡Qb Ges GLv‡b

Avwg †h cwifvlvq Zv eY© bv Kijvg cÖ vq meUvB Ly eB cwi®‥vifv‡e Avgvi mvg‡b wZwb Zv Dc vcb Ki‡jb| ]

I have already stated this many times; but precisely now is it necessary

that it also stand in front of the Manifesto itself.

B‡Zvg‡a¨ Avwg Bnv eûevi eY© bv K‡iwQ; wK‗Í GLb ¯ qs B Í vnviLvwbi m¤§y Lfv‡M Bnv h_vh_fv‡e _vKv cÖ ‡qvRbxq|

FREDERICK ENGELS

‡dª wWªL G¨vs‡Mjm

London,June28,1883. jÛb, Ry b 28, 1883|



81

PREFACE TO 1888 ENGLISH EDITION

1888 Bs‡i wR ms¯‥i‡Y gyLeÜ The Manifesto was published as the platform of the Communist League,

a working men's association, first exclusively German, later on

international, and under the political conditions of the Continent before

1848, unavoidably a secret society. At a Congress of the League, held inNovember 1847, Marx and Engels were commissioned to prepare a

complete theoretical and practical party programme. Drawn up in

German, in January 1848, the manuscript was sent to the printer in

London a few weeks before the French Revolution of February 24. AFrench translation was brought out in Paris shortly before the

insurrection of June 1848. The first English translation, by Miss Helen

Macfarlane, appeared in George Julian Harney's _Red Republican_,

London, 1850. A Danish and a Polish edition had also been published.

1848 mv‡ji c~ ‡e© gnv‡`kxq ivR‣bwZK Ae vq Awbevh© Kvi‡Y GKUv †Mvcb mgvR -cÖ_‡g GKv‗Í fv‡e Rvg© vb, cieZx© ‡Z Av‗Í R© vwZK, kÖ gRxex gvby ‡li GKUv mwgwZ -

KwgDwb÷ jx‡Mi gÂ wnmv‡e B Í vnviLvwb cÖ KvwkZ n‡qwQj|b‡f¤ i, 1847, G Aby wôZ jx‡Mi GKUv Ks‡MÖ ‡m cvwU© i GKUv ZvwË¡ K I eënvwiK Kg© m~ wP cÖ ‧Z Kivi Rb¨ gvK©m I G¨vs‡Mjm‡K `vwqZ¡ cÖ `vb Kiv nq| Rvby qvix-1848G Rvg© vb fvlvq wj‡L 24†deª æ qvix, divmx wecø ‡ei K‡qK mßvn c~ ‡e© cvÛz wjwcwU jÛ‡b gy `ª‡Ki wbKU cvVv‡bv nq| Ry b 1848 Gi d« vÝ Af~ ¨Ìv‡bi mvgvb¨ c~ ‡e© GKUv divmx Aby ev` †ei nq| wgm †n‡jb g¨vKdvi‡jb K… Z cÖ_g Bs‡i wR Abyev` †e‡ivq 1850 mv‡j jÛ‡b, RR© Ry wjhvb nv wb© ‡mi †iW wicvewjKv‡b| GKUv †Wwbk I GKUv †cvwjk ms¯‥iYIcÖ KvwkZ n‡qwQj|

The defeat of the Parisian insurrection of June 1848 -- the first great

battle between proletariat and bourgeoisie -- drove again into thebackground, for a time, the social and political aspirations of the

European working class. Thenceforth, the struggle for supremacy was,

again, as it had been before the Revolution of February, solely between

different sections of the propertied class; the working class was reducedto a fight for political elbow-room, and to the position of extreme wing

of the middle-class Radicals. Wherever independent proletarianmovements continued to show signs of life, they were ruthlessly hunteddown. Thus the Prussian police hunted out the Central Board of the

Communist League, then located in Cologne. The members were

arrested and, after eighteen months' imprisonment, they were tried in



82

October 1852. This selebrated "Cologne Communist Trial" lasted from

October 4 till November 12; seven of the prisoners were sentenced toterms of imprisonment in a fortress, varying from three to six years.

Immediately after the sentence, the League was formlly dissolved by the

remaining members. As to the Manifesto, it seemed henceforth doomed

to oblivion.

Ry b 1848 mv‡ji cvwm© qvb Af~ ¨Ìv‡bi civR‡q ey ‡R©vqv I cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi ga¨Kvi cÖ_g wekvj hy × - BD‡ivcxq kÖ wgK †kÖYxi mvgvwRK I ivR‣bwZK AvKvsLv wKQz mg‡qi Rb¨ cy bivq cðv` f~ wg‡Z `~ ixf~Z n‡qwQj| ZLb n‡Z Avevi ïiæ nj ivR‣bwZK Avwac‡Zï msMÖ vg †KejgvÎ m¤úwËevb †kÖYxi wewfb’ †kÖYxi †mKm‡bi g‡a¨ †hgbUv wQj †deª æ qv wi wecø ‡ei c~ ‡e©; ivR‣bwZK fv‡e mn‡R Pjv †div Kivi g‡Zv RvqMvq Avmvi Rb¨ GKUv hy × Ki‡Z I ga¨ †kÖYxi i¨vwWK¨vj‡ì Pig cÿcy ‡U Ae vb wb‡Z ‡b‡g Avm‡Z nq kÖ wgK †kÖYx‡K| †hLv‡bB Rxe‡bi wPý †`Lv‡Z ¯ vaxb cÖ ‡jZvwiq Av‡‘`vjb Pj‡Z v †mLv‡bB wbg© gfv‡e Zv‡ì `gb Kiv nZ| GBfv‡e, cvwk© qvb cy wjk K‡jv‡b Aew Z KwgDwb÷ jx‡Mi †K‘`ª xq †evW© Ly u ‡R †ei Kij| m`m¨MY †MÖ ßvi nj Ges AvVv‡iv gvm Kvive‘`x †_‡K A‡±vei -1852 mv‡j Zv‡ì wePvi nj| 4 A‡±vei n‡Z b‡f¤ i -12 ch© ‗Í GB cÖ wm× Ò K‡jvb KwgDw b ÷ wePviÓ P‡jwQj; 7 e‘`xi mvRv n‡qwQj 3 n‡Z 6 eQi ch© ‗Í GKUv `y ‡M© e‘`x‡Z¡ i| mvRvi ci ciB Acivci m`m¨MY KZ©„ K Avby ôvwbKfv‡e jxM wejy ß nj| AZ:ci, B Í vnv‡ii †ÿ‡Î GUv g‡b nq, we¯§„ wZi

AZ‡j Wz ‡ewQj|When the European workers had recovered sufficient strength for

another attack on the ruling classes, the International Working Men's

Association sprang up. But this association, formed with the express aim

of welding into one body the whole militant proletariat of Europe andAmerica, could not at once proclaim the principles laid down in the

Manifesto. The International was bound to have a programme broad

enough to be acceptable to the English trade unions, to the followers of Proudhon in France, Belgium, Italy, and Spain, and to the Lassalleans in

Germany.

kvmK †kÖYxi Dci Av‡iKwU Avµg‡Yi Rb¨ hLb BD‡ivcxq kÖ wg‡ Kiv ch© vß kw³ AvqË Kij, ZLb D‖¢ ~ Z nj International Working Men's Association .

wK‗‧,BD‡ivc I Av‡gwiKvi hy ×s‡`wn mgMÖ cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ‡K GK †`‡n my MÖ w_ZKi‡Yi jÿ¨ wb‡q GB mwgwZ MwVZ n‡qwQj, B¯Í vnv‡i wee„ Z bxwZ

ZvrÿwYKfv‡e †NvwlZ n‡Z cv‡iwb| Bswjm †Uª W BDwbqb, d« vÝ, †ejwRqvg, BZvjx, I †¯ú‡b cÖ u ‡avi Aby mvix Ges Rvg© v wb ‡Z jvmvwjqvb‡ì wbKU MÖnY‡hvM¨ GKwU h‡_ó cÖ k¯Í Kg© m~ wP MÖ nY Ki‡Z B‘Uvib¨vkbvj eva¨ wQj|



83

[ENGEL'S FOOTNOTE: Lassalle personally, to us, always

acknowledged himself to be a disciple of Marx, and, as such, stood

on the ground of the Manifesto. But in his first public agitation,

1862-1864, he did not go beyond demanding co-operative

worhsops supported by state credit.]

[ G¨vs‡Mj‡mi cv`wUKv: e¨w³MZfv‡e jvmvj, wb‡R‡K gvK© ‡mi GKRb ney wkl¨ e‡j Avgv‡ì wbKU me© `v ¯ xKvi Ki‡Zv, Ges wVK †hb B¯ÍvnviLvwbi f~ wg‡Z ù vwo‡qwQj| wK‗‧, Zvi cÖ_g me© Rbxb Av‡jvo‡b , 1862-1864, †m ivóª xq FY KZ© „ K mgw_©Z mgevwqK †`vKv‡bi `v w ei evB‡i †h‡Z cv‡iwb| ]

Marx, who drew up this programme to the satisfaction of all

parties, entirely trusted to the intellectual development of theworking class, which was sure to result from combined action and

mutual discussion. The very events and vicissitudes in the struggle

against capital, the defeats even more than the victories, could not

help bringing home to men's minds the insufficiency of their

various favorite nostrums, and preparing the way for a more

complete insight into the true conditions for working-class

emancipation. And Marx was right. The International, on itsbreaking in 1874, left the workers quite different men from what it

found them in 1864. Proudhonism in France, Lassalleanism in

Germany, were dying out, and even the conservative English trade

unions, though most of them had long since severed their

connection with the International, were gradually advancing

towards that point at which, last year at Swansea, their president

could say in their name: "Continental socialism has lost its terror

for us." In fact, the principles of the Manifesto had made

considerable headway among the working men of all countries.

mKj cvwU© i m‗‧ wô weav‡b gvK© m, whwb GB Kg© m~ wP •Z wi K‡iwQ‡jb, m¤ú~ Y© Z Av¯ vkxj wQ‡jb kÖ wgK †kÖYxi ey w×e„wËK weKv‡k, †h․_ wµqv I cvi¯ú wiK Av‡jvPbv n‡Z djvd‡j hv wQj wbwðZ| cu y wRi weiæ‡× msMÖ v‡g NUbvej x I DÌvbcZb Ges civRq GgbwK civRq n‡Z weRq †_‡K Av‡iv AwaK

mn‡hvwMZv Ki‡Z cvi‡Zv bv- gvby ‡li gb‡b Zv‡ì wewfb’ cQ‡‘ì nvZz ‡o ivR‣bwZK ms¯‥v‡ii Ach©ßZv Ges kÖ wgK †kªYxi gyw³i Rb¨ cÖ K… Z Ae¯ vi Av‡iv my m¤úb’ c_ wb‡`© wkKv cÖ ¯Í y ZKi‡Y| Ges gvK© m wVK wQ‡jb| 1864 mv‡j Bnvi cÖ wZôvKv‡j kÖ gRxexiv †hgb wQj Zvi †_‡K m¤ú~ Y© wfb’ gvby l wnmv‡e



84

Av‗Í R© vwZK Zv‡ì‡K †`Lj 1874, Bnvi †fs‡M hvIqvi mg‡q| d« v‡Ý,cÖ u ‡avev`, Rvg© vbx‡Z jvmvjxqvbev`,g y g~ l© Ae¯ vq wQj, Ges GgbwK iÿYkxj Bswjk †Uª W BDwbqb , hwÌ Zv‡ì AwaKvsk `xN© w`b hver Av‗Í R© vwZ‡Ki mv‡_ Zv‡ì ms‡hvM wQb’ †i‡LwQj, µgv‗ ‡q Ggb GKUv we‘`y‡Z AMÖ mi nj,

†mbwmqvq MZ eQi Zv‡ì mfvcwZ Zv‡ì bv‡g e‡jwQj: Ò Avgv‡ì Rb¨ gnv‡`kxq mgvRZ‗¿ Zvi m‗¿ vm nvwi‡qwQj|Ó e¯‧ Z, B¯Í vnv‡ii bxwZ¸”Q mKj †`‡ki kÖ gRxex gvby ‡li g‡a¨ we‡ePbv‡hvM¨ cÖ fve we¯Í vi K‡iwQj|

The Manifesto itself came thus to the front again. Since 1850, the

German text had been reprinted several times in Switzerland,

England, and America. In 1872, it was translated into English in

New York, where the translation was published in _Woorhull and

Claflin's Weekly_. From this English version, a French one was

made in _Le Socialiste_ of New York. Since then, at least two

more English translations, moer or less mutilated, have been

brought out in America, and one of them has been reprinted in

England. The first Russian translation, made by Bakunin, was

published at Herzen's Kolokol office in Geneva, about 1863; a

second one, by the heroic Vera Zasulich, also in Geneva, in 1882.

A new Danish edition is to be found in _Socialdemokratisk Bibliothek_, Copenhagen, 1885; a fresh French translation in _Le

Socialiste_, Paris, 1886. From this latter, a Spanish version was

prepared and published in Madrid, 1886. The German reprints are

not to be counted; there have been twelve altogether at the least.

An Armenian translation, which was to be published in

Constantinople some months ago, did not see the light, I am told,

because the publisher was afraid of bringing out a book with thename of Marx on it, while the translator declined to call it his own

production. Of further translations into other languages I have

heard but had not seen. Thus the history of the Manifesto reflects

the history of the modern working-class movement; at present, it is

doubtless the most wide spread, the most international production

of all socialist literature, the common platform acknowledged by

millions of working men from Siberia to California. myZivs, B Í vnvi Avev‡iv mvg‡b G‡jv| 1850, n‡Z my B U& Rvij¨vÛ, BsjÛ I Av‡gwiKvq Rvg© vb Avw` cvV Ab‡Kevi cy b:gy w`ª Z n‡q‡Q| 1872 mv‡j wbD Bq‡K©, Bs‡iRx‡Z Ab~w`Z n‡q Aby ev`wU Woorhull and Claflin's Weekly_ ‡Z cÖ KvwkZ



85

n‡qwQj| GB Bs‡iRx n‡Z GKwU divmx ZiRgv cÖ KvwkZ n‡qwQj wbD Bq‡K© i Le

Socialiste G| ZLb n‡Z b~ ¨bc‡ÿ `y wU Bs‡iRx Aby ev` Kg - ‡ek eûevi Av‡gwiKvq cÖ KvwkZ n‡qwQj, Ges Zb¥‡a¨ GKwU Bsj‡Û cy b:gy w`ª Z n‡qwQj| evKz wbb KZ© „K ‣ZixK… Z cÖ_g ivwkqvb ms¯‥iYwU 1863 mv‡j †R‡bfvi Herzen's Kolokol office n‡Z gy w`ª Z

n‡qwQj; wØZxq Av‡iKwU ex‡ivwPZ ‡fiv RvPz wjm KZ… „ K 1882 mv‡j †R‡bfv †_‡K|1885 mv‡j GKwU bZz b †Wwbk ms¯‥iY cvIqv †Mj †Kv‡cb‡n‡Mi Socialdemokratisk Bibliothek ,G ; c¨vwi‡m , 1886 mv‡j GKwU ZiZvRv divmx Aby ev` Le Socialiste G| Gi c‡i, 1886 mv‡j gvw`ª ‡` GKwU ¯ú¨vwbk ZiRgv cÖ ‧ Z I cÖ KvwkZ n‡qwQj| Avgv‡K ejv n‡qwQj , K‡qK gvm Av‡M KbmUvbwU‡bvcj n‡Z cÖ KvwkZe¨ GKwU Av‡gwiKvb Abyev` Av‡jvi gy L †`‡Lwb, KviY, cÖ KvkK gvK© ‡mi bvghy ³ GKwU eB †ei Ki‡Z fq †c‡qwQj, hLb Aby ev`K Zv wb‡Ri Drcb’ ej‡Z A¯ xKvi K‡iwQj| AwaK‗ y Í, Avwg †`‡Lwb, Z‡e ï‡bwQ Av‡iv Ab¨vb¨ fvlvq Zv Aby ev` n ‡q‡Q| my Zivs, B¯Í vnv‡ii BwZnvm cÖ wZdwjZ K‡i Avay wbK kÖ wgK †kÖYxi Av‡‘`vj‡bi BwZnvm; eZ© gv‡b, wb:m‡‘`‡n GwU me© vwaK Qwo‡q cov, mKj mgvRZvw‗¿ K mvwn‡Zï me© vwaK Av‗Í R©vwZK †cÖ vWvKkb, mvB‡ewiqv †_‡K K¨vwj‡dv wb© qv ch© ‗Í wgwjqb wgwjqb kÖwgK KZ© „ K ¯ xK… Z mvaviY gÂ|

Yet, when it was written, we could not have called it a _socialist_

manifesto. By Socialists, in 1847, were understood, on the one hand the

adherents of the various Utopian systems: Owenites in England,

Fourierists in France, both of them already reduced to the position of mere sects, and gradually dying out; on the other hand, the most

multifarious social quacks who, by all manner of tinkering, professed toredress, without any danger to capital and profit, all sorts of social

grievances, in both cases men outside the working-class movement, and

looking rather to the "educated" classes for support. Whatever portion of

the working class had become convinced of the insufficiency of mere

political revolutions, and had proclaimed the necessity of total social

change, called itself Communist. It was a crude, rough-hewn, purely

instinctive sort of communism; still, it touched the cardinal point and was

powerful enough amongst the working class to produce the Utopian

communism of Cabet in France, and of Weitling in Germany. Thus, in

1847, socialism was a middle-class movement, communism a working-class movement. Socialism was, on the Continent at least, "respectable";

communism was the very opposite. And as our notion, from the very

beginning, was that "the emancipation of the workers must be the act of the working class itself," there could be no doubt as to which of the twonames we must take. Moreover, we have, ever since, been far from

repudiating it.



86

GLb ch© ‗Í, hLb Bnv wjwLZ n‡qwQj, Avgiv Bnv‡K GKwU mgvRZvw‗¿ K B¯Í vnvi ej‡Z cvwiwb| 1847 G, mgvRZ‗¿ x Øviv ey S‡Zv, GKw`‡K wewfb’ BD‡Uv wcq c×wZi AbyMvgx: Bsj‡Û I‡qbwUR, d« v‡Ý dy ¨wiqvwi÷, B‡Zvg‡a¨ DfqwUB wbQK msKxY© †Mvôxi Ae¯ vq wbcZxZ n‡qwQj, Ges µgv‗‡q gy g~ l© Ae¯ vq

†cu ․‡Q‡Q; Ab¨w`‡K AwZkq eûwe` mvgvwRK nvZz ‡oiv , hviv cu y wR I gy bvdvi Rb¨ †Kv‡bv wec` Qvov, mKj cÖ Kvi mvgvwRK `y:L-`y`© kv me©cÖ Kv‡i †givgZKi‡Y, wb‡R‡ì ¯^‡NvwlZ eªZ ms‡kva‡b - Dfq †ÿ‡Î kÖ wgK - ‡kÖYxi Av‡‘`vjb ewnf© ~ Z e¨w³ Ges eis Ò wkwÿZÓ †kÖYxi mg_© ‡bi Rb¨ †Póv KiZ| kÖwgK †kÖYxi †hUz Kz Ask wbQK ivR‣bwZK wecø ‡ei b~ ¨bZv Dcjw ä K‡iwQj Ges †NvlYv KiZ m¤ú~ Y© mgvwRK cwieZ© ‡bi cÖ ‡qvRbxqZv, wb‡R‡ì‡K KwgDwb÷ ejZ| Bnv wQj ¯ ~j, AgvwR© Z , cy‡ivcy wi mnRvZ KwgDwbR‡gi aiY; GL‡bv

Bnv w`K PZz óq † Qu vq, Ges h‡_ ógvÎvq kw³kvjx wQj kÖ wgK †kÖYxi g‡a¨ - d«v‡Ý K¨v‡eU, I Rvg© vbx‡Z I‡qjwUs‡qi BD‡Uvcxq KwgDwbRg Drc‡b’| GBfv‡e,1847 mv‡j, †m¨vkvwjRg wQj ga¨ †kÖYxi GKUv Av‡‘`vjb, KwgDwbRg - kÖ wgK †kÖYxi GKUv Av‡‘`vjb| Ges ïiæ †_‡K Avgv‡ì AwfgZ wQj †h Ò kÖwg‡Ki gy w³ Aek¨B n‡e kÖ wgK †kÖYxi wbR¯^ KvRÓ, ZvB `y B bv‡gi g‡a¨ Av gvi Aek¨B ‡KvbwU ‡be Zb¥‡a¨ †Kv‡bv mskq wQj bv| ZvQvov, AvR ch© ‗Í Bnv Avgiv Z¨vM Kiv †_‡K eû `~ ‡i AvwQ|

The Manifesto being our joint production, I consider myself bound

to state that the fundamental proposition which forms the nucleus

belongs to Marx. That proposition is: That in every historical

epoch, th prevailing mode of economic production and exchange,

and the social organization necessarily following from it, form the

basis upon which it is built up, and from that which alone can be

explained the political and intellectual history of that epoch; that

consequently the whole history of mankind (since the dissolution

of primitive tribal society, holding land in common ownership) has

been a history of class struggles, contests between exploiting and

exploited, ruling and oppressed classes; That the history of these

class struggles forms a series of evolutions in which, nowadays, a

stage has been reached where the exploited and oppressed class --

the proletariat -- cannot attain its emancipation from the sway of

the exploiting and ruling class -- the bourgeoisie -- without, at the

same time, and once and for all, emancipating society at large from

all exploitation, oppression, class distinction, and class struggles.



87

B¯Í vnviLvwb Avgv‡ì †h․_ Drcv`b, Avwg we‡ePbv K‡i Avwg wb‡R ej‡Z eva¨ †h, †g․wjK wee„ wZ hv g~jvavi MVb Ki‡Q Zv gvK© ‡mi | H wee„ wZwU GB:cÖ wZwU HwZnvwmK hy ‡M, A_© ‣bwZK Drcv`b I wewbg‡qi we`¨gvb c×wZ Ges mvgvwRK msMVb Aek ¨¤¢ vexiƒ ‡c Z`vby mv‡i MwVZ, hvi wfwË‡Z Zv wbwg© Z

n‡q‡Q, Ges ïay GKv ZØviv H hy ‡Mi ivR‣bwZK I ey w×e„wËK BwZnvm e¨vL¨v Kiv †h‡Z cv‡i; Zvi djkÖ æ wZ‡Z gvbeRvwZi mgMÖ BwZnvm ( f~ wgi mvaviY gvwjKvbvq, Avw` DcR vZxq mgv‡Ri Aemvb n‡Z ) n‡”Q GKUv †kÖYx msMÖ v‡gi BwZnvm, †kvlYKvix I †kvwlZ, kvmK I cx w oZ †kÖYx¸‡jvi ga¨Kvi cÖ wZØw‘ØZv; GB me †kÖYx msMÖ v‡gi BwZnvm weeZ© b cÖ wµqvi GKUv ci¤úiv MVb Ki‡Q, hv‡Z AvR‡Ki w`‡b, GKUv ¯Í ‡i G‡m Zv †cu ․‡Q‡Q, †hLv‡b †kvwlZ IcxwoZ †kÖYx-cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ, †kvlYKvix I kvmK †kÖYx- ey ‡R© vqvi Kej n‡Z

¯^ xq gy w³ AR© b Ki‡Z cvi‡e bv, GKB mg‡q Ges me© mg‡qi Rb¨ mKj †kvl Y,cxob, †kÖYx •elg¨ Ges †kÖYx msMÖ vg n‡Z mvaviYfv‡e mgvR‡K gy ³ bv K‡i|

This proposition, which, in my opinion, is destined to do for

history what Darwin's theory has done for biology, we both of us,

had been gradually approaching for some years before 1845. How

far I had independently progressed towards it is best shown by my

_Conditions of the Working Class in England_. But when I again

met Marx at Brussels, in spring 1845, he had it already worked out

and put it before me in terms almost as clear as those in which I

have stated it here.

GB wee„ wZ, Ges GUvB, Avgvi g‡Z, Wvi DB ‡bi ZË¡ Rxewe`¨vi †ÿ‡Î hv K‡i‡Q BwZnv‡mi Rb¨ Zv Ki‡Z eva¨, 1845 mv‡ji wKQz eQi c~ ‡e© Avgiv `y ÕR‡bB µgv‗ ‡q hvi wbKUeZx© nw”Qjvg| ¯^vaxbfv‡e Avwg KZUv Bnvi w`‡K

AMÖ mi nw”Qjvg - Avgvi Bsj‡Û kÖ wgK †kÖYxi Ae¯ vi Øviv Zv DrK… ófv‡e cÖ `wk©Z n‡q‡Q| wK‗‧ Avwg hLb 1845 mv‡ji em‡‗Í eªv‡mj‡m gvK© ‡mi mv‡_ mvÿvZ K‡iwQjvg, B‡Zvg‡a¨ wZwb Zv m¤úb’ K‡i‡Qb Ges Avgvi wbKU DÌvcb K‡i‡Qb Z‡ZvUvB cwi®‥vifv‡e h‡ZvUv Avwg GLv‡b wee„ Z K‡iwQ|

From our joint preface to the German edition of 1872, I quote the

following:

1872 Gi Rvg© vb ms¯‥i‡Y Avgv‡ì †h․_ gy LeÜ n‡Z , Avwg D×…Z KiwQ:"However much that state of things may have altered during the

last twenty-five years, the general principles laid down in the

Manifesto are, on the whole, as correct today as ever. Here and



88

there, some detail might be improved. The practical application of

the principles will depend, as the Manifesto itself states,

everywhere and at all times, on the historical conditions for the

time being existing, and, for that reason, no special stress is laid on

the revolutionary measures proposed at the end of Section II. Thatpassage would, in many respects, be very differently worded today. Inview of the gigantic strides of Modern Industry since 1848, and of the

accompanying improved and extended organization of the working class,

in view of the practical experience gained, first in the FebruaryRevolution, and then, still more, in the Paris Commune, where the

proletariat for the first time held political power for two whole months,

this programme has in some details been antiquated. One thing especially

was proved by the Commune, viz., that "the working class cannot simplylay hold of ready-made state machinery, and wield it for its own

purposes." (See _The Civil War in France: Address of the General

Council of the International Working Men's Assocation_ 1871, wherethis point is further developed.) Further, it is self-evident that the

criticism of socialist literature is deficient in relation to the present time,

because it comes down only to 1847; also that the remarks on the relation

of the Communists to the various opposition parties (Section IV),

although, in principle still correct, yet in practice are antiquated, becausethe political situation has been entirely changed, and the progress of

history has swept from off the Earth the greater portion of the politicalparties there enumerated.

"But then, the Manifesto has become a historical document which we

have no longer any right to alter."

( D×… ZvskwU B‡Zvc~ ‡e© wee„ Z n‡q‡Q, AZ:ci, GLv‡b Avi D×…Zvs‡ki fvlv‗Í i Kivi Avek¨K bq ,ZvB Zv Kiv nj bv| Ñ Aby ev`K)

The present translation is by Mr Samuel Moore, the translator of the

greater portion of Marx's _Capital_. We have revised it in common, and Ihave added a few notes explanatory of historical allusions.

eZ© gvb Aby ev`wU K‡i‡Qb gvK© ‡mi cu y wRi wekvjZi As‡ki Aby ev`K wg: m¨vg~ ‡qj g~ ‡i| mvaviYfv‡e Bnv Avgiv cy bwe© ‡ePbv K‡iwQ, Ges HwZnvwmK c‡ivÿ D‡jø ‡Li

e¨vL¨v m¤wjZ KwZcq wUKv Avwg hy ³ K‡iw Q|FREDERICK ENGELS

January30,1888

London



89


Since [the 1883 German edition preface] was written, a new

German edition of the Manifesto has again become necessary, andmuch has also happened to the Manifesto which should be

recorded here.

B¯Ívnv‡ii GKwU bZz b Rvg© vb ms¯‥i‡Yi Avev‡iv cÖ ‡qvRb n‡q‡Q, hLb [ 1883 Rvg© vb ms¯‥i‡Yi gy LeÜ] †jLv n‡qwQj, Ges B¯Í vnv‡ii †ÿ‡Î eû wKQz N‡U‡Q hv GLv‡b wjwce× Kiv DwPZ|

A second Russian translation -- by Vera Zasulich -- appeared inGeneva in 1882; the preface to that edition was written by Marx

and myself. Unfortunately, the original German manuscript has

gone astray; I must therefore retranslate from the Russian which

will in no way improve the text. It reads:

‡fiv Rvmy wjm KZ©„ K GKUv wØZxq iæk Abyev` 1882 mv‡j †R‡bfvq cÖ ZvwkZ n‡qwQj; H ms¯‥i‡Yi gy LeÜ gvK©m I Avwg wj‡LwQjvg| `yfvMëkZ g~ j Rvg©vb

cvÛzwjwcwU wec‡_ wM‡q‡Q; Kv‡RB iy k †_‡K Zv Avwg †di Aby ev` KiwQ hv†Kv‡bvfv‡eB Avw` cvV‡K Db’ Z Ki‡e bv| Bnv GB:

"The first Russian edition of the Manifesto of the Communist

Party, translated by Bakunin, was published early in the 'sixties by

the printing office of the Kolokol. Then the West could see in it

(the Russian edition of the Manifesto) only a literary curiosity.

Such a view would be impossible today.

"What a limited field the proletarian movement occupied at that

time (December 1847) is most clearly shown by the last section:

the position of the Communists in relation to the various opposition

parties in various countries. Precisely Russia and the United States are

missing here. It was the time when Russia constituted the last great

reserve of all European reaction, when the United States absorbed thesurplus proletarian forces of Europe through immigration. Both countries

provided Europe with raw materials and were at the same time marketsfor the sale of its industrial products. Both were, therefore, in one way of another, pillars of the existing European system.



90

"How very different today. Precisely European immigration fitted North

American for a gigantic agricultural production, whose competition isshaking the very foundations of European landed property -- large and

small. At the same time, it enabled the United States to exploit its

tremendous industrial resources with an energy and on a scale that must

shortly break the industrial monopoly of Western Europe, and especiallyof England, existing up to now. Both circumstances react in a

revolutionary manner upon America itself. Step by step, the small and

middle land ownership of the farmers, the basis of the whole politicalconstitution, is succumbing to the competition of giant farms; at the same

time, a mass industrial proletariat and a fabulous concentration of capital

funds are developing for the first time in the industrial regions.

"And now Russia! During the Revolution of 1848-9, not only theEuropean princes, but the European bourgeois as well, found their only

salvation from the proletariat just beginning to awaken in Russian

intervention. The Tsar was proclaimed the chief of European reaction.Today, he is a prisoner of war of the revolution in Gatchina, and Russia

forms the vanguard of revolutionary action in Europe.

"The Communist Manifesto had, as its object, the proclamation of the

inevitable impending dissolution of modern bourgeois property. But inRussia we find, face-to-face with the rapidly flowering capitalist swindle

and bourgeois property, just beginning to develop, more than half theland owned in common by the peasants. Now the question is: can the

Russian obshchina, though greatly undermined, yet a form of primeaval

common ownership of land, pass directly to the higher form of

Communist common ownership? Or, on the contrary, must it first passthrough the same process of dissolution such as constitutes the historical

evolution of the West?

"The only answer to that possible today is this: If the Russian Revolution

becomes the signal for a proletarian revolution in the West, so that both

complement each other, the present Russian common ownership of land

may serve as the starting point for a communist development.

"January 21, 1882 London"

( Dc‡iv³ Ask we‡kl AÎ cy ¯Í ‡K B‡Zvc~ ‡e© Abyw`Z n‡q‡Q weavq Zv Avi Aby ev` Kivi Avek¨KZv bvB †nZz Zv Kiv nj bv| - Aby ev`K )

At about the same date, a new Polish version appeared in Geneva:

_Manifest Kommunistyczny_.



91

GKB Zvwi‡L, ‡R‡bfvq cÖ KvwkZ nq GKUv bZz b †cvwjk ZiRgv : _Manifest

Kommunistyczny_|

Furthermore, a new Danish translation has appeared in the

_Socialdemokratisk Bibliothek_, Copenhagen, 1885.Unfortunately, it is not quite complete; certain essential passages,

which seem to have presented difficulties to the translator, have

been omitted, and, in addition, there are saigns of carelessness here

and there, which are all the more unpleasantly conspicuous since

the translation indicates that had the translator taken a little more

pains, he would have done an excellent piece of work.

AwaK‗ y Í, _Socialdemokratisk Bibliothek_, †Kv‡cb‡n‡Mb, †_‡K 1885 mv‡j GKwU bZz b †Wbxq Aby ev` cÖKvwkZ n‡q‡Q| `yf © vMëkZ, Bnv cwic~ Y© fv‡e c~ Y© vsM bq; Aby ev`‡Ki wbKU KvwVb¨ cÖ wZfvZ nIqvq cÖ ‡qvRbxq wKQz Aby ‡”Q` ev` †Ìqv n‡q‡Q, Ges Z`y cwi, ¯‡b ¯v‡b Ah‡Z’ i wPý Av‡Q, †mUv Av‡iv†ekx AcÖ xZKifv‡e `„ wó‡MvPi nq hLb Aby ev` BswMZ K‡i †h, Aby ev`K Av‡iv GKUz †ekx Kó Ki‡j wZwb GKwU Pg r Kvi KvR Ki‡Z cvi‡Zb|

A new French version appeared in 1886, in _Le Socialiste_ of

Paris; it is the best published to date.

c¨vwi‡mi _Le Socialiste ‡Z GKwU bZz b divmx Aby ev` cÖ KvwkZ n‡q‡Q; AvR ch© ‗Í cÖ KvwkZ GUvB †miv |

From this latter, a Spanish version was published the same year in

_El Socialista_ of Madrid, and then reissued in pamphlet form:

_Manifesto del Partido Communista_ por Carlos Marx y F. Engels,

Madrid, Administracion de El Socialista, Hernan Cortes 8.

GwU n‡Z gvw`ª‡ì El Socialista_ ‡Z GKB eQ‡i GKUv ¯ú¨vwbk Aby ev` cÖ KvwkZ n‡q‡Q, Ges then reissued in pamphlet form: _Manifesto del

Partido Communista_ por Carlos Marx y F. Engels, Madrid,

Administracion de El Socialista, Hernan Cortes 8.

As a matter of curiosity, I may mention that in 1887 the manuscript

of an Armenian translation was offered to a publisher inConstantinople. But the good man did not have the courage to

publish something bearing the name of Marx and suggested that



92

the translator set down his own name as author, which the latter

however declined.

Jrmy Kë kZ Avwg D‡jøL Ki‡Z PvB †h, Av‡g© wbqvb Aby ev‡ì GKwU cvÛzwjwc 1887 mv‡j KÝU¨vw‘U‡bvc‡ji GK cÖ Kvk‡Ki wbKU †Ìqv n‡qwQj| wK‗‧ gvK© ‡mi bvg hy³ †Kv‡bv wKQz cÖKvk Kivi mvnm fv‡jv gvbylwUi wQj bv Ges iPwqZv wnmv‡e Aby ev`‡Ki wb‡Ri bvg †Ìhvi civgk© w`‡qwQ‡jb, †k lZ hv A¯^xK… Z nq|

After one, and then another, of the more or less inaccurate

American translations had been repeatedly reprinted in England, an

authentic version at last appeared in 1888. This was my friend

Samuel Moore, and we went through it together once more beforeit went to press. It is entitled: _Manifesto of the

Communist_Party_, by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels.

Authorized English translation, edited and annotated by Frederick

Engels, 1888, London, William Reeves, 185 Fleet Street, E.C. I

have added some of the notes of that edition to the present one.

BsjÛ †_‡K G‡Ki ci Ges Av‡iKwU , Kg - ‡ek Aï× Av‡gwiKvb Aby ev` evi

evi cy b:gy w`ª Z nj, Ae‡k‡l 1888 mv‡j GKwU h_v_© Aby ev` ‡ewi‡qwQj| GwU †cÖ ‡m †Ìqvi Av‡M Avgvi eÜz m¨vg~ ‡qj I Avgiv GK‡Î GKvwaKevi † `wL|GwUi wk‡ivbvg : Manifesto of the Communist_Party_, by Karl Marx

and Frederick Engels. Authorized English translation, edited and

annotated by Frederick Engels, 1888, London, William Reeves,

185 Fleet Street, E.C. H ms¯‥i‡Yi KwZcq wUKv Avwg eZ©gvbwU‡Z †hvM K‡iwQ|

The Manifesto has had a history of its own. Greeted with

enthusiasm, at the time of its appearance, by the not at all

numerous vanguard of scientific socialism (as is proved by the

translations mentioned in the first place), it was soon forced into

the background by the reaction that began with the defeat of the

Paris workers in June 1848, and was finally excommunicated "by

law" in the conviction of the Cologne Communists in November1852. With the disappearance from the public scene of the workers'

movement that had begun with the February Revolution, the

Manifesto too passed into the background.



93

B¯ÍvnviLvwbi wbR¯^ GK wU BwZnvm Av‡Q| †gv‡UI A‡bK bq, ‣eÁvwbK mgvRZ‡‗¿ i AMÖYx Øviv Bnvi `„ k¨gvbZviKv‡j wecyjfv‡e m¤¢ vwlZ n‡qwQj,(cÖ_g v‡b D‡jø wLZ Aby ev`¸wjB Øviv Zv cÖ gvwYZ), Ly e k xNª Bnv cðv`cmi‡Y eva¨ nj c¨vwim kÖ wgK‡ì Ry b 1848Gi civR‡qi gva¨‡g ïiæ nIqv cÖ wZwµqvq,

Ges 1852 mv‡ji b‡f¤ ‡i KwgDwb÷‡ì K‡jvb `ÛvÁvq me‡k‡l Bnv‡K AvBb Øviv †eAvBbx Kiv nj| †deª æ qv wi wecø ‡ei mv‡_ ïiæ n‡q kÖ wgK Av‡‘`vjb R bmgÿ n‡Z A`„ k¨gvb nIqvq B¯Í vnviLvwbI cðv`cmi‡Y P‡j hvq|

When the European workers had again gathered sufficient strength for a

new onslaught upon the power of the ruling classes, the International

Working Men's Association came into being. Its aim was to weldtogether into _one_ huge army the whole militant working class of

Europe and America. Therefore it could not _set out_ from the principleslaid down in the Manifesto. It was bound to have a programme which

would not shut the door on the English trade unions, the French, Belgian,Italian, and Spanish Proudhonists, and the German Lassalleans. This

programme -- the considerations underlying the Statutes of the

International -- was drawn up by Marx with a master hand acknowledgedeven by the Bakunin and the anarchists. For the ultimate final triumph of

the ideas set forth in the Manifesto, Marx relied solely upon the

intellectual development of the working class, as it necessarily has toensue from united action and discussion. The events and vicissitudes in

the struggle against capital, the defeats even more than the successes,

could not but demonstrate to the fighters the inadequacy of their former

universal panaceas, and make their minds more receptive to a thoroughunderstanding of the true conditions for working-class emancipation.

And Marx was right. The working class of 1874, at the dissolution of the

International, was altogether different from that of 1864, at itsfoundation. Proudhonism in the Latin countries, and the specific

Lassalleanism in Germany, were dying out; and even the ten arch-

conservative English trade unions were gradually approaching the point

where, in 1887, the chairman of their Swansea Congress could say intheir name: "Continental socialism has lost its terror for us." Yet by 1887

continental socialism was almost exclusively the theory heralded in the

Manifesto. Thus, to a certain extent, the history of the Manifesto reflects

the history of the modern working-class movement since 1848. Atpresent, it is doubtless the most widely circulated, the most international

product of all socialist literature, the common programme of manymillions of workers of all countries from Siberia to California.



94

kvmK †kÖYxi weiæ ‡× GKUv bZz b cÖ PÛ AvµgY Kivi g‡Zv h‡_ó kÖ w³ hLb BD‡iv‡ci kÖwgKiv Avevi AR© b Ki‡jv, the International Working Men's Association

Avwff~© Z nj| Bnvi jÿ¨ wQj BD‡ivc Ges Av‡gwiKvi mgMÖ hy×s‡`nx kÖ wgK †kÖYx‡K GKUv wekvj evwnbx‡Z GK‡Î my MÖw_Z Kiv| AZ:ci, B Í vnv‡i wee„Z bxwZgvjv¸‡jv

n‡Z Zv ïiæ n‡Z cv‡i bv| Ggb Kg© m~ wP wb‡Z Bnv eva¨ nq, hv Bswjk †Uª W BDwbqb, d« vÝ, †ejwRqvg, BUvjxqvb, Ges †¯ú wb k cÖ æ ‡au vc‗ x Ges Rvg© vb jvmvwjqvb‡ì Rb¨ ìRv eÜ Ki‡Z cv‡i bv| Av‗Í R© vwZ‡Ki mswe wa we‡ePbvq GB Kg© m~ wP Ggb wbcy bfv‡e gvK© m KZ… © K iwPZ nj Ggb wK evKz wbb I •bivR¨c‗ xiv ¯ xKvi K‡i wbj| B Í vnv‡i wee„ Z aviYv¸wj †kl ch© ‗Í P~ ov‗Í weR‡qi Rb¨ gvK© m GKKfv‡e wbf© i K‡iwQ‡jb kÖ wgK †kÖYxi ey w×e„ wËK weKv‡ki Dci, HKë× wµqv I Av‡jvPbv n‡Z Zv Avek¨Kxqfv‡e wbwðZ n‡e| cu ywR we‡ivax msMÖ v‡g NUbvejx I DÌvb -cZb, GgbwK weR‡qi †P‡q civR‡qi AvwaK¨, Zv‡ì c~ ‡e©Kvi me© Rbxb me© ‡ivMniKvix `vIqvB‡qi Ach©vßZv,

nv‡Z Kj‡g bv †`wL‡q cv‡iwb,Ges •Zix K‡i‡Q Zv‡ì gw Í ®‥ Av‡iv MÖ n‡Yvb¥y L n‡q kÖwgK †kÖYxi gy w³i Rb¨ cÖ K…Z Ae vejx cy sLvby csLfv‡e ey S‡Z| Ges gvK© m mwVK wQ‡jb| 1864 mv‡j Av‗ÍR© vwZK cÖ wZôvKv‡ji †P‡q Bnvi Aejy wßi Kv‡j, 1874 mv‡ji kÖ wgK †kÖYx wQj m¤ú~ Y© wfb’| j¨vwUb †`k¸wj‡Z cÖ uy ‡avev`, Ges Rvg© vbx‡Z wbw`© ó jvmvjev` , wQj gi‡Yvb¥y L; Ggb wK Pig iÿYkxj Bswjk †Uª W BDwbqb¸wj µgv‗^ ‡q GKUv ch© v‡q wbKUeZx© n‡qwQj, hLb, 1887 mv‡j Zv‡ì †mvqviwm Ks‡MÖ ‡mi ‡Pqvig¨vb Zv‡ì Zi‡d ej‡Z cvi‡jb: Ò Avgv‡ì Rb¨ gnv‡`kxq mgvRZ‗¿ Zvi

AvZsK nvwi‡qwQj|Ó A_P, 1887 mv‡j gnv‡`kxq mgvRZ‗¿ wQj cÖ vq cy ‡ivcy wi B Í vnv‡i †NvwlZ ZË¡ | my Zivs, wKQz Uv gvÎvq, B Í vnv‡ii BwZnvm cÖ wZdjb Ki‡Q 1848 mvj n‡Z Avay wbK kÖwgK ‡kÖYxi Av‡‘`vj‡bi BwZnvm| eZ© gv‡b m‡‘`nvZxZfv‡e GwU Ly eB e¨vcKfv‡e cÖ PvwiZ, mKj mgvRZ‗¿ x mvwn‡Zï g‡a¨ ‡kÖ ó Av‗Í R© vwZK †cÖ vWv±, mvB‡eixqv n‡Z K ¨ vwj‡dvwb©qv ch© ‗Í mKj †`‡ki eû wgwjqb kÖ wg‡Ki GK mvaviY Kg© m~wP|

Nevertheless, when it appeared, we could not have called it a _socialist_

manifesto. In 1847, two kinds of people were considered socialists. On

the one hand were the adherents of the various utopian systems, notably

the Owenites in England and the Fourierists in France, both of whom, at

that date, had already dwindled to mere sects gradually dying out. On the

other, the manifold types of social quacks who wanted to eliminate social

abuses through their various universal panaceas and all kinds of patch-work, without hurting capital and profit in the least. In both cases, people

who stood outside the labor movement and who looked for support rather

to the "educated" classes. The section of the working class, however,which demanded a radical reconstruction of society, convinced that mere

political revolutions were not enough, then called itself _Communist_. It

was still a rough-hewn, only instinctive and frequently somewhat crudecommunism. Yet, it was powerful enough to bring into being two



95

systems of utopian communism -- in France, the "Icarian" communists of

Cabet, and in Germany that of Weitling. Socialism in 1847 signified abourgeois movement, communism a working-class movement. Socialism

was, on the Continent at least, quite respectable, whereas communism

was the very opposite. And since we were very decidely of the opinion as

early as then that "the emancipation of the workers must be the task of the working class itself," we could have no hesitation as to which of the

two names we should choose. Nor has it ever occured to us to repudiate

it.

Zey I, hLb GwU cÖ KvwkZ nq, Avgiv Bnv‡K GKwU mgvRZ‗¿ x B Í vnvi ej‡Z cviZvg bv| 1847 mv‡j, y B ai‡Yi †jvK mgvRZ‗¿ x wnmv‡e we‡ewPZ nZ| GKw`‡K wQj bvbvb KvíwbK c×wZi Aby Mvgxiv, jÿYxqfv‡e, Bsj‡Û I‡qbc‗ x I d«v‡Ý

dz wi‡qc‗ xiv, †mB mg‡q Df‡qB Aek¨ ÿqcÖ vß n‡q wbQK †Mvwô‡Z cwiYZ n‡q µgv‗^ ‡q wejy ß nw”Qj| Ab¨w`‡K, eûgy wL ai‡Yi mvgvwRK nvZz ‡o , hviv cu y wR I gy bvdvi b~ ¨bZg ÿwZ bv K‡i, mvgvwRK cÖ eÂbv D‡”Q` Ki‡Z PvB‡Zv, Zv‡ì bvbvwe` m e© Rbxb me© ‡ivMni ewUKv I mKj ai‡Yi †RvovZvwj †Ìqv wµqvwì gva¨‡g| Dfq †ÿ‡ÎB,Giv wQj kÖ wgK Av‡‘`vj‡bi evwn‡ii †jvK Ges hviv mg_© ‡bi Rb¨ ZvwK‡q _v KZ eis Ò wkwÿZÓ †kÖYxi w`‡K| ey ‡S - ï‡bB wbQK ivR‣bwZK wecø e h‡_ó bq, mgv‡Ri Avg~ j cy bM© V‡bi `vex K‡iwQj kÖ wgK †kÖYxi †h Ask ZLb Zviv wb‡R‡K KwgDwb÷ ejZ|

ZLb ch© ‗Í Bnv wQj GKwU AgvwR© Z, †KejgvÎ mnRvZ Ges cÖ vqB A‡bKUv ~ j KwgDwbRg| Zey , Bnv d«v‡Ý the "Icarian" communists of Cabet, and Rvg© vbx‡Z Weitling g‡Zv `ywU c×wZi BD‡Uvcxq KwgDwbR‡gi `ywU c×wZ Rb¥ wèvi g‡Zv ÿgZvevb wQj| 1847 mv‡j †m ¨vk vwjRg ej‡Z ‡evSvZ GKUv ey ‡R© vqv Av‡‘`vjb, KwgDwbRg kÖ wgK-†kÖYxi Av‡‘`vjb| A‗Í Z gnv‡`‡k mgvRZ‗¿ wQj cwic~ Y© fv‡e f`ª R‡bvwPZ, cÿv‗Í‡i KwgDwbRg wQj wVK wecixZ| Ges Ò kÖ wgK‡ì gy w³ Aek¨B n‡e kÖ wgK †kÖYxi wbR¯ KvR, Ó hLb n‡Z Avgiv Ly eB w iK… Zfv‡e GB gZvg‡ Z DcbxZ njvg ZLb n‡Z Ly e`ªæ Z Avgv‡ì †Kv‡bv wØav wQj bv GB `y ‡Uvi g‡a¨ Avgiv

†KvbUv cQ‘` Kie| Gi c‡iI Bnv cwiZ¨vM Kivi K_v KL‡bv Avgv‡ì g‡b nqwb |

"Working men of all countries, unite!" But few voices responded when

we proclaimed these words to the world 42 years ago, on the eve of thefirst Paris Revolution in which the proletariat came out with the demands

of its own. On September 28, 1864, however, the proletarians of most of

the Western European countries joined hands in the InternationalWorking Men's Association of glorious memory. True, the International

itself lived only nine years. But that the eternal union of the proletariansof all countries created by it is still alive and lives stronger than ever,

there is no better witness than this day. Because today, as I write theselines, the European and American proletariat is reviewing its fighting



96

forces, mobilized for the first time, mobilized as _one_ army, under

_one_ flag, for _one_ immediate aim: the standard eight-hour workingday to be established by legal enactment, as proclaimed by the Geneva

Congress of the International in 1866, and again by the Paris Workers'

Congress of 1889. And today's spectacle will open the eyes of the

capitalists and landlords of all countries to the fact that today theproletarians of all countries are united indeed.

Ò `y wbqvi mKj †`‡ki kÖ gRxex gvby l - GK nI!Ó cÖ_g c¨vwim wecø e , †h wecø ‡e cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ Zvi wbR¯ `vex wb‡q nvwRi n‡qwQj Zvi cÖv°v‡j 42 eQi Av‡M Avgiv hLb c„ w_exi mvg‡b GB kã¸‡jv †NvlYv K‡iwQjvg, ZLb wK‗‧ AwZ Aí K‡ÚB ZvcÖ wZaŸwbZ n‡qwQj| 28 †mÞ¤i, 1864 mv‡j cwðg BD‡ivcxq †`k¸‡jvi AwaKvsk kÖwgK wK‗‧ †M․i‡ev¾j ¯§„ wZi Av‗Í R©vwZK kÖ gRxex gvby ‡li mwgwZ‡Z nvZ wgjvq|

mZ¨, Av‗Í RvwZ© K wb‡R †eu ‡PwQj gvÎ bq eQi| wK‗‧ Gi Øviv m„ ó mKj †`‡ki cÖ ‡jZvixq‡ì g‡a¨Kvi wPi‗Í b wgjb GL‡bv Rxe‗Í Ges c~ ‡e© Kvi Zz jbvq †ekx kw³kvjx n‡q †eu ‡P Av‡Q, GB Kv‡ji Zz jbvq Avi †Kvb DrK… ó mvÿ¨ bvB| ‡Kbbv AvR A vwg †hgb GB jvBb¸‡jv wjLwQ, BD‡ivcxq I Av‡gwiKvb cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ Bnvi hy × Kivi ‡Rvi ch© v‡jvPbv Ki‡Q, GK Avï j‡ÿ¨, GK cZvKvi bx‡P cÖ_gev‡ei g‡Zv mg‡eZ n‡q‡Q, GK evwnbxi g‡Zv mg‡eZ n‡q‡Q: AvU N‘Uv Kg© wè‡mi gvb`Û AvBbvbyMfv‡e ev Í evqb Ki‡Z n‡e , ‡hgbUv †NvwlZ n‡qwQj 1866 mv‡ji †R‡bfv

Ks‡Mªm Ges Avevi 1889 mv‡ji c¨vwim IqvK© vm© Ks‡MÖ ‡m| AvR‡Ki w`‡bi RvKRgKc~ Y© cÖ`k© b x mKj †`‡ki cu y wRcwZ I f~ wgcwZi †PvL †Lv‡j w`‡e †h, AvR‡Ki GB NUbvq †h mKj †`‡ki cÖ ‡jZvwi‡qZ e ‧ ZB AvR HKë×|

If only Marx were still by my side to see this with his own eyes!

Zvi wb‡Ri †Pv‡L Zv †`Lvi Rb¨ gvK© m hw` GL‡bv Avgvi cv‡k _vK‡Zb!

FREDERICK ENGELS. May,1890, London

http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/classics/manifesto.html.

http://www.anu.edu.au/polsci/marx/classics/manifesto.html





97

KwgDwb÷ jx‡Mi wbqgvejx

mKj †`‡ki kÖ gRxex gvby l, GK nI!

‡mKmb -1 . jxM

Aby .1| jx‡Mi jÿ¨ n‡”Q ey ‡R© vqv‡ì DrLvZ Kiv, cÖ ‡jZvwi‡q‡Zi kvmb, †kÖYx¸‡jvi mwµq •eixZvi Dci wbf© ikxj Ges e¨w³MZ m¤úwËnxb I †kÖYxnxb GKwU bZz b mgv‡Ri wfwË cy ‡iv‡bv ey ‡R© vqv mgv‡Ri we‡jvc mvab|

Aby . 2| mf¨c‡ì kZ© vejx :

G) GB j‡ÿï mwnZ msMwZc~ Y© RxebvPiY I Kvh© Kjvc;

we) cÖ PviYvq ‣ecø weK Kg© kw³ I DÏxcbv;

wm) KwgDwbR‡gi ^ xK… wZ; . wW) †h †Kv‡bv KwgDwb÷ we‡ivax ivR‣bwZK A_ev RvZxq mwgwZ‡Z AskMÖ nY n‡Z weiZ _vKvGes †h †Kv‡bv ai‡Yi AskMÖ nY DaŸ© Zb KZ© „c‡ÿi †MvPixf~ ZKiY;

B) jx‡Mi wm×v‡‗Í i cÖ wZ AaxbZv;

Gd) jx‡Mi we`¨gvb mKj mswkø ó e¨vcv‡i †MvcbxqZv cvjb;

wR) GKUv mgv‡R fwZ© n‡e me©m¤§Z|

GB mKj kZ© vejx ‡h †KD gvb¨ bv Ki‡j ewn¯‥… Z n‡e ( †mK‡mb -8 †`Ly b) | . Aby . 3| mKj mf¨ mgvb Ges fvB Ges cÖ‡Z¨K cwiw wZ‡Z †hgb G‡K Ac‡ii mnvqZv jv‡f K… ZÁZv cv‡k Ave×|

Aby .4| m ‡fïv jx‡Mi bvg aviY K‡i|

Aby .5| KwgDwbwU, mv‡K©j, gy L¨ mv‡K© j, †K‘`ª xq KZ… ©cÿ Ges Ks‡MÖ m wb‡q jxM msMwVZ|

‡mKmb 2. KwgDwbwU

Aby .6| Ab~ ¨b wZb Ges me© vwaK Kz woRb mf¨ wb‡q KwgDwbwU MwVZ|

Aby .7| cÖ ‡Z¨K KwgDwbwU GKRb †Pqvig¨vb I jeZx© †Pqvig¨vb wbe© vPb K‡i| †Pqvig¨vb mfvq mfvcwZZ¡ K‡i, Aby cw wZ‡Z †Pqvig¨vb‡K cÖ wZwbwaZ¡ I Znwej aviY K‡i jeZx© †Pqvig¨vb|

Amy .8| c~ e© Pz w³ Øviv KwgDwbwUi cÖ Í vweZ m`m¨ Ges bZz b m`‡mï A‗Í f© ©~ w³ Kvh© K… Z nq †Pqvig¨vb KZ© „ K|

Aby . 9| wewfb’ ai‡Yi KwgwU G‡K Aci‡K wP‡b bv, Ges G‡K Ac‡ii mwnZ †Kv‡bv wPwVc‡Îi Av`vb -cÖ `vb K‡i bv|

Aby .10| KwgDwbwU¸‡jv ^ vZ‗¿ ¨m~ PK bvg aviY K‡i|

Aby. 11| emev‡mi vb cwieZ© bKvix cÖ ‡Z¨K m`m¨ Zvi †Pqvig¨vb‡K Aek¨B cÖ_g AewnZ K‡i|



98

‡mKmb 3. mv‡K© j|

Aby .12| Ab~ ¨b `y B Ges m‡e© v”P `kwU KwgDwbwU wb‡q mv‡K© j MwVZ|

Aby .13| KwgDwbwUi †Pqvig¨vb I †Wcy wU †Pqvig¨vb wb‡q mv‡K© j KZ© „cÿ MwVZ| cieZx© ‡Z G‡ì ga¨ n‡Z GKRb †cÖ wm‡W‘U wbe© vPb Ki‡e| gy L© mv‡K© j I KwgDwbwU¸‡jvi mwnZ

†hvMv‡hv‡Mi gva¨‡g GU v Kiv|

Aby .14| mv‡K©‡ji mKj KwgDwbwUi wbe© vnx AsM n‡”Q mv‡K©j KZ© „cÿ|

Ab„.15| wew”Qb’ KwgDwbwU¸‡jv Aek¨B nq‡Zv B‡Zvg‡a¨ we`¨gvb mv‡K© ‡j †hvM`vb A_ev, Ab¨vb¨ wew”Qb’ KwgDwbwU¸‡jv wb‡q GKUv bZz b mv‡K© j MVb Ki‡e|

‡mKmb 4. gy L¨ mv‡K© j

Aby . 16| GKwU †`‡ki ev cÖ ‡`‡ki wewfb’ mv‡K© j GKwU gy L¨ mv‡K© ‡ji Aax‡b|

Aby .17| jx‡Mi mv‡K© j¸‡jvi cÖ ‡`k¸‡jv‡Z wefvRb Ges †K‘`ªxq KZ© „c‡ÿi cÖ Í ve Aby hvqx, gy L¨ mv‡K© ‡ji wb‡qvM Kvh© Kix n‡e|

Aby .18| cÖ‡`‡ki mKj mv‡K© ‡ji wbe© vnx KZ© „cÿ n‡”Q gy L¨ mv‡K©j| †K‘`ª xq KZ© „c‡ÿi mwnZ GB me mv‡K© j¸‡jvi †hvMv‡hv‡Mi gva¨‡g GUv n‡e|

Ab.19| bZzb MwVZ mv‡K© j¸wj wbKUeZx© gy L¨ mv‡K©‡j †hvM`vb Ki‡e|

Aby.20| gy L¨ mv‡K© j¸wj mvgwqKfv‡e †K‘ ª xq KZ© „c‡ÿi wbKU `vqx Ges P~ ov‗Í fv‡e Ks‡MÖ ‡mi wbKU|

‡mKmb 5. ‡K› ª xq KZ© „ cÿ Aby .21| †K‘ ªxq KZ©„cÿ n‡”Q mgMÖ jx‡Mi wbe© vnx AsM Ges †hgb Ks‡MÖ ‡mi wbKU `vqx|

Aby .22| Ab~ ¨b 5 Rb m`m¨ wb‡q Bnv MwVZ Ges †hLv‡b Ks‡MÖ m Aby wôZ nq †mLv‡b mv‡K©j KZ© „cÿ KZ©„ K Bnv wbe© vwPZ nq|

Aby . 23| †K‘`ª xq KZ© „cÿ gy L¨ mv‡K© j¸‡jvi mwnZ †hvMv‡hvM iv‡L| wZb gv‡m GKevi mgMÖ jx‡Mi Ae v m¤ wjZ weeiY Bnv cÖ `vb K‡i|

‡mKmb 6 . mvaviY wbqgvejx Aby .24| KwgDwbwU¸‡jv, Ges mv‡K© j KZ© © © © „cÿ¸‡jv Ges GgbwK †K‘`ª xq KZ© „cÿ b~ ¨bc‡ÿ cÖ ‡Z¨K c‡ÿ GKevi wgwjZ n‡e|

A by .25| mv‡K© j KZ© „cÿ Ges †K‘`ª xq KZ© „c‡ÿi m`m¨MY GK eQ‡ii Rb¨ wbe©vwPZ n‡eb, cy b: wbe© vwPZ n‡Z cvi‡eb Ges ‡h‡Kv‡bv mg‡q wbe© vPKMY KZ…© K cÖ Z¨vüZ n‡eb|

Aby .26| †m‡Þ¤ i gv‡m wbe©vPb Aby wôZ n‡e|

Aby . 27| jx‡Mi Afxó jÿ¨ Aby hvqx mv‡K© j KZ© „cÿ KwgDwbwU¸‡jvi Av‡jvPbvi wb‡`© wkKv w`‡eb| mvaviY Ges Avï ¯ v‡_©i wbwðZ cÖ k’ vejx Av‡jvPbv n‡Z cv‡i e‡j hw` †K‘`ª xq KZ© „cÿ g‡b K‡i, Bnv Aek¨B mgMÖ jx‡M Avnevb Ki‡e Zv‡ì‡K Av‡jvPbv Ki‡Z|

Aby .28| jx‡Mi e¨w³K m`m¨ Aek¨B Ab~ ¨b wZb gv‡m GKevi Zv‡ì mv‡K© j KZ© „c‡ÿi mwnZ †hvMv‡hvM Ki‡e| cÖ‡Z¨K mv‡K© j Aek¨B cÖ ‡Z¨K `y Bgv‡m Ab~ ¨b GKevi Bnvi ‡Rjv gy L¨



99

mv‡K© ‡ji wbKU wi‡c© vU w`‡eb, cÖ ‡Z¨K gyL¨ mv‡K© j Ab~ ¨b cÖ‡Z¨K wZb gv‡m GKevi †K‘`ª xq KZ© „c‡ÿi wbKU w`‡e|

Aby .29| wbivcËv I `ÿ Kv‡Ri Rb¨ cÖ ‡Z¨K jxM KZ© „cÿ wewag‡Zv cÖ ‡qvRbxq eë v MÖn‡Y eva¨, Ges GB me eë vejx wel‡q Zwor Da© Zb KZ© „cÿ‡K AewnZ Ki‡e|

‡mKmb 7 . Ks‡MÖ m

Aby . 30| Ks‡MÖ m n‡”Q cy‡iv jx‡Mi AvBb cÖYqbKvix KZ©„cÿ| wbqgvejx cwieZ© ‡bi Rb¨ mKj cÖ Í ve gy L¨ mv‡K© ‡ji gva¨‡g †K‘`ª xq KZ© „c‡ÿi wbKU cvVv‡Z n‡e, Ges Bnv KZ© „ K Ks‡MÖ ‡m

Dc vwcZ n‡e|

Aby .31| cÖ ‡Z¨K mv‡K© j GKRb cÖ wZwbwa †cÖ iY Ki‡e|

Aby ,32| cÖ ‡Z¨K ¯ Z‗¿ mv‡K© j 30 R‡bi Kg m‡fï Rb¨ GKRb cÖ wZwbwa, 60 R‡bi K‡g `y B,90 R‡bi K‡g wZb, BZ¨vw` †cÖ iY Ki‡e| mv‡K© j Zv‡ì‡K cÖwZwbwaZ¡ Ki‡Z cvi‡e jx‡Mi

m`m¨‡ì Øviv †h Zv‡ì GjvKvq _v‡K bv | Z‡e, GB †ÿ‡Î, Zviv Aek¨B we Í vwiZ ÿgZv w`‡q Zv‡ì cÖ wZwbwa cvVv‡eb|

Aby .33| cÖ ‡Z¨K eQ‡ii AvMó gv‡m Ks‡MÖ m wgwjZ n‡e| Riæ ix †ÿ‡Î †K‘`ª xq KZ© „cÿ GKwU AwZwi³ Ks‡MÖ m Avnevb Ki‡e|

Aby .35| Avmb’ eQ‡i †Kv_vq †K‘ ª xq KZ© „cÿ em‡e Zvi cÖ ‡Z¨K vb I mgq Ges cieZx© Ks‡MÖ m †Kv_vq wgwjZ n‡e Zv Ks‡MÖ m wVK Ki‡e|

Aby . 35| †K‘ ª xq KZ© „cÿ Ks‡MÖ ‡m em‡e, wK‗‧ wb¯úwËKvix †fvU bvB| Aby.36| cÖ ‡Z¨K Awa‡ek‡bi ci Bnvi cwic‡Îi AwZwi³ GKwU B Í vnvi cvwU© i bv‡g Bm~ ¨ Ki‡e|

‡mKmb 8. jx‡Mi weiæ ‡× Aciva

Aby .37| †h †KD mf¨c‡ì kZ © vejx ( Aby -2) fsM Ki‡j cvwicvwk¦ © KZv Aby hvqx jxM n‡Z AcmvwiZ ev ewn¯‥…Z n‡e| ewn¯‥vi cy b:fwZ© wbevwiZ K‡i|

Aby .38|ewn¯‥v‡ii wel‡q †KejgvÎ Ks‡MÖ m wggvsmv K‡i|

Aby .39| Da© Zb KZ© „cÿ‡K Avï AewnZKiY mn mv‡K© j ev wew”Qb’ KwgDwbwU KZ© „ K e¨w³K m`m¨ AcmvwiZ n‡Z cvi‡e| GLv‡b Aek¨, †kl „ óv‗Í wb¯úb’ K‡i Ks‡MÖm|

Ab„.40| mv‡K©‡ji cÖ Í ve g‡Zv †K‘`ªxq KZ© „cÿ KZ© „ K AcmvwiZ m`‡mï cy b:fwZ© Kvh© K… Z nq|

Aby .41| jx‡Mi weiæ‡× Aciva wel‡q mv‡K© j KZ©„cÿ RvR‡g‘U †`q Ges Aek¨ iv‡qi Kvh© KvixZv †`‡L|

Aby .42| jx‡Mi ¯ ‡_© AcmvwiZ I ewn¯‥… Z mf¨ , mvaviYZ m‡‘`nfvRb e¨w³i g‡Zv bR‡i _vK‡e, Ges ÿwZ Kiv n‡Z wbevwiZK… Z| GB ai‡Yi e¨w³e‡M© i loh‗¿ mswkø ó KwgDwbwU‡Z

Zwor wi‡cvU© Ki‡Z n‡e| ‡mKmb 9 . jxM Znwej

Aby .43| cÖ ‡Z¨K mf¨ KZ© „ K cwi‡kvwaZ cÖ‡Z¨K †`‡ki Rb¨ b~ ¨b Zg eva¨Zvg~ jK Pu v`v wba© viY K‡i Ks‡MÖ m|



100

Aby .44| GB Puv`v A‡a© K †K‘`ª xq KZ©„c‡ÿi wbKU hv‡e, Ab¨ A‡a© K mv‡K© j ev KwgDwbwUi Znwe‡j _vK‡e|

Aby .45| †K‘ ªxq KZ©„c‡ÿi Znwej eëüZ nq:

(1) wPwV c‡Îi Av`vb -cÖ `vb I cÖ kvmwbK LiPvw` wgUv‡Z;

(2) cÖ Pvig~ jK cÖ PvicÎ gy `ªY I weZi‡Y;

(3) wewkó D‡Ï‡kï Rb¨ †K‘ ª xq KZ© „c‡ÿi ~Z cvVv‡Z|

Aby .46| vbxq KZ© „c‡ÿi Znwej eëüZ nq :

(1) †hvMv‡hv‡Mi LiPvw` wgUv‡Z;

(2)cÖ Pvig~ jK cÖ PvicÎ gy `ªY I weZi‡Y;

(3)gv‡S g‡a¨ ~ Z †cÖ i‡Y| Aby .47| KwgDwbwU I mv‡K© ‡ji †hwU Qq gvm ch© ‗Í Zv‡ì eva¨Zvg~jK Puv`v cwi‡kva K‡iwb, jxM n‡Z Zv‡ i Acmvi‡Yi Rb¨ †K‘`ª xq KZ© „cÿ KZ© „ K Zviv AewnZ n‡e|

Aby .48| b~ ¨bc‡ÿ cÖ ‡Z¨K wZb gv‡m GKevi mv‡K© j KZ© „cÿ Zv‡ì KwgDwbwUi wbKU Zv‡ì Avq- e¨‡qi wnmv‡e w`‡e| jx‡Mi Avw_© K Ae v I jx‡Mi Znwej cwiPvjbv wel‡q †K‘`ª xq KZ© „cÿ Ks‡MÖ ‡m wnmve w ‡e| jx‡Mi Znwe‡jv‡ji †Kv‡bv ai‡Yi AvZ¥mvr K‡Vvi kvw Í ‡hvM¨|

Aby .49| AwZwi³ I Ks‡MÖ ‡mi LiPvw` AwZwi³ eva¨Zvg~ jK Pu v`v n‡Z wgUv‡bv nq|

‡mKmb 10. fwZ©

Aby .50| KwgDwbwUi †Pqvig¨vb Av‡e`bKvixi wbKU Aby ‡”Q`, 1 n‡Z 49, co‡eb, G¸wj e¨vL¨v Ki‡eb, evaëvaKZvi Dci we‡klfv‡e †Rvi w`‡q GKUv ‡QvU e³„ Zv w`‡eb hv‡Z bZz b mf¨ aviY Ki‡Z cv‡i, Ges ZLb Zvi wbKU cÖ k’ wU ivLv : Ò Zz wg wK GLb GB jx‡M †hvM`vb Ki‡Z B”Qz KÓ? hw` †m Ò nu ¨vÓ m~ PK DËi †`q. †Pqvig¨vb Zvi cÖ wZkÖ æ wZ‡K we‡ePbvq wb‡eb djkÖ æ wZ‡Z wZwb jx‡Mi evaëvaKZv cwic~ iY Ki‡eb, Zv‡K jx‡Mi GKRb mf¨ †NvlYv w`‡eb,Ges KwgDwbwUi cieZx© mfvq Zv‡K cwiPq Kwi‡q w`‡eb|

jÛb, wW‡m¤ i 8, 1847| 1948 mv‡ji kirKv‡ji wØZxq Ks‡MÖ ‡mi bv‡g

m¤úv`K †cÖ wm‡W‘U

G¨s‡Mjm Kvj© kv·v‡ci



101

AvšÍ R© vwZK kÖ gRxex gvby ‡li mwgwZ -1864

mvaviY wbqgvejx, A‡±vei -1864

‡h‡nZz,

kÖwgK †kÖYxi gy w³ Aek¨B AwR©Z n‡e kÖ wgK †kÖYxi wb‡R‡ì KZ„ © K; kÖ wgK †kÖYxi gy w³i Rb¨ msMÖ vg hvi A_© †kÖYx my weav I GK‡PwUqvi Rb¨ GKwU msMÖ vg bq, Z‡e, mgvb AwaKvi I `vwq‡Z¡ i Rb¨, Ges mKj †kÖYx kvm‡bi we‡jvc mvab;

kÖ‡gi Dcv‡qi GK‡PwUqvKvix‡ì wbKU kÖ ‡gi gvby ‡li A_© ‣bwZK AaxbZv, A_© vr Rxe‡bi Drm, `vm‡Z¡ i mKj iƒ ‡ci Zj‡`‡k Ae vb K‡i, mKj mvgvwRK `y `© kv, gvbwmK AcK… óZv, Ges ivR‣bwZK wbf© ikxjZv;

AZ:ci kÖwgK †kÖYxi A_© ‣bwZK gyw³ n‡”Q g Í mgvwß hv‡Z Dcvq wnmv‡e cÖ wZwU ivR‣bwZK Av‡‘`vjb Aa Íb n‡e|

cÖ ‡Z¨K †`‡k eûgy wL kÖ g wefvR‡bi g‡a¨ msnwZi Afve, Ges wewfb’ †`‡ki kÖ wgK †kÖYxi g‡a¨Kvi GKUv åvZ… xq eÜ‡bi GKxfe‡bi Aby cw ‡Z g Í mgvwßi D‡Ï‡k¨ Ghver Kv‡ji mKj cÖ ‡Póv e¨_© n‡q‡Q;

kÖwg‡Ki gy w³ vbxqI bq RvZxqI bq, Z‡e GKUv mvgvwRK mgm¨v, mKj †`‡ki A‗Í f© y ³ hv‡Z Avay wbK mgvR we`¨gvb, Ges Bnvi mvgvav‡bi Rb¨ wbf©iZv n‡”Q Ly eB

cÖ vMÖ migvb †`k¸wji ZvwË¡ K I cÖ v‡qvwMK HK¨gZ|

BD‡iv‡ci me© vwaK K‡g© v‡`¨vMx †`k¸‡jv‡Z kÖ wgK †kÖYxi eZ© gvb cy biæ fz ¨`q, hLb GKUv bZz b Avkvi RvMÖ Z Ki‡Q, cy ‡iv‡bv fz ‡ji g‡a¨ cy bivq cwZZ nIqvi wel‡q M¤¢ xifv‡e mZK© Ki‡Q, Ges GL‡bv wew”Qb’ Av‡‘`vjb¸‡jvi Avï mshyw³i Avnevb Rvbv‡”Q;

‡m‡nZz -

Av‗Í R© vwZK kÖ gRxex gvby ‡li mwgwZ cÖ wZwô Z nj.

Bn v †NvlYv Ki‡Q:

Bnvi mv‡_ `„ pfv‡e †j‡M _vKv mKj †mvmvBwU I e¨w³eM© ¯ xKvi Ki‡e - eY©, ag©, A_ev RvZxqZv we‡ePbv bv K‡i G‡K A‡bï cÖ wZ Ges mKj gvby ‡li cÖ wZ, Zv‡ì AvPi‡Yi wfwË n‡e mZ¨, b¨vqcivqbZv, I •bwZKZv;

Bnv ¯ xKvi Ki‡Q KZ© e¨ e¨ZxZ AwaKvi bq, AwaKvi e¨ ZxZ KZ© e¨ bq;

Ges GB •bwZKZvq, wb‡¤’ i wbqgvejx cÖYxZ nj|

1| GKB mgvwßi D‡Ï‡k¨; A_© vr msiÿY, Db’ wZweavb, Ges kÖ wgK †kÖYxi m¤ú~ Y© gy w³,Ges wewfb’ †`‡ki we`¨gvb †mvmvBwU¸‡jvi g‡a¨ mn‡hvwMZv I †hvMv‡hv‡Mi GKwU †K‘`ª xq gva¨g ‡hvMvb w`‡Z GB mwgwZ cªwZwôZ n‡q‡ Q|



102

2| GB †mvmvBwUi bvg n‡e Ò Av‗Í R© vwZK kÖ gRxex gvby ‡li mwgwZ|Ó

3| mwgwZi kvLvmg ~ ‡ni cÖ wZwbwa mg‗^ ‡q, eQ‡i GKevi GKwU mvaviY kÖ gRxex gvby ‡li

Ks‡MÖm Aby wôZ n‡e| Ks‡MÖ m kÖ wgK †kÖYxi mvaviY AvKvsLv †NvlYv Ki‡e, Av‗Í R© vwZK

mwgwZi mdj Kv‡h© i Rb¨ cÖ ‡qvRbxq c`‡ÿc MÖ nY Ki‡e, Ges †mvmvBwUi Rb¨ mvaviY cwil` wb‡qvM Ki‡e|

4| cÖ ‡Z¨K Ks‡MÖ m cieZx© Ks‡MÖ m Aby ôv‡bi mgq I vb wba© viY Ki‡e| we‡kl †Kv‡bv

Avg‗¿Y QvovB wba©vwiZ v‡b I mg‡q cÖ wZwbwaMY mg‡eZ n‡e| mvaviY cwil`

cÖ ‡qvRb n‡j vb cwieZ© b Ki‡Z cvi‡e, wK‗‧ evwl© K mvaviY cwil‡ì mgq wMZ

Kivi †Kv‡bv AwaKvi bvB| cÖ wZ eQi, mvaviY cwil‡ì Avmb wba© viY I m`m¨

wbe© vPb Ki‡e - Ks‡MÖ m| GBfv‡e wbe© vwPZ mvaviY cwil‡ì ÿgZv Av‡Q Bnvi mf¨

msL¨v †hvM Kivi| Bnvi mvaviY mfvq, mvaviY cwil‡ì evwl© K †jb - ‡`‡bi

me© RwbK wnmv‡e MÖ nY Ki‡e Ks‡MÖ m| cieZx© ‡Z , Riæ ix cÖ ‡qvR‡b, wbqwgZ evwl© K

†gqv‡ì c~ ‡e© B mvaviY Ks‡MÖ m Avnevb Kiv hv‡e|

5| wewfb’ †`‡ki kÖ gRxexgvby l wb‡q MwVZ mvaviY cwil` Av‗ÍR© vwZK mwgwZ‡K

cÖ wZwbwaZ¡ Ki‡e| Kvh© µg cwiPvjbvi Rb¨ Bnvi wb‡Ri m`m¨‡ì ga¨ n‡Z cÖ ‡qvRbxq AvwaKvwiK, †hgb GKRb †Kvlva¨vÿ, GKRb mvaviY m¤úv`K, wewfb’ †`‡k

†hvMv‡hv‡Mi Rb¨ m¤úv`Ke„ ‘`, BZ¨vw` wbe© vPb Ki‡ e|

6| mwgwZi wewfb’ Ges vbxq MÖ æ ç‡jvi g‡a¨ mvaviY cwil` GKwU Av‗Í R© vwZK

G‡RÝx MVb Ki‡e, hv‡Z GK ‡`‡ki kÖ gRxexgvby l c~ e© vci GKBiKgfv‡e Acivci

cÖ ‡Z¨K †`‡k Zv‡ì †kÖYx Av‡‘`vjb AewnZ n‡e; Ges GKwU mvaviY wb‡`© kbv Aby hvqx

BD‡iv‡ci wewfb’ †`‡ki mvgvwRK Ae vi Avwfgy ‡L¨ hy Mcrfv‡e GKUv Aby mÜvb

Ki‡e; hv, GK †mvmvBwU‡Z mvaviY ¯ v‡_©i weZwK© Z cÖk’ ¸‡jv mKj †mvmvBwU Øviv e¨vcKfv‡e

cÖ Pvi I Av‡jvP¨ wel‡q cwiYZ nq; Ges hLb Avï ev Íe c`‡ÿc cÖ ‡qvRbxq n‡e - D`vniY

¯ iƒ c, Av‗Í R© vwZK weev‡ì †ÿ‡Î, mwgwZfz ³ †mvmvBwU¸‡jvi hy Mcr Ges mgiƒc wµqv n‡e|

hLb Bnv my weavRbK e‡j cÖ wZfvZ n‡e, wewfb’ RvZxq A_ev vbxq †mvmvBwU¸‡jvi mvg‡b

cÖ Í vev ejx Dc vc‡bi D‡`¨vM MÖ nY Ki‡e mvaviY cwil`|‡hvMv‡hvM mnRZi Ki‡Z mvaviY

cwil` ch© ve„ wËK weeiYx cÖ Kvk Ki‡e|

7|hLb ‡Kej wgjb I GKxfe‡bi ÿgZv cÖ vwß Qvov, cÖ ‡Z¨K †`‡k kÖ gRxex gvby ‡li

Av‡‘`vj‡bi mvdj¨ wbwðZ n‡e bv,hLb, Ab¨w`‡K, Av‗Í R© vwZK mvaviY cwil‡ì DcKvwiZv



103

Aek¨B cvwicvwk¦ ©KZvi Dci wekvjfv‡e wbf© i K‡i, nq‡Zvev Bnv kÖ gRxex gvby ‡li KwZcq

RvZxq †K‡‘`ª i mwnZ wWj K‡i, A_ev wekvj msL¨K †QvU ev wew”Qb’ vbxq †mvmvBwU¸‡jvi

mwnZ- Av‗Í R© vwZK mwgwZi m`m¨MY Zv‡ì me© vZ¥K cÖ ‡Póv Pvjv‡e, Zv‡ì hvi hvi †`‡ki

wew”Qb’ kÖ gRxexgvby ‡li †mvmvBwU¸‡jv‡K, †K‘`ª xq RvZxq msMV‡bi Øviv cÖ wZwbwaZ¡ Kvix RvZxq

ms vq mshy ³ Ki‡Z| Aek¨, Bnv ¯ qs - ‡evaMg¨, †h cÖ ‡Z¨K †`‡ki wewPÎ AvB‡bi Dci wbf© i

Ki‡e GB wbq‡gi eënvi, Ges AvBbMZ eu vav bv _vK‡j, †Kv‡bv ¯ Z‗¿ vbxq †mvmvBwU

mvaviY cwil‡ì mwnZ mivmwi wPwVcÎ Av`vb -cª v‡b evwiZ nB‡e bv|

8| mvaviY cwil‡ì mwnZ mivmwi wPwVcÎ Av`vb -cÖ `vb K‡i wbR¯ m¤úv`K wb‡qvM Kivi

AwaKvi Av‡Q cÖ ‡Z¨K †mKm‡bi|

9| Av‗Í R© vwZK kÖ gRxex gvby ‡li mwgwZi bxwZgvjv whwb ¯ xKvi I iÿv Ki‡eb, cÖ ‡Z¨Ke¨w³ m`m¨ n‡Z †hvM¨ | cÖ ‡Z¨K kvLv Bnvi fwZ© Kiv m`m¨M‡Yi ALÛZvi Rb¨ `vqx |

10| Av‗Í R© vwZK mwgwZi cÖ ‡Z¨K mf¨, GK †`k n‡Z Ab¨‡`‡k Zvi emwZ mwi‡q wb‡j,

mwgwZe× kÖ g Rxex gvby ‡li åvZ… Z¡ g~ jK mg_© b jvf Ki‡eb|

11| Av‗ÍR© vwZK mwgwZ‡Z †hvM`vb K‡i åvZ… Z¡g~ jK mn‡hvwMZvi Ab‗Í eÜ‡b hLb GKÎxK… Z,

kÖ gRxex gvby ‡li mwgwZMy ‡jv Zv‡ì we`¨gvb msMVb¸‡jv msiÿY Ki‡e|

12| Dcw Z `y B Z… Zxqvsk cÖ wZwbwa Ggb ms‡kva‡bi c‡ÿ, GB k‡Z© cÖ ‡Z¨K Ks‡MÖ m KZ© „ K

eZ© gvb wbqgvejx ms‡kvwaZ n‡Z cvi‡e|

13| cÖ ‡Z¨K Ks‡MÖ‡mi ms‡kvabx mv‡cÿ, eZ© gvb wbqgvejx‡Z cÖ ‡Z¨K welq ms vb Kiv bv

†M‡j we‡kl cÖ weavb Øviv Zv Kiv hv‡e |



104

cÖ_g AvšÍ R©vwZ‡Ki cÖ kvmwbK cÖweavbvejx -1867

1| Ks‡MÖ ‡mi cÖ Í vevejx Kvh© Kvi‡Y mvaviY cwil` ÿgZvcÖ vß|

(G) GB Awfó mva‡b wewfb’ †`‡ki †K‘ ª xq KwgwU KZ© „ K †cÖwiZ mKj `wjj Bnv msMÖ n Ki‡e, Ges †hgbUv Bnv Ab¨ Dcv‡qI msMÖ n Ki‡Z cvi‡e|

( we) Ks‡MÖ ‡mi msMV‡bi Øviv Bnv Awfhy ³, Ges †K‘ ª xq KwgwUi gva¨‡g Ks‡MÖ ‡mi Kg© m~ wP mKj kvLvi AeMwZ‡Z Avbv|

2| Av‗ÍR© vwZK kÖ gRxex gvby ‡li mwgwZi ¯ v‡_© jvM‡Z cv‡i Ggb cÖ ‡Z¨K e¨vcvi A‗Í fy © ³ K‡i, mvaviY cwil` Bnvi Dcv‡qi Aby‡gv`b mv‡cÿ cÖ vqB GKwU wi‡cvU© cÖ Kvk Ki‡e, m‡e© vcwi wewfb’ v‡b kÖ wg‡Ki

Pvwn`v I †hvMvb Avg‡j ‡bIqv,mn‡hvwMZvg~ jK mwgwZ, Ges cÖ ‡Z¨K † ‡ki kÖ wgK †kÖYxi Ae v|

3| GB wi‡cvU© eû fvlvq cÖ KvwkZ n‡e, Ges wewµi Rb¨ mswkø ó mKj Awd‡m cvVv‡Z n‡e| e¨q mvkÖ ‡q mswkø ó m¤úv`KMY Zv‡ì wbR wbR v‡b wewµ n‡Z cv‡i Ggb Kwci mv¤¢ ve¨ msL¨ Aek¨B c~ ev‡ýB mvaviY cwil‡` AewnZ Ki‡e|

4| GB `vwqZ¡ mg~ n wb¯úb’ Ki‡Y mvaviY cwil`‡K mÿg Ki‡Z, mvaviY cwil‡ i eënv‡ii Rb¨ Awafz ³ †mvmvBwUi cÖ ‡Z¨K m`m¨ •ÎgvwmK wKw Í ‡Z evwl© K GK †cwb eva¨Zvg~ jK Pu v`v cwi‡kva‡hvM¨| GB P u v`v

mvaviY cwil‡ì c~ e© wba© vwiZ e¨q , †hgb mvaviY m¤úv`‡Ki cvwi‡ZvwlK, WvK gvïj, gy ªY BZ¨vw` wbe© v‡n|

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109

I Kvh© vejx Z_v msÁv A_ev cÖ K… Z I wbf© yj MwZ A_ev my wbw`© ó Aw Z¡ ev †h‡Kvb NUbv I

msL¨vi h‡_vwPZ kãivwR D‖¢ veb I D―NvUb Ges •elg¨ I •eixZvgy ³ gvbweK m¤ú‡K© i Dchy ³ I

h_v_© bZz b kãivwR cwiMÖ nY Kivi Rb¨ e¨vKi‡Yi cwieZ© b I nvjbvMvw`KiY Ges cv‡m© vbvj

Kvë ev A‣eÁvwbK NUbvi cÖ wZwbwaZ¡ Kvix vbmg~ ‡ni cyb:bvgvKiY Ges M¨vjvw· ev wgwéI‡q

Ges Mª‡ni g‡ZvB Kí K_vi bvghy ³ gvm I w`‡bi bvg we‡jvc mva‡bi gva¨‡g el©cywÄi ms¯‥vi mvab Kiv n‡”Q mgvRZ‡‗¿ i Avky j¶¨|

(R) mgvRZ‗¿ ivóª bq,eis ivóª xq mxgvbvnxb •ewk¦ K mgvR; hv cwiPvwjZ n‡e GKwU wek¦ RbmwgwZ Øviv|

(S) mgvRZ‗¿ A_© vr kª wg‡Ki gy w³, vbxq ev RvZxq †Kvb welq bq, eis GwU GKwU mvgvwRK

mgm¨v| G mgm¨v mgvav‡b wbf© i Ki‡Z n‡e Avay wbK mgv‡Ri AMÖMvgx †`k¸‡jvi ZvwË¡ K I

cÖ v‡qvwMK HKg‡Zï Dci|

(T) †Kvb RvZxq msMVb wKsev ‡Kvb ivR‣bwZK `j bq eis †kªYxnxb mgv‡Ri Rb¨

kªwgK‡kªYxi GKwU wek¦ mwgwZ Avek¨K hv mgvRZ‡‗¿ i †g․wjK nvwZqvi, AMÖ `~ Z I

mvsMVwbK kZ©|

(U) Gd.wW. †ivR‡fë, WweD.PvwP© j Ges †R. óvwjb KZ© „ K m„ ó wek¦ e¨vsK - AvB.Gg.Gd n‡PQ

wek¦ cÖ fy , i¶K, m si¶K Ges cu y wRev‡ì g‡Zv iv‡óª iI kvmK| my Zivs, e¨w³gvwjKvbvi

c¶xq mKj cÖ wZôvb I msMVb Ges m`m¨ ivóª ¸‡jv m‡gZ wek¦ e¨vsK - AvB.Gg.G‡di aŸsm,

webvk, eR© b I we‡jvcmvab Kiv mgvRZ‡‗¿ i Rb¨ Acwinvh©|

(V) cu y wR †h․_ Drcb’ my Zivs c u y wR ‡KejgvÎ e¨w³MZ bq mvgvwRK wK‗Í cu y wR I gRy wi kª‡gi

•eixZvi wfwË‡Z cÖ wZwôZ cu y wRev‡` cywRi gvwjKvbv n‡PQ e¨w³MZ | my Zivs c u u y wRev`x m¤úK©

n‡”Q •elg¨g~ jK, mvsNwl© K I •eixZvg~jK| Dci‗Í, cu y wRev`x Drcv`‡bi GKgvÎ j¶¨ n‡”Q

cu y wRi cy wÄf~ eb| AZGe, Awbevh© fv‡e AwZwi³ ev †ekx Drcv`b c u ywRev‡ì cÖ K„ wZ Ges GwU

n‡”Q cu ywRev`x m¤ú‡K© i weiy‡× Drcv`b DcKi‡Yi we‡ ª vn hv‡K ejv nq cu y wRev‡ì msKU|

msKU kª wgK †kªYx†K gvivZ¥Kfv‡e wech© Í K‡i Ges AwZ `ª y Z A‡bK c u y wRcwZ‡K †kªYxPz¨Z

K‡i| cu ywRev`x msK‡Ui cy bive„wË Awbevh© Ges GwU c u y wRev`x mgv‡Ri wbivgq A‡hvM¨ Rb¥MZ e¨vax e‡jB c u ywRev†ì msKU mgvavb Am¤¢ e| my Zivs ey ‡R© vqv mgvR Drcb’ K‡i AwaK

n‡Z AwaKZi aŸsmvZ¥K kw³ †hgb cu y wRev‡ì bZz b bZz b Drcv`b DcKiY Ges kªwgK‡kªYx|

my Zivs, wg‡ÎvwPZ Dfq kw³i mvaviY ¯ v_© n‡”Q cu y wRcwZ‡kªYx‡K Kei Í Ki‡Y wPiZ‡ii Rb ¨

D ‡”Q` Kiv| AZ:ci, mvd‡jï mwnZ c u y wRev‡ì msKU DËi‡Y •eÁvwbK DcKiY I †h․_

Drcv`‡bi Rb¨ gvbvbmB I h_v_© GKwU bZz b mgvR hv •eÁvwbK A_© vr †kªYxnxb mgv‡Ri wfwËi

Rb¨ we‡`ª vnx Drcv`b DcKi‡Yi mwnZ Dchy ³, h_v_© I avivevwnK wµqv-cÖ wZwµqv kª wgK‡kªYx

A‣eÁvwbK cu y wRev`x mgvR wejy ß I wejxb Ki‡e Ges †m Kvi‡YB cy i‡bv cu y wRev`x mgvR wUK‡e bv|

(W) mgvRZ‡‗¿ i gva¨‡g cu y wRev‡ì jvwfwlw³Ki‡Y Aek¨B kª wgK‡kªYx‡K weRq AR© b Ki‡Z

n‡e ; Ges kª wgK †kªYxi gy w³i KvR kª wgK †kªYxi wb‡RiB ; Ges



110

(X) kª wgK‡ì gy w³i †g․wjK cÖ ‡qvRb I †g․j kZ© n‡”Q we‡k¦ i kª wgK †kªYxi HK¨ -msnwZ Ges

cÖYvjxe× HK¨|

mz Zivs, †kªYxnxb mgvR cÖ wZôvq kª wgK‡kªYxi wek¦ mwgwZ MV‡b D‡`¨vM wb‡Z I mn‡hvwMZv Ki‡Z

Information Centre for Workers Freedom cÖ vmswMK Z_¨ Aby mÜvb, msMÖ n, msi¶Y,

weZiY Ges mgMÖ `y wbqvq Av`vb-cÖ`vb Ki‡e|

3| mvsMVwbK bxwZgvjv:

(K) †KejgvÎ mvg¨Z‗¿ I mvg¨Z‗¿ x m¤cK©:

(L) mKj m`m¨ mgvb;

(M) cÖ ‡Z¨K m`‡mïB AwaKvi Av‡Q Rvbv, KvR Kiv,cÖ Z¨vnvi mv‡c¶ †h †Kvb c‡` wbe© vPb

Ges †fvU cÖ`vb Kivi Ges wbR¯ mvsMVwbK Í ‡i †h †Kvb wm×v‗Í MÖ n‡Yi cÖ wµqvq gy ³g‡b I†LvjvLy wjfv‡e gZvgZ cÖ`vb Ges c`Z¨v‡Mi AwaKvi mn GKwU ev wewfb’ BDwb‡U GKvwaK

c` avi‡Y †KD evwiZ nB‡eb bv;

(N) cÖ vK mf¨ ICWF Gi m`m¨ bb Ges cÖ vK mf¨ †dvivg mvsMVwbK Ask bq Ges †Kvb cÖ vK

mf¨ ICWF- Gi †Kvb c‡` wbe© vwPZ I † fvU cÖ `v‡b †hvM¨ bb| wK‗‧ Zviv Zu v‡ì wbR¯ †dviv‡g ‡h †Kvb c‡` †fvU cÖ vb Ges wbe© vwPZ nIqvi †hvM¨|

4| m`m¨c‡ì kZ© vejx:

(K) D‡Ïk¨ I j¶¨ Z_v †mKkb 1 I 2 Gi cÖ wZ ¯ xK… wZ ;

(L) ICWF Gi Rb¨ KvR I m‡e© vËg mvwf© m cÖ`vb Kiv ;

(M) wbqwgZ Pu v`v cÖ `vb Ges Znwej I mvgMÖ x msMÖ n Kiv ;

(N) ICWF-Gi wbqgvejx Ges ICWF I Zu v‡ì wbR¯ KwgwUi wm×v‗Í ejx Aby miY I gvb¨ Kiv|

5| cÖ vK mf¨c‡ì kZ© vejx: (K) weÁvb, we‡klZ mgvRZ‡‗¿ i weÁvb Rvb‡Z AvMÖ nx;

(L) †kvlY n‡Z A_© ‣bwZK gy w³i AvKvsLv;

(M) gy w³ I ¯ vaxbZvi Rb¨ eyfy ¶v I AvKl©Y;

(N) ICWF Gi Rb¨ KvR I m‡e© vËg mvwf© m cÖ `vb Kiv ;

(O) wbqwgZ Pu v`v cÖ `vb Ges Znwej I mvgMÖ x msMÖ n Kiv ; Ges

(P) ICWF-Gi wbqgvewj Ges ICWF I Z v‡ì wbR¯ KwgwUi wm×v‗Í ejx Aby miY I gvb¨ Kiv|

6| mvsMVwbK KvVv‡gv



111

KvDwÝj, KwgwU Ges wewfb’ cÖ Kv‡ii BDwbU:

(1)KvDwÝj mKj cÖ Kvi wi‡c© v‡U m¤§wZ ev Am¤§wZ cÖ `vb Ki‡e, mKj Í ‡ii KwgwU wbe© vPb Ki‡e Ges

†K‘ ª xq KvDwÝj n‡”Q m‡e© vPP AsM Ges BDwbU KwgwU n‡”Q me©wbg’ AsM| Avek¨KZv †`Lv w`‡j †g․wjK aviYv I wbqgvejxÕi mwnZ mvgÄm¨c~ Y© ms‡kvabx KvDwÝj MÖnY Ki‡e| Z‡e †m‡¶‡Î KvDwÝ‡j Dcw Z

cÖ wZwbwaM‡Yi 80% nu ¨v m~ PK gZvgZ mv‡c¶ |(2) cÖ ‡Z¨K eQi wbqwgZ KvDwÝj Aby wôZ n‡e, wK‗‧ †h †Kvb Kvi‡Y mswkó AM© v‡bi wm×v‗Í g‡Zv wbw © ó

Zvwi‡Li Av‡M -c‡i Zv Aby ôvb Kiv hv‡e|

7| KwgwU KvVv‡gv:

(K) BDwbU:

(1) KvDwÝj- me© wbg’ 3 Ges m‡e© vPP 30 m`m¨ mg‗^ ‡q MwVZ n‡e;

(2) KwgwU- 1 Rb mg‗^ qK, 1 Rb mn mg‗^ qK Ges me© wbg’ 1 Ges m‡e© vPP 7 Rb m`m¨ mg‗ ‡q MwVZ n‡e|

(L) †K‘ ª xq:

(1) KvDwÝj- †K‘ ª xq KvDwÝj KZ© „ K wm×v‗Í K… Z cÖ wZwbwai msL¨v ev wnm¨vg‡Zv mKj wbg’ ch© v†qi AsM n‡Z wbe© vwPZ cÖ wZwbwa, Z‡e †K‘ ª xq KwgwUi mKj m`m¨ Ges mKj KwgwUi mg‗^qK ev mg‗^ q‡Ki cÖ wZwbwaMY c`vwaKvie‡j †K‘ ªxq KvDwÝ‡ji cÖ wZwbwa‡Z¡ i †hvM¨ weavq Zu v‡ì mg‗^ ‡q MwVZ n‡e |

(2) KwgwU-1 Rb mg‗^qK, 3-5 Rb mn mg‗ qK Ges me© wbg’ 9 Ges m‡e© vPP 25 Rb m`m¨ mg‗^ ‡q MwVZ n‡e| Z‡e cÖ ‡qvRb n‡j mn - mg‗ qK ev m`m¨ msL¨v evov‡Z ev cwieZ© b Ki‡Z cvi‡e KvDwÝj|

we. ª:

(1)mg‗ qK/mn mg‗^ qK Ges cÖ ‡Z¨K KwgwU m`m¨ ev wewfb’ KwgwUi ¶gZv I Kvh©vejx wel‡q wbqg vejx,

weavbvejx I Dcwewamg~ n cieZx© ‡Z Av‡iv my we Í … … Z n‡e|

(2) †Kw‘ ª q KwgwU Ges †Kw‘ ª q KvDwÝj ICWF Gi wewfb’ cÖ v‗ I Í i wba© viY Ki‡e Ges wewfb’ Kvi‡Y KvDwÝ‡ji Aby ‡gv`b mv‡c¶ mKj KwgwU Dcwewa I wbqgvejx cvk Ki‡Z cvi‡e|

(3) m`m¨ c` cÖ `vb ev bv cÖ `vb ev cy b:cÖ `vb Kivi my ‡hvM I AwaKvi Av‡Q cÖ ‡Z¨K KwgwUi| bZz b mf¨c` cÖ `vb ev mv‡eK ev AcmvwiZ m`‡mï m`m¨c` cy b:cÖ `vb msw kø ó KwgwU KZ© „ K Kvh© K… Z n‡e|

(4)mswkø ó wbqgvejx ev Dcwewa mg~ n P~ ov ‗Í Kivi c~ ‡e© -

(K) KwgwU m`m¨‡ì KiYxq Kg© I `vwqZ¡ mg~ n mswk ø ®U KwgwUi wm×v ‗Í g‡Z ew‘UZ n‡e|

(L) KvR bv Kiv, wbw¯qZv Ges ICWF Gi weiy ‡× KvR Kiv ev †mKkb 1 I 2 A¯ xKvi Kiv ev Amr D‡Ï‡k¨ Iª y iwfmwÜ‡Z †g․wjK aviYv I wbqgvejx wel‡q weåvw‗Í Qov‡bv ev wbqgvby hvqx Kvh© m¤úv`b bv

Kiv ev B”QvK… Zfv‡e wbqgmg~ n‡K AKvh© Ki Kiv A_ev ICWF wbR¯ KwgwUi wm×v ‗Í gvb¨ bv Kiv ev wm×v‡‗Í i wec‡¶ hvIqv ev †m‘Uv‡ii Znwej ZQiƒ c Ki‡j †h †Kvb m`‡mï weiy‡× mswk ø ó KwgwU

KvDwÝ‡ji Aby ‡gv`b mv‡c¶ Dchy³ weÁwßKi‡Yi ci Awfhy ‡³i Rev‡ei Dchy ³ we‡ePbv mv‡c¶

ewn¯‥vi mn †h †Kvb ai‡Yi †h․w³K I Dchy ³ eë v MÖ nY Ki‡Z cvi‡e|



8| wm×v šÍ:

Ab~b¨ y B Z… Zxqvsk nu ¨v m~ PK †fvU wm×v‗Í wnmv‡e MY¨ n‡e| Z‡e †g․wjK aviYv I wbqgvejx

ms‡kva‡bi †¶‡Î KvDwÝ‡j Dcw Z cÖ wZwbwaM‡Yi 80% nu¨v m~ PK †fvU wm×v‗Í wnmv‡e MY¨ n‡e|

9| mgš q mvab:

†K‘ ª xq KvDwÝ‡ji wbKU `vqe×Zv m‡gZ mgMÖ msMV‡bi †K‘ ª xq mgb’ qmvabKvix AsM n‡”Q †K‘ ª xq KwgwU|

10| wejywß:

D‡Ïk¨ wmw×i ci Information Centre for Workers Freedom wejy ß nB‡e|

we. ª- Bnv GKwU m¤c~ Y© Z mvgwqK mvsMVwbK KvVv‡gv| GKUv hy w³msMZ cÖ ‧ wZg~ jK mgqv‡‗Í ev GwU Ab~b¨

Aa© wgwjqb m`‡mï kw³‡Z Db’ xZ n‡j A_ev GKwU wek¦ cwim‡ii msMV‡bi wbKUeZx© Ae vq DcbxZ

n‡j ZLb †K‘ ª xq KvDwÝj P~ ov‗Í Ki‡e mvsMVwbK wbqgvejx A_©vr Information Centre for Workers

Freedom GKwU msweavb cwiMÖ nY Ki‡e|

we‡kl j¶ Yxq:

K| Db’ Z †`k¸‡jvi Rb¨ m`m¨ c` I bevqb wd 5 gvwK© b Wjvi Ges Ab¨vb¨‡ì Rb¨ 2 Wjvi| cy b:fwZ© wd wØ¸b|

L| Db’ Z †`k¸‡jvi Rb evwl© K Pu v`v 10 gvwK© b Wjvi Ges

Ab¨vb¨‡ì Rb¨ 4 gvwK© b Wjvi|

M| cÖ vK mf¨ c‡ì Rb¨ m`m¨c‡ì wd I Pu v`vi 50%|

N| †gvU wd I Puv`vi 50% †Kw‘ ª q Kw gwUi |

O| AvMÖ nx e¨w³ KZ© „ K m`m¨ c` I cÖ vK mf¨ c` dig c~ iY K‡i †K‘`ª xq ev mswk ø ó KwgwUi wbKU

wba© vwiZ wd I Pu v`v mn †cÖ iY Ki‡Z n‡e|

P| †K‘`xq ev mswkó KwgwU m`m¨ c` ev cvK mf¨ c` c`v‡b AcviMZvq Z¾wbZ e¨q KZ©b© w w

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Manifesto of the Communist Party English Bengali and Rules of Communist League 1st International