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Medicine and American Growth, 1800-1860 by James H. Cassedy Review by: Maris Vinovskis Isis, Vol. 78, No. 3 (Sep., 1987), pp. 468-469 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of The History of Science Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/232044 . Accessed: 08/05/2014 23:03 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . The University of Chicago Press and The History of Science Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Isis. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 169.229.32.137 on Thu, 8 May 2014 23:03:25 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Medicine and American Growth, 1800-1860by James H. Cassedy

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Page 1: Medicine and American Growth, 1800-1860by James H. Cassedy

Medicine and American Growth, 1800-1860 by James H. CassedyReview by: Maris VinovskisIsis, Vol. 78, No. 3 (Sep., 1987), pp. 468-469Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of The History of Science SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/232044 .

Accessed: 08/05/2014 23:03

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

The University of Chicago Press and The History of Science Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,preserve and extend access to Isis.

http://www.jstor.org

This content downloaded from 169.229.32.137 on Thu, 8 May 2014 23:03:25 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Page 2: Medicine and American Growth, 1800-1860by James H. Cassedy

BOOK REVIEWS-ISIS, 78: 3 : 293 (1987) BOOK REVIEWS-ISIS, 78: 3 : 293 (1987)

be distinguished from each other as to method and epistemology. The years cov- ered in Smith's reassessment are chiefly 1925 to 1945, during which each of the po- sitions came to prominence.

When Herbert Feigl came from Vienna to Harvard in 1930, he brought with him what was to be called logical positivism, but also acquainted the Harvard psycholo- gists with the views of their own physicist colleague, P. W. Bridgman, who had intro- duced the operational definition of con- cepts in a 1927 book. Subsequent develop- ments brought the European theory into a loose alliance with indigenous develop- ments from American pragmatism, which through the writings of C. S. Peirce, Wil- liam James, John Dewey, and J. R. Angell had led to functionalism in psychology, in turn the background for behaviorism. Many psychologists in the functionalist tradition in those years had never embraced behav- iorism. Such psychologists found Bridg- man's operationism easy to assimilate to their habitual functionalism. Operationism thus provided for them an accommodation to behaviorism's methodological objectiv- ity, without requiring them to modify their practices as experimental psychologists. In other words, those who performed their psychophysical experiments in the tradition of Theodore Fechner, or their nonsense- syllable memorizing in the tradition of Her- mann Ebbinghaus, or their animal behavior studies seeking to explore insight or hy- pothesis testing in rats, found that they had been operationists all along, and they did not have to change their practices or their orientations.

While a connection between operation- ism and logical positivism was occasionally recognized, it turns out that there was not a strong commitment among the behaviorists to the logical positivist philosophy as a total system. It has remained for Smith to study the flirtations of behaviorism with logical positivism, and to understand on historical grounds why the alliance was both a natural one through common inter- ests and a weak one because of fundamen- tal differences.

On the basis of carefully assembled and criticized evidence, Smith arrives at three reasons to account for the failure of the alli- ance to become closer. In the first place, the logical positivists' interests in psychol- ogy went beyond behaviorism, while the behaviorists' theories of science and meth- odology were not limited to logical positiv-

be distinguished from each other as to method and epistemology. The years cov- ered in Smith's reassessment are chiefly 1925 to 1945, during which each of the po- sitions came to prominence.

When Herbert Feigl came from Vienna to Harvard in 1930, he brought with him what was to be called logical positivism, but also acquainted the Harvard psycholo- gists with the views of their own physicist colleague, P. W. Bridgman, who had intro- duced the operational definition of con- cepts in a 1927 book. Subsequent develop- ments brought the European theory into a loose alliance with indigenous develop- ments from American pragmatism, which through the writings of C. S. Peirce, Wil- liam James, John Dewey, and J. R. Angell had led to functionalism in psychology, in turn the background for behaviorism. Many psychologists in the functionalist tradition in those years had never embraced behav- iorism. Such psychologists found Bridg- man's operationism easy to assimilate to their habitual functionalism. Operationism thus provided for them an accommodation to behaviorism's methodological objectiv- ity, without requiring them to modify their practices as experimental psychologists. In other words, those who performed their psychophysical experiments in the tradition of Theodore Fechner, or their nonsense- syllable memorizing in the tradition of Her- mann Ebbinghaus, or their animal behavior studies seeking to explore insight or hy- pothesis testing in rats, found that they had been operationists all along, and they did not have to change their practices or their orientations.

While a connection between operation- ism and logical positivism was occasionally recognized, it turns out that there was not a strong commitment among the behaviorists to the logical positivist philosophy as a total system. It has remained for Smith to study the flirtations of behaviorism with logical positivism, and to understand on historical grounds why the alliance was both a natural one through common inter- ests and a weak one because of fundamen- tal differences.

On the basis of carefully assembled and criticized evidence, Smith arrives at three reasons to account for the failure of the alli- ance to become closer. In the first place, the logical positivists' interests in psychol- ogy went beyond behaviorism, while the behaviorists' theories of science and meth- odology were not limited to logical positiv-

ism. Second, a close reading of their works shows that the major behaviorists gave lit- tle indication that logical positivism was a major influence upon them. Third, former students and colleagues of these leaders, whom Smith interviewed in large numbers and also corresponded with, could recall few if any discussions of logical positivism, even by those among them who had en- countered logical positivism on their own. The exposition is unusually clear, critical, and insightful, with adequate documenta- tion through the numerous detailed supple- mentary notes reflecting the author's un- derstanding of the history and philosophy of both logical positivism and behaviorism in their settings at the time.

To complete the historical account, Smith deals as a philosopher of science in uncovering the reason both for the conver- gence of the two lines of thought and for the limitations in that convergence that would necessarily lead, sooner or later, to a falling apart because of the conflicts be- tween their epistemologies.

The thoroughness of this reconstruction and reassessment of an interesting period in which twentieth-century psychology was confronted by a philosophical movement, one that had at least some aspects that in- vited alliance, places this book as the de- finitive historical and philosophical account of the relationship between logical positiv- ism and behaviorism while both were at their heights of influence.

ERNEST R. HILGARD

* Medicine

James H. Cassedy. Medicine and American Growth, 1800-1860. (Wisconsin Publica- tions in the History of Science and Medi- cine, 5.) xvii + 198 pp., illus., index. Madi- son/London: University of Wisconsin Press, 1986. $39.50 (cloth); $19.95 (paper).

During the past twenty-five years social and economic historians have studied American demographic development in considerable detail using increasingly so- phisticated statistical techniques. These scholars usually have relied upon the fed- eral censuses or state and local vital records for their data. Only occasionally have they mined the extensive but fragmen- tary statistical compilations of nineteenth- century writers. Furthermore, they have

ism. Second, a close reading of their works shows that the major behaviorists gave lit- tle indication that logical positivism was a major influence upon them. Third, former students and colleagues of these leaders, whom Smith interviewed in large numbers and also corresponded with, could recall few if any discussions of logical positivism, even by those among them who had en- countered logical positivism on their own. The exposition is unusually clear, critical, and insightful, with adequate documenta- tion through the numerous detailed supple- mentary notes reflecting the author's un- derstanding of the history and philosophy of both logical positivism and behaviorism in their settings at the time.

To complete the historical account, Smith deals as a philosopher of science in uncovering the reason both for the conver- gence of the two lines of thought and for the limitations in that convergence that would necessarily lead, sooner or later, to a falling apart because of the conflicts be- tween their epistemologies.

The thoroughness of this reconstruction and reassessment of an interesting period in which twentieth-century psychology was confronted by a philosophical movement, one that had at least some aspects that in- vited alliance, places this book as the de- finitive historical and philosophical account of the relationship between logical positiv- ism and behaviorism while both were at their heights of influence.

ERNEST R. HILGARD

* Medicine

James H. Cassedy. Medicine and American Growth, 1800-1860. (Wisconsin Publica- tions in the History of Science and Medi- cine, 5.) xvii + 198 pp., illus., index. Madi- son/London: University of Wisconsin Press, 1986. $39.50 (cloth); $19.95 (paper).

During the past twenty-five years social and economic historians have studied American demographic development in considerable detail using increasingly so- phisticated statistical techniques. These scholars usually have relied upon the fed- eral censuses or state and local vital records for their data. Only occasionally have they mined the extensive but fragmen- tary statistical compilations of nineteenth- century writers. Furthermore, they have

468 468

This content downloaded from 169.229.32.137 on Thu, 8 May 2014 23:03:25 PMAll use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Page 3: Medicine and American Growth, 1800-1860by James H. Cassedy

BOOK REVIEWS-ISIS, 78: 3 : 293 (1987) BOOK REVIEWS-ISIS, 78: 3 : 293 (1987)

not considered adequately how antebellum analysts viewed population problems.

James Cassedy's latest work on Ameri- can population growth from 1800 to 1860 provides a useful introduction to the work of antebellum physicians investigating de- mographic problems. Intended as a sequel to his Demography in Early America, 1600-1800 (1969) and as a complement to his American Medicine and Statistical Thinking, 1800-1860 (1984), this book fo- cuses on early nineteenth-century social and territorial expansion as revealed by medical and population developments. Cassedy investigates a series of demo- graphic issues of concern to antebellum physicians such as fertility, mortality, mi- gration, and immigration. He also examines the medical-demographic aspects of events such as the War of 1812 and the Mexican War. He documents the growing involve- ment of physicians in the collecting and processing of medical and demographic data with particular attention to the Mid- west, South, and West.

The strength of Cassedy's volume is his far-reaching research into the writings of antebellum physicians. He examined nu- merous manuscript collections, news- papers, and government documents. The major sources for his study, however, are the nineteenth-century periodicals and sci- entific journals that carried articles about medicine and population. Readers inter- ested in knowing how physicians perceived antebellum demographic change within the context of American medical developments will find this work helpful. The detailed references and discussions of hitherto- neglected sources of demographic data and reasoning will also provide demographic and economic historians with valuable leads for future research.

Despite the extensive primary research and the importance of the topic, this book is ultimately disappointing because it is not sufficiently analytical. Cassedy tends to re- port the observations of nineteenth-century physicians about demographic matters without carefully analyzing them. His dis- cussions of the diseases of soldiers during the War of 1812 and the Mexican War, for example, are too limited to be of much value to other scholars. Similarly, his treat- ment of the demographic and medical aspects of antebellum abortions is cursory.

Part of the explanation for the lack of a more vigorous analysis may be that Cas- sedy does not interact much with the ex-

not considered adequately how antebellum analysts viewed population problems.

James Cassedy's latest work on Ameri- can population growth from 1800 to 1860 provides a useful introduction to the work of antebellum physicians investigating de- mographic problems. Intended as a sequel to his Demography in Early America, 1600-1800 (1969) and as a complement to his American Medicine and Statistical Thinking, 1800-1860 (1984), this book fo- cuses on early nineteenth-century social and territorial expansion as revealed by medical and population developments. Cassedy investigates a series of demo- graphic issues of concern to antebellum physicians such as fertility, mortality, mi- gration, and immigration. He also examines the medical-demographic aspects of events such as the War of 1812 and the Mexican War. He documents the growing involve- ment of physicians in the collecting and processing of medical and demographic data with particular attention to the Mid- west, South, and West.

The strength of Cassedy's volume is his far-reaching research into the writings of antebellum physicians. He examined nu- merous manuscript collections, news- papers, and government documents. The major sources for his study, however, are the nineteenth-century periodicals and sci- entific journals that carried articles about medicine and population. Readers inter- ested in knowing how physicians perceived antebellum demographic change within the context of American medical developments will find this work helpful. The detailed references and discussions of hitherto- neglected sources of demographic data and reasoning will also provide demographic and economic historians with valuable leads for future research.

Despite the extensive primary research and the importance of the topic, this book is ultimately disappointing because it is not sufficiently analytical. Cassedy tends to re- port the observations of nineteenth-century physicians about demographic matters without carefully analyzing them. His dis- cussions of the diseases of soldiers during the War of 1812 and the Mexican War, for example, are too limited to be of much value to other scholars. Similarly, his treat- ment of the demographic and medical aspects of antebellum abortions is cursory.

Part of the explanation for the lack of a more vigorous analysis may be that Cas- sedy does not interact much with the ex-

Vaccinating on an immigrant train going west Vaccinating on an immigrant train going west

tensive secondary literature on antebellum medicine and population. He tells us what a particular nineteenth-century physician thought but usually does not inform us about current scholarly thinking on that topic. For instance, he quotes the Southern physician Thomas Ewell on the likelihood of superintendents and overseers having sexual intercourse with slave women but does not even mention the extensive debate in the secondary literature on the extent of this practice. When he does use secondary sources, as in the case of his more detailed discussions of nineteenth-century mortality rates, the citations are frequently dated and incomplete.

As in his previous two books, Cassedy has performed a valuable service for other scholars by researching and reporting on how physicians perceived and investigated demographic developments, but he fails to analyze these observations in a way that will be satisfying to most readers. One can only hope that in future work Cassedy will combine his energetic and imaginative use of primary materials with a more detailed and sophisticated analysis of them.

MARIS VINOVSKIS

Valerie A. Fildes. Breasts, Bottles, and Babies: A History of Infant Feeding. xxviii + 462 pp., illus., apps., index. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1986. (Distrib- uted by Columbia University Press, New York.) $30.

Infant feeding, particularly the relation- ship between bottle formula and high rates

tensive secondary literature on antebellum medicine and population. He tells us what a particular nineteenth-century physician thought but usually does not inform us about current scholarly thinking on that topic. For instance, he quotes the Southern physician Thomas Ewell on the likelihood of superintendents and overseers having sexual intercourse with slave women but does not even mention the extensive debate in the secondary literature on the extent of this practice. When he does use secondary sources, as in the case of his more detailed discussions of nineteenth-century mortality rates, the citations are frequently dated and incomplete.

As in his previous two books, Cassedy has performed a valuable service for other scholars by researching and reporting on how physicians perceived and investigated demographic developments, but he fails to analyze these observations in a way that will be satisfying to most readers. One can only hope that in future work Cassedy will combine his energetic and imaginative use of primary materials with a more detailed and sophisticated analysis of them.

MARIS VINOVSKIS

Valerie A. Fildes. Breasts, Bottles, and Babies: A History of Infant Feeding. xxviii + 462 pp., illus., apps., index. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1986. (Distrib- uted by Columbia University Press, New York.) $30.

Infant feeding, particularly the relation- ship between bottle formula and high rates

469 469

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