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Original Research Mental Illness in Disney Animated Films Andrea Lawson, BA 1 Gregory Fouts, PhD 2 Key Words: attitudes, mental illness, stereotypes, media, children 310 W Can J Psychiatry, Vol 49, No 5, May 2004 Objective:To examine the prevalence of verbalizations about mental illness in the animated feature films of The Walt Disney Company (TWDC). We discuss the results within the context of children’s repeated exposure to popular animated movies and their learning of labels and stereotypes associated with mental illness. We recommend further research on this topic. Method: We coded 34 animated feature films produced by TWDC for mental illness references (for example, “crazy” or “nuts”). We developed a coding manual to systematize the content analysis, to ensure accuracy of the data, and to ascertain intercoder reliability. Results: Most of the films (that is, 85%) contain verbal references to mental illness, with an average of 4.6 references per film. The references were mainly used to set apart and denigrate the characters to whom they referred. Twenty-one percent of the principal characters were referred to as mentally ill. We discuss the contributions and limitations of the study. Conclusions: The findings have implications for child viewers in terms of their potentially learning prejudicial attitudes and distancing behaviours toward individuals perceived as being mentally ill. To further verify this connection, an assessment of the incidence of Disney film exposure and attitudes toward people with a mental illness, using a sample of school-aged children, is needed. (Can J Psychiatry 2004;49:310–314) Information on author affiliations appears at the end of the article. Clinical Implications · Mental illness references have high frequency within animated Disney films. · Exposure to animated Disney films has implications for child viewers who are learning stereotyped attitudes and stigmatizing terminology. · More studies are required to determine the causal relation between exposure to Disney films and children’s attitudes toward people with a mental illness. Limitations · We coded only verbal and written representations of mental illness. Thus, the number of characters referred to as mentally ill and the frequency of references to mental illness may be conservative. · We coded the frequencies of references rather than the reference duration or the percentage of time that mental illness was portrayed on screen. The latter may have a greater impact on children’s perceptions of mental illness.

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Original Research

Mental Illness in Disney Animated Films

Andrea Lawson, BA1

Gregory Fouts, PhD2

Key Words: attitudes, mental illness, stereotypes, media, children

310� Can J Psychiatry, Vol 49, No 5, May 2004

Objective:To examine the prevalence of verbalizations about mental illness in the

animated feature films of The Walt Disney Company (TWDC). We discuss the results

within the context of children’s repeated exposure to popular animated movies and their

learning of labels and stereotypes associated with mental illness. We recommend further

research on this topic.

Method: We coded 34 animated feature films produced by TWDC for mental illness

references (for example, “crazy” or “nuts”). We developed a coding manual to systematize

the content analysis, to ensure accuracy of the data, and to ascertain intercoder reliability.

Results: Most of the films (that is, 85%) contain verbal references to mental illness, with

an average of 4.6 references per film. The references were mainly used to set apart and

denigrate the characters to whom they referred. Twenty-one percent of the principal

characters were referred to as mentally ill. We discuss the contributions and limitations of

the study.

Conclusions: The findings have implications for child viewers in terms of their potentially

learning prejudicial attitudes and distancing behaviours toward individuals perceived as

being mentally ill. To further verify this connection, an assessment of the incidence of

Disney film exposure and attitudes toward people with a mental illness, using a sample of

school-aged children, is needed.

(Can J Psychiatry 2004;49:310–314)

Information on author affiliations appears at the end of the article.

Clinical Implications

� Mental illness references have high frequency within animated Disney films.

� Exposure to animated Disney films has implications for child viewers who are learningstereotyped attitudes and stigmatizing terminology.

� More studies are required to determine the causal relation between exposure to Disney filmsand children’s attitudes toward people with a mental illness.

Limitations

� We coded only verbal and written representations of mental illness. Thus, the number ofcharacters referred to as mentally ill and the frequency of references to mental illness may beconservative.

� We coded the frequencies of references rather than the reference duration or the percentage oftime that mental illness was portrayed on screen. The latter may have a greater impact onchildren’s perceptions of mental illness.

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The effect on adults of the media’s portrayal of mental ill-

ness and persons with mental illness has been extensively

researched (1–6). The portrayals have been found to be over-

whelmingly negative (5,7,8) and have been associated with

adults’ possessing negative attitudes and behaviours regard-

ing mental illness and persons with a mental illness (2,4,5).

However, little research has examined such representations in

children’s media and the possible effects on children.

Some studies have examined children’s labels for and stereo-

typic attitudes about mental illness and persons with a mental

illness (9–12). An important question is how children acquire

these labels and attitudes, especially in the absence of direct

exposure to mental illness in their everyday lives (13,14). One

way may be through watching animated feature films in which

characters are portrayed as mentally ill. In this study, we con-

duct a content analysis of the animated feature films watched

in large numbers by young children.

The animated feature films of The Walt Disney Company

(TWDC) (for example, Dumbo and Alice in Wonderland) are

the focus of the study for 4 reasons: First, TWDC is the major

world producer of full-length animated feature films viewed

by children (15). Second, the greater length of feature films

allows for the establishment of characters—something that is

not always possible in shorter films or in television (TV) pro-

grams. Feature-length movies likely foster a greater sense of

familiarity and identification with the characters, thereby cre-

ating a situation wherein the happenings, the emotions, and

the potential lessons may have a greater impact on children,

compared with any other medium. Third, most parents take

their children to see Disney movies and rent or purchase Dis-

ney videos and DVDs. This has resulted in movies such as

Snow White and Cinderella becoming films of choice for con-

temporary children, creating a Disney audience that spans

many generations. Multiple exposures to the films (especially

in the context of parental involvement, approval, and enjoy-

ment) likely increase the impact on children’s knowledge and

attitudes. Fourth, research examining the contents of Disney

movies (for example, portrayals of sex and [or] race) has

found that such films present and often promote various ste-

reotypes and legitimize social inequalities (15–18). Disney

movies have not been analyzed for their presentation of char-

acters as mentally ill.

Understanding the presentation of mental illness in children’s

movies is important for 3 reasons. First, numerous studies

have shown that children’s exposure to TV and movies influ-

ences attitudes toward a wide range of social groups, that is,

the elderly (19), persons with a mental disability (20,21), and

persons with obesity (22). Therefore, repeated exposure to

depictions of mental illness in movies likely influences chil-

dren’s attitudes toward persons with a mental illness. Thus,

children may learn labels referring to those with a mental

illness (such as “crazy” or “nutty as a fruitcake”), potentially

acquiring the negative connotations and stereotypes associ-

ated with such labels (for example, inferiority or dangerous-

ness). It has been suggested that adults’ stereotypical beliefs

about mental illness may have originally been acquired

through media exposure in childhood (6,23,24). Second, early

exposure to characters stereotypically depicted as mentally ill

could cause the vicarious induction of fear and anxiety in

young viewers, resulting in unconscious social distancing

from these individuals (6,11,12). Third, research has consis-

tently demonstrated negative consequences associated with

adults’ stereotypical beliefs about mental illness and persons

with a mental illness—for example, research showing stigma-

tization and discrimination against those with a mental illness

(9,11,12) and public policy regarding mental health (25).

One study assesses the contents of children’s media for its

portrayal of mental illness (6). These researchers examined 46

different children’s TV programs available in Britain during 1

complete week (60% of these were produced in the US), and

they identified occasions wherein mental illness was talked

about and (or) characters were verbally represented as men-

tally ill (for example, characters were defined as mentally ill

when they were consistently referred to by other characters as

having a mental illness). This study found that over 46% of the

programs contained references to mental illness; 80% of these

were in cartoons. The present study uses a similar methodol-

ogy and extends that of Wilson and colleagues by examining

another medium of animation (that is, full-length Disney fea-

ture films) for characters portrayed as mentally ill and by

focusing only on verbal references. Researchers need to know

the contents of movie presentations of mental illness before

assessing the effects of such exposures on young children.

MethodTWDC produced 40 full-length animated feature films

between 1937 and 2001. These films are defined as having a

duration of at least 40 to 45 minutes and as having been

released into theatres (26). All such films were included in the

study, except for those without one consistent story line from

start to finish (for example, Fantasia, Fantasia 2000, Make

Mine Music, and Melody Time), primarily educational films

(for example, Saludos Amigos), and those not available on

video during the coding period (for example, Atlantis). Thus,

we analyzed a total of 34 films for content .

Coding Manual

We developed a coding manual to systematize the content

analysis. The manual contained the variables coded, the oper-

ational definitions, the criteria for coding, and examples.

During the manual development, we conducted several prac-

tice codings of the variables using non-Disney TV cartoons.

We did this to ensure clarity of the variable definitions, the

Mental Illness in Disney Animated Films

Can J Psychiatry, Vol 49, No 5, May 2004 � 311

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examples, and the coding options. Several practice rounds and

manual refinements were required to attain an acceptable

level of intercoder agreement for each variable.

Below we describe the coding of each film. First, we coded

film and character information, that is, film title, the year pro-

duced, and the name and sex of principal characters. Principal

characters were defined as those around whom the film’s

action primarily revolved, those whose actions significantly

influenced the plot, or those who were present on-screen for a

significant portion of the film. Second, we coded mental ill-

ness as portrayed by the principal character, that is, all verbal-

izations about a principal character referring to mental illness,

including verbalizations about a principal character by others

or self-references by the principal character. An examination

of the research literature (6,23) revealed 64 words referring to

mental illness (for example, “crazy,” “lunatic,” and “nuts”)

and 37 phrases (for example, “out of one’s mind” and “not in

touch with reality”). The words and phrases were cast into a

table with a number assigned to each. A coder recorded the

number of the word or phrase and the frequency with which it

occurred in the film. Third, we coded mental illness as por-

trayed by minor characters, to obtain a complete coding of all

references to mental illness. We coded minor characters

(including inanimate objects and groups), using a procedure

identical to that used for principal characters. Here, however,

minor characters were coded in total, rather than individually.

For example, if a teacup character was referred to as “loony”

and another minor character as “crazy,” we recorded 2

instances of mental illness.

To ensure accuracy and interpretability of the data, we did not

code comments about a particular situation (such as a “crazy”

situation) and negations of a word or phrase (for example,

“You’re not crazy”). Included in coding were comments

about a character’s thoughts, ideas, actions, or clothing (such

as “What’s with the crazy get up?”), as well as written words

(for example, “Looney Bin” appearing on a building). We

included thoughts, ideas, actions, and clothing because these

refer directly to a character’s state of mind. Other characters,

or the characters themselves, viewed these traits as irrational,

illogical, inferior, unpredictable, and (or) lacking control.

This coding is consistent with the use of mental illness words

to refer to negative and potentially frightening characteristics

of people.

Coder Training and Reliability

One researcher was the primary coder and coded all 34 films.

To determine intercoder reliability, a second coder was

trained. Training consisted of the reliability coder studying

the manual, practising with the researcher, and practising with

independent coding, using a sample of non-Disney TV car-

toons. Training continued until both coders agreed on the

interpretation of each variable and its criteria for coding. Once

training was complete, the films were charted independently

without further discussion.

The reliability coder indexed 10 (29%) of the 34 films. We

determined intercoder reliability by correlating the scores

between both coders in the 10 films. The correlation for the

frequency of mental illness words or phrases across all the

principal characters was r = 0.96 (P < 0.001); for the minor

characters, it was r = 0.99 (P < 0.001). These correlations indi-

cate high reliability.

Results and Discussion

Combining principal and minor characters, a total of 85% of

Disney animated films contained references to characters

with mental illness. More specifically, 21% of all principal

characters were referred to as mentally ill (for instance,

Maurice of Beauty and the Beast, Jafar of Aladdin, and Mrs

Jumbo of Dumbo); there were no significant (P > 0.10) sex

differences. These findings have 2 implications: First, the

prevalence of verbal references to mental illness in animated

films is considerably higher than that found in children’s TV

programs available in Britain (46%), including both non-

verbal and verbal references (6). Second, prevalence of verbal

references to mental illness in animated films is higher than

the incidence of mental illness worldwide (9.5%) (27).

Therefore, children who watch animated films of TWDC are

exposed to a greater incidence of mental illness than is typi-

cally seen on TV and are exposed to a greather incidence of

mental illness than they may experience in their everyday

lives. Consequentially, young children may acquire an unreal-

istic and stereotypic view of individuals with a mental illness

in society, which could be exacerbated by their failure to dis-

tinguish between fiction and reality (28). It is unknown, how-

ever, whether this conclusion applies equally to British and

North American children.

The average number of mental illness references per film was

4.6, with the 3 most prevalent words being (in descending

order) “crazy,” “mad” or “madness,” and “nut” or “nutty.”

These references were commonly employed to segregate,

alienate, and denote the inferior status of the character(s) to

which they referred—a finding consistent with the over-

whelmingly negative portrayal of mental illness found in adult

media (6–8). For example, in Beauty and the Beast, the towns-

people frequently refer to the intellectuals Belle and her

father, Maurice as mentally ill. Mental illness words are used

to set apart and denigrate these characters, implying that to be

mentally ill is to be different in a negative and inferior way. As

the film progresses, the frequency of these words aimed at

Maurice increases, climaxing in a scene where he will be

chained and hauled off in a “lunacy wagon.” The children

watching could associate mental illness labels with people

312� Can J Psychiatry, Vol 49, No 5, May 2004

The Canadian Journal of Psychiatry—Original Research

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who are so frightening and dangerous that they must be

chained and locked away from the rest of society. This emo-

tional association may result in increased fear of persons with

a mental illness, increased worries of possible harm, and an

increase in distancing and avoidance of contact. This is con-

sistent with research indicating that children fear and distrust

persons with mental illness and try to maintain their social dis-

tance from them (11,12).

Most of the characters referred to as mentally ill serve as

objects of derision, fear, or amusement. In The Lion King, 3

characters (the hyenas) are depicted as being mentally ill, as

evidenced by their rolling eyes, their high-pitched hysterical

laughter, and the antics of Ed (the “craziest” of them all), who

at one point mistakenly gnaws on his own leg. As the film pro-

gresses, it is clear that the hyenas represent the lowest social

group in the animal kingdom and that they are to be feared and

avoided. Thus, these “mentally ill” characters represent an

animated example of being feared, socially distanced, and (or)

alienated (1,11,12,29) as well as being laughable and laughed

at—a trait that likely reinforces the previously modelled

behaviour of social distancing. This combination of model-

ling and reinforcement is one of the most potent tools of

socialization (30–32) and has the potential to teach prejudicial

attitudes and distancing behaviours toward individuals per-

ceived as being mentally ill. It has been suggested that, once

these beliefs are formed, children continue them into adult-

hood (6,12,23,24).

In summary, young children who watch a range of Disney

films during their formative years are consistently exposed to

animated characters who are referred to or labelled as men-

tally ill, often several times within each film. This has several

implications. Owing to the potency of repetition on children’s

learning (33–35) and the denigrating nature of the references,

young viewers may learn to label and stereotype others using

this terminology, thinking it appropriate and funny. They may

learn negative emotional responses (such as fear and derision)

through the negative portrayals of the characters. The popu-

larity of these full-length animated films and the ability of

children to repeatedly view them (for example, in the home

and often with parents) suggests that animated films may have

more impact than TV programs.

We have 4 suggestions for future research. First, we suggest

that analyses of movies and TV programs assess the behav-

iours (that is, verbal and physical aggression or discrimina-

tion) directed toward individuals labelled mentally ill. Such

an analysis would present a picture of the modelling that chil-

dren may subsequently imitate. Second, we suggest the emo-

tional aspect of viewing content be addressed (that is, the

emotional states of the characters doing the labelling as well

as the reactions of those being labelled). This would provide

information regarding the possible vicarious conditioning of

emotional responses in young viewers. Third, we suggest the

relation between media exposure and children’s attitudes and

behaviours be assessed. Finally, we suggest that the relative

contributions of various media (that is, movies, television,

comic books, and video games) to children’s attitudes and

behaviours regarding mental illness and persons with a mental

illness be addressed.

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Manuscript received June 2003, revised, and accepted February 2004.1Student, Department of Psychology, University of Calgary, Calgary,Alberta.2Professor, Department of Psychology, University of Calgary, CalgaryAlberta.Address for correspondence: Ms A Lawson, Department of Psychology,University of Calgary, Calgary, AB T2N 1N4e-mail: [email protected]

314� Can J Psychiatry, Vol 49, No 5, May 2004

The Canadian Journal of Psychiatry—Original Research

Résumé : La maladie mentale dans les films d’animation de Disney

Objectif : Examiner la prévalence des expressions verbales sur la maladie mentale dans les longs

métrages d’animation de la compagnie Walt Disney (CWD). Nous présentons les résultats dans le

contexte de l’exposition répétée des enfants à des films d’animation populaires et de leur

apprentissage d’étiquettes et de stéréotypes associés à la maladie mentale. Nous proposons des

recommandations pour de futures études.

Méthode : Nous avons codé 34 longs métrages d’animation produits par la CWD en ce qui concerne

les mentions de la maladie mentale (par exemple, « fou » ou « dingue »). Nous avons élaboré un

manuel de codage pour systématiser l’analyse de contenu, assurer l’exactitude des données et

confirmer la fiabilité des intercodeurs.

Résultats : La plupart des films (soit 85 %) contiennent des mentions verbales de la maladie mentale,

la moyenne étant de 4,6 mentions par film. Les mentions étaient principalement utilisées pour isoler et

dénigrer les personnages qu’elles concernaient. Vingt et un pour cent des personnages principaux

étaient désignés de malades mentaux. Nous présentons les contributions et les limites de l’étude.

Conclusions : Les résultats ont des implications pour les enfants spectateurs en ce qui concerne leur

apprentissage éventuel de préjugés et de mises à distance émotionnelle à l’endroit de personnes

perçues comme étant malades mentales. Pour mieux vérifier ce lien, il faut une évaluation de

l’incidence de l’exposition aux films de Disney et des attitudes envers les personnes souffrant de

maladie mentale à l’aide d’un échantillon d’enfants d’âge scolaire.