Modern urban reform Buddhism in Thailand

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    Modern urban reform Buddhism in Thailand

    Mark Speece

    College of Business and Economics

    American University of KuwaitP.O.Box 3323, Safat 13034, Kuwait

    email:[email protected]

    presented at the

    IAPR 2013 CongressInternational Association for the Psychology of Religion

    27-30 August 2013

    Lausanne, Switzerland

    Mark Speece is currently Associate Professor of Marketing at American University in

    Kuwait. He taught at the Asian Institute of Technology in Bangkok for ten years, and has

    been an adjunct at other Thai universities for 20 years, notably now, supervising PhD

    students at Dhurakij Pundit University, Bangkok. He is also embedded in Thai culture

    through his 20-year (and counting) marriage to a Thai. His PhD in Marketing is from

    University of Washington (Seattle), and he also holds a Master of Arts in Buddhist Studies

    from University of Sunderland (UK).

    mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]:[email protected]
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    Modern urban reform Buddhism in Thailand

    AbstractThailands success at pursuing development over the past century has fostered

    economic growth, urbanization, and the rise of an educated urban middle

    class. However, many middle class Thai feel that economic success has notbred happiness, but rather, new and bigger problems. They hope for guidance

    from Buddhism, but traditional Buddhism seems irrelevant, focused on the

    traditional dichotomy between the Thai elite and the rural masses. Thus, a

    number of urban middle class Buddhist reform movements have developed.

    We examine four of the most prominent movements using Rawlinsons (2000)

    four-quadrant taxonomy, which classifies religious traditions by the type of

    psychology they address. The hot-cool dimension distinguishes whether

    traditions stress an other beyond oneself, to which one must refer to attain

    salvation (hot), or see salvation as essentially a matter of self-realization

    (cool). Structured traditions follow some roadmap, with or without help froman other. Unstructured traditions do not distinguish stages or a map, but aim

    for realization that truth/God is present always, and one only needs to see it.

    The reform movements have diverged to reoccupy all four quadrants.

    Reform-from-within remains within official Thai Theravdas cool-

    structured framework, itself based on official reforms of the 1800s and early

    1900s. Wat Dhammakya has re-integrating esoteric elements into a hot-

    structured form similar to Vajrayna in many respects. Santi Asoke diverged

    along the other dimension, becoming a cool-unstructured form sharing many

    characteristics with Zen, a Mahyna tradition. Kuan Im, the Chinese Kuan

    Yin, was brought to Thailand by Thai-Chinese. She is often associated with

    Pure Land Buddhism, and offers salvation to her followers through her

    compassion and grace, a hot-unstructured traditions.

    Thailands success at pursuing development over the past century has fostered economic

    growth, urbanization, and the rise of an educated urban middle class (e.g., Baker &

    Phongpaichit 2005, Chapter 8). However, many middle class Thai have come to the view

    that economic success has not bred happiness, but rather, new and bigger problems on many

    fronts. They hope for guidance from Buddhism, but traditional Buddhism seems somewhat

    irrelevant, focused on the traditional dichotomy between the Thai elite and the rural masses.

    Middle class people are very different from the rural Thai villagers who had been the major

    followers of traditional Thai Buddhism (Satha-Anand 1990, p. 396).

    Chris Baker & Pasuk Phongpaichit (2005) talk about such things as the need to find new

    ways to practice Buddhism when people are no longer embedded in their local communities,

    greater sophistication of the increasingly educated populace, and the development of a

    religious market place as consumer culture and modern communication methods became

    increasingly prevalent. Traditional Buddhism has not addressed such issues; many middle

    class Thai feel that the modern sagha (community of ordained monks) leadership has losttouch with the modern world (e.g., Taylor 1999). Phra Payutto, a leading scholar-monk of

    the reform-from-within currentof Thai Buddhism, summarizes the problem well:

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    when the modernists began to be disillusioned and dissatisfiedwith modernization

    [they] turned to find meaning and answers from [Buddhist] tradition. However, as the

    traditionalists have long been far removed from the real world of changing values,

    they cannot supply the answers or satisfy the need of the modernists (Payutto 2007,

    p. 56).

    Thus, a number of urban middle class Buddhist reform movements have developed over the

    past few decades. Specifically, we examine four reform movements here. Three of them

    have received considerable attention: Buddhadsa-type, Wat Dhammakya, and Santi Asoke;

    Buddhadsa-type being used here as shorthand to represent a broader set of reform -from-

    within views than only those of Buddhadsa Bhikkhu. These three movements all make

    serious attempts to communicate and to answer the spiritual needs of the Thai people,

    particularly the urban middle class in the modern context (Satha-Anand 1990, p. 397). The

    fourth movement is the following of Kuan Im Boddhisattva (Chinese Kuan Yin). Some

    observers treat it as a spirit cult derived from traditional popular religion, but others are

    beginning to examine it as an example of urban middle class reform Buddhism (e.g.,

    Ganjanapan 2003; Roenjun & Speece 2011).

    We examine these movements using Andrew Rawlinsons (2000) four-quadrant taxonomy,

    which essentially classifies religious traditions by the type of psychology which they address.

    Rawlinson uses two key dimensions, hot-cool, and structured-unstructured, to build his

    quadrants. Hot-cool basically distinguishes whether traditions stress an other beyond

    oneself, to which one must refer in some way to attain salvation (hot), or see salvation as

    being essentially a matter of self-realization (cool). Structured traditions see some roadmap

    that can be followed, with or without help from an other. Unstructured traditions do not

    really distinguish stages or a map, but rather, aim for realization that truth/God is present

    always, and one only needs to see it.

    Early reform, state Buddhism, and the currents of modern reformThree of the movements examined here derive to some extent from reform in the nineteenth

    and early twentieth centuries. The Thammayut order, one of two official orders in Thai

    Theravda now, was founded by King Mongkut during his time as a monk (1824-1851)

    before ascending the throne. Mongkut aimed at returning to the teachings of the Buddha and

    purifying Buddhism of superstition (e.g., Tambiah 1976; Keyes 1987, 1992). He also wanted

    to upgrade practice; Thammayut monks were encouraged to attain some proficiency in

    meditation and they were very austere in following the 227 precepts of the vinaya

    (Payulpitack 1991, p. 23).

    The palace also wanted institutionalized Buddhism to become one of the main supports for

    the modern state. During the latter part of the nineteenth century, thesaghawas graduallybrought under stronger state control. By the early 1900s, institutional Buddhism had become

    an important cornerstone in the modern Thai nation-state (e.g., Tambiah 1973; Payulpitack

    1991, Chapter 2; Swearer 1995 Chapter 3; Baker & Phongpaichit 2005).

    Buddhism had always played a major role in community affairs, and reform simply pulled

    common practice under the state umbrella so that it could be standardized and enlisted in

    modernization. For example, when compulsory primary education was implemented in 1921,

    much rural education was still handled by local temples. Thus monastic education under

    these reforms included ensuring that monks could teach such things as standard Thai and

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    mathematics (Baker & Phongpaichit 2005; Gosling 1980, 1992; Payulpitack 1991, pp. 27 ff

    & 39 ff).

    In the early Cold War period, institutional Buddhism was also used to help speed up rural

    development. The government viewed this particular effort as an aid in combating

    communism, but many monks felt it also contributed to local well-being or teaching theDhamma(Dharma), or both (e.g., Tambiah 1976, Chapter 18; Gosling 1980, 1992).

    The modern Forest Tradition evolved as more educated Thammayut monks dominated

    clerical ranks in forest areas. Forest monks before then were regarded as being skilled in

    magic but lax in observance of the vinaya, the detailed precepts about proper behavior for

    ordained monastics. Thammayut monks followed much stricter practice, and also were more

    diligent in meditation (e.g., Keyes 1987, 1992). Thus, the Dhammayut also brushed up the

    traditional practice of forest dwelling monks and institutionalized the forest tradition

    (Sivaraksa 2009, p. 54). Some Forest monks came to be regarded as among the most

    accomplished meditation masters, as well as strict followers of vinaya(e.g., Swearer 1995, p.

    131 ff; Keyes 1987, 1992).

    Most observers view much of modern urban reform Buddhism as having evolved from these

    trends; e.g.:

    Significantly, [three of the movements] which seek to make Buddhism more relevant

    to everyday life have been inspired by the tradition of forest monks. Indeed, it could

    be said that current religious movements constitute a sort of revival of the forest monk

    approach (Payulpitack 1991, p. 55).

    Introducing Rawlinsons terminology, we can characterize these three derivations from

    Forest traditions. Reform-from-within, represented by Buddhadsa Bhikkhu, Phra Payutto,

    and a number of other well-known monks, aims to adapt official Theravda Buddhism to

    modern times, and remains well within its cool-structured framework. The Wat

    Dhammakyamovement is a hot-structured form of Buddhism. It was built by several

    charismatic monastic leaders, and probably enjoys the broadest support among the various

    strains of reform Buddhism in Thailand. Some observers accuse Wat Dhammakyaadopting

    Mahyna and/or Vajrayna concepts and practices, but it seems more likely that the

    movement has simply revived elements present in Theravda before the Thammayut reforms

    of the nineteenth century. At any rate, Wat Dhammakya has managed to stay within the

    official Thai Sagha.

    Santi Asoke is a cool-unstructured strain of Buddhism, and was also founded by a

    charismatic monk. Also often accused ofbeing Mahyna, Santi Asoke does seem to share

    many characteristics with Zen. Santi Asoke monks may not legally represent themselves as

    Theravda in Thailand, although they are free to practice and to administer to the Santi Asoke

    community. Some observers see expulsion from the Thai Saghaas having had more to dowith the uncompromising criticism of Sagha corruption than with doctrine. Kuan Im, thefourth movement, does not derive from some variant of the Forest Tradition, but represents

    an adaptation of traditional popular Buddhism to the modern urban middle class context.

    Kuan Im is the Thai version of the Chinese Kuan Yin, the female manifestation of the

    BodhisattvaAvalokitevara. She was brought to Thailand by Thai-Chinese, but has extended

    her popularity well beyond to include ethnic Thai. Kuan Yin is usually associated with PureLand Buddhism, which Rawlinson uses as an example of hot-unstructured traditions.

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    RawlinsonstaxonomyFor all of these movements, personal practice is an important part of making Buddhism more

    relevant in the modern world. Two key innovations are that all four of these movements take

    more rigorous ethics into middle class lay society, and they also usually stress meditation, not

    restricting these things to the monastic community. Indeed, Swearer notes that meditation

    among lay practitioners has played a key role in the revival of Buddhism in the Therav dacountries of Asia (1995, pp. 141 ff). Schober says that the religious crisis in the modern

    nation state in Thailand and Burma centres on the relevance of lay ethics in increasingly

    diversified social, political and religious contexts (Schober 1995, section on Buddhism,

    colonialism ). She sees this focus on ethics as fostering receptivity to the Mahyna

    elements noted above:

    The enhanced weight attached to the ethics and conduct of Buddhist lay society

    invokes certain Mahayana concepts and highlights the heterodox, pan-buddhist, and

    ecumenical character of these new movements within a predominantly Theravada

    Buddhist context (Schober 1995, section on Religious disenchantment )

    Nevertheless, the approach to spirituality is markedly different across the four movements.

    Suwanna Satha-Anand, for example, uses the Threefold Training (the three divisions of the

    Eightfold Path) to summarize the directions three of the movements take, calling them the

    sila group (Santi Asoke), the samadhi group (Dhammakaya) and the panya group

    (Buddhadasa) (1990, p. 405). (Sla, samdhi, andpa are moral discipline, mentaldiscipline, and wisdom, respectively; Payutto 2007, p. 38 & passim; Harvey 2000, p. 37.) In

    similar spirit, we might designate the Kuan Im phenomenon as the saddh (faith) group,recalling Payuttos reminder that faith and spiritual strength serve as a primary step

    toward further and more energetic practice of the teachings (Payutto 2007, p. 64).

    As we note below, these designations are a convenient shorthand for different psychologies.

    The four movements fit very well within Rawlinsons (1989, 1997, 2000) four-quadrant

    taxonomy, which Schlamm calls perhaps the most sophisticated of all twentieth-century

    taxonomical studies of mystical traditions (2007, p. 75). Rawlinson essentially classifies

    religious traditions by the type of psychology which they address (Schlamm 2001, 2007), and

    the four quadrants are equally valid, without hierarchical ordering. Although these four

    statements [about the two dimensions which define the quadrants; Figure 1] concerning the

    human condition are all related, they are based on quite different axioms. But they are all

    true (Rawlinson 2000, p. 100). Whatever or not Schlamms glowing assessment holds for

    other contexts, Rawlinsons schema is very useful for understanding the four Buddhist reform

    trends in Thailand.

    Rawlinson uses two key dimensions, hot-cool, and structured-unstructured, to build his four

    quadrants. Hot-cool basically distinguishes whether traditions stress an other beyond

    oneself, to which one must refer in some way to attain salvation (hot), or see salvation as

    being essentially a matter of self-realization (cool). Structured traditions see some roadmap

    that can be followed, with or without help from an other. Unstructured traditions do not

    really distinguish stages or a map, but rather, aim for realization that truth/God is present

    always, and one only needs to see it. Figure 1 summarizes the schema, using Rawlinsons

    own language.

    Rawlinson applies his schema much more broadly than just to Buddhism, of course, but hedoes give examples of four main traditions in Buddhism which fit his four quadrants. He

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    characterizes Theravda as cool-structured, Vajrayna as hot-structured, Zen (a variant of

    Mahyna) as cool-unstructured, and Pure Land (another variant of Mahyna) as hot-

    unstructured. Although Thailand is primarily a Theravda environment, the four reform

    movements discussed here diverge along the lines Rawlinson discusses. Indeed, some of the

    criticisms in Thailand are that some of them are Vajrayna (Wat Dhammakya) or Zen (Santi

    Asoke). Kuan Ims movement has never claimedto be Theravda, so has not attracted thissort of criticism, but historically, Kuan Im has been closely associated with Pure Land

    Buddhism, which Rawlinson characterizes as hot-unstructured (Rawlinson 1989, 1997,

    2000).

    Figure 1: Rawlinsons dimensions and four quadrants

    hot

    is that which is other than oneself; that which has its

    own life. It is not something that one has access to asof right. It is powerful and breathtaking, and is

    associated with revelation and grace. It is very similarto Otto's numinous.

    structuredthere is an inherentorder in the cosmosand therefore in the

    human condition.There is somethingto be discovered

    and there is a wayof discovering it.A map is requiredto find thedestination.

    hot structured

    The cosmos is vast andinhabited by innumerablepowerful beings; liberationconsists in finding one'sway through the labyrinth

    with the appropriatepasswords.

    hot unstructuredThere is a divine power,quite other than oneself,which encloses us and isthe source of liberation.

    unstructured

    there is no gapbetween the startingpoint and the

    finishing point.Method and goal areidentical. We are not

    separate fromreality/truth/God andso no map isrequired. Everythingis available now andalways has been

    cool structured

    Liberation is within

    oneself, but it must beuncovered by disciplinedpractice.

    cool unstructuredOne's own nature is

    liberation; everything elseis illusion.

    cool

    is the very essence of oneself; one need not go toanother to find it. Hence one doeshave access to it as ofright. It is quiet and still, and is associated with self-

    realization.

    source: Rawlinson 2000, p.100; also Rawlinson 1989, pp. 167, 172; Rawlinson 1997, pp. 98-

    100.

    Official institutional Theravda in Thailand is cool-structured in Rawlinsons taxonomy.

    As noted above, this orthodox Theravda was consciously constructed during reforms

    implemented by the Thai State in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The

    Thammayut order reformed Thai Buddhism along modern rationalist lines, under the guise

    of returning to the Buddhas original teachings, purified of superstition, mythology, and other

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    non-Buddhist elements (e.g., Tambiah 1973, 1976; Keyes 1987, 1992). According to

    Schlamm (2001), it is a defining feature of these [cool] traditions to separate themselves

    from the mythology of their surrounding cultures (p. 26). He notes that Theravada and Zen,

    among other non-Buddhist religious traditions, demonstrate this.

    Cho (2002) argues that such rationalist tendency is a (willful) misinterpretation of Theravdafostered by the desire to conform to Western philosophical concepts. Certainly, Thailand was

    under pressure from Western powers active in the Southeast Asia, and one of the objectives

    of erecting a national sangha organization with its center in Bangkok was the elimination of

    regional variants considered dangerous to orthodoxy in the interests of a national

    standardization and homogenization (Tambiah 1976, p. 239). Certainly, also, there were

    many other variants of Theravda present in Thailand and nearby areas, and the reforms

    aimed mainly at absorbing other versions, rather than outright suppression (Keyes 1971).

    This strategy worked very well, but has resulted now in a somewhat stagnant Buddhism that

    many feel has not adapted well to modern conditions.

    Cool-structured reform-from-within: Buddhadsa / Payutto and othersIn Thai Theravda, religious authority is conferred mainly by two characteristics. Firstly, a

    monk must be a renowned and capable scholar who is well versed in the Buddhist

    scriptures. Secondly, he must demonstrate a conservative ascetic approach to Buddhist

    practice (Jackson 2003, p. 65), which means, primarily, advanced meditation skills and strict

    adherence to the vinaya. Leading monks in the reform-from-within movement certainly meet

    these criteria, and offer some of the most innovative thinking about adapting Thai Theravda

    to the modern world. However, the prominent role of Pli scholarship seems to keep the

    currents of this movement firmly tied to mainstream cool-structured Thai Theravda.

    The movement has had widespread influence, but has little formal structure for

    implementation beyond the efforts of individual activists such as Sulak Sivaraksa, a

    prominent lay proponent. It also lacks broad mass appeal:

    One of the weaknesses of Buddhadasa's ideas seems to be the very fact of their

    intellectual content. Therefore, it is not surprising to find that most of his followers

    are limited to intellectuals and the most educated among the middle class (Satha-

    Anand 1990, p. 400).

    The late Buddhadsa Bhikkhuwas one of the most prominent reformist monks, and became

    one of Thai Buddhisms leading thinkers. He was deeply concerned with making Buddhism

    more relevant to modern Thailand, and was very influential in bringing core Buddhistconcepts to bear on the problems of development and modern life, and helping to nurture a

    corps of social activist monks (Parnwell & Seeger 2008, p. 94). Many in the conservative

    Thai Saghadisagree with his interpretations, but Buddhadsa himself relied heavily on thesuttapiaka, (teachings of the Buddha) and viewed his teachings as simply a return tofundamentals, similar to the reforms of King Mongkut and the Thammayut order (e.g.,

    Jackson 2003, Chapters 2, 7). Many Thai scholars agree with this assessment (e.g.,

    Puntarigvivat 2003).

    Unlike Buddhadsa, who largely worked from outside the Sagha establishment, PhraPayutto has been very successful within it, but became critical of it and evolved into an

    articulate reformer from within Thai monastic education (King 2002, p. 277). LikeBuddhadsa, he has been very concerned that without reform, Buddhism may become

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    irrelevant. Payutto is often acknowledged as the finest Pali scholar in the Thai Sagha(Swearer 1997, p. 30). For a large number of Thai Buddhists, especially middle-class

    intellectuals and well-educated Buddhist monks, Phra Payutto has become the authoritative

    voice in debates revolving on the interpretation, meaning and function of the Pli canon

    (Seeger 2007, pp. 3-4).

    Their interpretations are not generally far apart (e.g., Jackson 2003, pp. 90-91; 261).

    Notably, they view paicca-samuppda (dependent origination, or conditioned arising)similarly, as explaining the psychological process for the arising of suffering at any particular

    moment, not the cycle of birth and rebirth. (Buddhadsa 2002; Payutto 1995). According to

    Buddhadsa, grasping and attachment will give rise to becoming and birth the birth of the

    self idea, I or mine, which will taste the fruit of suffering (Buddhadsa 2002, pp.

    15-16; also Payutto 1995, beginning of Chapter 2).

    Soteriology in cool-structured systems is based on clear awareness and nonentanglement

    (Rawlinson 2000, p. 101). Buddhadsa talks about ability of everyone to achieve nibbna, if

    one takes the trouble to develop the mind, clean out the defilements, and abandon the falseconception of a Self (e.g., 1996; also Jackson 2003, pp. 163 ff). Nibbana manifests when the

    fires of defilement, attachment, selfishness, and dukkha are cooled. To be realized in this

    life (Buddhadsa 1991, p. 61-62). Nirvana is the final goal of Buddhism. This goal can be

    experienced here and now in this very life (Payutto 2007, p. 129). In Nibbana For

    Everyone, Buddhadsa says that without this business of nibbana, Buddhism would be as

    good as dead (1996, 3rdparagraph). He means, of course, that without personal relevance to

    peoples lives in this world, Buddhism can become empty ritual.

    The idea of attainable nirvana brings Buddhism closer to the general public and

    encourages them to follow the ideals of Buddhist practices. It moves the sangha-

    centered practices down to a more individual and worldly level, such that even lay

    people can and should start to live according to the Buddhist precepts and Buddhist

    teachings (Heikkil-Horn 1997, p. 118)

    Heikkil-Horn is actually talking about Santi Asokes view of nibbnahere; in fact, all fourreform movements stress some version of nibbnaachievable by lay people in the here-and-now. In the cool-structured reform-from-within version, liberation is within oneself, but it

    must be uncovered by disciplined practice (Rawlinson 2000, p. 100). All that is required is

    constant effort the practitioner starts on page one of the manual, so to speak, and works

    his/her way through to the end (Rawlinson 2000, p. 102). Dhamma must be studied and

    learned internally (Buddhadsa 1991, p. 13). Of course, reading books, discussion, andlistening to talks can explain the method and means of inner study (Buddhadsa 1991, p.

    13). Many monks expert at meditation in cool-structured Thai Theravda, including

    Buddhadsa, have written such manuals, mainly based directly on the Buddhas teachings in

    thesuttapiaka(e.g., Buddhadsa 1980).

    Hot-structured Wat DhammakyaAs noted, the reform-from-within movement represented by Buddhadsa and Payutto lacks

    structure and is quite diffuse. Wat Dhammakya and Santi Asoke both also aim to provide

    more organizational structure to better foster implementation of Buddhist ideals

    (Fuengfusakul 1993). In terms of Rawlinsons schema, both, as noted above, have roots in

    Thailands cool-structured forest tradition, but have diverged in different ways. Rawlinsonnotes the overlap in traditions which share a pole on one of the dimensions. Hot-structured

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    Wat Dhammakya shares much of the same structure with the official cool-structured Thai

    Theravda. However, in it, the cosmos is vast and inhabited by innumerable powerful

    beings; liberation consists in finding one's way through the labyrinth with the appropriate

    passwords (Rawlinson 2000, p. 100). The teacher in hot-structured traditions can be

    characterized as magician/knows the secret (2000, p. 103), and the teaching is never given

    all at once, but only when necessary and then only in cryptic form (2000, p. 106).

    The Wat Dhammakya movement was built by its charismatic leader Dhammachayo

    Bhikkhu, aided by his lieutenant, Dattajeevo Bhikkhu. According to a nineteen-year veteran

    monk who had reached very high level in the Wat Dhammakya hierarchy before leaving the

    movement,

    Unlike other Buddhist communities in Thailand where the teachings of the master

    remain open to the public, Wat Phra Dhammakya is built upon rings of esoteric

    teachings (Laohavanich 2012, p. 487). When the newcomer has gained sufficient

    faith in the leadership of the wat, s/he will be introduced to a higher level of the

    teaching of Vijj Dhammakya where the conventional knowledge of Buddhismbecomes almost insignificant (Laohavanich 2012, p. 488).

    In Wat Dhammakyas mythology, not generally discussed with outsiders, the universe is

    the battlefield between theDhammakyas of the Light and Darkness (Laohavanich 2012, p.495). Dhammachayo is rumored to have great psychic and meditative powers, which enable

    him to lead the forces of light (e.g., Mackenzie 2007, 2008). Wat Dhammakya followers are

    all part of this cosmic struggle, and final victory over the forces of darkness will lead to

    collective enlightenment (Laohavanich 2012, p. 490). However, basic teachings are

    somewhat more mundane. The movement attracts a broad-based middle-class constituency

    augmented by notable support from the royal family and important military and government

    figures (Swearer 1991, p. 656), including the new rich, largely ethnic Sino -Thai (Taylor

    1999, p. 174; also Taylor 2008, p. 45). Generally,

    although quite well educated, members of the Dhammakaya Temple are not

    intellectuals. They seem to represent a segment of the emerging middle class that is

    keen on achieving both worldly pleasure and peace of mind in religious form (Satha-

    Anand 1990, p. 407).

    Thus, Thammaki emphasizes that Nibbna is to be sought within the world, not through

    withdrawal from the world (Keyes 1992, p. 336). It teaches

    a simple, ethical message or ideology which bypasses both the mythic-cosmological

    and the more complex philosophical aspects of the Theravada Buddhist tradition;

    and a comprehensive teaching applicable to layperson and monk, conducive both to

    moral well-being and the highest spiritual attainment (Swearer 1991, pp. 263-264).

    Dhammakyas distinctive meditation method, a relatively simple visualization technique,

    is easily taught to large groups of people (Swearer 1991, p. 660). With it, Dhammakya

    offers members a simple formula for enlightenment available to everyone It is also

    promoted to help success in material life, pointing out that regular practice leads to

    improved memory and thinking ability, more success in business and studying(Payulpitack 1991, p. 58).

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    Wat Dhammakya has been controversial, criticized for its excessive affluence (spiritual

    consumerism), its aggressive methods of fund-raising, and its promotion of a method of

    meditation which has traditionally been suspect within the Theravada tradition (Swearer

    1991, p. 667). Merit-making has become a well-packaged and ready-made good which can

    be easily acquired and consumed(Fuengfusakul 1993, p. 168). They create a novelimage of Buddhism that corresponds well with the grandness of capitalism, and the

    concretization of Buddhist ideals also corresponds with the concrete sensual satisfactions of a

    consumer society (Satha-Anand 1990, p. 407).

    Nevertheless, Thammakaay has taken pains to present itself as a dynamic, "cutting-edge",

    reformist movement which respects and accepts the existing order and rules of the game

    (Fuengfusakul 1993, p. 176). It is quite skilled at marketing itself (Scott 2006), and the

    authorities have shown themselves willing to tolerate Thammakaay's commercial innovations

    and activities as long as it does not challenge the Sangha Order and the law (Fuengfusakul

    1993, p. 178). Thus, Wat Dhammakya has become much more of a mass movement than

    any of the other currents of reform Buddhism.

    Cool-unstructured Santi AsokeSanti Asoke was founded by Samana Bodhiraksa, who ordained in the Thammayut order in

    1970, after college and a successful career. He came into conflict with the Saghahierarchy,disrobed and re-ordained in the Mahnikai order in 1973. Bodhiraksa assumed the title

    Samana, a Pli term for renunciant, after dropping the more official Phra when further

    conflict again led to his disrobing (Heikkil-Horn 1997, Chapter 2; Essen 2005, pp. 16-19;

    Mackenzie 2007, Chapter 5). Bodhiraksa acknowledges Buddhadsas influence, but

    criticizes the reform-from-within movement because it lacks organization to implement

    teachings (e.g., Payulpitak 1991, p. 181; Essen 2005, p. 17; Mackenzie 2007, p. 10).

    Santi Asoke vehemently condemns modern consumer capitalism, and presents an alternative

    lifestyle in its collective communities (e.g., Heikkil-Horn 1997; Essen 2004, 2005). While

    the Dhammakaya movement creates a new image of Buddhism to correspond to a secular

    consumer society, the Santi Asoke group chooses an image of poverty and simplicity to

    counter the strong currents of consumerism (Satha-Anand 1990, p. 407). Practice is heavily

    oriented toward strict morality and mindfulness in its simple lifestyle.

    Santi Asoke tends to appeal more to the less highly educated strata of the middle-class

    (Jackson 1989, p. 166; also Heikkil-Horn 1997, Chapter 6). Ordinary lay members tend to

    be individuals who have not benefited greatly from, or are not integrated very deeply into themiddle-class metropolitan consumer culture (Fuengfusakul 1993, p. 159). However, there is

    far more sympathy toward Santi Asoke than actual willingness to join:

    the fact that the Santi Asoke group has attracted quite a large number of supporters,

    though not so many serious followers, seems to indicate the ambivalence of the Thai

    urban middle class who, on the one hand, supports the antiestablishment stance of this

    group, but perhaps finds it too demanding to lead a poor and simple life in a Buddhist

    community (Satha-Anand 1990, p. 407).

    Rawlinson characterizes cool-unstructured traditions as having a soteriology of know

    thyselfand spiritual practice oriented toward just realize (2000, p. 101, 103), and Schlamm(2001), as noted above, says cool traditions reject the mythologies which have accrued to

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    spiritual practice. This certainly describes Santi Asoke. The Asoka movement strives to

    strip away the chaff and return to the fundamentals or essence of Buddhism, a moral and

    religious transformation which does not rely upon, and rejects as superfluous, the usual

    magical and merit-making rituals (Swearer 1991, p. 668).

    Bodhiraksa assures his followers that nirvana can be reached in this life since it is a state ofmind. Nirvana is not something supernatural or otherworldy. To be enlightened means to be

    peaceful and calm (Heikkil-Horn 1997, p. 118). Work serves as the primary method of

    samdhi, achieving concentration through meditation (Essen 2004, p.11).

    A common understanding of nibbana in the Asoke communities is a mind free from

    attachment and suffering. This may be achieved by lay members as well as monastics.

    Intense focus (sati) on the task being carried out leads members to identify

    defilements and attachments in their own minds (MacKenzie 2007, p. 184).

    Several Srisa Asoke residents commented that the peace generated by meditating in

    isolation is lost as soon as that person reenters the world. Asoke members thuspractice "open eye" meditation continuously as they work and interact with others

    within their community (Essen 2004, pp. 11-12).

    The concept of work as meditation is not entirely absent from Theravda (e.g., Buddhadsa

    2007; also Borchert 2011 for a non-Thai Theravda context), but it is a common concept in

    Chan/Zen. Zen has always tended to emphasize basic, ordinary and menial activities such

    as sweeping floors and cutting wood, as suitable activities not just to provide an alternative to

    seated meditation, but as forms of meditative action in their own right (Reader 1995, p.

    230). Performing manual labor in the right manner in this way became a religious act in

    itself in its expression of the nonduality of worldly labor and Buddhist meditation and thus

    ultimately sasra and nirvana (Ornatowski 1996, p. 221).

    Hot-unstructured Kuan Im

    Kuan Im is the Thai version of the Chinese Kuan Yin Bodhisattva, the female manifestation

    of the Bodhisattva Avalokitevara. She was brought to Thailand by Thai-Chinese, but has

    extended her popularity well beyond to include ethnic Thai. Kuan Yin is well known in most

    East Asian Buddhist traditions (e.g., Tay 1976; Y 2001), and, as Avalokitevara, even more

    widely, but is usually particularly associated with Pure Land Buddhism, which Rawlinson

    uses as an example of hot-unstructured traditions. Historically, some of the most prominent

    teachers in Pure Land were masters of other traditions who came to believe that their

    traditions were too difficult to be useful to the average layperson.

    According to Pure Land doctrine most practitioners in the Degenerate Age find

    the self-power, self-help approach too difficult and arduous; therefore, in their Pure

    Land teachings, the Buddhas and Sages compassionately emphasized the additional

    element of other-power (Chih I & Tien Ju 1992, p. xiii).

    A Pure Land is the abode of a Buddha, where devout practitioners can go by calling upon the

    compassion and grace of a Buddha and/or associated bodhisattva. There are many, and all

    the pure lands of the Buddhas are, in truth, equal (Chih I & Tien Ju 1992, p. 27; also Getz

    2004; Gomez 2004b). However, most practitioners would find it confusing and difficult to

    contemplate many, so the Buddha Amitbha came to be the particular Buddha to which mostPure Land practitioners appealed (Chih I & Tien Ju 1992, p.; 26 ff).

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    Avalokitevara, the embodiment of compassion, is Amitbhas right hand man (or woman),

    so to speak, who often implements salvation (Getz 2004; Gomez 2004a; Barber 2004). (In

    much imagery, this is literalAvalokitevara is positioned directly to Amitbhas right.) In

    Chinese Pure Land:

    While residing in the Land of Eternal Stillness, because of Herboundless concern

    and compassion, She also appears in all lands and realms. Standing beside Amitabha

    Buddha, She also manifests Herself everywhere She accomplishes whatever deeds

    are of benefit to sentient beings and takes whatever form is necessary to rescue them

    and teach them the Dharma (Yin-Kuang 1993, p. 93).

    Many practitioners believe that it is most appropriate to focus devotion on the compassionate

    Kuan Yin, who (particularly relevant for Thai reform Buddhism), brings things into the here-

    and-now:

    While Amit vows to take the sentient beings after death into a world where theretribution of karma is no more effective, Kuan-yin caters to the human desire to rise

    above our own karma even while in this life (Tay 147-148).

    Kwan Im in Thailand is often discussed in terms of spirit cults, as a form of popular

    Buddhism (e.g., Kitiarsa 2005). However, her growing popularity is better understood as part

    of this modern urban reform Buddhism, rather than as a popular spirit cult (Ganjanapan

    2003; Roenjun & Speece 2011). Kuan Im is solidly rooted in spiritual aspirations and a

    desire for a more moral life. Compared to spirit cults in popular Buddhism, that of Kuan Im

    is more organized, in the same way as the Buddhist reform movements [Ganjanapan

    briefly discussed Wat Dammakaya and Santi Asoke] Kuan Im is more oriented

    towards the reproduction of morality in a religious sense, given the belief in the

    goddess is rooted in the bodhisattva concepts of Mahayana Buddhism. In this sense,

    the cult also incorporates the religious ethos and morality of Mahayana Buddhism,

    which enhances its position in the eyes of the urban middle class in comparison with

    the traditional spirit cults (Ganjanapan 2003, p. 131).

    Kuan Im reintegrates the other,and otherworldly influence on earthly affairs, which was

    pushed out of official Thai Theravda (although it never disappeared from popular folk

    Buddhism):

    most of the recent reforms in Buddhism have put more emphasis on rationalism as

    distinct from the magical elements which have always been an integral part of popular

    Buddhism. This leads to the alienation of the new middle classes from Buddhism

    because magic is considered an aspect of Buddhism which is associated very closely

    with various social values, such as justice and honesty. The cult of Chao Mae Kuan

    Im helps strengthen the unity between magic and Buddhist moral values,

    especially kindness. In this sense, the cult, on one hand, helps in the construction of

    middle-class values against the global values of materialism and consumerism and

    establishes moral control over the spreading obsession with magic (Ganjanapan

    2003, p. 134-135).

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    To the very limited extent that there has been much examination of Kuan Im as Buddhist

    practice, rather than as a spirit cult, devotion to Kuan Im in Thailand seems very much

    along the lines noted in discussion of Pure Land here. Key informants in Bangkok report

    constant mindfulness of Kuan Im, which people believe helps them in their daily lives, both

    in terms of their own state-of-mind, and because Kuan Im does intervene directly sometimes

    (Roenjun & Speece 2011, 2013). Although not as prominent, the bodhisattva ideal is wellknown in Theravda (e.g., Ratnayaka 1985), as is devotion to the Buddha (e.g., Crosby

    2005), and the concept of salvific compassion represented by the ideal mother (e.g., Crosby

    2008). This familiarity perhaps makes it relatively easy to translate Pure Land belief and

    practice to Thailand.

    Conclusion: Many Buddhisms for Psychographic segmentation -

    Buddhist reform in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was very much directed by

    the state, and pushed Thai Theravda into the cool-structured box. Of course, other

    variations of Theravda were not eliminated, but they disappeared from official discourse and

    teaching, since the Sagha was under State control. One can characterize the modern

    movements as Buddhism responding to the various needs of the middle class, rather thanserving state interests. Phra Phaisan Visalo (a cool-structured reformist monk) says that

    Uniform or standardized Buddhism is a thing of the past. Thai Buddhism is returning

    to diversity again, perhaps to a greater degree than before the Prince Wachirayan

    reform. In the past, uniform Buddhism was possible because of state and central

    Sangha control. The trend in the above [discussion of some modern trends] is a sign

    that Buddhism is becoming independent of the state and the Sangha hierarchy,

    returning again to the hands of the people (Visalo 2005)

    [end quote]

    The people, of course, are not homogenous in terms of how they make religious belief

    personally relevant, even if we restrict our discussion to the urban middle class. The various

    forms of modern reform Buddhism in Thailand address different psychological profiles; this

    is the diversity which Phra Visalo talks about. Returning to it refers to the fact that

    historically Buddhism has developed a variety of traditions which accommodate various

    psychological profiles. This diversity was largely present in Thailand before State-led reform

    in the modern era boxed Buddhism into one particular form, and Thai Buddhism is escaping

    the box again now that it is escaping the State.

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