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CHAPTER 11 Naming Streets for Martin Luther King, Jr.: No Easy Road DEREK H. ALDERMAN A Street Fight in Chattanooga In 1981 Reverend M.T. Billingsley asked the city commission of Chatta‑ nooga, Tennessee, to name a street aſter slain civil rights leader Martin Luther King, Jr. 1 Rev. Billingsley’s request, which came on behalf of the Ministers Union he helped lead, took place just five days aſter King’s birth‑ day, which had not yet been made into a federal holiday, and less than a year aſter a controversial court verdict had incited civil disturbances in the city. An all‑white jury had acquitted two of three defendants arrested in connection with the shooting of four black women. Ninth Street had been the location of the Ku Klux Klan–related shooting, and, not coincidentally, it was also the road that black leaders sought to rename for King. In addi‑ tion, Ninth Street had long served as the city’s black business district and was the site of a federally funded downtown redevelopment program. 2 e street‑naming request sparked several months of intense debate. One of the major opponents to the name change was a T.A. Lupton, a white real estate developer who owned a downtown office building on the west end of the street and was in the process of building another one there. Lupton argued that he might not be able to rent office space in a building RT4102.indb 215 2/13/06 2:12:02 PM

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Chapter 11Naming Streets for Martin Luther

King, Jr.: No easy roaddeRek h. aldeRMan

A Street Fight in Chattanoogain1981ReverendM.t.billingsleyaskedthecitycommissionofchatta‑nooga,tennessee, tonamea street after slaincivil rights leaderMartinLutherking, Jr.1Rev.billingsley’s request,whichcameonbehalfof theMinistersUnionhehelpedlead,tookplacejustfivedaysafterking’sbirth‑day,whichhadnotyetbeenmadeintoafederalholiday,andlessthanayearafteracontroversialcourtverdicthadincitedcivildisturbancesinthecity.anall‑whitejuryhadacquittedtwoofthreedefendantsarrestedinconnectionwiththeshootingoffourblackwomen.ninthStreethadbeenthelocationofthekukluxklan–relatedshooting,and,notcoincidentally,itwasalsotheroadthatblackleaderssoughttorenameforking.inaddi‑tion,ninthStreethadlongservedasthecity’sblackbusinessdistrictandwasthesiteofafederallyfundeddowntownredevelopmentprogram.2

The street‑naming request sparked several months of intense debate.Oneofthemajoropponentstothenamechangewasat.a.Lupton,awhiterealestatedeveloperwhoownedadowntownofficebuildingonthewestend of the street and was in the process of building another one there.Luptonarguedthathemightnotbeabletorentofficespaceinabuilding

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withakingaddressbecauseofthe“racialovertones”itmightcreate.hesupportedtherenamingofeastninthStreetbutnotWestninthStreet,implyingthatthecivilrightsleader’smemorywouldsomehowbe“outofplace”there.hewasquotedassaying,“WestninthStreetisnotrelatedtodr.king.…[it]isnolongerasolidblackstreet.…itisnolongeraresiden‑tialstreetorrundownbusinessstreet.itisatopclassbusinessstreetthatcanplayagreatpartinthefutureofchattanooga.”3Thedeveloperwentsofarastosuggestthathewouldabandonordrasticallyalterhisconstruc‑tionplansintheeventthatWestninthwasrenamed.

chattanooga’scitycommissionersacquiescedtopressurefromLuptonand other opponents, refusing to rename ninth. as a compromise, thecommissionofferedtoestablishaplazainking’smemory.Street‑namingproponentsquicklydismissedthisalternativeandrespondedbyorganiz‑ing a march along ninth Street in late april 1981. armed with laddersandsingingthecivilrightsanthem“WeShallOvercome,”morethanthreehundredafricanamericansdefiantly—albeittemporarily—renamedthestreetbypasting street signsandutilitypoleswithgreenbumper stick‑ersthatread“dr.MLkingJr.blvd.”4afterthisprotestandanemotionalrequestfromacoalitionofwhiteandblackministers,thechattanoogacitycommissionreverseditselfinJulyandagreedtorenameallofninthStreetforthecivilrightsleaderasofJanuary1982.5

controversyoverthestreetrenamingcontinuedevenafterthecitycom‑mission’sdecision.nationalassociationfortheadvancementofcoloredPeople(naacP)leaderswouldlaterencouragetheboycottofaprominentchattanoogahotelthathadchangeditsmailingaddressfromWestninthto a bordering street, presumably to avoid being identified with MartinLutherking.6intheend,thestreetrenamingdidnotstopLupton,andhewentforwardwithconstructionplans;however,theresultingofficetowerand its companion building, the corporate headquarters of the krystalhamburger chain,donothaveaking streetmailingaddress. instead, aprivatedrivewascreatedandthebuildingsresideon—presumablywithnoironyintended—UnionSquare.7

Thestreetfight inchattanoogawasnotan isolatedeventbutpartofagrowinglandscapemovementinamerica.infact,whenpetitioningtorenameninthStreet,severalblack leaders inchattanoogacitedthefactthatcitiessuchasatlantaandchicagoandevenothercities intennes‑seehadalreadyhonoredkingwithastreet‑namechange.Morethan730citiesandtownsinthirty‑ninestatesandthedistrictofcolumbiahadastreetnamedforkingby2003(seeFigure11.1).8commemoratingkingthroughstreetnamingdisplaysastrongregionalconcentrationevenasitisanationaltrend.Seventypercentofplaceswithkingstreetsarelocated

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namingStreetsforMartinLutherking,Jr.:noeasyRoad•���

inthesevensouthernstatesofGeorgia,Mississippi,texas,Florida,Louisi‑ana,alabama,andnorthcarolina.Georgia—king’shomestate—leadsthecountrywith105namedstreets.namingstreetsforkingoccursthrough‑outtheurbanhierarchy,fromlargecitiessuchasnewYork,Losangeles,andhoustontosomeofthecountry’ssmallestplacessuchascuba,ala‑bama(population363),Pawley’sisland,Southcarolina(population138),anddenton,Georgia(population269).althoughstreet‑namingstrugglesinmetropolitanareassuchaschattanoogatypicallyreceivemorepublic‑ity,itisworthnotingthatmorethan50percentofU.S.streetsnamedforkingare inplaceswithapopulationof fewer thantenthousandpeople(seeFigure11.2).

namingstreetsforkingiswidespreadandoftenhasbeencontroversial.Thepracticeanditscontroversiesprovideinsightintotheintersectionofrace and landscape in the United States. king‑named streets reflect theincreasedculturalandpoliticalpowerofblacksandtheliberalizationofwhiteattitudesevenastheyalsoaresitesofstruggleforafricanameri‑cans.ihavesuggestedinpreviousworkthatthesestreetsserveasmemo‑rial arenas—public spaces for interpreting king’s historical legacy anddebating the connotations and consequences of commemorating him.9

asevident in thetennesseecase, therecanbesignificantdifferences intheextenttowhichpeoplepersonallyidentifywithkingandwishtohavetheir streetassociatedwithhimand,as theyperceive it, theblackcom‑munity.despitethevictoryinchattanooga,africanamericansinmany

Figure 11.1 Distribution of streets named for Martin Luther King, Jr., 2003. Source: Compiled by the author, Matthew Mitchelson, and Chris McPhilamy.

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other cities have been unsuccessful in renaming thoroughfares that cutacrossbusinessdistrictsandconnectdifferentracialgroups.king’snameisfrequentlyattachedtominorstreetsorportionsofroadslocatedentirelywithinpoor,blackareasofcities(seeFigure11.3).10Thishasled,inturn,to the widespread belief that all king streets are this way, even though

100,000+

40,000–99,999

20,000–39,999

10,000–19,999

2, 500–9,999

< 2,500

Popu

latio

n siz

e

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35% of places with MLK street

Figure 11.2 Distribution of streets named for Martin Luther King, Jr. by city population.

Figure 11.3 Martin Luther King Circle in Phoenix, Arizona. The small cul-de-sac is invisible on some city maps. Until recently, the six homes on the street were owned exclusively by African Americans. Past attempts to rename a major road have met with resistance in a state that refused to establish a paid holiday in King’s honor until it lost hundreds of millions of dollars from convention cancellations and the National Football League’s decision to host the 1993 Super Bowl elsewhere. (Photograph by Keli Dailey, reproduced with permission.)

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thereareprominentroadsbearinghisname.asjournalistJonathantilovesokeenlyobserved,“ithasbecomeacommonplaceofpopularculturetoidentifyaMartinLutherkingstreetasagenericmarkerofblackspaceandnotincidentally,ofruin,asasadsignpostofdanger,failure,anddecline,anda rueful rebukeofapeople’spreoccupationwithsymbolicvictoriesover actual progress.”11 however, tilove has found that king streets areimportant centers of black identity and community within america.Rather than a hollow gesture, street naming for many black activists isaboutgaugingsociety’srelativeprogressinfulfillingthegoalsofthecivilrights movement. For instance, when marching down ninth Street inchattanooga,blackleaderscharacterizedtheirstreet‑namingstruggleasanopportunitynotonlytocelebrateking’sachievementsbutalso“totestwhether‘equality’and‘justice’forallarevalidstatements,orwhethertheyhavenomeaningatall.”12

Thischapterintroduceskingstreet‑namingpracticeandexplainswhyit is important and controversial. My intent is to identify (1) the politi‑cal origins and historical development of the street‑naming movement,(2)thesymbolicqualitiesofstreetnamingasameansofcommemoratingking,and(3)thepoliticalcontroversyandstrugglethatunderliesstreet‑naming practices. Streets named after king illustrate the important yetcontentiouswaysinwhichrace,place,andmemoryintersectthroughtheamericanlandscape.Theyprovoke“ferventdebateaboutthemeaningofhis[king’s] lifeandwhatkindofstreetwoulddohimcredit,”revealingimportantdivisionsbetweenblacksandwhitesaswellassocialcontestswithinafricanamericancommunities.13

Origins of Streets Named after Martin Luther KingThe movement to name streets after Martin Luther king originatedsquarely within black community activism. king’s commemoration ispartofanongoingeffortonthepartofafricanamericanstoaddresstheexclusion of their experiences and achievements from the national his‑torical consciousness.according to JosephtildenRhea, thismovementgoes beyond the country’s general embrace of multiculturalism. Rather,african americans and other racial and ethnic groups are using directpoliticalactiontochallengeandchangethecommemorationofthepastwithinculturallandscapes,constitutingwhatRheacalledthe“racepridemovement.”14 The race pride movement has had an impact on not juststreet‑namingpatternsbutalsoothercommemorativeformssuchasstat‑ues,museums,preservedsites,heritagetrails,andfestivals.althoughlessornateorostentatious than thesememorials, streetnaminghasbecomeoneofthemostcommonandvisiblestrategiesforafricanamericansto

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elevatepublicrecognitionofkingaswellasahostofotherfiguresidenti‑fiedwiththestruggleforequalrights,suchasRosaParks,ThurgoodMar‑shall,MalcolmX,andharriettubman.asauthorMelvindixonobserved,“notonlydothese[street]namescelebrateandcommemorategreatfig‑uresinblackculture,theyprovokeouractiveparticipationinthathistory.Whatwasimportantyesterdaybecomesalandmarktoday.”15

inthecaseofstreetnaming,africanamericansarenotsimplyhonoringthehistoricalachievementsofasingleindividualbutseekingtoestablishthepubliclegitimacyofallblacks.commemoratingkingisinseparablefromabroaderconsiderationofracismandracerelations,especiallyadesiretoreverse thecontrolhistorically exercisedbywhitesover racial andethnicminorities.blackactivistsenvisionbeingabletoengageincommemorationaspartofthedemocratizationofsocietyandthegainingofagreaterpoliti‑calvoice.Forexample,afterchattanooga’scitycommissionfinallyapprovedtherenamingofninthStreetforking,naacPleaderGeorgekeyconcludedthatthedecisionshowsthat“blackcitizensarefullcitizensofchattanoogaandhavearighttobeconsideredinwhatgoesonin[thecity].”16askarentillargued,street‑namingstrugglessuchasseenintennessee“oftenreflectlarger social (power) disputes about who has authority to create, define,interpret,andrepresentcollectivepaststhroughplace.”17

Giventhecentralrolethatblackactivistsplayininitiatingthestreet‑naming process, it is not surprising that a strong relationship existsbetween the likelihood of a city or town identifying a street with kingandtherelativesizeofitsafricanamericanpopulation(seeFigure11.4).

<1% 1–9.9% 10–29.9% 30–49.9% 50–74.9% 75%+African American as % of total population

% of

pla

ces w

ith M

LK st

reet

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

Figure 11.4 Distribution of streets named for Martin Luther King, Jr. by relative size of city’s African American population.

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namingStreetsforMartinLutherking,Jr.:noeasyRoad•���

On average, african americans constitute approximately 37 percent ofthepopulation ina locationwitha streetnamed forking.More thanathirdofthetime,africanamericansmakeup50percentormoreofthepopulationinplaceswithastreetnamedafterking.Street‑namingcam‑paignsareoftenconductedbylocalchaptersofthenaacP,theSouthernchristianLeadershipconference,anorganizationthatkingonceled,andvariousotherblack‑ledcommunityimprovementassociationsandcoali‑tions. The church is often an important participant in the naming pro‑cess,asithasbeeninafricanamericancultureingeneral.churchesareoneofthenonresidentialestablishmentsmostfrequentlyfoundonstreetsthatbearking’sname.18 inchattanooga, itwasaunionofblackminis‑terswhospearheadedtherenamingofninthStreet.Ultimatelyitwasthisgroup’sabilitytoformacoalitionwithwhiteclergyinthecitythathelpedswaytheopinionoflocalelectedofficials.inthecaseofthesmalltownofMetter,Georgia,alocalblackpastorledthemovementtorenameastreet.TheunveilingofMartinLutherkingboulevardtookplaceontheSundaybeforethe1996kingholiday,andthededicationservicebeganandendedwithprayerandthesingingofchurchhymns.duringtheservice,thoseinattendancereadalitanyofdedication,pledgingthemselvestotheidealsofpeace,freedom,andequality.

The race pride movement and the commemoration of king are rela‑tively recent developments; however, they are not entirely new and, insome way, signal a return to an earlier american tradition. The UnitedStateshasalonghistoryofhonoringpatriotheroesandusingcommemo‑rativesymbolssuchasmonuments,museums,andplacenamestofocuspublicattentionandidentificationwithcertainpoliticalvaluesandvisionsofhistory.Forinstance,Zelinskyfoundthat25percentofcountiesand10percentofstreets intheUnitedStatesarenamedafternationalnotablesorcarryotherpatrioticreferences.19althoughthegrowingmovementtomemorializekingandothercivilrightsleadersrepresentsareturntohon‑oring inspirational heroes, we should not forget that earlier patterns ofcommemorationwerealmostentirelydevotedtohonoringwhitehistori‑calfiguressuchaspresidentsandthecountry’sfoundingfathers.Streetsnamedforkingchallengethecountry’sdominanthistoricalmemory inthattheyaskcitizenstoviewthepastanditsheroesinmuchmorediverseterms,onesthatspecificallyaddressexperiencescommontobeingblackinamerica.intheirbookPresence of the Past,historiansRoyRosenzweigand david Thelen found significant racial differences when surveyingamericansabouthowtheyvalueandidentifywiththepast.Perhapsitisnotsurprisingthatafricanamericanrespondentsaremuchmorelikely

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thanwhitestocitetheassassinationofkingasaneventinthepastthathasmostaffectedthem.20

Thecontributionsofafricanamericanscertainlydonotbeginorendwithking,buthehasbecomethemostwidelyidentifiedsymbolofthecivilrightsmovementandblackheritageingeneral,sometimesatthehistori‑calneglectoflesserknownactivists,includingwomen.21kingmemorial‑izingbeganafterhisassassinationin1968,butsucheffortsdidnotreceiveimmediatewidespreadapproval.22Fourmonthsafterthecivilrightslead‑er’sdeath,thecityofchicago,illinois,renamedSouthParkWay,perhapsmakingitthecountry’sfirststreetnamedafterking.althoughtheroadstretchesforseveralmiles,itdoesnotleavethecity’spredominantlyafricanamericanSouthSide.OnSouthParkWay,anafricanamericanchurchchosetouseoneofitssidestreetsasanaddressratherthanbeidentifiedwiththecivilrightsleader.Thepastoratthetime,ReverendJosephJack‑son,wasaconservativeopponentofthecivildisobediencecampaignanda“bitterrivalofking’sinnationalblackbaptistcircles.”23in1972officialsinMontgomery,alabama,approvedandthenquicklyrescindedameasuretorenameastreetforking.TheWhitecitizenscouncil—anorganizationthatkingbattledduringthecity’sfamousbusboycott—opposedthenamechangebecausewhite‑ownedbusinessesandawhiteMasoniclodgewerefoundonthestreetandthestreetwasnotlocatedentirelyintheblackcom‑munity.24itwasnotuntil1976thatatlanta,Georgia—king’shometown—placedhisnameonastreet.commercialinterestsopposedthenamingofastreetinhishonor,thoughwithoutsuccess.25today,MartinLutherkingJr.drive,onthewestsideofthecity,isthelocationofsignificanteconomicdevelopmentandamajorlandmarkinthecity’stourismindustry.

king’s status rosewhen the federalgovernmentestablishedaholidaytohonorhimin1983,althoughpassageoftheholidaycamefifteenyearsafterfirstbeingproposedincongressandafterdebateamongblacklead‑ersaboutthemostappropriatedatetoobserve.26Thereareindicationsthatthekingholidayhashelpedpropelthestreet‑namingmovement.itisdif‑ficulttoknowexactlywhenmanyofthecountry’scitiesandtownsnamedastreetforking;however,apreliminarysurveyofGeorgiamunicipalitiesrevealedthatonly13percentofrespondingcommunitiesnamedastreetbefore the king federal holiday was signed into law by Ronald Reagan.More than a third of responding cities said they had renamed a streetbetween 1984 and 1989. The remaining 52 percent of street naming inGeorgiaoccurredafter1990.27inmanyinstances,localkingholidaycel‑ebrationcommissionsorganizestreet‑namingcampaigns.ManypetitionstonameastreetarebroughtbeforelocalgovernmentsimmediatelybeforeorafterthekingholidayinJanuary.althoughtheholidaymadekingan

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namingStreetsforMartinLutherking,Jr.:noeasyRoad•���

officiallyrecognizediconandgavefurtherlegitimacytocommemoratinghim,itwasperhapswhattheholidaycouldnotofferafricanamericansthat most inspired their requests to rename streets. Unlike the holiday,whichcomes justonceayear,acommemorativestreetnameprovidesaphysicallypermanentmemorialthatispresentallthetime.Thekingholi‑dayremainscontroversial.Somelocalgovernmentsstillrefusetorecog‑nizeit,andonly26percentofthecountry’sbusinessesgiveapaiddayofftotheiremployees.28consequently,namingastreetrepresentsamorecon‑cretewayforcommunitiestodisplaytheircommitmenttoking’smemoryandideals.africanamericansarealsopursuingstreetnamingbecauseofitssymbolicqualities.

Symbolism of Streets Named after Martin Luther KingTheseeminglymundanepracticeofstreetnaminginvokesintenseemo‑tionalresponse.Theattractionofcommemorativestreetnamingtoafri‑canamericancommunitiesismultifaceted,andcommemoratingMartinLutherkingintheurbanlandscapetranscendsanimmediateconcernwithsimply naming roads to symbolically mediate myriad questions of raceandracisminamericanlife.kingstreet‑namingpracticesmarkconcernsforanddebatesaboutpoliticalmeaning,powerandresistance,historicalrepresentation,socialjustice,publicspaceandinfrastructureaccess,urbandiversity, and community memory and identity. These debates extendbeyondafricanamericancommunities,toopenupoftenlong‑standingamericancultural,political,social,andeconomictensions.

asMaozazaryahusuggested,“Streetnamesaremorethanameansoffacilitatingspatialorientation.Oftentheyare ladenwithpoliticalmean‑ingsandrepresentacertaintheoryoftheworldthatisassociatedwithandsupportiveofthehegemonicsocio‑politicalorder.”29inotherwords,streetnames,alongwithotherformsofmemorialization,participateinlegitimiz‑ingaselectivevisionofthepast,makinghistoricalrepresentationsappeartobethenaturalorderofthings.Placesnamedafterhistoricalpeopleoreventsareimportantsymbolswithinacountry’spoliticalcultureandoftenaremanipulatedbystateleadersorelitestoreconstructnationalidentity.30

Thepowerofstreetnamingmeansthatitalsocanbeusedbyhistori‑callysubordinateormarginalizedgroupsasaformofresistancetochal‑lengeprevailingideasabouttheiridentityandimportancewithinsociety.31blackactivistsoftenareawareofthecounterhegemonicpotentialofnam‑ingstreetsforking.astreet‑namechangesymbolizesashiftintheracial‑izedbalanceofpowerbetweenwhitesandblacksaswellasracialprogresswithin communities. Such feelings were expressed in Statesboro, Geor‑gia, in1994whencitizenswereasked tosubmit theirviewsonwhether

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amajorperimeterhighwayshouldbenamed:“iwanttoconveymyper‑sonalsuggestiontonametheroadMartinLutherkingParkway.iagreethatthisnamingwouldaffirmanimportantsegmentofour…[city]andcountypopulationandwouldbeahealingandunifyingact.”32Someblackactivists inStatesboroconceptualizednamingtheperimeterforkingasanideologicalweaponagainstanoppressivewhiteculturalstructure.Forinstance, the localnaacPleaderarguedthatseveralof thecity’sexist‑ingstreetswerenamedafterracistwhitesandthatlocalleadershadneverasked members of the black community if these streets bothered them.he added, “We need a street that honors a man that symbolizes some‑thingdifferentaboutrace.dr.kingstoodforequality.”33inthisrespect,the naming of streets is conceptualized by some blacks as an antiracistpractice,awayofinscribinganewvisionofracerelationsintotheameri‑canlandscape.

african americans have sought access to several mediums of publiccommemoration,butstreetnaminghasprovedtobeespeciallyimportant.Symbolically,streetnamingisthelatestchapterinalonglineofafricanamericanstrugglesforsocialjusticeintheareaofmobilityandtranspor‑tation.Streetsdonotoperateinarace‑andclass‑neutralsociety;apoliticsunderliestheirorganization,use,andmeaning.34althoughtransportationracism isusuallyunderstood in termsof the inequity found inhighwayspending,roadimprovements,andmasstransitplanning,italsocanrefertothebarriersthatconfrontracialandethnicminoritiesastheyseektodefinethesymbolicidentityandmeaningofroadsaspublicspaces.FromtheUndergroundRailroadtotheFreedomRiders,blackcommunitieshavelonglookedtomovementandtransportationasconduitsforchallengingandchangingtheracialorder.SallyGreene—awhitecitycouncilorincha‑pelhill,northcarolina,andasupporterofrenamingthecity’sairportRoadforking—expressedthestrongconnectionshesawbetweenstreetnamingandthelargerhistoryofafricanamericanstrugglesforequality:

UnderJimcrowlaws,blackshadahardtimejustmakingaroadtrip.Theyhadtopacktheirownfood,eventheirowntoiletpaper,for they didn’t know if they would find a restaurant that wouldserve themorevenagasstationwhere theycoulduse thebath‑room.…Thencamedr.kingandthebusboycottandthepushforthepublicaccommodationlaw.…Mobility,thefreedomtotravelthepublicroadswithoutfearandwithassurancethatyougetwhatyouneeded—thesewerethebasicgoalsforking.Thus,ican’tthinkofabetterwaytohonordr.kingthanwitharoadnaming.35

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namingStreetsforMartinLutherking,Jr.:noeasyRoad•���

aside from the specific historical experiences of african americans,commemorative street naming is, in general, an important vehicle forbringingthepastintothepresent.Theseeminglyordinaryandpracticalnature of street names makes the past tangible and intimately familiar.becauseofitspracticalimportance,streetnaminginscribesitsideologi‑calmessageintomanypracticesandtextsofeverydaylife.36Yvonneaik‑ens,whopushedtohaveastreetnamedforkingintampa,expressedthispointwell:

astreettouchesmorepeoplethaniftheyhadjustnamedabuild‑ingafterhimdowntown.…Peoplewhowouldn’tgotoabuildingoraparknamedforkingdriveonamajorthoroughfaresuchasbuffalo(nowMartinLutherking,Jr.blvd.)forbusinessorper‑sonal reasons.… They see the name at intersections, on signspointing to the road,onmaps. itpopsuponaddresses, letters,businesscards,constantlykeepingking’snamebefore thepub‑lic.…Morepeoplecomeincontactwithit.37

byallindications,itappearsthattampa’skingboulevardisahighlyvis‑iblepointofcontactforthepublic.itextendsformorethanfourteenmiles,connectswithtwointerstatehighways,andservesasanaddressformorethan550nonresidentialorbusinessestablishments.38

Thepowerandpoliticsofcommemorativestreetnaminglieinitsdualandsimultaneousexistenceashistoricalreferentandformofspatialiden‑tification. a street name’s practical nature does not necessarily lessenits symbolic function. Rather, the commemorative importance of streetnamescomesfromtheirstatusasmarkersoflocation.Publiccommemo‑rationisnotsimplyaboutdeterminingtheappropriatenessofremember‑ingthepastinacertainwaybutastruggleoverwherebesttoplacethatmemorywithintheculturallandscape.39

The symbolism of location in commemorating king was perhaps nomore apparent than in brent, alabama, when blacks protested attach‑ingking’snameontoaroadleadingtoagarbagedump.ReverendW.b.dickersonpetitionedthecitycounciltorenameanother,moreprominentstreet,andsaid,“Wewant[MartinLutherkingStreet]upwherepeoplecan really see it.”40 Similarly, in March 2002 african american activisttorreydixonpetitionedthecitycouncilofdanville,virginia,torenamecentralboulevard,amajorcommercialthoroughfare.Thoughunsuccess‑ful,heconsideredtheboulevardan“appropriatestreet”becauseitscentrallocationandhighvolumeoftrafficwouldensurethatmanypeoplewouldseeking’sname.dixonevenrefusedtorenameanalternativestreetthathad a strong historical connection with king’s visit to danville in 1963

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becauseheclaimeditwasa“lowclassneighborhood.”41ThesesituationsaffirmJohnson’ssuggestionthatthelocationnotsimplyisthe“incidentalmaterialbackdrop”formemorybutplaysanactiveroleinconstructingthemeaning of commemoration.42 as Jonathan tilove observed, “to nameanystreetforkingistoinviteanaccountingofhowthestreetmakesgoodonking’spromiseormocksit.”43

Formanyafricanamericans, streetshaveageographic connectivitythatcontributestotheirsymbolism.Thiswasmadeclearinoneeditorial:“Renamingastreetisauniquelyappropriatewaytohonorking.Streetsunitediverseneighborhoods.Theytouchallages,allraces,alleconomiclevels,andtheresidentandthevisitorequally.Theylinkpeopleandplacesthatotherwisewouldremaininsular.”44Thenotionofconnectivityispar‑ticularlyrelevanttocommemoratingking.Forinstance,africanamer‑ican activist allen Stucks envisioned Martin Luther king boulevard intallahassee, Florida, in terms of king’s goal of racial integration: “Rev.kingwasabouttogetherness.…ifhisnamewasgoingtobeonastreetintallahassee, ithad tobeonone thatconnectedoneneighborhoodtoanother. and it had to be one you could find without having to wigglethroughtheblackcommunity.”inthecaseofkingboulevardintallahas‑see,thestreet“connectsoneofthenation’soldesthistoricallyblackuni‑versities to theentirecity. it traces throughblackneighborhoods,whiteneighborhoods,businesses,parksandcemeteries.”45Thestreetnamedforkinginaustin,texas,alsocrossesraciallines,theresultofthepassionateyetfatallobbyingofJ.J.Seabrook.hediedofaheartattackwhilepleadingwith the city council not to restrict the named street to the black com‑munity.46Streetnamingisapotentiallypowerfulformofcommemorationbecauseofitscapacitytomakecertainvisionsofthepastaccessibletoawiderangeofsocialgroups.however,itisthispotentialtotouchandcon‑nectdisparategroups—someofwhichmaynotidentifywithking—thatalsomakesstreetnamingcontroversial.

Thesymbolicmeaningofstreetsnamedafterking isalsoabouthowthey connect with a larger memorial landscape, including other namedplaces,historicalmarkers,murals,andmonuments.FoundalongMartinLutherkingJr.driveinasheville,northcarolina,isarecreationalparkthatalsobearsthecivilrightsleader’sname.Thecenterpieceoftheparkisalife‑sizestatueofkingleadingtwosmallchildren.itisnotuncommonforkingtoberememberedalongsideotherhistoricalfigures(seeFigure11.5).StreetsnamedafterkingandMalcolmXintersectindallas,texas(aswellasinharlem,newYork),creatinganinterestingmomentforreflectingonthesimilaritiesanddifferencesinhowthesetwoleadersworkedforcivilrights.attheMartinLutherkingMemorialGardensinRaleigh,north

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carolina,abronzestatueofkingoverlooksamajorroadbearinghisname.nexttothestatueisamarblefountaininscribedwiththenamesofcivilrights leaders fromtheRaleigharea,creatingaplacewherevisitorscaninterpret the interweavingofnationaland local civil rightsmovements.Yetbringingnational and local civil rightshistories together cancreatecontradictorylandscapeformations.Forinstance,theRalphMarkGilbertcivilRightsMuseuminSavannah,Georgia,islocatedonMartinLuther

Figure 11.5 Freedom Corner Monument at the intersection of Martin Luther King and Medgar Evers boulevards in Jackson, Mississippi. Streets named for King do not exist in a symbolic vacuum but become connected to other memorial forms, other historical figures, and other political causes. In 2001, for example, a group led by a black city councilman burned a state flag at Freedom Corner in calling for removal of the Confederate battle emblem from Mississippi’s official banner. (Photograph by Elizabeth Hines, reproduced with permission.)

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king Jr. boulevard even though african american leaders—includingGilbert—triedtobarkingfrompreachinginthecityinthe1960s.Theyfearedthatthecivilrights leader’spresencewouldantagonizeSavannahauthorities and disrupt an already successful protest movement.47 it isnotsurprisingthattheGilbertmuseumsayslittleaboutkingbutfocuseslargelyonlocalactivistsandstruggles.RogerStumpsuggestedthatstreetsnamedforkingare“publicsymbolsofcommunityvalues,attitudes,andbeliefs,revealingthecharacterofboththefigurecommemoratedandthecommunitythathashonoredhim.”48assymbols,streetsnamedforkingoftenarecontestedsitesthateruptthroughthepoliticaltensionsunderly‑ingtheremembranceofkingalongamerica’sroadways.

The Politics of Streets Named for Martin Luther King

ThesymbolicworkofnamingstreetsforMartinLutherkingperhapsmostoftentakesplace throughhighlypublicdebateandcontroversy. Just theverynamingofstreetsafterkingcanhaveunforeseenconsequencesandcansparkpoliticalopposition.in1987citizensinSandiego,california,andharrisburg,Pennsylvania,votedtorevoketherenamingofstreetsforking.bothcitieslaterplacedhisnameonsmallerroads.49WhenthecitycouncilinPortland,Oregon,votedin1990torenameUnionavenueafterking,morethantwodozenpeoplepicketedandheckledthestreet‑namingceremonyandmorethanfiftythousandpeoplesignedapetitionoppos‑ingthenamechange.becauseofthisbacklash,PortlandvotersweretobegivenachancetovoteonaninitiativeinanupcomingprimaryelectionthatwouldhavechangedthenameofthestreetbacktoUnionavenue,butbeforetheelectionwasheld,acountycircuitjudgeruledthatplacingsuchaninitiativeontheballotwasillegal.50

Thelandscapesofcommemoratingkingcanserveasflashpointsaroundwhat sociologist Gary Fine called “reputational politics” and provide amechanismforidentifyingandfixingpoliticalpositionsandforopeninguppoliticaldebateaboutkingandhislegacies,aswellasforlargerissuesaroundraceandpower.Thehistoricalimageofapersonisasocialproductopentomultipleandcompetingconstructionsandinterpretations.Therecanbeanynumberofdifferentdiscoursesorcommonwaysofthinkingandtalkingaboutapersonandhisorhercontributiontosociety.Thehistoricalreputationofapersonisusedandcontrolledbysocialactorsandgroupswho seek to advance their own commemorative agenda and divert theagendasofotherparties.Finerecognizedthatthe“controlofhistorymaybecontentious,andtheclaimsofonegroupmaybecounteredbyanotherthatwishestointerpretthesame…personthroughadifferentlens.”51

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namingstreetsafterkingasreputationalpoliticshighlightsanynum‑berofcontemporarypolitical issuesrevolvingaroundrace.These issuesrangefromrepresentationsofking,hislegacy,andhislegitimacytoques‑tionsaboutking’sresonancewithinafricanamericancommunitiesandinamerican lifemorebroadly.Theyoftenextend toexposebasic racialandpoliticaltensionsabouturbaneconomicvitalityandurbanapartheid,andtheyoftenworkthroughapoliticsofscaletojoinlocalandnationalinterests.Thelandscapesofstreetsnamedforkingarepoliticallychargedandoftenaresitesofpoliticalstruggle.

Reputationalpoliticsoftenarisefirstwhenafricanamericansseektoestablish the very legitimacy of commemorating king. city officials inamericus,Georgia,didnotrenameaportionofU.S.19untilblackcom‑munityleadersplannedaboycottofcitybusinesses.Partofthecontroversystemmedfromthecommentsofawhitefireofficial.hesupportednaminghalfofthestreetforkingifauthoritiesnamedtheotherhalfforJamesearlRay,themanconvictedofassassinatingthecivilrightsleader.52indadecity,Florida,vandalspaintedthename“GeneralRoberte.Lee”overnineMartinLutherkingJr.boulevardsigns,anincidentsymptomaticoftheamericanSouth’songoingstrugglesoveridentityandmemory.inasingleyear,almostonehundredstreetsignswithking’snameinhillsboroughcounty,Florida,wereeitherspraypainted,shotat,orpulledcompletelyfromtheirpoles.53notlongafterofficialsinMankato,Minnesota,namedasmallstreetforking,“anunidentifiedmotoristmoweddownbothof…[thecity’s]newMLkstreet signswhile shouting racial epithetsat somepassingchildren.”54

inadditiontolegitimacy,thepoliticsofconstructingking’shistoricalreputationthroughstreetnamingisalsoastruggleoverresonance.Oneofthelargestobstaclesfacingafricanamericansistheprevailingassump‑tion,particularlyamongwhites,thatking’shistoricalrelevanceislimitedtotheblackcommunity.inStatesboro,Georgia,africanamericanstried,unsuccessfully, on two occasions to have a major road identified withking. in theirfirstattempt,blackactivists struggledwith localveteransovernaminganewperimeterhighway.veteranssucceededinrepresent‑ingtheirmemorialcauseasinclusiveofallracesandgroupsofpeople.incontrast, theydepicted thecommemorationofkingassociallydivisive,suggestingthathismemorydidnotresonatewithwhites.Outspokenblackleaderscounteredbyassertingtheuniversalimportanceofking’slegacy.Theyremindedthepublicofhiswaronpovertyandeconomic inequal‑ity—issuesofgreatconcernnotonlytoblacksbuttoallamericans.55

inrepresenting thestreet‑naming issueasdivisive, somewhiteshavesuggestedthatking—becauseofhis legacyasapeacemaker—wouldnot

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have wanted his commemoration characterized by racial conflict. Forexample,street‑namingopponentsinchapelhill,northcarolina,arguedthispointwhentheycalledonblackleaderstorenameapark,library,orschool for king rather than the controversial airport Road. black sup‑porterssuchasMicheleLawscounteredwithking’sownwords:“Theulti‑matemeasureofamanisnotwherehestandsinmomentsofcomfortandconveniencebutwherehestandsintimesofchallengeandcontroversy.”56Theseattemptsbysomewhitestorepresentthecivilrightsleader’simageasnonconfrontationalis,accordingtoMichaelericdyson,partofalargernational amnesia about king’s true legacy. according to dyson, mostofamericachooses to rememberkingas the“moralguardianof racialharmony”ratherthanasaradicalchallengeroftheracialandeconomicorder.57inthisrespect,thepoliticsofstreetnamingarenotjustaboutblackamericansestablishing the legitimacyandresonanceofking’sachieve‑mentsbutalsoaboutwrestlingawaycontrolofhishistoricallegacyfromconservativewhites,whohaveappropriatedhisimagetomaintainthesta‑tusquoratherthanredefineit.

inthestruggletoelevatethehistoricalreputationofking,blackactiv‑istsoftenengage ina“politicsofscale.”58Ononehand,africanameri‑cansseektoextendthegeographicandsocialreachofking’simportancewithincities.Theysuggestthathissignificanceisnotlimitedtotheblackcommunityandhenceseektonamemajorthoroughfaresthatcutacrossand unite different racial communities. On the other hand, opponentsattempttoplacespatialboundariesaroundthepeopleandlocationsthatwill be associated with the commemorative naming. They interpret thecivil rights leader strictly as anafricanamericanadvocate and seek toconfinehisnametoareasthatdonotseemtodirectlytouchthelivesandgeographies of the white community. This was evident in chattanoogawhenopponentsarguedthatking’snamedidnotbelongonthewesternpartofninthStreetbecauseitwasnolongera“black”streetandmightsubsequently harm white‑led economic development. in resisting theseeffortstosegregateking’smemory,street‑namingproponentsassertedthecross‑raciallegitimacyofmemorializingthecivilrightsleader.inmakingthe argument for renaming all of ninth Street, U.S. representative Par‑renMitchell,aformerchairofthecongressionalblackcaucus,explained,“allgroupswantmonumentsandsymbolsoftheirrace.butwithking,ofcourse,itwasmorethanamatterofrace—itwastheimpacthehadonthisnationandthisworld.”59

Manyblackcommunitiesseethenamingofaprominent,highlyvisiblestreetasareflectionoftheimportancethatacommunityplacesonking.Thenamingoflarge,raciallydiversestreetsallowsafricanamericansto

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educate the entire community about the contributions of king. in con‑trast, renaming a smaller, less prominent street represents a restrictionof king’s image and its potential to reshape the public’s historical con‑sciousness.Therescalingofking’smemorywascertainlyinthemindsofnaacPleadersinclearwater,Florida,whentheypersuadedlocalofficialstoremoveking’snamefromathree‑blockstretchofroadandrenameathree‑milelengthofroadthatcutsthroughavarietyofresidentialneigh‑borhoodsand thecity’shistoricallyafricanamericanbusinessdistrict.asoneactivistcontended,“ifking isgoing tohavea roadnamedafterhim,itshouldbemoresignificant.itshouldtraversedifferentareasofthecity,differentboundaries.”60notallafricanamericancommunitiesaresuccessfulinnamingstreets(orportionsofstreets)thatreachbeyondthegeographicboundariesoftheblackcommunity.astudyin2000ofstreetsnamedforkinginthesoutheasternUnitedStatesfoundthemtobelocatedinlargelyafricanamericanareasofcities.61Morerecentresearchforthenationasawholesuggeststhatneighborhoodsintersectedbythesestreetshave a significantly larger proportion of african americans than theirrespectivecities.62

Whenafricanamericanactivistsseektorememberkingonprominentthoroughfares, they often encounter harsh opposition from owners andoperatorsofbusinessesalong thepotentially renamedstreet.businessesmostoftencitethefinancialburdenofchangingtheiraddressasprintedonstationery,advertising,andbillingstatements.SomeopponentssuchasinZephyrhills,Florida—whosecityofficialsvotedtodedicateratherthanrename a street for king in 2004—expressed fear that property valueswoulddropasaresultofbeinglocatedonastreetnamedforking.63Thereisnoevidencetosuggestthatstreetnamingbringsadeclineinpropertyvalueorlossofbusiness,assuggestedbythewhitedeveloperinchatta‑nooga.infact,severalstreetsnamedforkinginthiscountryarethefocusofsignificantredevelopmentefforts,suchasindianapolis,indiana;Jerseycity,newJersey;Savannah,Georgia;Miami,Florida;andSeattle,Wash‑ington.king’smemorydoesnotnecessarilycausepovertyanddegrada‑tion along streets. Rather, his name is often placed in poorer areas as aresultofpublicoppositiontonamingmoreprominentplaces.althoughresistance from business interests has significantly limited the scale ofking’scommemoration,largenumbersofcommercialestablishmentscanbefoundonseveralstreetsnamedforthecivilrightsleader(e.g.,tampa,Florida; Los angeles, california; Washington, d.c.; Portland, Oregon;andnewbern,northcarolina) (see Figure11.6).analyzing thealmosteleven thousandnonresidential establishments in theUnitedStates thathaveanaddressonastreetnamedforking,MatthewMitchelsonfound

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theseestablishmentstobeonparwithnationaltrendsintermsofannualsalesvolumeandnumberofemployees.however,healsofoundthatthesestreetsare“lessindustriallydiversethanotherplaces”and“hostadispro‑portionately high number of establishments traditionally categorized as‘black businesses,’ such as beauty parlors and barber shops, small retailgrocerystores,andfuneralparlors.”64

inarguingagainststreet‑namingproposals,businessandpropertyown‑ersconsistentlyattempttorepresenttheiroppositionasnotraciallymoti‑vatedbutsimplyamatterofcostandconvenience.andinsomecases,suchasinchattanooga,whitesinterprettheevokingofking’simagebyblacksasanattempttocreateracialovertones.atthesametime,blackpropo‑nentsalmostalwayspointtothisoppositionasracistinnature.aspointedoutbyblauner,whitesandblacksoften“talkpasteachother”becausetheydefineracismdifferently.accordingtohim,“Whiteslocateracismincolorconsciousnessanditsabsenceincolorblindness.”65Theytendtoseeanti‑blackracismasathingofthepast,supposedlyendingwithsegregation,lynching, and explicit white supremacist beliefs. The african american

Figure 11.6 An example of commercial development along Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard in New Bern, North Carolina. Contrary to the prevailing vision that streets named for King are always found in poor, economically marginalized areas, the street in New Bern is the center of significant nonresidential development such as national chain stores, a shopping mall, a Wal-Mart, car dealer-ships, and two soft-drink bottling plants (Pepsi and Coca-Cola). (Photograph by Matthew Mitchel-son, reproduced with permission.)

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public,accordingtoblauner,definesracismmuchmoreintermsofpowerand how certain underlying structures and institutions maintain racialoppression even in the absence of explicitly stated prejudicial attitudes.Ratherthanbeingathingofthepast,racismfromtheblackpointofviewcontinuestoexistandhastakenonamuchmoreinsidiousform,asevidentintheunwillingnessofwhiteentrepreneurstochangetheiraddresses.

incharacterizingtheracismthatafricanamericansencounterwhenattemptingtohonorking,wemightfinditworthwhiletointerpretbusi‑nessoppositiontostreetnamingasa formof“rationaldiscrimination.”accordingtobobbyWilson,inhisanalysisofblackactivismandstruggleinthepostmodernera,theovertracismofeugene“bull”connorhasbeenreplacedbya“rationaldiscrimination”inwhichbusinessesandcorpora‑tionsusethepursuitofprofitorcostsavingsasjustificationfornotinvest‑inginafricanamericanpeopleandplaces.66Suchapositioncandenythesometimes‑structuralimpedimentstoequality.inaddition,this“rational”formofdiscrimination issometimesdrivenby theemotionalmemoriesof past racial tensions. For instance, in Muncie, indiana, ed MccloudrespondedtothechangingofhisaddressfrombroadwaytoMartinLutherkingbyclosinghisappliancebusinessoffiftyyears.althoughMccloudexpressedconcernaboutcustomersnotbeingabletofindhisstore,hedidadmitvividlyrememberingwhenoneofhisearlierstoreshadbeensetonfirebyriotersfollowingking’sassassinationin1968.Mccloudadded,“isworethenthatiwouldnot let theblackcommunity—oranyoneelse—hurtmybusinessagain.”67

Strugglestoconstructtheimportanceandmeaningofking’sreputa‑tionarenotsimplyinterracialbutalsowithintheafricanamericancom‑munity. embracing different political goals, african american leaderssometimesdisagreewitheachotheroverwhichstreettonameinhonorofking.eveninchattanooga,whereblackleadersformedanimpressivecoalition,onecouldfindevidenceofthestreet‑namingissuebeingviewedinmultipleandsometimescompetingwaysbyafricanamericans.Oneparticularlyoutspokenactivistwishedtoseeking’snameonastreetina“betterpartoftown,”contendingthatmuchofninthStreetwascharac‑terizedbycrimeandmarginaleconomicactivity.naacPleaderGeorgekeycounteredbyassertingthatarenamedninthStreet“wouldbeasym‑boltoletyoungblacksknowthatthereissomethinginchattanoogatheycanidentitywith…tohavethefeelingthatchattanoogacaresaboutitsblackpeople.”68ineatonton,Georgia,twoafricanamericanleadershadamorevisiblecompetition—onelobbiedforthenamingofamajorhigh‑way that ran the lengthof townwhereas theotherpersuaded localoffi‑cialstonamearesidentialstreetwithintheblackcommunity.Whereasthe

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activistadvocatingforthethoroughfareemphasizedusingking’smemorytochallengeandexpandthehistoricalconsciousnessofwhites,theotheractivistemphasizedhowthenamingoftheresidentialstreetwouldfocusandinspireafricanamericans.69Streetnamingisanegotiatedprocessinwhichevenblackparticipantsmustbalancebetweenallowingtheimpor‑tanceofking’scommemoration to transcendtheblackcommunityandkeepingitwithinsymbolicreachofafricanamericans.

Concluding Remarks

Like the civil rights movement they commemorate, streets named afterMartin Luther king symbolize both black empowerment and struggle.Jonathantiloveputitbestwhenhewrotethatthesestreetsarethe“geo‑political synthesisofblack insistenceandwhiteresistance.”70Ofcourse,asihavetriedtodemonstrate,thesestreetsalsoprovokeustogobeyondmonolithic conceptions of “the” black community and to comprehendin fuller terms historical consciousness, geographic agency, and politi‑calactivismamongadiversityofafricanamerican interests.Similarly,thesestreet‑namingpracticesrevealthatineveryracializedstruggle,thelinesofoppositionarenotalwaysornecessarilydrawnalongthedemar‑cations of the black–white binary. as a rapidly growing movement thattouchespeopleinintimateandpotentiallycontroversialways,thenamingofstreetsforkingprovidesaglimpseintowherethecountryisintermsofracerelations.dependingontheultimatelocationthatthesestreetstake,theycansymbolizetheexpansionofafricanamericanculturalexpres‑sion and influence or simply a reentrenchment of the boundaries thathavetraditionallyconstrainedblackpowerandidentity.althoughnamedstreetscommemoratethecivilrightsmovementasacompletedpartofthecountry’spast,theyspeak,perhapsmoreimportant,tothestillunfinishednatureofking’sdreamofracialequalityandsocialjustice.

Notes 1. anexpandeddiscussionofthestreetfightinchattanoogaandtheongoing

americanmovementtobuildcivilrightsmemorialscanbefoundinOwendwyerandderekh.alderman,Civil Rights Memorials and the Geography of Memory(forthcoming).iamindebtedtoRonaldForestaforfirstmakingmeawareofthestreet‑namestruggleinchattanooga.

2. PatWilcox,“newRequestMadetoRenameninthStreetforLatedr.king,”Chattanooga Times,January21,1981,b2.

3. Pat Wilcox, “Unity asked in Street name change,” Chattanooga Times,March25,1981,b1.

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4. JeffPowell,“blacks‘Rename’ninthStreet,”Chattanooga News-Free Press,april19,1981,a1.

5. PatWilcox,“cityReverses,RenamesninthStreetforking,”Chattanooga Times,July15,1981,a1.

6. PatWilcox, “keycallschange inReadhouseaddressRacism,”Chatta-nooga Times,January16,1982,a1.

7. Jonathantilove,Along Martin Luther King: Travels on Black America’s Main Street(newYork:Randomhouse,2003).

8. identificationofthenumberofstreetsnamedforMartinLutherking,Jr.wascarriedoutinsummer2003byMatthewMitchelson,chrisMcPhilamy,and derek alderman by performing street‑name lookups in www.map‑blast.com,www.melissadata.com,andAmerican Business Disc (infoUSa).amorecomprehensivedatacollectionbyMitchelsonfound777places intheUnitedStateswithstreetsnamedforking.MatthewMitchelson,“TheeconomicGeographyofMLkStreets”(master’sthesis,eastcarolinaUni‑versity,2005).

9. derekh.alderman,“StreetnamesasMemorialarenas:TheReputationalPoliticsofcommemoratingMartinLutherkingJr.inaGeorgiacounty,”Historical Geography30(2002):99–120.

10. hollistowns, “backStreetsGetking’sname,”Atlanta Journal-Constitu-tion,October30,1993,a3.

11. tilove,Along Martin Luther King,5–6. 12. QuotedinPowell,“blacks‘Rename’ninthStreet,”a1. 13. tilove,Along Martin Luther King,21. 14. Joseph t. Rhea, Race Pride and the American Identity (cambridge, Ma:

harvardUniversityPress,1997). 15. Melvindixon,“TheblackWriter’sUseofMemory,”inHistory and Mem-

ory in African-American Culture,ed.G.FabreandR.O’Meally(newYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1994),18–27,20.

16. QuotedinWilcox,“cityReverses,RenamesninthStreetforking,”a1. 17. karentill,“StagingthePast:Landscapedesigns,culturalidentityanderin‑

nerungspolitikatberlin’sneueWache,”Ecumene6(1999):251–83,254. 18. derekh.alderman,“creatinganewGeographyofMemoryintheSouth:

ThePolitics(Re)namingStreetsafterMartinLutherking,Jr.”(Ph.d.diss.,University of Georgia, 1998); Mitchelson, “The economic Geography ofMLkStreets,”chap.6.

19. WilburZelinsky,Nation into State: The Shifting Symbolic Foundations of Amer-ican Nationalism(chapelhill:UniversityofnorthcarolinaPress,1988).

20. RoyRosenzweiganddavidThelen,Presence of the Past: Popular Uses of His-tory in American Life(newYork:columbiaUniversityPress,1998).

21. OwenJ.dwyer,“interpretingthecivilRightsMovement:Place,Memory,andconflict,”Professional Geographer52(2000):660–71.

22. kenneth Foote, Shadowed Ground: America’s Landscapes of Violence and Tragedy(austin:UniversityoftexasPress,1997).

23. tilove,Along Martin Luther King,20.

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24. Roger W. Stump, “toponymic commemoration of national Figures: Thecasesofkennedyandking,”Names36(1988):203–16.

25. “kingdriveWinscitycouncilapproval,”Atlanta Constitution,april20,1976,1a.

26. Garydaynes,Making Villains, Making Heroes: Joseph R. McCarthy, Mar-tin Luther King Jr., and the Politics of American Memory(newYork:Gar‑land,1997).

27. alderman,“creatinganewGeographyofMemoryintheSouth.” 28. national Public Radio, “Martin Luther king holiday,” Morning Edition,

January19,1998. 29. Maozazaryahu,“GermanReunificationandthePoliticsofStreetnames:

Thecaseofeastberlin,”Political Geography16(1997):479–93,480. 30. Saulb.cohenandnuritkliot,“Place‑namesinisrael’sideologicalStruggle

overadministeredterritories,”Annals of the Association of American Geog-raphers82(1992):653–80.

31. Garth a. Myers, “naming and Placing the Other: Power and the UrbanLandscape inZanzibar,”Tidschrift voor Economische en Sociale Geografie87(1996):237–46.

32. “SuggestionsSubmittedtoPerimeternamingcommittee,”bullochcounty,Georgia,april1–June1,1994.

33. donnieSimmons(memberofthenaacPchapterinbullochcounty,Geor‑gia,andstreet‑namingactivist),indiscussionwiththeauthor,May21,1997.

34. Robertd.bullardandGlennS.Johnson,Just Transportation: Dismantling Race and Class Barriers to Mobility(Stonycreek,ct:newSociety,1997);Robertd.bullard,GlennS. Johnson,andangelO.torres,eds.,Highway Robbery: Transportation Racism and New Routes to Equity (cambridge,Ma:SouthendPress,2004).

35. SallyGreene(citycouncilorinchapelhill,northcarolina),indiscussionwiththeauthor,May24,2004.

36. Maozazaryahu,“ThePowerofcommemorativeStreetnames,”Environ-ment and Planning D: Society and Space14(1996):311–30.

37. QuotedincraigPittman,“king’sFightStillintheStreets:RenamingRoadsincitescontroversy,”St. Petersburg Times,april23,1990,b1.

38. Mitchelson,“TheeconomicGeographyofMLkStreets,”chap.4. 39. andrew charlesworth, “contesting Places of Memory: The case of aus‑

chwitz,”Environment and Planning D: Society and Space12(1994):579–93;nualaJohnson,“castinStone:Monuments,Geography,andnationalism,”Environment and Planning D: Society and Space13(1995):51–65;OwenJ.dwyer, “Location, Politics, and the Production of civil Rights MemorialLandscapes,”Urban Geography23(2002):31–56;Jonathani.Leib,“Separatetimes,SharedSpaces:arthurashe,Monumentavenue,andthePoliticsofRichmond,virginia’sSymbolicLandscape,”Cultural Geographies9(2002):286–313.

40. QuotedinbrendaYarbrough,“StreethonoringkingLeadstocitydump,”Atlanta Constitution,October30,1992,a3.

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41. Quotedinderekh.aldermanandOwenJ.dwyer,“PuttingMemoryinitsPlace:ThePoliticsofcommemorationintheamericanSouth,”inWorld-Minds: Geographical Perspectives on 100 Problems,ed.d.G.Janelle,b.Warf,andk.hansen(boston,Ma:kluweracademic,2004),55–60,57.

42. Johnson,“castinStone:Monuments,Geography,andnationalism,”51. 43. tilove,Along Martin Luther King,122. 44. “controversyoverRenamingShamescommunities,” St. Petersburg Times,

april22,1990,2. 45. Geraldensley,“StoryofaStreet,”Tallahassee Democrat,January17,1999,1a. 46. tilove,Along Martin Luther King. 47. Stephen G.n. tuck, Beyond Atlanta: The Struggle for Racial Equality in

Georgia, 1940–1980(athens:UniversityofGeorgiaPress,2001). 48. Stump,“toponymiccommemorationofnationalFigures,”215. 49. tilove,Along Martin Luther King. 50. “Street’snameSwitchRilesPortlandResidents,FiercePublicbacklashtoave‑

nuenamedafterMartinLutherkingJr.,” Seattle Times,March4,1990,d5. 51. Garya.Fine,“ReputationalentrepreneursandtheMemoryof incompe‑

tence:MeltingSupporters,PartisanWarriors,andimagesofPresidenthar‑ding,”American Journal of Sociology 101(1996):1159–93,1161–62.

52. Peter Scott, “Failure to name Street to honor MLk May bring boycott,”Atlanta Journal Constitution,november28,1992,b9.

53. Pittman,“king’sFightStillintheStreets:RenamingRoadsincitescontro‑versy,”b1.

54. tilove,Along Martin Luther King,14. 55. alderman,“StreetnamesasMemorialarenas.” 56. “citizencommentsSenttocityinReferencetoRenamingairportRoad,”

2004,cityhallRecords,chapelhill,northcarolina. 57. Michaelericdyson,I May Not Get There with You: The True Martin Luther

King, Jr.(newYork:FreePress,2000),6. 58. derekh.alderman,“StreetnamesandtheScalingofMemory:ThePolitics

ofcommemoratingMartinLutherking,Jr.withintheafrican‑americancommunity,”Area 35(2003):163–73.

59. QuotedinGaryRandall,“balkingon9thStreettermed‘asinine,’”Chat-tanooga News-Free Press,april5,1981,a1.

60. Quotedinchristinaheadrick,“naacPWantsMartinLutherkingJr.ave‑nueMoved,”St. Petersburg Times,august31,2001,7.

61. derekh.alderman,“aStreetFitforaking:namingPlacesandcommemo‑rationintheamericanSouth,”Professional Geographer52(2000):672–84.

62. Mitchelson,“TheeconomicGeographyofMLkStreets,”chap.7. 63. Josephh.brown,“What’sinaStreetname?askZephyrhills,”Tampa Tri-

bune,May2,2004,6. 64. Mitchelson,“TheeconomicGeographyofMLkStreets,”108. 65. brian blauner, “talking Past each Other: black and White Languages of

Race,”inRace and Ethnic Conflict,ed.F.L.Pincusandh.J.ehrlich(boulder,cO:Westview,1994),18–28,20.

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66. bobby M. Wilson, Race and Place in Birmingham: The Civil Rights and Neighborhood Movements(Lanham,Md:Rowman&Littlefield,2000).

67. QuotedinMichaelMcbride,“ed’sWarehouseShuttingdown,”Star Press,October21,2004,www.thestarpress.com/articles/9/028224‑8999‑004.html.

68. QuotedinWilcox,“UnityaskedinStreetnamechange,”b1. 69. alderman,“StreetnamesandtheScalingofMemory.” 70. tilove,Along Martin Luther King,21.

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