This article was downloaded by: [Northwestern University]On: 21 December 2014, At: 00:47Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registeredoffice: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

Urban GeographyPublication details, including instructions for authors andsubscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rurb20

New York, Chicago, and the "BlackMetropolis" of the Early 20th CenturyRobert L. Boyd aa Mississippi State UniversityPublished online: 16 May 2013.

To cite this article: Robert L. Boyd (2011) New York, Chicago, and the "Black Metropolis" of theEarly 20th Century, Urban Geography, 32:7, 1066-1083, DOI: 10.2747/0272-3638.32.7.1066

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/0272-3638.32.7.1066

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the“Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis,our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as tothe accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinionsand views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors,and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Contentshould not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sourcesof information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims,proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever orhowsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arisingout of the use of the Content.

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Anysubstantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing,systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms &Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

1066

Urban Geography, 2011, 32, 7, pp. 1066–1083. DOI: 10.2747/0272-3638.32.7.1066Copyright © 2011 by Bellwether Publishing, Ltd. All rights reserved.

NEW YORK, CHICAGO, AND THE “BLACK METROPOLIS” OF THE EARLY 20TH CENTURY

Robert L. Boyd1

Department of Sociology Mississippi State University

Abstract: Analyzing census data on Northern cities, this study refines the conventional view that, after the beginning of the Great Migration, the large black communities of New York and Chicago offered unparalleled opportunities for blacks. The highest levels of black participation in the creative pursuits of acting and music were in New York; and the highest levels of black partici-pation in the business ventures of insurance, beauty culture, and retail trade were in Chicago. Yet black participation in art, medicine, the ministry, and public service was no higher in these cities than elsewhere in the urban North. The findings add nuance to the claim that Harlem and the South Side were “Black Metropolises” by suggesting that opportunities for Northern blacks to enter high-status positions in the early twentieth century were greatest in regional centers that had small black communities and small populations of white immigrants. These results therefore provide a basis for revising the conventional view of the Black Metropolis. [Key words: black communities, urbanism, Northern U.S. cities, early twentieth century.]

The formation of large black communities in the nation’s urban centers in the early twentieth century was one of the most significant outcomes of the Great Migration of blacks from the South to the North (e.g., Davis and Donaldson, 1975; Rose, 1976; Marks, 1989; Tolnay, 2003). The rise of these communities in New York, Chicago, and other major Northern cities after the first wave of the migration (ca. 1915–1930) created unprecedented opportunities for blacks to establish and maintain economic and social institutions that could function independently of the white-dominated society. Among such institutions were black-owned businesses that provided goods and services to black consumers; the practices of black professionals, including doctors and lawyers, that served a black clien-tele; and black churches, newspapers, nightclubs, and theaters that generated and sustained new and distinctive expressions of black American culture.

The notion that a large Northern black community might support a thriving “paral-lel economy” of black entrepreneurs and professionals and the “vibrant culture” of the confident and assertive “New Negroes” gained currency during the prosperous decade of the 1920s (Massey and Denton, 1993, p. 115) and became known as the “Dream of Black Metropolis” (Meier and Rudwick, 1976, p. 252). Contemporary discussions of this idea of a “city within a city,” not surprisingly, revolved around the two largest black com-munities of the North: Harlem in New York, and the South Side of Chicago. Harlem, the epicenter of the “black renaissance,” was home to black writers, artists, and musicians who were nationally prominent and was often celebrated in popular and scholarly discourse as the intellectual and cultural capital of black America (Gregory, 2005, pp. 115, 131). The South Side, famous for its burgeoning district of black-owned businesses, hosted some of

1Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Robert L. Boyd, Department of Sociology, Mississippi State University, 207 Bowen Hall, Hardy Road, Mississippi State, Mississippi 37962-5503; tele-phone: 662-325-7875; fax: 662-325-4564; email: boyd@soc.msstate.edu

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

BLACK METROPOLIS OF EARLY 20TH CENTURY 1067

the most successful black insurance companies. This area—called “Bronzeville”—was, at the time, frequently acclaimed by journalists and social scientists as the hub of black entrepreneurship in the U.S. (e.g., Drake and Cayton, 1962, p. 438). And, like Harlem, the South Side had an extensive zone of black-owned entertainment establishments that featured bawdy humor, risqué revues, and the new musical styles pioneered by southern-born blacks in the urban North, such as jazz and the blues (Boyd, 2005; Gregory, 2005, p. 137). In numerous respects, then, the black communities that arose in New York and Chicago epitomized the prevailing vision of the Northern Black Metropolis in the 1920s. They were regarded as the foremost centers of the black entrepreneurial, professional, and cultural elite. Accordingly, there were spirited debates in the black press during that time over which of the two communities was the nation’s premier Black Metropolis (Drake and Cayton, 1962, p. 438; Gregory, 2005, p. 151).

There are good reasons for believing that, in the wake of the first wave of the Great Migration, New York and Chicago—the two leading centers of the U.S. urban hierarchy—provided unmatched opportunities for blacks to become entrepreneurs and professionals, as well as artists, authors and entertainers. First, the sizeable black communities of these cities, the nation’s largest, could support black-owned retail stores, service shops, and other businesses, especially those catering to the unique demands of black consumers (Pred, 1976; Waldinger et al., 1990, pp. 108–110). They could also support black doctors, lawyers, or other professionals such as black ministers, who were “totally unacceptable” in most cases to those outside the black community (Lieberson, 1980, p. 297). In addition, New York and Chicago, as major urban centers, offered advantages that could generate and sustain many entrepreneurial, professional, and cultural activities. Such advantages included close proximity to large audiences or markets, exposure to cosmopolitanism and innovative ideas, relief from prejudice and intolerance, and accessibility to social relation-ships that could stimulate creativity and enterprise (Hawley, 1972, p. 526; Ogburn and Duncan, 1964, pp. 141–143).

Furthermore, the subcultural theory of urbanism suggests that New York and Chicago were especially fruitful settings for the assertion of a distinctive black identity and for the rise of institutions that could maintain the social cohesion and boundaries of a black community (Fischer, 1984, p. 149, citing Breton, 1964). In general, major urban centers have minority populations that are sufficiently large to allow group members to “have a visible and affirmed identity, to act together on their own behalf, and to interact exten-sively with each other” (Fischer, 1984, p. 37). Sufficiently large populations also foster and sustain “institutions that reinforce ethnicity,” such as churches, newspapers, stores and clubs (ibid., p. 149). Major urban centers, too, are settings in which conflicts among ethnic groups cause their members to more firmly embrace their own respective social worlds, intensifying in-group solidarity (ibid., pp. 37–38).

This conventional view of the Black Metropolis, however, may rest on an uncertain empirical foundation. Much of the supporting evidence consists of anecdotes or descrip-tive accounts from case studies of blacks in New York and Chicago.2 To be sure, these widely cited accounts are accurate and compelling. Nonetheless, a key question arises: To

2The studies of New York include those by Greenberg (1991), Huggins (1971), Johnson (1930), Lewis (1981), McKay (1940), Osofsky (1966), Ottley (1943), and Scheiner (1965). The studies of Chicago include those by Drake and Cayton (1962), Grossman (1989), Philpott (1978), and Spear (1967).

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

1068 ROBERT L. BOYD

what extent did the black communities of New York and Chicago have, at the end of the first wave of the Great Migration, uniquely high levels of black participation in business, the professions, public service, and the arts, mass media, and entertainment? An answer based on a quantitative analysis of multiple cities can expand our knowledge of black com-munities in the urban North during the early 20th century.

In addressing this question, one goal of the present study is to add substantively to the literature on the distinctive roles that New York and Chicago have played as centers of black upward mobility and cultural production. Specifically, the study will address two salient questions. Did New York, reputedly the cultural capital of black America, really have the highest levels of black participation in such creative pursuits as acting, art, writ-ing, and music? And did Chicago, supposedly the hub of black enterprise in the U.S., really have the highest levels of black participation in the fields to which black entrepre-neurs gravitated, such as insurance, retailing, and barbering and beauty culture?

Another objective is to shed light on the longstanding argument that major cities—because of their large black populations, intense interest-group politics, and key positions in the national economy and society, among other attributes—offer the best opportunities for black occupational success (Boyd, 2009; Karnig, 1979). According to this argument, New York and Chicago would have the highest levels of black participation in: (1) the entrepreneurial ventures mentioned above, which anchored the business districts of black communities; (2) medicine, law, and the ministry, which were foundations of the black professional class; and (3) white-collar positions in public service, which could be secured by the clout, real or perceived, of a black voting bloc.

This investigation will also assess the proposition, suggested by the subcultural theory of urbanism, that major cities are the places in which blacks have the greatest opportuni-ties to build institutions that can support a vibrant, ethnicity-based social world (Fischer, 1975; 1995). This proposition suggests that New York and Chicago would have the highest levels of black participation in the ministry and in creative occupations related to art, the mass media, and entertainment.

RESEARCH DESIGN

Units of Analysis

The research will focus on New York, Chicago, and other large Northern cities that were principal destinations of the Southern blacks who migrated to the urban North during the first wave of the Great Migration (ca. 1915–1930). These cities include the urban centers of the four Census Divisions of the North, namely: Boston from the New England Division; Buffalo, Newark, Philadelphia, and Pittsburgh from the Middle Atlantic Division; Cincinnati, Cleveland, Detroit, Indianapolis, and Milwaukee from the East North Central Division; and Kansas City, Minneapolis, and St. Louis from the West North Central Division. These regionally dominant cities rank just below the nationally dominant cities of New York and Chicago in the urban hierarchy. Similar to the latter cities, they have been studied extensively in research on the Northern black communities of the early 20th century (e.g., Trotter, 1995). They have also been featured prominently in discussions of the Black Metropolis of the North during this time (e.g., Gregory, 2005).

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

BLACK METROPOLIS OF EARLY 20TH CENTURY 1069

Data and Variables

The data to be analyzed are for 1930 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1933a, 1933b), the year traditionally used by scholars to denote the end of the first wave of the Great Migration that began during World War I (e.g., Marks, 1989; Tolnay, 2003). By this time, large black communities had been established in the cities identified above, and New York and Chicago had become widely recognized as the leading centers of black economic and social achievement, not only in the North but in the nation as a whole. These data are based on complete counts of the labor forces and populations of cities.

The dependent variables will measure the participation of blacks in occupations, as defined by the Census Bureau, that represent the fields discussed earlier, namely: (1) the businesses of insurance, retailing, and barbering and beauty culture; (2) the professions of medicine, law, and the ministry; (3) white-collar positions in local public service; and (4) the arts, mass media, and entertainment. The business occupations include “insurance, agents, managers, and officials”; “retail dealers, including retail managers”; and “barbers, hairdressers, and manicurists.” The professional occupations include “physicians and surgeons”; “lawyers, judges, and justices”; and “clergymen.” The local public service occupations cover “city and county officials and inspectors.” The artistic, mass media, and entertainment occupations are: “artists, sculptors, and teachers of art”; “authors, editors, and reporters”; “photographers”; “actors/actresses and showmen/show women”; and “musicians and teachers of music.”

In most cases, complete data on these occupations exist for men only. However, com-plete data for both men and women exist for “actors/actresses and showmen/show women,” “barbers, hairdressers, and manicurists,” “retail dealers, including retail managers,” and “musicians and teachers of music.” Thus 16 dependent variables will be analyzed.

These measures of black occupational participation will be operationalized as:

BPX = (B

X / NB

X) / (B

O / NB

O),

where BPX is black participation in X, the occupation of interest; B

X is the number of blacks

employed in X; NBX is the number of non-blacks employed in X; B

O is the number of

blacks employed in all other occupations; and NBO is the number of non-blacks employed

in all other occupations. This measure, an odds ratio, is unaffected by the relative size of the black workforce. Therefore, it is a better measure than a location quotient or index of occupational representation (e.g., Waldinger and Bozorgmehr, 1996, p. 477) that is based on proportions, i.e., the black proportion of occupation X divided by the black proportion of the workforce (Logan et al., 1994; Wilson, 2003).

This measure of black occupational participation is also easy to interpret. Values above 1.0 indicate that blacks are overrepresented in the occupation of interest; values below 1.0 indicate that they are underrepresented. Values equal to or greater than 1.5 (i.e., overrep-resentation by 50 percent or more) suggest that an occupation is a “special niche,” that is, an occupation in which members of an ethnic minority group specialize in order to seek refuge from discrimination in the mainstream labor market (e.g., Wilson, 2003). Summary statistics for the 16 measures are presented in Table 1.

These measures of black occupational participation will be regressed on several inde-pendent variables: a dummy variable for New York (1 = New York, 0 = otherwise); a dummy variable for Chicago (1 = Chicago, 0 = otherwise); and a continuous variable, the

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

1070 ROBERT L. BOYD

natural logarithm of the black population. The last is a control variable that measures the absolute size of the black community.3 This variable must be controlled in order for the analyses to demonstrate that any significant findings for New York and/or Chicago are independent of the enormous black communities of these cities—that is, are true reflec-tions of urbanism (Fischer, 1975, p. 1319). The absolute size of the black community is used because “absolute numbers … determine the relations” within the group in question (Simmel, 1950, p. 98, quoted in Fischer, 1975, p. 1328, emphasis in original) and, more-over, “bring the services and institutions necessary for a thriving ‘social world’” (Fischer, 1975, p. 1326).4

Methodology

If the conventional view described above is true—that the black communities of New York and Chicago offered to blacks the best opportunities to participate in business, the pro-fessions, public service, and the arts, mass media, and entertainment—then the slope coef-ficients of these cities’ respective dummy variables will be positive and significant in the

3The black population is a component of city population, so understandably the two variables are highly corre-lated (r = 0.91 for raw values and r = 0.75 for logged values).4No correlation among the independent variables is significant at the 0.1 level in a two-tailed test.

Table 1. Means and standard deviations (S.D.) of the measures of black participation in 16 occupations in the cities analyzed and corresponding

values for New York and Chicago, 1930a

Occupation Mean S.D. New York Chicago

Clergymen 2.349 (.462) 1.524 2.156

Musicians 2.321 (2.118) 2.110 1.548

Barbers and hairdressers (w) 1.604 (.396) 1.591 1.943

Actresses and show women (w) 1.597 (2.434) .920 .881

Barbers and hairdressers 1.207 (.265) .839 1.301

Actors and showmen .988 (.427) 1.379 1.370

Musicians (w) .741 (.388) .604 .590

Physicians and surgeons .406 (.161) .291 .616

Retail dealers (w) .232 (.097) .101 .214

Lawyers and judges .215 (.135) .112 .341

Retail dealers .211 (.064) .105 .326

Photographers .200 (.164) .461 .246

Authors, editors, and reporters .199 (.143) .165 .314

Insurance agents .198 (.168) .137 .647

City and county officials .109 (.094) .112 .272

Artists .101 (.070) .194 .140

aAll occupational data are for men unless otherwise indicated (w = women). Values equal to or above 1.5 suggest that the occupation is a “special niche.”

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

BLACK METROPOLIS OF EARLY 20TH CENTURY 1071

16 regression analyses. In order to determine if the findings of these analyses are sensitive to extreme values or “outliers,” supplemental regression analyses will also be conducted. Note that because the conventional view makes a directional prediction about the sign of these coefficients (i.e., the hypothesis test is H

a: β > 0 versus H

o: β = 0), the appropriate

tests of statistical significance are one-tailed (Agresti and Agresti, 1979, p. 304). The use of such tests, although legitimate, enhances the likelihood of obtaining statistically signifi-cant results, for such tests are less difficult to satisfy than are two-tailed tests. It follows that the regression analyses are disposed to supporting the conventional view.

RESULTS

Descriptive Data

To provide a background for these analyses, Table 2 describes how black workers in the occupations of interest were distributed across New York, Chicago, and the 13 other Northern cities in 1930. The boldfaced values indicate that the percentage of black workers in a given occupation in New York or Chicago was at least one-and-one-half times greater than the city’s percentage of all black workers in the cities analyzed.(The arbitrary standard of 1.5 serves as the lower boundary of a measure of the extent to which a city’s share of blacks in a particular livelihood could be called “substantial.”) The italicized values, con-versely, indicate that the percentage of black workers in a given occupation in New York or Chicago was less than the city’s percentage of all black workers in the cities analyzed.5

The boldfaced values are in line with the conventional view. They show that New York, reputedly the cultural capital of black America, had a substantial share of blacks who worked in pursuits related to art, the mass media, and entertainment. They also reveal that Chicago, supposedly the center of the nation’s “black bourgeoisie,” had a substantial share of blacks who worked in the relatively prestigious fields of insurance, medicine, law, and public service. However, the italicized values cast some doubt on the conventional view. They suggest that New York had less than its share of blacks who were entrepreneurs, professionals, and public officials. They further imply that Chicago had less than its share of blacks in the clergy and in four of the six endeavors related to art, the mass media, and entertainment. Overall, of the 32 relevant observations (i.e., two cities × 16 occupations), only 11 are firmly in agreement with the conventional view.

Regression Analyses

The estimates of the regression analyses of black participation in the 16 occupations in 1930 are presented in Table 3. Slope coefficients that are significant at the .10 level or

5The distribution of all black workers across these places in 1930 was as follows (in percent)

New York Chicago All other cities Total N

Men 24.2 18.0 57.8 473,129Women 31.7 17.4 51.6 255,646

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

1072 ROBERT L. BOYD

better are boldfaced. This level of significance is reasonable, given the number of cities analyzed. Collectively, these estimates offer little support for the conventional view that, after the first wave of the Great Migration, New York and Chicago had black communi-ties with uniquely high levels of black participation in business, the professions, public service, and the arts, mass media, and entertainment. In accord with this view, 24 of the 32 relevant slope coefficients (i.e., the two dummy variable slope coefficients × 16 occupa-tions) are positive. Yet in one-tailed tests, only 11 are positive and significant at the .10 level or better, and just three are positive and significant at the .05 level or better.

Three sets of findings support the conventional view, corroborating assertions made in case studies of the “Black Metropolises” of prewar New York and Chicago. First, black participation in three of the four entertainment occupations was greater in New York than in the other Northern cities. The slope coefficient of the dummy variable for New York is positive and significant in the analyses of actors and showmen (b = .718, one-tailed p < .10) and musicians, both men (b = 3.523, one-tailed p < .05) and women (b = .462,

Table 2. Percentage Distributions of Black Workers in 16 Occupations across the Cities Analyzed, 1930a

Occupation New York Chicago All other cities Total N

Business occupations

Insurance agents 12.3 43.3 44.4 1,236

Retail dealers 15.1 25.0 60.0 5,658

Retail dealers (w) 14.1 23.7 62.2 532

Barbers & hairdressers 21.7 18.6 59.7 4,405

Barbers & hairdressers (w) 28.1 22.7 49.1 4,692

Professional occupations

Physicians & surgeons 17.9 26.6 55.5 991

Lawyers & judges 19.4 32.0 48.6 531

Clergymen 16.6 16.2 67.2 2,395

Public service occupations

City and county officials 15.1 32.2 52.7 146

Artistic and mass media occupations

Artists 47.8 25.2 27.0 159

Authors, editors, and reporters 36.5 27.6 35.9 156

Photographers 48.6 17.7 33.7 181

Entertainment occupations

Actors and showmen 49.6 17.8 32.6 1,275

Actresses and show women (w) 59.9 15.7 24.4 910

Musicians 44.9 15.8 39.3 3,339

Musicians (w) 33.2 19.8 47.0 1,035

aRows sum to 100.0%. All occupational data are for men unless otherwise indicated (w = women). Percentages in boldface are values that are 1.5 times greater than the city’s percentage of all black workers in the 15 cities. Percentages in italic are values that are lower than the city’s percentage of all black workers in the 15 cities.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

BLACK METROPOLIS OF EARLY 20TH CENTURY 1073T

ab

le 3

. Est

imat

es o

f th

e R

egre

ssio

n A

nal

yses

of

the

16 M

easu

res

of B

lack

Occ

upa

tion

al P

arti

cipa

tion

, 193

0a

Occ

upat

ion

New

Yor

kb

(p-v

alue

)C

hica

gob

(p-v

alue

)B

lack

pop

ulat

ion

b (p

-val

ue)

Inte

rcep

tR

2 (p-

valu

e)

Bus

ines

s oc

cupa

tion

s

Ins

uran

ce a

gent

s–.

133

(.17

3).3

93 (

.006

)**

.047

(.0

72)

–.32

5.6

34 (

.009

)**

Ret

ail d

eale

rs–.

143

(.01

8)*

.083

(.0

89)

.017

(.1

07)

.027

.505

(.0

45)*

Ret

ail d

eale

rs (

w)

–.12

2 (.

164)

–.01

2 (.

458)

–.00

9 (.

364)

.342

.155

(.5

88)

Bar

bers

and

hai

rdre

sser

s–.

305

(.18

1).1

44 (

.326

)–.

039

(.29

8)1.

635

.175

(.5

30)

Bar

bers

and

hai

rdre

sser

s (w

).5

56 (

.086

).8

24 (

.023

)*–.

250

(.00

6)**

4.21

0.4

78 (

.059

)

Pro

fess

iona

l occ

upat

ions

Phy

sici

ans

and

surg

eons

–.07

7 (.

350)

.243

(.1

12)

–.01

4 (.

376)

.546

.168

(.5

48)

Law

yers

and

judg

es.0

08 (

.479

).2

20 (

.086

)–.

050

(.08

5).7

41.2

50 (

.347

)

Cle

rgym

en–.

385

(.18

6).1

67 (

.342

)–.

238

(.01

2)*

4.93

6.5

48 (

.028

)*

Pub

lic s

ervi

ce o

ccup

atio

ns

City

and

cou

nty

offi

cial

s–.

028

(.39

7).1

38 (

.102

).0

20 (

.202

)–.

117

.282

(.2

85)

Art

isti

c an

d m

ass

med

ia o

ccup

atio

ns

Art

ists

.068

(.2

12)

.020

(.4

05)

.016

(.1

97)

–.07

8.2

23 (

.408

)

Aut

hors

, edi

tors

, and

rep

orte

rs.1

24 (

.227

).2

50 (

.067

)–.

070

(.03

7)*

.925

.301

(.2

50)

Pho

togr

aphe

rs.2

13 (

.142

).0

09 (

.481

).0

33 (

.226

)–.

167

.247

(.3

54)

Ent

erta

inm

ent

occu

pati

ons

Act

ors

and

show

men

.718

(.0

90)

.667

(.0

98)

–.12

3 (.

145)

2.22

2.2

23 (

.409

)

Act

ress

es a

nd s

how

wom

en (

w)

2.09

1 (.

225)

1.60

6 (.

273)

–1.3

23 (

.023

)*15

.631

.325

(.2

11)

Mus

icia

ns3.

523

(.01

7)*

2.37

0 (.

060)

–1.7

53 (

.000

)**

20.8

46.7

34 (

.002

)**

Mus

icia

ns (

w)

.462

(.0

94)

.351

(.1

46)

–.28

6 (.

001)

**3.

769

.596

(.0

16)*

a All

occu

patio

nal d

ata

are

for

men

unl

ess

othe

rwis

e in

dica

ted

(w =

wom

en).

Slo

pe c

oeff

icie

nts

in b

oldf

ace

type

are

sig

nifi

cant

at t

he .1

0 le

vel o

r be

tter

in o

ne-t

aile

d te

sts.

A

ll p-

valu

es a

re o

ne-t

aile

d; *

p <

.05,

**

p <

.01

(one

-tai

led

test

s).

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

1074 ROBERT L. BOYD

one-tailed p < .10). These estimates tally with the claim that Harlem was the uncontested center of the black entertainment industry in the urban North. Second, black participation in two of the four entertainment occupations was greater in Chicago than in the reference group of Northern cities. The slope coefficient of the dummy variable for Chicago is posi-tive and significant in the analyses of actors and showmen (b = .667, one-tailed p < .10) and musicians (b = 2.370, one-tailed p < .10). These estimates comport with accounts that the vitality of the South Side’s entertainment zone was surpassed only by that of its counterpart in Harlem in the urban North. And third, black participation in three of the five business occupations was greater in Chicago than in the other Northern cities. The slope coefficient of the dummy variable for Chicago is positive and significant in the analyzes of insurance agents (b = .393, one-tailed p < .01), retail dealers (b = .083, one-tailed p < .10), and women barbers and hairdressers (b = .824, one-tailed p < .05). These estimates are consistent with reports that “Bronzeville” had the most dynamic black entrepreneurial sector in the urban North.

The three sets of significant findings, moreover, reflect positive effects of urbanism, as the size of the black population is controlled in the analyses. These results are thus in line with theory and research that suggest that nationally dominant urban centers offer special advantages that generate and sustain entrepreneurial and cultural activities. The findings are in agreement, too, with the proposition, central to the subcultural theory of urbanism, that such urban centers are the places in which blacks have the greatest opportunities to build nightclubs, theaters, and other establishments that are key elements of a vibrant, ethnicity-based social world.

But four other sets of results in Table 3 clash with the received wisdom about New York, Chicago, and the Black Metropolis of the early 20th century. First, in only one of the five business occupations was black participation higher in New York than in the refer-ence group of Northern cities. The slope coefficient of the dummy variable for New York is positive and significant in the analysis of women barbers and hairdressers (b = .556, one-tailed p < .10). But it is negative and significant in the analysis of retail dealers (b = –.143, one-tailed p < .05), suggesting that black participation in this pursuit was lower in New York than in the other Northern cities. The slope coefficient of the dummy variable for New York is also negative, though not significant, in the analyses of insurance agents, women retail dealers, and barbers and hairdressers (men). These estimates contrast sharply with the idea that Harlem was an unusually entrepreneurial black community.

Second, in only one of six cases (i.e., two cities × three occupations) was black par-ticipation in a professional occupation higher in New York and Chicago than in the refer-ence group of Northern cities. The slope coefficient of the dummy variable for New York is positive but not significant in the analysis of lawyers and judges. Unexpectedly, it is negative in the analyses of physicians, surgeons, and clergymen, but is not significant. The slope coefficient of the dummy variable for Chicago is positive in the analyses of all three occupations. However, it is significant only in the analysis of lawyers and judges (b = .220, one-tailed p < .10). These estimates run counter to the notion that Harlem and the South Side were unsurpassed as thriving centers of the black professional class in the urban North.

Third, black participation in public service occupations was no higher in New York and Chicago than in the reference group of Northern cities. The slope coefficient of the dummy variable for New York is, surprisingly, negative in the analysis of city and county officials,

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

BLACK METROPOLIS OF EARLY 20TH CENTURY 1075

but it is not significant. The slope coefficient of the dummy variable for Chicago is posi-tive, as anticipated, in the analysis of these occupations; however, it falls short of sig-nificance. These estimates are at odds with the prediction that, because of well-mobilized and resourceful black communities, the prospects for blacks to secure positions in local government were exceptionally favorable in New York and Chicago.

Finally, in only one of six cases (i.e., two cities × three occupations) was black partici-pation in the artistic and mass media occupations higher in New York and Chicago than in the reference group of Northern cities. The slope coefficient of the dummy variable for New York, while in the expected positive direction, is not significant in the analyses of artists, authors, editors, reporters, and photographers. The slope coefficient of the dummy variable for Chicago is positive in these analyses, but it is significant only in the analysis of authors, editors, and reporters (b = .250, one-tailed p < .10). These estimates are out of line with the popular belief that Harlem and the South Side were unrivaled as centers of black artistic and literary activities in the urban North.

Furthermore, these four sets of results are incongruent with theory and research on urbanism. The first three sets provide virtually no support for the venerable argument that nationally dominant urban centers offer the best opportunities for black occupational suc-cess. And the last set does little to bolster the thesis, fundamental to the subcultural theory of urbanism, that such urban centers are uniquely favorable to creative endeavors that gen-erate and sustain a vital, ethnicity-based social world within black communities.

Finally, none of the values of the slope coefficient for black population, logged, is posi-tive and significant at the level of .05 or better in Table 3. In fact, this coefficient is negative and significant at the .05 level or better in several of the regressions in this table, a result consistent with theory and research on the participation of ethnic minority groups in the “special niches” (see Table 1). There is often an inverse relationship between a minority group’s participation in such occupations and the size of the group in question. These occupations frequently become saturated with group members in cities where the group is large (Lieberson, 1980, p. 379), and when intra-group competition for entry into the occupations is intense in such cities, a “crowding-out effect” further limits the participa-tion of group members in these pursuits (Waldinger, 1996, p. 451). Minority groups also tend to face the tightest social and legal restrictions on their occupational choices in cities where their populations are large and perceived as economically or politically threatening to the majority group (Blalock, 1967, pp. 143–189). Overall, then, there is surprisingly little support for the notion that a large black population will enhance black participation in business, the professions, public service, and the arts, mass media, and entertainment—for instance, by creating large markets and audiences of blacks or by generating black politi-cal influence.

Supplemental Analyses

The above results add nuance to the conventional view of the Black Metropolis. Taking an approach that was (if anything) favorable to obtaining support for this view—in par-ticular, using one-tailed hypothesis tests and a .10 level of significance—these estimates yielded evidence that was, at best, modestly affirmative. To determine if the disconfirma-tory findings could be attributable to the influence of extreme values of one or more of the variables, supplemental analyses were undertaken. First, the residuals of each regression in

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

1076 ROBERT L. BOYD

Table 3 were examined to identify “outliers,” i.e., residuals outside the range of two stan-dard deviations above or below the residual mean of zero (Agresti and Agresti, 1979, pp. 393–394). Then, if detected, such extreme observations were omitted from consideration and the relevant regression equations were re-estimated.6

In several of the supplemental analyses (not shown), the earlier disconfirmatory infer-ences were affirmed. Specifically, there was no evidence that black participation in the business and professional occupations was extraordinarily high in New York. Moreover, the supplemental analyses presented below identify important exceptions to the conven-tional view that, during the first wave of the Great Migration, the greatest opportunities for blacks to enter professional or creative endeavors in the urban North were in the dominant centers of New York and Chicago. An exploration of these exceptional cases with additional qualitative and quantitative data—along with interpretations based on literature reviewed in the introduction—further suggests that the conventional view of the Black Metropolis might be refined to take account of beneficial opportunity structures that existed for blacks in other Northern urban centers.

In the supplemental analyses, the relevant measures of black occupational participation were regressed on a dummy variable for each outlier and on control variables for New York, Chicago, and black population, logged. In nine of the 12 occupations analyzed in these regressions, the slope coefficient of the outlier dummy variable was positive, statisti-cally significant, and larger than the slope coefficient of the dummy variable for New York and Chicago. Table 4 displays, for each of these occupations, those outliers with the larg-est positive and statistically significant dummy-variable slope coefficient. In addition, the table reports the measures of black occupational participation for these outliers and, for comparison, the corresponding values for New York and Chicago. The number of blacks employed in the occupations in each case (N) is also presented.

The New England regional center of Boston stands out as the most influential outlier in five of the nine supplemental analyses, namely: the analyses of the professional occupa-tions of physicians and surgeons (b = .310, one-tailed p < .05), and lawyers and judges (b = .244, one-tailed p < .05) and the analyses of the artistic and mass-media occupations of artists (b = .181, one-tailed p < .01), authors, editors, and reporters (b = .380, one-tailed p < .01), and photographers (b = .501, one-tailed p < .01). Why was black participation in these occupations greater in Boston than in the other Northern cities in 1930?

Observations of historical case studies imply that this city’s educational institutions were especially attractive to blacks who aspired to enter relatively high status and skilled professions. One account suggests that, prior to the Great Migration, blacks from the South were drawn to Boston “by the quality of the Boston schools and the opportunity available to their children” (Lieberson, 1980, p. 235, citing Daniels, 1914, pp. 187–190). The access

6No outliers were detected in the analyses of retail dealers (men), actors and showmen, or musicians (men and women). The outliers (in parentheses) are as follows. Business occupations: insurance agents (Cleveland); retail dealers (women) (Detroit); barbers and hairdressers (Boston, Milwaukee, and Newark); and barbers and hair-dressers (women) (Cincinnati, Cleveland, and Kansas City). Professional occupations: physicians and surgeons (Boston); lawyers and judges (Boston and Cleveland); and clergymen (Detroit and Kansas City). Public service occupations: city and county officials (Buffalo and Indianapolis). Artistic and mass media occupations: artists (Boston, Buffalo, and Pittsburgh); authors, editors, and reporters (Boston, Cincinnati, and Detroit); and photog-raphers (Boston, Cincinnati, and Cleveland). Entertainment occupations: actresses and show women (women) (Kansas City and Milwaukee).

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

BLACK METROPOLIS OF EARLY 20TH CENTURY 1077

Ta

bl

e 4

. Su

pple

men

tal

Reg

ress

ion

An

alys

es o

f O

utl

iers

an

d M

easu

res

of B

lack

Occ

upa

tion

al P

arti

cipa

tion

, 193

0a

Occ

upat

ions

Out

liers

Out

lier

dum

my

vari

able

,b

(p-v

alue

)

Out

lier

valu

esN

ew Y

ork

Chi

cago

Bla

ck

part

icip

atio

nN

Bla

ck

part

icip

atio

nN

Bla

ck

part

icip

atio

nN

Ret

ail d

eale

rs (

w)

Det

roit

.241

(.0

10)*

.431

65

.101

75

.214

126

Phys

icia

ns a

nd s

urge

ons

Bos

ton

.310

(.0

42)*

.689

29

.291

177

.616

264

Law

yers

and

judg

esB

osto

n.2

44 (

.040

)*.4

64 2

4.1

1210

3.3

4117

0

Cle

rgym

enD

etro

it.6

72 (

.041

)*2.

699

193

1.52

439

82.

156

388

City

and

cou

nty

offi

cial

sIn

dian

apol

is.1

74 (

.034

)*.2

59 7

.112

22

.272

47

Art

ists

Bos

ton

.181

(.0

02)*

*.2

44 3

.194

76

.140

40

Aut

hors

, edi

tors

, and

rep

orte

rsB

osto

n.3

80 (

.001

)**

.576

8.1

65 5

7.3

14 4

3

Phot

ogra

pher

sB

osto

n.5

01 (

.000

)**

.607

6.4

61 8

8.2

46 3

2

Act

ress

es a

nd s

how

wom

en (

w)

Milw

auke

e8.

464

(.00

0)**

10.1

62 8

.920

545

.881

143

a All

occu

patio

nal d

ata

are

for m

en u

nles

s ot

herw

ise

indi

cate

d (w

= w

omen

). T

he re

gres

sion

ana

lyse

s in

clud

e co

ntro

ls fo

r New

Yor

k, C

hica

go, a

nd b

lack

pop

ulat

ion,

logg

ed.

All

p-va

lues

are

one

-tai

led;

* p

< .0

5, *

* p

< .0

1 (o

ne-t

aile

d te

sts)

.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

1078 ROBERT L. BOYD

of blacks to educational institutions is also emphasized in descriptions of the nascent black upper class of this city. This small class—which included attorneys and physicians who were graduates of Harvard and other prestigious universities in New England—was estab-lished long before the Civil War, and descendants of its members “enjoyed exceptional educational and cultural advantages” (Gatewood, 1990, p. 110).

Theory and research cited earlier (Blalock, 1967; Lieberson, 1980) also indicate that the small size of the black community of Boston was advantageous to black participation in skilled occupations.7 Boston’s black population was relatively small in 1930—20,574, or less than three percent of the city’s total population—and ranked 12th in size among the 15 Northern cities analyzed (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1933a). It was discussed above that relatively small minority groups are less visible or threatening to the dominant major-ity than are large minority groups. Thus, it was noted, relatively small minority groups tend to encounter fewer occupational restrictions. It is possible, then, that discrimination against blacks in the above pursuits was less intense in Boston than in other Northern cit-ies. Note, too, that Boston ranked 13th among the 15 Northern cities analyzed on an index of the spatial isolation of blacks from whites in 1930 (Massey and Denton, 1993, p. 24). Hence it is reasonable to infer that race relations were better in this city— historically, one of the most socially progressive in the nation—than in many other parts of the urban North during the first wave of the Great Migration.

A relatively small black population may also have been a factor in another outlier in Table 4—the Midwest regional center of Milwaukee in the analysis of the entertainment occupation of actresses and show women (b = 8.464, one-tailed p < .01). The black popu-lation of Milwaukee ranked 14th in size among the 15 Northern cities analyzed, and was small in absolute and relative terms. The city’s 7,501 blacks constituted barely more than one percent of its total population in 1930 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1933a). The litera-ture cited above implies that a small black community may have aided black participation in this entertainment occupation in two ways. First, a small, non-threatening black popula-tion probably moderated the intensity of discrimination against blacks. A case in point is that blacks’ spatial isolation from whites in Milwaukee—similar to that in Boston—was comparatively low. Milwaukee ranked 14th among the 15 Northern cities analyzed on an index of the spatial isolation of blacks from whites in 1930 (Massey and Denton, 1993, p. 24). A relatively low level of racial segregation would have facilitated black participation in this occupation, particularly in those establishments that catered to white or racially mixed audiences. Second, according to theory and research discussed earlier (Lieberson, 1980; Waldinger, 1996), a relatively small black population reduced the likelihood that this “special niche” would be saturated by a large number of entrants. It follows that black women who sought to become actresses and show women were not “crowded out” of this niche in Milwaukee, as they apparently were in northern cities with larger black popula-tions at the start of the Great Migration.

Another Midwest regional center, Detroit, was the most influential outlier in two sup-plemental analyses in Table 4, namely: the analyses of women retail dealers (b = .241, one-tailed p < .05) and clergymen (b = .672, one-tailed p < .05). The extraordinary participation of blacks in these occupations in Detroit may have been related to a combination of two

7Keep in mind that the regression analyses in Tables 3 and 4 control for the absolute size of the black population, not the relative size of this population.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

BLACK METROPOLIS OF EARLY 20TH CENTURY 1079

features of this city in the early 20th century: (1) an unusually confrontational relationship between blacks and whites, and (2) a relatively large black community. At the beginning of the Great Migration, black workers were often used as strikebreakers in this city (Zunz, 1982, p. 373). And the conflicts that followed from such competition in the labor market frequently resulted in racial violence, which intensified as the city’s black community expanded during the influx (ibid., pp. 324, 373–375). These conflicts, according to the sub-cultural theory of urbanism reviewed earlier, may have strengthened the internal solidarity of the black community of Detroit. Recall that this theory holds that ethnic conflicts cause members of the groups in question to more firmly embrace their own respective “social worlds,” intensifying in-group solidarity (Fischer, 1984, pp. 37–38). Such solidarity, it is reasonable to believe, would have increased the participation of blacks in occupations that benefited from the patronage of black consumers (e.g., black retail dealers) and black churchgoers (e.g., black clergymen). In-group solidarity would have been particularly ben-eficial in conjunction with a sizeable number of black consumers and churchgoers. Detroit had the fourth-largest black population of the 15 Northern cities analyzed—120,066 or nearly eight percent of its population in 1930 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1933a).

The Midwest regional center of Indianapolis was the most influential outlier in the supplemental analysis of city and county officials (b = .174, one-tailed p < .05). This result appears surprising at first glance. But it is understandable in light of features of this city that could have significantly affected the political influence of the local black commu-nity. Indianapolis, similar to other medium-sized Midwestern cities, had a relatively small population of white immigrants. There were 13,740 foreign-born whites in Indianapolis in 1930, less than four percent of the city’s population. In contrast, there were 43,967 blacks, constituting more than 12 percent of the population at this time (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1933a). In many Northern cities in the early 20th century, the populations of white immigrants were large in both absolute and relative terms. In New York there were nearly 2.3 million foreign-born whites in 1930, about 33 percent of the population, com-pared to 327,706 blacks, less than five percent of the population. In Chicago, there were more than 842,000 foreign-born whites, roughly 25 percent of the population, compared to 233,903 blacks, barely seven percent of the population (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1933a). Accordingly, white immigrant ethnic groups—notably, the Irish—in these and other Northern cities were politically dominant, often controlling the machinery of local government and thereby the awarding of patronage jobs (Kraut, 1982, pp. 141–145). In Indianapolis, however, the relatively large black population—at 12 percent, the largest in relative terms, of the 15 Northern cities analyzed—would have faced comparatively little competition from white immigrants in the city’s political arena. The perception of a poten-tially influential black voting bloc, then, might have generated enough influence for blacks to have a chance of securing positions in the public sector.

Before leaving Table 4, two points are noteworthy. First, whereas the outliers tended to have noticeably greater values of black occupational participation than did New York and Chicago, the latter two cities had substantially higher numbers of blacks employed in these occupations. For example, the odds of black women working as actresses and show women were much greater in Milwaukee (10.162) than in New York (.920) and Chicago (.881). But the number of black actresses and show women in Milwaukee (8) was a tiny fraction of the number in these two cities (545 and 143, respectively). Second, the absolute number of blacks in these occupations in the outliers was, in most cases, very small. In

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

1080 ROBERT L. BOYD

Boston, for instance, only three black men were artists, only eight were authors, editors, or reporters, and only six were photographers. So even in those cities with relatively favor-able conditions for black occupational participation, the opportunities available to blacks were miniscule and could benefit only a small number of blacks.

DISCUSSION

The accounts of numerous case studies by historians and social scientists infer, largely on the basis of anecdotes or descriptive statistics, that Harlem and the South Side—also called “Bronzeville”—offered uniquely favorable opportunities for blacks to become entrepreneurs, professionals, public officials, as well as artists, authors, and entertainers. The present study, analyzing census data on large Northern cities that were primary des-tinations of blacks during the first wave of the Great Migration, refines this conventional view of the black communities of prewar New York and Chicago.

Some results uphold this view, substantiating inferences suggested by the case study literature. In this respect, two questions, posed earlier, that arise from this literature can, for the most part, be answered affirmatively. There is evidence, consistent with the case studies, that New York—reputedly, the cultural capital of black America—did have the highest levels of black participation in the creative endeavors of acting (for men) and music (for men and women). There is also evidence, in line with the case studies, that Chicago—supposedly, the hub of black enterprise in the U.S.—did have the highest levels of black participation in the ventures that attracted black entrepreneurs, namely, insurance, beauty culture, and retail trade (for men).

These results accord with the argument that high-ranking centers of the national urban hierarchy are places in which blacks have the greatest opportunities to gain access to creative and entrepreneurial occupations. According to theory and the research discussed earlier, such places are likely to provide ethnic minorities with advantages that are frequently unavailable in other settings—namely, proximity to large audiences or markets, exposure to cosmopolitanism and innovative ideas, and relief from prejudice and intolerance. These findings also agree with the proposition, central to the subcultural theory of urbanism, that major cities offer blacks the greatest opportunities to work in careers that are components of a thriving, ethnicity-based social world.

However, most of the results are disconfirmatory. They indicate that, controlling for the size of the black population, the participation of blacks in 9 of the 16 occupations analyzed was highest in Northern black communities outside of Harlem and Bronzeville. These occupations included a business occupation, all professional occupations, the public service occupation, all artistic and mass media occupations, and an entertainment occupa-tion. These findings, obviously, run counter to the claims of many ethnographical investi-gations and to key assertions of the theoretical and empirical studies cited above. Thus the results cast doubt on the conventional view of the Black Metropolis. More fundamentally, however, the evidence provides insights into how this view might be modified in order to accommodate the finding that in the early 20th century favorable opportunities for blacks existed in Northern cities that were far removed from New York and Chicago.

Specifically, the results of the supplemental analyses imply that a revised view of the Black Metropolis might embrace the following sets of ideas. First, it would recognize the salience of the economic and social progress fostered by the institutions founded and

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

BLACK METROPOLIS OF EARLY 20TH CENTURY 1081

operated by blacks, such as businesses, churches, and newspapers. Yet it would also call attention to the importance of socioeconomic advancement facilitated by predominantly white institutions—particularly, secondary schools and universities—to which blacks have customary and regular access. The analysis of Boston indicates that the presence of such institutions might promote the entry of blacks into high-status endeavors, such as the professions of law and medicine, and skilled artistic and mass media occupations, such as art, writing, and photography.

Second, a revised view of the Black Metropolis would acknowledge the benefits con-ferred by a large black community—for example, sizeable black consumer markets that could be served by black entrepreneurs. But it would also recognize both the limitations of large black communities and the advantages often enjoyed by relatively small ones. The analyses of Boston and Milwaukee suggest that two obstacles can be moderated by a relatively small and non-threatening black community: discrimination against blacks in certain skilled occupations, such as those mentioned above, and the crowding out of blacks in pursuits that are “special niches,” such as entertainment.

Third, a revised view of the Black Metropolis would highlight the self-sufficiency and self-determination achieved by blacks in those institutions—notably businesses and churches—that function independently of the larger white-dominated society. However, it would also accentuate the wider implications of interactions between whites and blacks in labor markets and political arenas outside of the black community. The analysis of Detroit suggests that interracial competition and conflict over industrial jobs not only intensified discrimination against blacks in the workforce; it also may have strengthened the internal solidarity of the black community, increasing the loyalty of black residents to black-owned stores and black churches.

And fourth, a revised view of the Black Metropolis would underscore the possibility that gains in public- sector employment can be achieved through the real or perceived clout of a formidable bloc of black voters. But it would also emphasize that the ability of blacks to pressure white elected officials is frequently shaped by the presence—or absence—of other ethnic groups that are potential rivals for political influence and employment in municipal jobs. The supplemental analysis of Indianapolis shows that, in Northern cities where the white immigrant population was relatively small and the black population rela-tively large, the prospects for blacks to become city and county officials were greater than in those cities where large white immigrant groups dominated the local government.

In short, a revised view of the Black Metropolis would build on existing literature. It would not reject the importance of two factors emphasized by the conventional view and affirmed in the present study: (1) the amenities of nationally dominant urban centers; and (2) the advantages generated by the large black communities of such places. But it would also affirm the potential significance of many other factors, notably those identified in the supplemental analyses of this study. And, in so doing, it could foster among historians and social scientists a more realistic appraisal of the complexities of the opportunity structures of the Northern urban hierarchy at the start of the Great Migration.

REFERENCES

Agresti, A. and Agresti, B. F., 1979, Statistical Methods for the Social Sciences. San Francisco, CA: Dellen Publishing Company.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

1082 ROBERT L. BOYD

Blalock, H. M., Jr., 1967, Toward a Theory of Minority-Group Relations. New York, NY: John Wiley.

Boyd, R. L., 2005, Black musicians in Northern U.S. cities during the early 20th century: A test of the critical mass hypothesis of urban sub-culture theory. Urban Studies, Vol. 42, 2363–2370.

Boyd, R. L., 2009, Urban locations of eminent black entrepreneurs in the United States. Urban Studies, Vol. 46, 2061–2078.

Breton, R., 1964, Institutional completeness of ethnic communities and the personal rela-tions of immigrants. American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 70, 193–205.

Daniels, J., 1914, In Freedom’s Birthplace: A Study of the Boston Negroes. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company.

Davis, G. A. and Donaldson, O. F., 1975, Blacks in the United States: A Geographic Perspective. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company.

Drake, S. C. and Cayton, H. R., 1962, Black Metropolis. New York, NY: Harcourt, Brace and Company.

Fischer, C. S., 1975, Toward a subcultural theory of urbanism. American Journal of Sociol-ogy, Vol. 80, 1319–1341.

Fischer, C. S., 1984, The Urban Experience. New York, NY: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.Fischer, C. S., 1995, The subcultural theory of urbanism: A twentieth-year assessment.

American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 101, 543–577.Gatewood, W. B., 1990, Aristocrats of Color: The Black Elite, 1880–1920. Bloomington,

IN: Indiana University Press.Greenberg, C. L., 1991, Or Does It Explode? Black Harlem in the Great Depression. New

York, NY: Oxford University Press.Gregory, J. N., 2005, The Southern Diaspora: How the Great Migrations of Black and

White Southerners Transformed America. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.

Grossman, J. R., 1989, Land of Hope: Chicago, Black Southerners, and the Great Migra-tion. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

Hawley, A. H., 1972, Population density and the city. Demography, Vol. 9, 521–529.Huggins, N. I., 1971, Harlem Renaissance. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.Johnson, J. W., 1930, Black Manhattan. New York, NY: Alfred A. Knopf.Karnig, A. K., 1979, Black economic, political, and cultural development: Does city size

make a difference? Social Forces, Vol. 57, 1194–1211.Kraut, A. M., 1982, The Huddled Masses: The Immigrant in American Society, 1880–1921.

Arlington Heights, IL: Harlan Davidson.Lewis, D. L., 1981, When Harlem Was in Vogue. New York, NY: Oxford University

Press.Lieberson, S., 1980, A Piece of the Pie: Blacks and White Immigrants since 1880. Berkeley,

CA: University of California Press.Logan, J. R., Alba, R. D., and McNulty, T. L., 1994, Ethnic economies in metropolitan

regions: Miami and beyond. Social Forces, Vol. 72, 691–724.Marks, C., 1989, Farewell—We’re Good and Gone: The Great Black Migration.

Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press.Massey, D. S. and Denton, N. A., 1993, American Apartheid: Segregation and the Making

of the Underclass. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014

BLACK METROPOLIS OF EARLY 20TH CENTURY 1083

McKay, C., 1940, Harlem: Negro Metropolis. New York, NY: E. P. Dutton and Company.Meier, A. and Rudwick, E., 1976, From Plantation to Ghetto. New York, NY: Hill and

Wang.Myrdal, G., 1944, An American Dilemma. New York, NY: Harper and Brothers.Ogburn, W. F. and Duncan, O. D., 1964, City size as a sociological variable. In E. W.

Burgess and D. J. Bogue, editors, Contributions to Urban Sociology. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 129–147.

Osofsky, G., 1966, Harlem: The Making of a Ghetto. Negro New York, 1890–1930. New York, NY: Harper and Row.

Ottley, R., 1943, “New World A-Coming”: Inside Black America. Boston, MA: Houghton Mifflin Company.

Philpott, T., 1978, The Slum and the Ghetto: Neighborhood Deterioration and Middle Class Reform, Chicago, 1880–1930. New York, NY: Oxford University Press.

Pred, A., 1976, Business thoroughfares as expressions of urban Negro culture. In R. T. Ernst and L. Hugg, editors, Black America: Geographic Perspectives. New York, NY: Anchor Books, 178–199.

Rose, H. M., 1976, The origin and pattern of development of urban black social areas. In R. T. Ernst and L. Hugg, editors, Black America: Geographic Perspectives. New York, NY: Anchor Books, 34–43.

Scheiner, S. M., 1965, Negro Mecca: A History of the Negro in New York, 1865–1920. New York, NY: New York University Press.

Simmel, G., 1950, On the significance of numbers for social life. In K. H. Wolff, editor, The Sociology of Georg Simmel. Glencoe, IL: The Free Press, 87–104.

Spear, A. H., 1967, Black Chicago: The Making of a Negro Community, 1890–1920. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

Tolnay, S. E., 2003, The African American “Great Migration” and beyond. Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 29, 209–232.

Trotter, J. W., Jr., 1995, African Americans in the city: The industrial era, 1900–1950. Journal of Urban History, Vol. 21, 438–457.

U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1933a, Census of Population: 1930. Volume 2. General Report: Statistics by Subjects. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1933b, Census of Population: 1930. Volume 4. Occupations by States. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office.

Waldinger, R., 1996, Ethnicity and opportunity in the plural city. In R. Waldinger and M. Bozorgmehr, editors, Ethnic Los Angeles. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation, 445–470.

Waldinger, R. and Bozorgmehr, M., 1996, Ethnic Los Angeles. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.

Waldinger, R., McEvoy, D., and Aldrich, H., 1990, Spatial dimensions of opportunity struc-tures. In R. Waldinger, H. Aldrich, and R. Ward, editors, Ethnic Entrepreneurs: Immi-grant Business in Industrial Societies. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 106–130.

Wilson, F. D., 2003, Ethnic niching and metropolitan labor markets. Social Science Research, Vol. 32, 429–466.

Zunz, O., 1982, The Changing Face of Inequality: Urbanization, Industrial Development, and Immigrants in Detroit, 1880–1920. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

Dow

nloa

ded

by [

Nor

thw

este

rn U

nive

rsity

] at

00:

47 2

1 D

ecem

ber

2014