ApOLESCENCEond ENAERGING

ApurHooDA Cultural ApproachSecond Edition

)effreyJensen ArnettUniversity of Maryland

Upper Saddle River, NewJersey 07458

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Arnett, Jeffrey Jensen.Adolescence and emerging adulthood: a cultural approach ,/ JeffreyJensen Arnett.-2nd ed

P.CM.Includes bibliographical references and index.ISBN 0-13-111532-4I . Adolescence-Cross-culturaladults-Cross-cultural studies.

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studies. 2. Teenagers-Cross-Cultural studies. 3. YoungI. Title.

Currunr eruo rHr SeLr

SElr-CoNcrplorusMore AbstractMore Complex

Set-n-Esrrerra

SelFEsteem From Preadolescence ThroughAdolescence

Different Aspects of Self-Esteem

Self-Esteem and Physical Appearancelnfl uences on Self-EsteemSelf-Esteem in Emerging Adulthood

Tur Euolorunl SelP

Gender and the Emotional Self: Do AdolescentCirls Lose Their "Voice"?

lorurrvErikson's TheoryResearch on ldenciryCender and ldencityCulture and ldencity .,..,,,,r.,.,r,:.r:i,:_r;r.;,ui..l.ii..,,;l:,:,I d e n r i ry D eve I o p m g n ! A m o n g pt h n

! s M B.g.tii!,ti ,i.,,,

ldentity and Globalii.tigl .,.., .*r ':,.r:,ii$,ii1iTneSru,At-oNr ; l' ,'' . T, cot lru in the Rye,byJ. O. Salinger (195111964),

is probably the best-known novel of adolescence. lt

consists entirely of one long self-reflective monologue by the main character,

Holden Caulfield, as he tries to figure out himself and his place in the world' Per-

haps you have read it. lf not, I highly recommend it, both for irs literaryvalue and

for its insights on adolescence.

Holden Caulfield is not a \picaladolescent. It is his a$pical sensitiviry and wit

that make him such a compelling character in Catcher in the Rya Flowever, ire pro-

vides a good example of how issues of the self come to the forefront of develop-

ment in"adolescenie. He engages in self-reflectign about his maturity (or lack ofit). He evaluates himseli sometimes negatively. He has moments of elation, but

163ntr

164 CHAPTER 6 TheSelf

more moments of loneliness and sadness, i.n which hebroods about death and the cruelties of life. He tries towork out issues of identity, of who he is and what hewants out of life, concluding-at least for now-thatthe only future that appeals to him is the imaginaryone of being the "catcher in the rye," the guardian ofplaying children.

The issues Holden confi-onts in his monologue arethe kinds of issues we will address in this chapter onthe self. As we saw in Chapter 3, on cognitive develop-ment, moving into adolescence results in new capaci-ties for self-reflection. Adolescents can think aboutthemselves in a way that younger children cannot. Theability for abstract thinking that develops in adoles-cence includes asking abstract questions about oneself,such as "What kind of person am I? What are my essen-

tial characteristics? What am I good at? How do otherpeople perceive me? What kind of life am I likely tohave in the future?" Younger children can ask thesequestions, too, but only in a rudimentary way. Withadolescents' growing cognitive capacities, they cannor,r, ask these questions of themselves more clearly,and they can come up with answers that are more com-plex and more insightful.

This enhanced cognitive capacity for self-reflectionhas a variety of consequences. It means that adoles-cents change in their self-conceptions, that is, in their an-swers to the question "Whar kind of person am I?" Itmeans that adolescents change in their self-esteem, thatis, in their capacity for evaluating their fundamentalworth as a person. It means that adolescents change intherr emotional understanding, as they become moreaware of their own emotions, and as their enhancedunderstanding of themselves and others affects theirdaily emotional lives. It also means that adolescentschange in their identities, that is, in their perceptions oftheir abilities and traits and how these fit into the op-portunities available to them in their society. All ofthese changes continue through emerging adulthood,but identity issues are especially central to emergingadulthood, even more than in adolescence in rnanyrespects.

\Are will discuss each of these aspects of the self inthis chapter, and end with a look at young people'sexperiences and states of mind when they are bythemselves. First, however, we consider the culturalapproach to concepts of the self. Although self-reflection increases in adolescence as a part of nor-mal cognitive development, the culture youngpeople live in has profound effects on how they expe-rience this change.

Culture and the SelfThe general distinction introduced in Chapter 4, be-

rween individualistic and collectivistic cultures, be-

tween broad socialization vaiues and narrowsocialization talues, comes into play in considerationsof the self, and perhaps especially on this topic. Anoted in Chapter 4, in discussing cultural differences

in conceptions of the self scholars qpically distinguishbetween the independent seif promoted by individual-istic cultures and the interdependent self promoted by

collectivistic cultures (Markus & Kitayama, 1991;

Shweder et al., 1998).Cultures that promote an ir-rdependent, individual-

istic self also promote and encourage reflection about

the self. In such cultures it is seen as a good thing tothink about yourself, to consider who you are as an in-

dependent person, and to think highly of yourself(within certain limits, of course-no culture values

selfishness or egocentrism). Americans are especiallyknown for their individualism and their focus on self-

oriented issues. It was an American r,vho first inventedthe term self-esteem (WilliamJames, in the late 19th cen-

tury), and the United States continues to be known to

the rest of the world as a place where the independentself is valued and promoted (Triandis, 1995).

However, not all cultures look at the self in this way

and value the self to the same extent. In collectivisticcultures, characterized by narrow sociaiization, an in-terdependent conception of the self prevails- In these

cultures, the interests of the group-the family, the

kinship group, the ethnic group, the nation, the reli-gious institulien-21s supposed to come first, beforethe needs of the individual. This means that it is notnecessarily a good thing, in these cultures, to thinkhighly of yourself. People who do think highly of them-

selves, who possess a high level of self-esteem, threatenthe harmony of the group because they may be in-clined to plrrsue their personal interests regardless ofthe interests of the groups to lvhich they belong.

Thus, children and adolescents in these cultures are

socialized to mute their self-esteem and to learn to

consider the interests and needs of others at least as

important as the interests and needs of themselves

(lVl"riting & Edwards, 1988). By adolescence, thismeans that the "self is thought of not so much as a

separate, independent being, essentially apart fromothers, but as defined Dy relationsl-rips with others, to a

large extent (Schlegel & Barry, 1991). This is what itmeans for the seif to be interdependent rather than in-dependent (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). In the per-

spective of these cultures, the self cannot be under-stood apart from social roies and obligations.

We will learn in more detail about different ways ofthinking about the self as we move along in this chap-

ter. Keep in mind, hotvever, that cultures vary in the way

their members are socialized to think about the self.

THINI(INC CRITICALLY III

Based on what you have learned so far in this bool<,

what would you say are the economic reasons prein-dustrial cultures would promote an interdependentselfi

Self-ConceptionsAdolescents think about themselves differently thanyounger children do, in a variety of respects. Thechanges in self-understanding that occur in adoles-

cence have their foundation in the more generalchanges in cognitive functioning discussed in Chapter3. Specifically, adolescenI self-conceptions, like adoles-

cent cosnitive development overall, become moreabstract and more complex.

More Abstract

K T he hardest thing is coming to grips with who you

I ore, dccepting the fact that you're not perfect-

but then doingthings aryryvay. Even ifyou are really good at

somethingor a really fine person, you also know that there's

so much you aren't. You always know all the things you

don't know and all the things you can't do. And however

much you can fool the rest of the world, you always know

how much bullshit a lot of it is."

-NAN, AcE 17 (rN Ber-1, 1998,e.78)

According to Susan Harter (1999), a scholar whohas done extensive work ou self-conceptions in child-hood and adolescence; r,r,ith increasing age childrendescribe themselves less in concrete terms ("I have adog named Buster and a sister named Carrie") andmore in terrns of their traits ("I do well in school, butI'm not so good at sports."). In adolescence, self-con-

ceptiol'ls become more trait focused, and the traits be-

come more abstract, as they describe themselves interms of intangible personality characteristics (Harter,1990a, 1999). For example, one 15-year-old girl in a

$udy on self-conceptions described herself as follows:

CHAPTER 5 TheSelf 165

"What am I like as a person? Complicated! I'msensitive, friendly, outgoing, popular, and toler-ant, though I can also be shy, self-conscious, evenobnoxious. ... I'm a pretty cheerful person, espe-cially with my friends. ... At home I'm more like-ly to be anxious around my parents." (Harter,1990b, p.352)

Notice the use of all the abstractions. "Sensitive.""Outgoing." "Cheerful." "Anxious." Adolescents' ca-

pacity for abstraction makes these kinds of descriptionspossible.

One aspect of this capacity for abstracrion in adoles-cents' self-conceptions is that they can distinguish be-tlveen an actual self and possible selves (Markus &Nurius, 1986; Martin, 1997; Oyserman & Markus,1990). Scholars distinguish two kinds of possible selves,

an ideal self and a feared self (Martin , ).997; Oyserman& Markus, 1990). The ideal self is the person the ado-lescent would like to be (for example, an adolescentmay have an ideal of becoming highly popuiar rvithpeers or highly successful in athletics or music). Thefeared self is the person the adolescent imagines it is

possible to become but dreads becoming (for exam-ple, an adolescent might fear becoming an alcoholic,or fear becoming like a disgraced relative or friend).Both kinds of possible selves require adolescents tothink abstractly. That is, possible selves exist only as ab-stractions, as ideas in the adolescent's mind.

The capaciry for thinking about an actual, an ideal,and a feared self is a cognitive achievement, but this ca-

pacity may be troubling in some respects. If you canimagine an ideal self, you can also become arvare of thedegree of discrepancy between your actual self andyour ideal self, between what you are and what youwish to be. If the discrepancy is Iarge enough, it can re-sult in feelings of failure, inadequacy, and depression.Studies have found that the size of the discrepancy be-tween the actual and the ideal self is related to de-pressed mood in both adolescents and emergingadults (Choi & Lee, 1998;'Moretti & Wiebe, 1999).This helps explain why depression is very rare prior toadolescence but rates of depressed rnood rise in earlyadolescence and are higher in midadolescence than atany other point in the entire life course (Petersen etal., 1993).Just as depressed mood peaks at mid adoles-cence, the discrepancy berween the actual and theideal self is greater in midadolescence than in eitherearly or late adolescence (Strachen &Jones, 1982).

However, awareness of actual and possible selvescan have more favorable consequences as well. This

166 CHAPTER 6 TheSelf

awareness provides some adolescents with a motivationto strive toward their ideal self and avoid becoming thefeared self (Cota-Robles, Neiss, & Hunt, 2000; Markus& Nurius, 1986; Oyserman & Markus, 1990). Emergingadults, too, are often inspired by the vision of a possi-

ble self. In one Aus[ralian study (\t\4:ritty, 2002), earlyemerging adulthood (ages 17-22, in this study) was

for-rnd to be a time of "grand dreams" of being wealthyand having a glamorous occupation, but beyondemerging adulthood (ages 28-33) the accounts of a

possible self became more realistic, if still optimistic.Most scholars who have studied this topic see it as

healthiest for adolescents to possess both an ideal selfand a feared self. One study that compared delinquentadolescents to other adolescents found that the non-delinquent adolescents tended to have this balance be-

tween an ideal self and a feared self. In contrast, thedelinquent adoiescents possessed a feared self butwere less likeiy than other adolescents to have a clearconception of an ideal self to strive for (Oyserman &Markus, 1990).

More ComplexA second aspect of adoiescent sellunderstanding is

that it becomes more complex. Again, this is based ona more general cognitive attainment, the formal oper-ational ability to perceive multiple aspects of a situa-

tion or idea. Scholars have found that adolescents'self-conceptions become more complex especiallyfrom early adolescence to middle adolescence. Harterconducted a study in which she asked adolescents in7th, 9th, and 11th grades to describe themselves (Har-ter, 1986). The results showed that the extent to whichadolescents described themselves in contradictoryways (e.g., shy and funJoving) increased sharply from7th to 9th grade, then declined slightly in 1lth grade.

Harter and her colleagues have found that recog-nizing these contradictions in their personalities andbehavior can be confusing to adolescents, as they try tosort out "the real me" from these different aspects ofthemselves that appear in different situations (Harter,1999; Harter, Bresnick, Bouchey, & Whitesell, 1997).However, the contradictions also indicate that adoles-cents, more than younger children, recognize thattheir feelings and their behavior can vary from day today and from situation to situation (Harter, 1990a).Rather than simply sayng, "I'm shy," as a younger childmight, an adolescent might say, "I'm shy when I'maround people I don't really know, but when I'maround my friends I can be kind of wild and crazy."

Adolescents are most likely to show a false self to dating

Partners.

A related aspect of the increasing complexiry of self-

conceptions is that adolescents become aware of times

when they are exhibiting a false self, a self that they

present to others while realizing that it does not rePre-

sent what they are actualiy thinking and feeling (Har-

ter, 1990a; Harter, Marold, \\4ritesell, & Cobbs, 1996;

Harter et al., 1997). With whom would you think ado-

lescents would be most likely to exhibit tl'reir false

selves-friends, parents, or dates? Harter's research in-

dicates that adolescents are most likely to pr-rt on their

false selves with dating partners, and least likely with

their close friends, witl'r parents in berween. Most ado-

lescents in Harter's research indicate that they some-

times dislike putting on a false self, but many also say

that some degree of false self behavior is acceptable,

and even clesirable, to impress someone or to conceal

aspects of the self they do not want others to see.

THINI(ING CRITICALLY ffirr

Why do you think a false self is most likely to be

shown to dating partners? Would the false self be

gradually discarded as the dating Partner becomes a

boyfriend or girlfriend, or not?

Self-EsteemSelf-esteem is a person's overall sense of worth andrvell-being. Self-image (also called self-concept or self-perception) is a closely related term, referring to the

way a person viervs and evaluates himself or herself. Agreat deal has been written and disctissed about self-es-

teem in the past 40 years in American sociery, especial-ly concerning adolescer-rts. In tl-re 1960s, selfesteemenhancement programs for young people becamepopr"rlar, based on the idea that making children andadolescents "feel better about tiremselves" would have

a variety of positive effects on other aspects of func-tioning, such as school achievement and relationshipsu,ith peers (DuBois & Tevendale, 1999; Harter, 1990b).In the 1980s, particlllar concern developed about self-

esteeln amons girls and about evidence showing thatgirls often experience a drop in self-esteem as theyenter adolescence (American Association of UniversiryWomen, 1993; Gilligan, Lyons, & Hanrner, 1990).

As noted earlier, all this concern about self-esteem isa distinctly American phenomenon. Even among West-

ern countries, Americans value high self-esteem to a

far greater extent than people in other Westeru coun-tries do (Triandis, i995), and the gap between Ameri-cans and non-Western countries in this respect is evengreater (Heine, Lehman, Marktts, & Kitayama, 1999;

\{hiting & Edwards, 19BB). For example, inJapaneseculture self-criticism is a virttie and high self-esteem is

frorvnecl upon (Heine et al., 1999). The American pro-motion of self-esteern is part of American individual-ism (Bellah et al., 1985).

The ctiltr-rral focus on self-esteem in American soci-

ety has led to a considerable amolrnt of research onadolescer-rt self-esteem by scholars in recent decades.This researcl-r has shed light on a number of issues

concerning self-esteem in adolescence, includingchanges in self-esteern from preadolescence throughadolescence, clifferent aspects of self-esteem, self-es-

teem and physicai appearance, and influences onsel[-estcem.

Self-Esteem From PreadolescenceThrough Adolescence

Several longitr-rdinal studies of sel|esteem have foundthat self-esteern declines from preadolescence to ado-

Iescence (Block & Robins, 1993; O'Malley & Bachman,1983; Savin-Williams & Demo, 7984; Zimmerman,Copeland, Si-rope, & Dielmar.r, 1997). There are a num-ber of developmental reasons why self-esteem might fol-

CHAPTER 6 TheSelf 167

low this pattern. The "imaginary audience" that we havediscussed as part of adolescents' cognitive developmentcan make them self-conscious in a way that decreasestheir self-esteem when they first experience it in earlyadolescence (Elkind, 1967, 1985). That is, as adolescentsdevelop the capacity to imagine that others are espe-cially conscious of how they look and r,vhat they say andhow they act, they may suspect or fear that others arejudging them harshly.

And they may be right. Adolescents in Western cul-tures tend to be strongly peer-oriented and to value theopinion of their peers highly, especially on day-to-dayissues such as how they are dressed and r,r,hat they say insocial situations (Berndt, 1996). But their peers havedeveloped new cognitive capacities for sarcasm andridicule, which tend to be dispensed freely toward anypeer who seems odd or awkward or uncool (Eder, 1995).So the combination of greater peer-orientation, greaterself-consciousness about evaluations by peers, and peers'potentially harsh remarks contributes to declines in self-esteem at adolescence.

On the other hand, the degree of decline in ado-Iescents' self-esteem should not be exaggerated. A1-

though a substantial proportion of adolescentsexperience a decline in self-esteem during adolescence,many others do not. One study followed a sample fromsixth grade through eighth grade, and showed that dif-ferent children have different patterns of change inself-esteem as they move into adolescence (Hirsch &DuBois, 1991). Figure 6.1 shows the patterns. Only a

small proportion of adolescents (about one-fifth) fol-lowed a pattern of steep decline. The majority of ado-lescents either were consistently high or increased inself-esteem during the period of the study. Other stud-ies have reported similar patterns (Deihl, Vicary, &Deike, 1997; Pahl, Greene, & Way, 2000; Zimmermanet al., 1997).

Diversity in self-esteem also exists among differer-rtAmerican ethnic groups. Despite being subjected tocenturies of slavery, discrimination, and racism,African Americans tend to lrave higher self-esteemthan Whites, and the difference increases with agefrom childhood through adolescence and emergingadulthood (Gray-Little & Hafdahl, 2000; Twenge &Crocker, 2002). White adolescents tend to have high-er self-esteem than Latinos, Asian Americans, or Na-tive Americans (Twenge & Crocker, 2002). Acrossminority groqps, females tend to have higher self-es-teem than males in adolescence. The reasons forthese ethnic differences in self-esteem are not lvell-understood.

168 CHAPTER 6 TheSelf

50

Small increase (31 %)5a.*srrffi Steep decline (21%)

Barometric self-esteem is the fluctuating sense of

worth and well-being people have as they respond to

different thoughts, .*pe'itt'ttt, and interacLions in the

course of a day. According to Rosenberg' early adoles-

cence is a time when variations in barometric self-es-

,..* u.. especially intense (Rosenberg' 1986) ' An

adolescent ,right t-t"ut a disagreement witir a parent

tver b.eakfast'and feel miserible' then go to school

and have some fun u'ith''friends before class and feel

g"ra, ifr." get back a test in biology with a poor grade

ir-,d i..t milerable again, then get a smile from an at-

i.u.tiu. potential love interest and feel great-all in just

a few hours. The Experience Sampling Method (ESM)

studies, in which adolescents wear watches with beepers

and record their moods and activities when beeped'

.o.rfi.- Rosenberg's insights by showing just this kind

of rapid fluctuation of moods among adolescen$ tn a

,yer;;i;"y (Larson & Richards' 1994) ' ESM studies hnd

that adults and preadolescents experience changes in

it.i, *ooa, u. *.U, but nol with the same frequency or

intensity as adolescents' Other studies confirm that

adolescents' self-esteem varies depending on whom

they are with (Harter, Waters' & Mhitesell' 1998) '---i.,.tfr". aspects of adolescent self-esteem have been

investigated ty S,"u'-' Harter (1989' 1990a' 1990b'

iSSZ, igSS, ZOOf l. Her Self'Percelttion Profile for Adoles-

,-r, ai.ti.rg.,ishes the follou'ing eight domains of ado-

lescent self-image:

E350)o)oo

=(!)o30

End ofBth

grade

End of6th

grade

Middle of End of7th 7th

grade grade

FICURE 6.1 Setf-esteem in early adolescence Self-esteem can

go in a variery of,different directions in early adolescence'

Source: Hirsch & Dubois (1991)'

tll

Different AsPects of Self-Esteem

As scholars have studied self-esteem' they have con-

cluded that self-esteem has different aspects' in addi-

tion to overail selfesteem' Morris Rosenberg' the

scholar who deveioped the widely used Rosenberg Self-

Esteem Scale, distinguished between baseline selles-

teem and barometric self-esteem (Rosenberg' 1986)'

Baseline self'esteem is the stable, enduring sense of

worth and well-being a Person has' Persons with high

baseline self-esteem mlgtrt have an occasional bad day

in which they feel incoilpetent or self-critical' but still

have high baseline self-esteem because most days they

evaluatJ themselves positively' In contrast' persons with

Iow baseline self-esteem might continue to have a poor

ofi.rio., of themselvt' t"r' though thev have days

when things go right for them'

o Scholastic competencer Sociai acceptance

o Athletic competence. Physical aPPearance

r Job competenceo Romantic appeal

o Behavioral conducto Close friendship

Examples of items from each subscale are provided

in the Research Focus box' along with more informa-

,io., uUo,r, the scale' In addition to the eight subscales

o" ,f..in. domains of self-esteem' Harter's scale also

.""r}"t a subscale for global (overall) self-esteem'

Harter's research in;icates that adolescents do not

need to have a positive self-image in all domains to

have high global self-esteem' Eich domain of self-

i*"g. ir;n"J"ces global self-esteem only to the extent

that the adolescent viervs that domain as important'

For example, some adolescents n-ray view themselves as

turir-rg low athletic comPetence' but that wouid influ-

CRITICALLY

S

t-

ence their globai self-esteem only if it were importantto them to be good at athletics. Nevertheless, some do-mains of self-esteem are more important than others tomost adolescents, as rve rvill see in the next section.

Self-Esteem and Physical Appearance

\i\hich of Harter's eight aspects of self-perceptionrvould you expect to be most important in adoles-cence? Research by Harter and others has found thatphysical appearance is most strongly related to globalself-esteem, followed by sociai acceptance from peers(DuBois et al., 1996; Harteq 1988, 1989, 1990b, 1999;

Wright, 1989). A similar link between physical appear-ance and self-esteem has been found for emergingadults (Mendelson, Mendelson, & Andrews, 2000).

Adolescent girls are more likely than boys to em-phasize physical appearance as a basis for self-esteem.

This gender difference largely explains the gender dif-ference in self-esteem that occurs among White Ameri-cans at adolescence. \44rite Girls have a more negative

body image than \A4"rite boys do in adolescence, andare more critical of their physical appearance. Theyare less satisfied rvith the shape of their bodies thanboys are, and the majority of them believe they rveigh

too much and have atter-npted to diet (Irwin, Igra,Eyre, & Millstein, 1997; Simmons & Blyth, 1987). Be-

cause \,\rhite girls tend to evaluate their physical ap-

pearance negatively, and because physical appearanceis at the heart of their self-esteem, their sellesteemtends to be lower than boys' during adolescence(DuBois et al., 1996).

The prominence of physical appearance as a sourceof self-esteem also helps explain why girls' self-esteemis especially likely to declir-re as they enter early adoles-

cence. As r,ve har,e seen in Chapter 2, girls in Americansociety are often highly ambivalent about the changesthat take place in their physical appearance when theyreach puberry. Reaching puberty means becoming morewomanly, nhich is good, but becoming more rvomanlymeans gaining weight in'certain places, which-in theAmerican majoriry culture, at least-is not good. Be-

cause the physical ideal for American females is so thin,reaching an age where nature promotes rounder bodydevelopment makes it difficult for adolescent girls tofeel good about thernseh,es (Graber et al., 1994; Keel eta1., 1997; Rosenblum & Lenis, 1999). The focus on phys-

rca\ attractiveness as a solrrce of self-esteem is furtherpromoted by the fact that reaching adolescence also

rneans facing evaluations from others as a potential

romantic/sexual partner,and for girls especially,physical attractiveness isthe primary criterion forthis evaluation (Galam-bos, Almeida, & Pe-tersen, 1990; Hill &Lynch,1983).

It should be empha-sized that the researchthat has found a declinein girls' self-esteem inadolescence and a

gender difference in per-ceived physical appear-ance has been on \Ahiteadolescen ts. Evidence in-dicates that AfricanAmerican girls evaluatetheir physical appearancequite differently thanWhite girls do. In onestudy ofjunior high andhigh school str-rder-rts,

7 \Vo of tbe African Amer-ican girls were satisfiedwith their bodies, com-pared rvith just 10% ofthe \A4eite girls (Parker etal., 1995). Furthermore,a majority of the AfricanAmerican girls (64%)and very few of the \Mhiregirls agreed that "it is bet-ter to be somer,vhat over-weight than somewhatunderweight." This eth-nic difference inperceived physical ap-pearance helps explainwhy White Americansgirls tend to have lowerself-esteem rhan boys inadolescence, whereasin American minoritygroups the reverse is true(DuBois et al., 1996;Mendel,son et al., 2000).However, some evidencesuggests that Black and

CHAPTER 6 TheSelf 169

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17O cHAPTER 6 Theself

RESEARCH FOCUSHarte/s Self-PercePtion Profi le for Adolescents

The most widely used measure of selFimage in

adolescence is Susan Harter's (1988, 1999) Self-Per-

ception Profile fii Adolescents. The scale consists ofnine subscales of 5 items each, for a total of 45

items. Eight of the subscales assess specific domains

of self-image, and the ninth subscale assesses over-

all ("global") self-worth. The format of the scale is

to present tvvo statements about "teenagers"; the

adolescent then selects which of the statements

most applies to him or her, and then whether the

statement is "sort of true for me" or "really true forme." Examples of items from each subscale are

shown in Table 6.1.Notice that for some items, the response that

signifies high self-esteem comes first (before the

"ilUT"), *h"t""t for other items the high self-es-

teem response comes second (after the "BUT")'The reason for rhis variation is to avoid a

response bias, which is the tendency to choose

the same response for all items. lf the high self-es-

teem response comes first for all items, after a few

items an adolescent may start simply checking the

first box without reading the item closely. Altering

the arrangement of the items helps co avoid a re-

sponse bias.Reliabiliry and validity are two qualities sought in

any questionnaire. To establish rhe reliabilicy of the

subscales, Harcer calculated the internal consisten-

themselves according to skin color, with those having rel-

atively dark skin also having negaLive perceptions of their

attractiveness (Bond & Cash, 1992; Sahay & Piran, 1997) '

lnfl uences on Self-Esteem

What causes some adolescents to have high self-esteem

and other adolescents to have low self-esteem? Feeling

accepted and approved by others-especially parents

and peers-is the factor identified by theorists and re-

,.u..h.., as the most important (Harter, 1990b, 1999;

cy of each one. lnternal consistency is a number that

indicates the extent to which the different items in a

scale or subscale are answered in a similar way' Har-

ter's subscales showed high internal consistency'

which means thac adolescents who reported a posi-

tive self-perception on one item of a subscale also

tended to rePort a positive self-perception on the

other items ohthe subscale, and adolescents who re-

ported a negative self-perception on on.e item of a

subscale alsi tended to rePort a negative self-per-

ception on the other items.

What about the validity of the scale? One way

to establish validity is to see whether findings using

the measure are consistent with findings using

other methods. Research using the Harter scale

has found that girls rate themselves lower than

boys on physici aPPearance and global self-

*orth, bri highet than boys on close-friendships

(Harter, 198S, 1999). Because th€se findings are

ionrirt.nt with findings from other studies, the

findings aPPear to suPPort the validity of the Har-

t". ,."1". However, Harter's research has taken

place mostly on adolescents in the American mid-

dle class. The measure may not be as valid for ado-

lescents in other cultures, especially in Eastern

cultures such asJapan and China, in which it is so-

cially disapproved to evaluate yourself positively

(Shweder et al., 1998)'

Hoge, Smit, & Hanson, 1990; Robinson, 1995)' 41-

tho"ugh adolescents often spend less time with their

pur.io and have more conflict with them than they

ild p.io. to adolescence, adolescents' relationships

with parents remain highly important-to them (Allen

& f.and, 1999; Larson & Richards, 1994)' If parents

provide love and encouragement, adolescent selfles-

iee* i, enhanced; and if parents are denigrating or in-

different, adolescents respond with lorver self-esteem'

As peers become especially important in adolescence'

they gain considerable Power over self-esteem in ado-

CHAPTER 6 Theself 171

Scholastic Competence

some teenagers have trouble figuring out the answers in school BUT Other teenagers almosr always can f rgure out

the answers.

Social Acceptance

Some teenagers are popular with others their age BUT Other teenagers are no! very popular'

Athletic Competence

Some teenagers do not feel that chey are very athletic BUT Other teenagers feel that they are very athletic.

Physical Appearance

some leenagers think rhat rhey are good looking BUT other reenagers think that they are not very good looking.

ready to handle a Parl-time job.

Romantic Appeal

Some ceenagers feel thar other people their age will be romanrically atcracted to them BUT Other teenagers worry

about *hether people their age will be artracted to chem'

Behavioral Conduct

Some leenagers ofren get in trouble for rhe things they do BUT Ocher teenagers usually don't do things that get them

in trouble.

Close Friendship

some reenagers are able to make really close friends BUT orher reenagers find it hard to make really close friends.

Global Self-Worth

some teenagers are happy wirh themselves most of the time BUT other teenagers are often not haPPy with

themselves.

Sow'ce:l-.lartcr (1988)

Some teenagers feel rhat they are ready to do well at a parr-time job BUT Other teenagers feel that they are not quice

lescence compared with earlier ages (Harter, 1990b)'

Approval from adults outside the family, especially

teachers, contributes to self-esteem as well (Hill &Holmbeck, 1986).

School slrccess has also been found to be related to

self-esteem in adolescence (Bachman & O'Malley,

1986; Dr-rBois & Tevendale, 1999), especially for Asian

American adolescents (Szezulski, Martinez, & Reyes,

i994) . But which comes first? Do adolescents gain in

self-esteem when they do well in school, or does self-es-

teem directly influence adolescents' performance in

school? In the 1960s and ]970s, the predominant be-

lief in American education was that self-esteem is mor e

ofa cause ofschool success than a consequence.Numerous programs were instituted to try to enhance

students' self-esteem, by praising them and trying toteach them to praise themselves, in the hopes that this

would raise their school perforrrrance. Horvever, scholars

eventually concluded that these programs did not rvork(Harter, 1090b). More recent studies have shorvn that

school success tends to be a cause rather than a conse-

quence of self-esteem (DuBois & Tevendale, 1999; Liu,

Kaplan, & Risser, 19921 Roser-rberg. Schooler. & Schoen-

bach, 1989). In fact, adolescents r,r,ho have inflated self-

s51ssm-61-I2t is, they rate thetnselves more favorably

than parents, teachers, and peers rate them-tend to

have greater conduct probiems in the classroom, com-

pared with their peers (DuBois et al., 1998). The best way

to improve adolescents' school-related self-esteem is toteach therl knowledge artd skills that can be the basis ofreal achievements in the classroom (Bednar, Wells, & Pe-

terson, 1995).

THINI(ING CRITICALLY III

Americans generally consider it healthy to have high

self-esteem. ls it possible for self-esteem to be toohigh? lf so, how would you be able to tell when thatpoint is reached? ls it subjective, based simply on

each person's opinion, or could you define thatpoinc objectively?

Self-Esteem in Emerging Adulthood

Although self-esteem tends to decline from preadoles-

cence to adolescence, for most young people it rises

during emerging adulthood (Harter, 1999; O'Malley &Bachman, 1983; Roberts, Caspi, & Moffitt, 2001).Figure 6.2 shorvs this pattern. There are a number of

3.75 "*--'18 19/20 21/22 23/24

Age

FICURE 6,2 Self-esteem rises during emerging adulthood.Source: Monitoring the Future (2003).

reasons why self-esteem increases over this period. Phys-

ical appearance is important to adolescents' self-es-

teem, and by emerging adulthood young people have

passed through the ar,vkward changes of puberty and

may be more comfortable lvith how they look. Also,

feeling accepted and approved by parents contributes

to self-esteem, and from adolescence to emerging

adulthood relationships with parents generaliy improve

while conflict diminishes (Arnett, 2003a; O'Connor,

Allen, Bell, & Hauseq 1996)- Peers and friends are also

important to self-esteem, and entering emerging adult-

hood means leaving the social Pressure cooker of sec-

ondary school, where peer evaluatiotls are a part of

daily life and can be harsh (Gavin & Furman, 1989) '

Also, reaching emerging adulthood usttally means

having more control over the social contexts of everyday life, which makes it possible for emerging adults to

emphasize the contexts they prefer and avoid the con-

texts they find disagreeable, in a \{ay that adolescents

cannot. For example, young people who dislike school

and do poorly have little choice blrt to attend school in

adoiescence, where poor grades may repeatedly under-

mine their self-esteem. Hou'ever, in emerging adult-

hood they can leave school and instead engage in

full-time work that they may find more gratifying and

enjoyable, thus enhancing their self-esteem.

The Emotional SelfAmong the issues of the self that adolescents confrontis how to understand and manage their ertotions' One

of the most ancient and enduring observations of ado-

Iescence is that it is a time of heightened emotions'

Over 2,000 years ago, the Greek philosopher Aristotle

observed that youth "are heated by Nature as drr-rnken

men by wine." About 250 years ago, the French

philosopherJean-Jacques Rousseau made a similar ob-

servation: "As the roaring of the waves precedes the

tempest, so the mlrrmur of rising passions announces

the tumultuous change" of puberty and adolescence'

Around the same time that Rousseau r'vas rvriting, a

type of German iiterature -"vas developing that became

known as "Sturm und Drang" literattlre-German for"storm and stress." In these stories, young people in

their teens and early rwenties experienced extreme

emotions of angst, anguish, and romantic love' Today,

too, most American parents see adolescence as a dme

of heightened emotional fluctuations (Buchanan et

al., 1990; Buchanan & Holmbeck, 1998) '

What does contemporary research tell us about the

validity of these historical and popuiar ideas about ado-

!I

j

lescent emotionality? Probably the best source of data

on this question is the ESM studies (Csikszentmihalyi& Larson, 1984; Larson & Ham, 1993; Larson &Richards, 1994) in which people record their emotionsand experiences when tl-rey are "beeped" at randomtimes during the day. What makes the ESM method es-

pecially important for the questioll of adolescent emo-

tionality is that it assesses emotions at numerousspecific moments, rather than having adolescents

make an overall judgment of their emotional fluctua-tions. Furthermore, ESM studies have also been con-

ducted on preadolescents and adults. Thus, if we

compare the patterns of emotions reported by the dif-ferent groups, \,ve can get a good sense of whether ado-

lescents report more extremes of emotions thanpreadolescents or adults.

The results indicate that they do (Larson, Csikszent-

mihalyi, & Graef, 1980; Larson & Richards, 1994).

Adolescents report feeling "self-conscious" and "em-

barrassed" two to three times as often as their parentsand are also more likely to feel awkward, lonely, ner-vous, and ignored. Adolescents are also moodier whencompared to preadolescents. Comparing preadoles-

cent fifth graders to adolescent eighth graders, Larsonand Richards (1994) describe the emotional "fall fromgrace" that occurs during that time, as the proportionof time experienced as "very huppy" declines by 50%,

and similar declines take place in reports of feeling"great," "proud," ar-rd "in control." The result is an

CHAPTER6 TheSelf 173

overall "deflation of chiidhood happiness" (p. 85) as

childhood ends and adolescence begins. This is consis-tent with the decline in self-esteem described earlier.

Recent research indicates that brain developmentmay contribute to adolescents' emotionality (Giedd,2002). In one study comparing adolescents (ages

10-18) to emerging adults and young adults (ages

20-40), participants were shown pictures of faces de-picting strong emotions (Baird, Gruber, Cohen, Rer-r-

shaw, & Yureglun-Todd, 1999). \Arhen adolescentsprocessed the emotional information, brain activitywas especially high in the amygdala, a primitive part ofthe brain involved in emotions, and relatively low inthe frontal lobe, the part of the brain involved in high-er functions such as reasoning and planning; the re-verse was true for adults. This seemed to indicate rhatadolescents respond more u,ith the heart than thehead to emotional stimuli, whereas adults tend to re-spond in a more controlled and rational wa1,. $1s6i..also indicate that the hormonal changes of puberrymake some contribution to increased emotionality inearly adolescence (Buchanan et al., 1992).

However, most scholars see the emotional changesof adolescence as due to cognitive and environmentalfactors more than to neurological or biological changes(Buchanan et al., 1992). According to Larson andRichards (1994), adolescents' ner,r,ly developed capaci-ties for abstract reasoning "alior,v them to see beneaththe surface of situations and enr.ision hidden and moreIongJasting threats to their weli-being" (p. 861 Larsonand Richards (1994) also argue that experiencing mul-tiple life changes and personal transitions during earlyadolescence (such as the onset of puberry changingschools, and beginning to date) contributes to emo-tional volatility. Nevertheless, Larson and Richards(1994) emphasize that it is notjust that adolescents ex-perience potentially stressful events but how they expe-rience and interpret them that underlies theiremotional volatility. Even in response to the same orsimilar events, adolescents report more extreme andnegative moods than preadolescents or adults.

Recently, Larson and Richards reported the resultsfrom assessing their original sample of 5th- through 8thgraders 4 years later, in the 9th- through 12th grades(Larson et al., 2002). As Figure 6.3 shows, they foundthat the decline in positive emotional states continuedthrough 9th and 10th grades, and average emotionalstate reqlained lorv through i2th grade. Horvever, theolder adolescents were less volatile in their emotions,that is, the changes in their emotions from one time tothe next were less extreme. In another recent study, the

Adolescence is often a time of emotional volatiliry.

oG rroftc t.uoF

IIJ

.B

174

1.4

1.3

1.2

CHAPTER 6 TheSelf

_

-

Girlsr i:: :,i. r BOyS

__==_.1

B9Grade

FIGURE 6.3 Decline in average emotional state from grades

5 12.

Sorrrcc: Larson et al., (2002).

ESM n-rethod was used rvith adolescents and their par-ents in h-rdia (Verma & Larson, 1999). The results in-dicated that, in India as in the United States,

adolescents report more extremes of emotion thantheir parer-rts clo. So far, ESM studies have not been

condlrcted on emerging adults, but studies using

other methods indicate that a\rerage emotional state

rises from adolescence to emerging adulthood (Hel-son & Kr,van, 2000; Roberts, Caspi, & Moffitt, 2001;Roberts & Chapman, 2000).

Gender and the Emotional Self:Do Adolescent Girls Lose Their "Voice"?One of the most influential theorists on the self-devel-

opment of girls in adolescence is Carol Gilligan. InChapter 4, ive discr-rssed how Gilligan and her col-

leagues have proposed that adolescent girls and boys

tend to think differently about moral issues, with girlsemphasizing the importance of care and boys empha-sizing tl-re importance ofjustice. Gilligan and her col-

leagues have also argued that tl-rere are genderdifferences ir-r the self in adolescence. They claim thatearly adolescence is a crLlcial tttrning point in self-de-

velopment, in which boys learn to assert their opinionsrvhereas girls lose their "r,oice" and become reticentand insecure (Bror,r,n & Gilligan, 1992; Gilligan, Lyons,

& Har-rmer, 1990).

In Gilligan's view, girls and boys differ frorn early

childhood onward in their emotional resPonses to so-

cial relationships. She sees girls as ntore set-rsitive to the

nuances of human relationships from an early age,

more observant of the subtleties of social interactions,

and more interested in cultivating emotional intimacy

in their relationships rvith others. Girls have a "differ-

ent voice" than boys, not jtrst ir-r their views of rnoral is-

sues but in their vieWs of human relationships more

generaily.Early adolescence is cruciai because it is at this point

that girls becorne au,are of an irrecor-rcilable conflict in

the gender expectations that the American majoriry

culture has for females. On the one hand, girls per-

ceive that independence and assertiveness are valued

in their culture, atrd that people who are ambitious

and competitive are most likely to be rewarded in their

education ancl in their careers. On the other hand,

they perceive tl-rat their culture valtles females mainly

for their physical aPpearance and for feminine traits

such as nurturance and care for others, and rejects as

"selfish" females lvho shor,v the traits the culture re-

wards most, such as indeperidence and competitive-

ness. As a result, girls in early adoiescence tpicallysuccumb to the gender sociaiization of their culture

and become more insecure and tentative about their

abilities, more likely to mr.lte their voices in an effort [o

be socially accepteci. At the extreme, according to Gilli-

According to Carol Cilligan, girls risk losing confrdence in

themselves when they reach adolescence'

gan, the muting of girls' r'oices is reflected in an escala-

iion in such problems as depression and eating disor-

ders tvhen girls reach adolescence.In her vier,vs of adolescent girls' emotional develop-

ment, Gilligan's influence has been profound' Her

rvritings har,e received a r'r'ide audience, not just in the

social iciences but also among the general pubiic' A

clinical psychologist, Mary Pipher (1994), wrote a

book caliecl Rniuing Ophelia drawing heavily on Gilli-

gan's ideas about the emotional selves of adolescent

[irts, and it became a best-seller. One of the schools in

*t-rl.t-r Cittlgan has conducted her research, a private

girls' school in upstate New York, was so impressed by

Cllligur't findings that school authorities revised the

entire schooi curriculum in an effort to preserve girls'

voices in adolescence by emphasizing cooperation over

competition and making special efforts to encourage

girls to express themselves'However, here as in her research in moral develop-

ment, Gilligan has attracted nearly as many critics as

admirers. These critics have argued that Gilligan exag-

gerates the differences berween boys and girls in ado-

I-.r."rr.. (Greene & Maccoby, 1986; Sommers, 2000;

Tavris, 1992). For example, it is true that girls' self-es-

teem declines at adolescence, but boys' self-esteem de-

clines as well, althor-rgh not usually to the same extent

(e.g., DuBois et al., 1996). A related criticism pertains

to -Gilligur'r'.

research methods. As in her st.udies ofrnoral develoPment, her studies of gender differences

in the self in aclolescence have rarely included boys'

She stuclies girls and then makes assumplions about

how they differ from the patterns that might be found

among boys (e.g., Brown & Gilligan, 1992; Cilligan et

d., tSbO). Also, she qpically presents the results of her

research only in the forrrr of excerpts from the inter-

views she and her colleagues have conducted, and

commentaries on those excerpts. Critics find this ap-

proach r,veak methodologically and hard to judge for

reliability and validity (Sommers, 2000) '

Although Gilligan's research methods can be criticized for cerain flau's, other researchers have begun to

explore the issues she has raised using more rigorotts

methocls. In one study, Susan Harter and her col-

leagues examined Gilligan's idea of los-ing- one's voice

i,-r aclolescer-rce in a sttldy that included both males and

females (Harter et al., 1997; Harter, Waters, Whitesell'

& Kastelic, 1998). Harter and colleagues gave the ado-

lescents a questionnaire to measure the degree of their"voice" (expressing an opinion, disagreeing, etc') and

another questionnaire to measure the degree of their

self-reporied masculinity and femininiry' The results

CHAPTER 6 TheSelf 175

indicated some support for Gilligan's theory, in that es-

pecially "feminine" girls reported lower levels of"voice" than boys did. In contrast, androgynous girls-who reported having both masculine and femininetraits-were equal to boys in "voice." Howeveq Harter'sresearch does not support Gilligan's claim that "voice"

declines for most girls as they enter adolescence (Har-ter, 1999). Only the more "feminine" girls were lorver

than boys in "voice".

THINKINC CRITICALLY IIT

Based on your experience and observations, do you

agree or disagree with Cilligan's view that girls lose

their "voice" in adolescence? Do boys?

ldentityOne of the most distinctive features of adolescence is

that it is a time of thinking about rvho you are, rvhere

your life is going, what you believe in, and how your lifefits into the world around you. These are all issues ofidentity. It is the adolescent's nascent capaciry for self-

reflection that makes consideration of identity issues

possible. Adolescents are able to consider themselves inthe abstract, in the "third person," in a way thatyounger children cannot. During adolescence, ar-rd

continlring through emerging adr-rlthood, explorationsare made into various aspects of identiry culminatil'rg incommitments that set the foundation for adult life.

Adolescence and emerging adulthood are crucialperiods for identiry development, and for this reason

theorists and researchers have devoted a considerableamount of attention to this topic. In this section, we

will look first at Erikson's theory of the adolescentidentity crisis, then at the research that has been con-

ducted to explore Erikson's theory. After that, we willconsider the roles of gender and culture in adolescentidentity development, rvith a special focus on ethnicidentiry among minorities in American society'

Erikson's Theory

Erik Erikson ( 1902-1994) is one of the rrost inflr-rentialscholars in the history of the study of adolescent devel-

opment. Indeed, he has had a substantial influence on

the study of human development from infancy to old

age. Drawing on his diverse experience as a teacher,

psychoanalyst, ethnographer among Native Ameriians, and therapist of World War II veterans, he devel-

oped a comprehensive theory of human developrnent

176 CHAPTER 6 TheSelf

across the life span. Horvever, the primary focus ofErikson's work \ ias on adolescence, and adolescent de-

velopment is where he has had his greatest influence.In Erikson's theory of human development, each

period of life is characterized by a distinctive develop-mental issue or "crisis," as he described in his classic

book Childhood and Soclely (Erikson, 1950) . For each ofthese issues there is a healthy path of development andan unhealthy path. For example, infancy is viewed byErikson as a period of trust aersus mistrusl. The healthypath of infant development, in Erikson's theory, is es-

tablishing a secure sense of trust with at least one per-son who can be counted on to provide protection and

Ioving care. The alternative, the unhealthy path, is mis-

trust, which results from a failure to establish that se-

cure sense of trust.Each stage of life has a central issue of this kind, ac-

cording to Erikson (1950). In adolescence, the central

issue is identity versus identity confusion. The heaithy

path in adolescence involves establishing a clear and

definite sense of r,vho you are and how you fit into the

world around you. The unhealthy alternative is identi-

ty confusion, a failure to form a stable and secure iden-

tity. Identity formation involves sifting through the

range of life choices available in your culture, tryingout variolrs possibilities, and ultimately making com-

HISTORICAL FOCUSYouns Man Luther

Among Erik Erikson's many innovative contributionsto the field of human development were his studiesin psychohistory, the f(ychological analysis of im-portant historical figures. His most extensive worksof psychohistory were his analyses of the develop-ment of Mohandas l(. Candhi, the leader of the in-

dependence movement in lndia in the mid-20thcentury, and Martin Luther, the theologian andleader of the Protestant Reformation in the 16thcentury. His study of Luther is of particular interesr

for our purposes, because he focused on Luther'sdevelopment during adolescence and emergingadulthood. ln fact, the title of his book on Luther is

YoungMan Luther (1 958).According to Erikson, two events were especially

important in Luther's identity formation. The flrstevent took place in 1505, when Luther was 21. He

was about to begin studying law. Since his child-hood his father had decreed that he would becomea lawyer, and he was on the verge of fulfilling his fa-

ther's dream. However, shortly before the beginningof his flrst semester of law school, as he was travel-ing to che college where he was to be enrolled, he

was caught in a severe thunderstorm. A bolt of light-ning struck the ground close to where he was takingshelter from the storm and may even have thrownhim to the ground. ln his terror, he cried out to St.

Anne for protection and promised that he would be-

come a monk if he survived the storm. The stormabated, and a few days later Luther entered a

monastery in accordance with his promise to St.

Anne-without informing his father, who was en-

raged when he learned what Luther had done.

The second event took place 2 years later, when

Luther was 23. He was with his fellow monks in the

choir of the monastery, listening to a reading from

the Bible that described Jesus' cure of a man who

was possess ed by a demon (Mark 9:1 7). Suddenly,

Luther threw himself to the ground, raving and roar-

ing, "lt isn't me! lt isn't me!" This event is interpret-

.d by E.ikton (and others) as indicating the depth

of Luther's fear that he could never eradicate the

sense of moral and spiritual inadequacy that he felt,

no matter what he did, no matter how good a monk

he was. By shouting, "lt isn't me!" Luther "showed

himself possessed even as he tried most loudly todeny it" (Erikson, 1958, p. 23). Erikson and others

have seen this event as pivotal in Luther's identity

development and is the development of his new the-

ology. His sense that nothing he could do would be

good enough to mal<e him holy in rhe eyes of Cod

eventually led him to reject the Catholrc Church's

emphasis on doing good works to earn entry into

heaven, and to create a new religious doctrine based

on the idea that faith and faith alone was enough tomake a person worthy and saved before Cod.

Erikson's study of Luther illustrates several as-

pects of his theory of identity formation. First, Eril<-

son viewed identity formation as centering on an

identity crisis. More recent theorists and researchers

CHAPTER 6 TheSelf 177

tend to use the rcrm exPlordtion rather than cnsis to

describe che process of identiry formation' but Erik-

,on ut.a the rerm crisis deliberately' As he wrote in

YoungMan Luther'.

Only in ill healch does one realize the intricacy of

*. !oay; and only in a crisis, individual or his-

tori."t, does it become obvious what a sensitive

combination of interrelated factors the human

personal ity i s-a com bi nation-of capacities cre-

ated in the distant past and of opportunities di-

vined in the presenr; a combination of totally

unconscious preconditions developed in indi-

"iar"f g.o*th and of social conditions created

and rec"reated in the precarious interplay of gen-

erations. ln some young people' in some class-

"r, .a ,orn. periojs in history, this crisis will be

minimal; in other people, classes, and periods'

the crrsis will be clearly marked off as a critical

feriod, a kind of "second birth," aPt to be ag-

gravated either by widespread neuroticisms or'by p..r"riu. ideoiogical unrest' ",' Luther' so it

,a.ar, was a rather endangered young man'

beset with a syndrome of conflicts' (pp' 1a-15)

Thus, Erikson viewed Luther's youth' including

the two crisis evencs described above' as an extreme

example of the identiry crisis that all adolescents go

through in one form or another'

Sec"ond, Erikson's study of Luther shows his sen-

,i,iuny,o the crltu.al and historical context of iden-

rity development. Throughout the book, Erikson

emphasizes the match between Luther's unusual

personality and che historical and cultural circum-

stances in which he lived. Had Luther grown up in a

different time and place, he would have developed a

much different identity. ln analyzing Luther, Erikson

shows the importance in identity development ofthe person's looking inward and assessing his or her

individual abilities and inclinations, then lool<ing

outward to possibilities available in the social and

cultural .nrironrn"nt' Successful identity develop-

ment lies in reconciling one's abilities and desires

with the possibilities and opportunities offered in

the environment.Third, in describing Luther's development Erikson

shows ihat identity formation reaches a critical

point during the identity crisis, but it begins before

that time Jnd continues well after' ln explaining

Luther, Erikson describes not only his adolescence

and emerging adulthood but also his childhood'

particulari"y hls relationship with his. loving but dom-

in".ring faihe.. Also, Erikson describes how Luther's

identit/ continued to develop through his adult-

hood. The two key crises took place in his early

twenties, but it was not until his early thirties that he

broke away from the Catholic Church and estab-

lished a new religious denomination' ln the decades

that followed, hls identity developed further as he

married, had children, and continued to develop his

religious ideas.

mitments. The key areas in which identity is formed

; i";. (p..sor-,ui relationships)' work (occupation)'

una ia.oiogy (beliefs and values) (Erikson' 1968)' In

Erikson's #rr, u failure to establish commitments in

t't-r.r. u..u. by the end of adolescence reflects identity

confusion.Erikson did nor assert that adolescence is the only

time when ictentity issues arise and that once adoles-

..n.. i, over identity issues have been resolved' never

to return. Idendry issues exist early in life' from the

time children first realize they have an existence sepa-

rate from others, and continue far be1'ond adolescence

as adults continue to ask themselves questions about

who they are and how they fit into the u'orld around

them. Erikson observed, "A sense of identiry is tlever

gained nor maintained oflce and for all' " ' It is con-

s'tantly lost and regained" (1959, p' 118) '

Nevertheless, Erikson saw adolescence as the time

when identiry issues are most prominent and most cru-

cial to development. Furthermore, Erikson argued

that it is important to establish a clear identity in ado-

lescence as a basis for initial commitments in adult life

and as a ,foundation for later shges of development'

Erikson viewed this as true of all his stages-develop-

ing via the healthy path provides a stable foundation

foi the next stage of development, whereas developing

178 CHAPTER 6 TheSelf

Eril< Eril<son proposed that the central developmental issue ofadolescence is identity versus identity confusion.

via tl-ie ur-rhealthy path is problematic not only in thatstage btrt as a foLrndation for the stages to come.

How does an adolescer-rt develop a healthy identity?hr Erikson's vierv, iclentity formation is founded partlyin the identifications the adolescent has accr-rmula[ed

in chiiclhood (Erikson, 1968). Children iclentiJl withtheir pzrrents and olher loved ones as they grow up-that is, cl-rildrer-r love and admire then-r and want to be

like them. !\rhen adolescence colnes, people reflect ontheir identiflcations, rejecting some and embracingothers. The or-res that remain are integrated into theadolescent self, combined of course r,vitl-r the adoles-

cent's owrl individual characteristics. Thus, adolescents

create ;rn iclentity in part b), modeling themselves afterparents, friends, and otl-rers they have loved in child-hood, not simply imitatir-rg them br-rt integrating parts

of'tl-reir loved ones' behavior ancl attitudes into theirpersonality.

The other key process ti-rat contributes to identityfonnatiou, according to Erikson, is exploring various

possible life options. Erikson described adolescence as

often inch-rding a psychosocial moratorium, a periodrvhen adult responsibilities are postponed as youngpeople try on tarious possible selves. Thus, dating andfalling in love are part of identity formation, because

durins tl-iis process yoll gel a clearer sense of yourselfthrough intirnate interactions rvith other persons. Try-ing out various possible jobs-and, for college stu-

dents, various possible majors-is part of ider-rtity for-

mation, too, becattse tl'rese explorations give you lt

clearer sense of rvhat you are good at and rvhat you

truly enjoy. Erikson saw ideological exploration as part

of identity formation as n,ell. "Trying out" a set of reli-

gious or poiitical beliefs by learning about tl'rem and

participating in organizations centered on a Particularset of beliefs serves to clarify for adolescents who they

are and how they wish to live. In Elikson's view, t1're psy-

cl-rosocial moratoriLrm is not characteristic of all soci-

eties but only of those with individualistic values, inwhich individual choice is supported (Erikson, i968)'

Most young people in Westerr-r societies go throughthe explorations of the psychosocial morator^ir.rm and

then settle on more er-rduring choices in love, lvork,

and ideology as they er-rter adulthood. Horvever, some

young people fir'rd it difficult to sort out the possibili-

ties tliat life presents to them, and tl'iey remain in a

state of iclentity confusion after their peers Irave gone

on to establish a secure identity. For many of tl-rese ado-

lescents, according to Eriksor-r, tl-ris lr-ray be a result ofunsuccessful adaptation in previoi'rs stages of clevelop-

ment. Just as iclentity formation provides the founda-

tion for further development in adulthood,

development in childhood provides the basis lor devel-

opment in adolescence. If developmellt in any of the

earlier stages has been unusttall,v problematic, then

identity confusion rnay be the outcome of adolescent

development, For otl-rer adolescents, identity confu-

sion may be the resuit of an inability to 1'ranclle all the

choices available to them or an inability to decide

among tl-reln.At the extreme, according to Erikson, such adoles-

cents may develop a negative identity, "an iderrtitl'per-versely based on all those identifications and roles

which, at critical stages of developllent, had been pre-

sented to them as most tlndesirable or dangerous"

(Erikson, 1968, p. 174). Such adolescerits reject the

range of acceptable possibilities fot love, rt'ork, and ide-

ology offerecl by their socie$', and insteacl deliberately

embrace what their sociery considers r-uacceptable,

strange, contemptible, and offensive. Youth subcuitttres

such as skinheads and "metalheads" (fans of l'realy

metal music) are often formed by adolescents r'vho

share a negative identity (Arnett, 1996; Roe, 1992) '

Research on ldentity

(( f or me, l'm exploringwho I am-tryingto find outL

F *orc who I am, becartse l'm not really sure any

more. Because up till about seventh grade, I wasjust a kid l

was me and I never really thought about it' But now l've

thought about it a lot more and l'm startingto have to make

decisions about who I want to be."

-Corano, ace 13 (rl Bttt, 1998, e' 72)

Erikson was primarily a theoretical writer and a ther-

apist rather than a researcher, but his ideas have in-

spired a wealth of research over the past 30 years' One

of Erikson's most influential interpreters has been

James Marcia (1966, 1980, i989, 1993, 1994, 1999,

ZOOZ). Marcia constructed a measure called the Identi-

ty Status Intervier,v that classified adolescents into one

of four iclentiq, statuses: cliffusion, mlratorium, foreclo-

sure, or achieuement. This system of four categories has

also been r-rsed by scholars who have constructed ques-

tionnaires to investigate identity development in ado-

lescence rather than using Marcia's interview (e'g',

Adams, 1999; Benson, Harris, & Rogers, 1992; Grote-

vant & Adams, 1984). The interview provides rich qual-

itative data, but coding it is time consuming' The

qllestionnaire approach is quicker and easier, al-

t-hough it does not provide the richness of the qualita-

tive approach.As-shown in Table 6.2, each of these classifications

involves a different combination of exploration and

commitment. Erikson (1968) used the term identity

crisis to describe the process through which young

people construct their identity, but Marcia and other

.rr.or-rt scholars prefer the term exploration (Adams et

al., 1992; Grotevant, 1987; Marcia, 1994; Waterman,

1992). Cnsis, ir-r the vier'v of these scholars, implies that

the process inherently involves anguish and struggle,

wheieus exploration implies a more positive investiga-

tion of possibilities.Ideniity diffusion is a s[atus that combines no explo-

ration with no commitment. For adolescents in identi-

ty diffusion, no commitments have been made among

t'he choices avaiiable to them. Furthermore, no explo-

ration is taking place-the adolescent at this stage is

not seriously attempting' to sort through potential

choices and make enduring commitments' Any choic-

es made at tl'ris point are brief and transitory'

Yes No

Achievement Moratorium

Foreclosure Diffusion

cHAPTER 6 TheSelf 179

Identity moratorium involves exploration but nocommitment. This is a stage of actir,ely trying out different personal, occupational, and ideological possibil-ities. This classification is based on Erikson's (1968)

idea of the psychosocial moratorium. Different possibilities are being tried on, sifted through, some dis-

carded and some selected, in order for adolescents tobe able to determine which of the available possibili-ties are best suited to them.

Adolescents who are in the identity foreclosure clas-

sification have not experimented with a range of possi-

bilities but have nevertheless committed themseives to

certain choices-commitment, but no exploration.This is often dr,te to a strong influence on the part ofparents. Marcia and most other scholars tend to see ex-

ploration as a necessary part of forming a healthy iden-

tiry and therefore see foreclosure as an unhealthycourse of identiry development. Ti-ris is an issue u'e rvill

discuss further belor,v.

Finally, the classification that combines explorationand commitment is identity achievement. Identiryachievement is the classification for young people

who have made enduring personal, occupational, and

ideological choices. By definition, identity achieve-

ment is preceded by a period of identity moratoriumin which exploration takes place. If commitmerlt takes

place without exploration, it is considered identiryforeclosure rather than identiry achievement.

Two findings stand out from the many stuclies thathave been conducted using this four-category system

of identity development in adolescence. One is thatadolescents' identity statlrs tends to be related to

other aspects of their development (Berzonsky &Adams, 1999; Swanson, Spencer, & Petersen, 1998).

The identity achievement and moratorium statlrses

are notably related to a variety of favorable aspects ofdevelopment. Adolescents in these categories of iden-tity development are more likely than adolescents iuthe foreclosure or diffusion ca[egories to be self-di-

rected, cooperative, and good at problem solving.

However, adolescents ili the achievement category

are rated more favorably in some resPects than ado-

lescents in the rnoratorium category. As you might ex-

pect, moratorium adolescents are more likely thar-r

achievement adolescents to be indecisive and ttnsure

of their opinions.In contrast, adolescents in the diffusion and foreclo-

sure categories of identity development tend to l-rave

Iess favorable development in other areas as r'vell. Com-

pared with adolescents in the achievement or morato-

rium statuses, adolescents in the diffusion statlls are

Yes

No

Commitment

Exploration

180 CHAPTER 6 TheSelf

lower in self-esteem and self-control. Diffusion status is

also related to high anxietl" apathy' and disconnectedrelationsi-rips r,r,ith parents. Diffusion is considered tobe the least favorable of the identity statuses and is

viewed as predictive of later psychological problems(Berzonsky & Adams, 1999; Meeus, Iedema, Helsen, &Vollebergh, 1999).

The forecloslrre status'is lnore complex in its rela-

tion lo other aspects of development (Phinney, 2000).

Adolescents ir-r the foreclosure status tend to be higheron conformiry conventionality, and obedience to au-

thority than adolescents in the other statuses. These

are generally considered negative outcomes as mea-

sured by the values of Western majority cultures, be-

cause people rvith broad socialization values ofindependence and individualism view negatively any-

thing that reflec$ values of confonnity and obedience.Also, adolescents with the foreclosure status tend tohave especially strong attachments to their parents,

n,hich may lead them to accept their parents' values

and guidance withor-rt going through a period of ex-

ploration as adolescents r,r.ith the achievement statushave dor-re. Again, this is sometimes portrayed as nega-tive by M/estern psychologists who believe it is necessaryto go throlrgh a period of exploration in order todevelop a mature identiry but this view rests partly onvalues that favor individualism and independentthinking.

The other prominent finding in research on identi-ty formation is that it takes longer than scholars hadexpected to reach identity achievement, and in fact formost yolrns people this status is reached-if at all-inemerging adulthood rather than in adolescence. Stud-ies that harre compared adolescents from ages 12through 1B have found that although the proportionof adolescents in the foreclosure category decreaseswith age and the proportion of adolescents in the iden-tity achievement category increases with age, even bythe end of high school only about one-fourth of ado-lescents are classified as having reached identiryachievement (Christopherson, Jones, & Sales, 1988;van Hoof, 1999; Meeus et ai., 1999; Waterman, 1999).An example of this pattern, from an American study(Waterman,1999), is shorvn in Figure 6.4. Similar find-ings rvere reported in a study of 12- to 27-year-olds intl-re Netherlands (Meeus er al., 1999).

Studies of college students find that progress towardidentiry achievement also takes place during the col-Iege years, but mainly in the specific area of occupa-tional identity rather than for identiry more generally(Waterman, 1992). One study indicated that identiry

Ages

10-13

13-16

16- 18

17-19

19-21

Occupational Choice

FIGURE 6.4 Changes in identity status with age.

The Dumbers inclicare the percentzrge of people in each idenLitystatLrs c2ltego

ry at each age. A = Achievement, N4 - Nloratoriulr, F = Foreciosrtre.

D : Diffusiorr.

Solu-ce: \4/aterman, ( I999) .

achievement may come faster for emerging adults whodo not attend college (Munro & Adams, 1977), per-haps because the college environment tends to be aplace where young people's ideas about themselves are

challenged and they are encouraged to qlrestion previ-ously held ideas (Berzonsky & Adan-rs, 1999; Lytle,Bakken, & Romig, 1997). Some evidence also suggests

that females progress toward identity achievementsomewhat faster than males, especially in the personaldomain (Dyk & Adams, 1990). However, even for non-college emerging adults and even for females, the ma-jority have not reached identity achievement by age 21,

and few studies have extended beyond this age

(Kroger,1999).Several decades ago, Erikson observed that identiry

formation was taking longer and longer for young peo-ple in industrialized societies. He commented on the"prolonged adolescence" that \,vas becoming increas-ingly common in such societies and how this was lead-ing to a prolonged period of identity formation,"during which the young adult through free role ex-

perimentation may find a niche in some section of hissociety" (1968, p. 156). Considering the changes thathave taken place since he made this observation in the

100

I!'tt

iffii r----]

it

THINKINC CRITICALLY

1960s, including much higher ages of marriage and

parenthood ur-tJ lo'-tgtt education' Erikson's observa-

iion applies to far more younq people today than it did

tn",-r tCate , 2000). Indeecl, the conception of emers-

i"g "idrho.d as a distinct periocl of life is based to a

considerable extent on the fact that' over recent

clecades, the late teens and early t\'venties-have become

^ p.tl.a o[ "lree role experimentation" foran itrcreas-

iJg p.opo.,lon of young people (Arnett' 2000a)' The

.r-r-rrlur-r.! to full aaulttio-oa has become postPoned'

..-fr*a with earlier generations' as many emerging

aclults tue the years of their la[e teens and early twen-

ii., fo. explorations in love, lr'ork' and ideology'

CHAPTERS TheSelf 181

In Erikson's theory, this means that intimacy is often

a higher prioriry than identiry for females, whereas for

malls identity tends to come before intimacy (Gilligan'

1982; Lytle et al., 1997; Miller, 1991; Scheidel &

Marcia, 1985; Surrey, 1991)' According to Erikson'

intimacy versus isolation is the central issue of young

adulthood. Establishing intimacy means uniting your

newly formed identity with another person in an inti-

mate relationship' The alternative is isolation' charac-

terized by an inaUiliry to form an enduring intimate

relationship. Research on the relation befi'veen identity

and intimacy has often focused on gender differences'

with most siudies indicating that intimacy issues arise

earlier for females than for males, so that females often

accomplish intimacy before identity (Scheidel & Mar-

cla, 19'8S), or that developmental processes of identiry

formation and establishing intimacy are integrated for

females (Lytle et al., 1997; Miller, 1991; Surrey' 1991)'

whereas males tend to achieve identity before intimacy'

However, the findings are not entirely consistent' and

one study found that high school girls tended to be

t igfr". in identity and l'orver in intimacy than high

r.f,."f boys (Lacombe & Gay, 1998), so more research

is needed.In addition to the research on gender differences in

identity development, Erikson has been the subject of

theoreiical critiques for being biased toward male de-

velopment lMiller, 1976; Gilligan, 1982; Sorell & Mont-

go*..y, 2001). Erikson believed that to some extent:ur-turorrty is destiny," meaning that there- are sex differ-

ences in psychological development, including identity

development, that are based on biological sex differ-

.r,.., iE.ikron, 1950, 1968)' Specifically' he believed

that women's biology, represented by the "inner space"

of the Llterus and their capaciry for bearing children'

makes them oriented toward relationsl-rips with others'

whereas men's biology, represented by the penis'

makes them oriented toward independent' instrumen-

tal activity. Furthermore, because forming an identiry

means (in Erikson's theory) becoming separate and in-

dependent from otherp, the male model of develop-

*Jn, l. presented as the healthy standard for normal

development, from which females' simultaneous em-

phasis tn identity and intimacy is a iess desirable "devi-'atio.r" (Archer, 1992; Sorell & Montgomery' 2001)'

^

However, defenders of Erikson, and even many of

his feminist critics, arglre that in his descriptions of fe-

males as relational and males as active and instrumen-

iul h.',"as simply reflecting the social conditions of the

time he first developed his icleas, the mid-2Oth centllry

(Archer, 2002; Ikoger, 2002; Sorell & Montgomery'

trl

Cender and ldentiry

Some scholars irave argued that gender differences

existinidentiryformation(Gitligan'1982;Waterman'1992). The difierence appears to exist especially in-re-

lation to occupational exploration' That is' some evr

J.r.. ,,.rgg.sis that females are more rvilling than

,rui., ,o Zlr-trt.uit't tl-reir occupational exploration to

maintain tl'reir relationships (Archer' 1989; Cooper &

Grotevan[, 1987; Marcia, ig93; Patterson et al'' 1992)'

Fo. .rurrpl., females might be less willing than males

,; t^k" uduu,l,rg. of ar-'lducational or occupational

opportunity that rvould require them to.move a great

a'i*ur-r.., because that would mean leaving their par-

ents, their friends, perhaps their romantic partner'-

ih;; gender difference rvas especially strong in ear-

lier stud"ies of idenriry formation' More recent studies

have four-rd that gender differences in identity forma-

ii"r-t f't"r" diminished (Archer & Waterman ' 1994;La-

."*U" k. Gay, 1998)' Nevertheless' some gender

aiii"..r-,.", remain in the extent of young people's

o.lrp^,l""rl explorations (Archeq 1989;'|osselson'

igsa; ,\,{u..ia, tbg+; Patterson et al'' 1992)' Young

women tend to have more difficulty than young men

in successfully integrating their aspirations for love

r'vith their aspirations fol lr'ork' in part because of

sender double standards decreeing that in a roman-

:;';;;r,-,".,;ip, his occupational aspirations usuallv

take prioritY over hers'

Thinl< of one of the non-Western cultures that have

been featured in earlier chapters of this book' and

describe how the Process of identiry formation talces

place in that culture.

2001, 2002). Also, scholars agree that independenceand connectedness are often balanced differently inmales' and females' sense of identiry-i.e., more to-rvard independence for males, more toward connect-ness for females-not because of biological sexdifferences, as Erikson believed, but because of cultur-ally based differences in gender role socialization, be-ginning at birth and .continuing throughout life(Gilligan, 1982;Josselson, 1992; Sorell & Montgomery,2001, 2002). Erikson's theory remains at the heart oftheory and research on identity development, but it isbeing revised to reflect current scholarly views aboutti-re cultural and social (rather than biological) basis ofgender differences in identity.

Culture and ldentityErik Erikson's background was diverse-he was the sonof Danish parents, raised in Germany, and spent mostof his adult life in the United States-and he was acute-ly arvare of the relation between culture and identityformation. He spent time as an ethnographer amongthe Sioux and Yurok tribes of Native Americans, andhe devoted a chapter tn Childhood and Society (1950) toadolescent identity development in these tribes. Never-theless, most of the research inspired by Erikson'stheory has taken place among \dihite middle-class ado-lescents in the United States. \Arhat can we say aboutidentiry development among adolescents in othercultures?

One observation that can be made is that althoughErikson sought to gror-rnd his theory in historical andctrltural context (Erikson, 1950, 1968; Krogeq 2002),his discussion of identity development nevertheless as-

sumes an independent self that is allowed to make freecl-toices in love, rvork, and ideology. The focus of Erik-son's identiry theory is on how young people developan understanding of themselves as unique individuals.Hor,r,ever, as r,r,e have discussed, this conception of theself is distinctively Western and is historically recent(Bar-rmeister, 1987; Markus & Kitiyama, 1991; Shwederet al., 1998; Soreil & Montgomern 2001). In most cul-tures until recently, the self has been understood as in-terdependent, defined in relation to others, ratherthan as independent. Consequently, Erikson's asser-tions of the prominence of identity issues in adoles-cence may apply more to modern Western adolescentsthan to adolescents in other cultures. Certainly, morestudies are needed on identity development amongyourlg people in non-Western cultures.

A related cultural observation is that the psychoso-

cial moratorium, the period of exploration that Erik-son viewed as a standard part of identity formation, is

considerably more possible in some cultures than inothers (Arnett,2000a; Sorell & Montgomery 2001).Intoday's industrialized societies, there are few pressures

on young people to become economic contributors inchildhood or adolescence. Young people in these soci-

eties are generally allowed a long psychological mora-torium in adolescence and emerging adult}rood to tryout various possible life choices in love, work, and ide-

ology. However, the experience of adolescence is oftenmuch different in traditional cultttres. Explorations inlove are clearly limited or even nonexistent in cultureswhere dating is not allowed and marriages are eitherarranged by parents or strongly influenced by thern.Explorations in work are limited in cultures where the

economy is simple and offers only a limited range ofchoices.

Limitations on exploration in both love and rvorkare tighter for girls in traditional cultures than for boys

(Mensch et al., 1998). For love, some degree of sexual

experimentation is encouraged for adolescent boys inmost cultures, but for girls there is more variabilirywith some traditional cultures allowing sirls sexual ex-

perimentation and some punishing it severely (\{hiring et al., 1986). For work, in most traditional cuituresand for most of human history in every culture, ado-

lescent girls have been designated by their cultures forthe roles of wife and mother, and these were essentiallythe only roles open to them (Mensch et al., l99B).

In terms of ideology, too, a psychosocial moratoriumhas been the exception in human cultures rather thanthe standard. In most cultures, youltg people have

been expected to grow up to believe what adults teachthem to believe, without questioning it. It is or-rly in re-

cent history, and mainly ir-r industrialized Westerncountries, that these expectations have charrged, andthat it has come to be seen as desirable for adolescentsand emerging adults to think for themselves, decide ontheir own beliefs, and make their life choices indepen-dently (Bellah et al., 1985; Arnett, 1998a). For modernyoung people in the West, then, identity developmentis a longer and more complex process than in the past

and in comparision to traditional cultures. As rve willsee later in this chapteq this is increasingly trlte for therest of the world as well, as industrialization increases

worldwide and as Western values of inclividr-ralism influ-ence traditional cultlrres through globalization (Ar-nett, 2002a; Barber, 1995; Schlegel, 2000).

ldentity Development AmongEthnic Minorities

In discussing iclentity, we have noted that in Erikson's

theory the three key areas of identiry formation are

love, work, and ideology. For a large and growing pro-

portion of adolescents in American society, one aspect

of ideology is beliefs about u'hat it means to be a mem-

ber of an ethnic minority within a society dominatedby the White majority cttlture. Scholarly attention to

this topic has increased in recent years as the numberof people lvho are members of ethnic minorities inAmerican society has grown and as scholars have

begun to devote greater attention to cultural issues indevelopment (Phinney, 1990, 2000).

Like other identiry issues, issues of ethnic identitycofire to the forefront in adolescence because of the

cognitive capacities that adolescents develop (Portes,

Dunham, & Castillo, 2000; Wong, 1997). One aspect ofthe growing capacity for self-reflection, for adolescents

who are members of e thnic minorities, is likely to be a

sharpened awareness of what it means for them to be a

member of their mir-roriry group. Group terms such as

Afncan American, Chinese, and Lo,tino take on a new

meaning, as adolescents can now think about what

these terms mean and how the term for their ethnicgroup applies to themselves. Also, as a conseqlrence oftheir growing capacity to think about what others thinkabout them, adolescents become more acutely aware

CHAPTER 5 TheSelf 183

minority groups. In most Asian American groups, forexample, recreational dating is frorvned upon, and sex-

ual experimentation before marriage is considered dis-

graceful-especially for females (Miller, 1995; Talbani& Hasanali, 2000;Wong, 1997). Similarly, among Lati-nos, gaining sexual experience in adoiescence is con-sidered wrong for girls, and they are often highlyrestricted by their parents and by their brothers to pre-vent any violation of this norm (Inclan & Herron,1990). Young people from these ethnic groups face achallenge in reconciling the values of their ethnicgroup on such issues with the values of the majoriry cul-ture, to which they are inevitably exposed throughschool, the media, and peers (Markstrom-Adams, 1992;

Miller, 1995; Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992).How, then, does identity development proceed for

young people who are members of minority grotlpswithin Western societies? To r,vhat extent do they de-

velop an identity that reflects the values of the major-ity culture, and to u,hat extent do they retain thevalues of their minority group? One scholar who has

done extensive work bn these questions isJean Phin-ney (Kurtz, Cantu, & Phinney, 1996; Phinney, 1990,

2000; Phinney & Alipuria, 1987; Phinne;, & Devich-Navarro, 1997; Phinney & Rosenthal, 1992). On thebasis of her research, Phinney has concluded thatadolescents who are members of minority groltpshave four different ways of responding to their aware-

ness of their ethnicity (see Table 6.3; Pl-rinney, Devich-

High Low

Bicultural Assimilated

Separated Marginal

Examples:

Assimilation: "l don't really think of myself as Asian American, just as

American."Separation: "l am not part of two cultures. I am just Black."

Marginality: "When l'm with my lndian friends, I feel White, and when

l'm with myWhite friends, I feel lndian. I don't reallyfeel like I

belong with either of them."Biculturalism: "Being both Mexican and American means having the

best ofboth worlds. You have different strengths you can draw fromin different sicuatiorls."

of the prejudices and stereotyPes tl-rat oth-

ers may hold about their ethnic groLlp.

Because adolescents who are members

of ethnic minorities have to confront such

issues, their identity development is likelyto be more complex compared with ado-

lescents who are part of the majoriry cul-

ture (Phinney, 2000; Phinney & Alipuria,1987). Consider, for example, identity de-

velopment in the area of love. Love-along with dating and sex-is an area

where cultural conflics are especially like-

ly to come up for adolescents who are

members of ethnic minorities' Part ofidentity development in the American ma-

jority culture means trying out differentpossibilities in love by dating differentpeople, developing intimate relatior-rships

with them, and gaining sexual experience'Horveveq this model is in sharp conflictwith the values of certain American ethnic

ldentification With Majority Culture

High

Low

ldentification With Ethnic Croup

Source: Bzrsecl on Phinney & Devich-Navarro (1997)

'184 CHAPTER6 TheSelf

Adolescents with a bicultural ethnic identity are able to alternate their identities de-

pending on the grouP they are with.

common ethnic identitY stat'us

among African American adoles-

cents, and marginaiity is pervasive

among Native American adoles-

cents (see the Cultural Focus

box). Of course, each ethnic

gror-rp is diverse and contains ado-

lescents rvith a variety of differentethnic idenritY statuses.

Does one aPProach to etl.rnic

identiry fonr-ration tend to be

healthier or more favorable than

tl-re others? The ansrver to this

question is complex. Ethr-ric identi-

ty status has been found to be r-tn-

related to characteristics such as

social competence ancl grades in

school (Rotheram-Borus, 1990),

but some recent studies have

founcl that adolescents \'vho are bi-

cultr-rral or assirnilated have }righer

self-esteem (e.g., Farver, Biradha,

Navarro et al., 1994). Assimilation is the option that

involves leaving behind the rvays of one's elhnic

group and aclopting the values and way of life of the

majority culture. Tl-ris is tire path that is reflected in

tl-re idea that American society is a "melting pot" that

blends people of cliverse origins into one national

culture. Marginality invoh'es rejecting one's culture

of origin but also feeling rejected by the rnajority cul-

ture. Some adolescents feel iittle identification with

the culture of their parents and grar-rdparents, nor do

they feel accepted and integrated into American soci-

ety. Separation is tl-ie approach that involves associat-

ing only r,r,ith members of one's own ethnic group and

rejecting the lvays of t1-re majority culture' Bicultura-

lism invoives developing a dual identity, one based in

the ethnic groLtp of origin and one based in the ma-

jority cr-rlture. Being biculttlral usually meatls moving

Lack and fortl-r betrveen the ethnic culture and the

majority cuitr-rre, and alternating identities as appro-

priate to the situation.\M1ich of these ethnic identity statLlses is most com-

mon among minority adolescents? The bicr.iltural sta-

tr-rs is the most commol-r statlrs among Mexican

Americar-rs and Asian Americans, as well as among

some Ellropean minoriry groups such as Turkish

adolescents in the Netherlands (Neto, 2002; Rother-

am-Borus, 1990; Phinney, Dupont, et al', 1994;

Verkuyten, 2OO2). Hor'r'ever, separation is the most

& Narang, 2002). Some scholars have argued tl'iat' for

Black aclllescents in particular, cultivating pride in

their ethnic iclendry is ar-r important part of their iden-

tity formation, especiaily in a society r'vhere tl-rey are

Iikely to experience discrimination for being Black

(Spencer 8c Markstrom-Adams, 1990; Ward' 1990)'

Ho*"r.r, other scholars have argrled that promoting

etl-rnic identity may lead adolescet-rts to a separation

identity that cuts them off fron-r t1-re majority culture in

u *uy ihu, inhibits thelr personal growth (Pl-rinr-rey &

Rosenthai, 1992)' These scholars express concerr-i that

some minority aclolescents may come to define them-

selves in opposition to the majority culture-develop-

lr.g u .r.guiire idendrl', in Erikson's (1968) terms-rn a

wo:y that"-ay interfere r'vith developing a positive iden-

dry of their olvn.The separation response is, at least in part' a result

of the discrimination ancl prejudice that mir-rorities

often face in American society, and that young people

become more fully arvare of as they reach adolescence'

Their awareness of discrirnination may also increase

with the lengtl-r of time their family has been in the

United States. An interesting findir-rg in this research is

that foreign-born aclolescenm tend to believe in t1-re

Americanldeal of equal opportunity more than minor-

ity adolescents lvhosl families have been in the United

Siates for a generation or more (Pl-rinney' DuPont et

al., 1994; Suarez-Orosco & Suarez-Orozco' 1996)' This

srlggests that recent immigrants may have high hopes

for becoming assimiiated into the great American

melting pot, but after a generation or tlvo many ofthem come r-rp against the realities of ethnic prejudice

in American society. Black adolescents tend to be more

in favor of separation than adolescents from other eth-

nic groups (Phinney, Devich-Navarro et al., 1994), per-

haps because most of them are from families who have

beer-r in the United States for many generations and

who irave experienced a long history of slavery, racism,

and discrimination (Hemmings, 1998).

!dentity and Clobalization

Globalization is having a substantial impact on identity

issr-res, especially for adolescents and emerging aduls'

There are fr^Io aspects of identiry that stand out as issues

related to globalization (Arnett, 2002a). First, as a con-

seqLlence of globalization many young people around

tl-re worlcl nolv develop a bictlltural idendry not as a

form of ethnic identiry as described above but in rela-

tion to the global culture. That is, they have one part oftheir identity rooted in their local culture while another

part stems from an awareness of their rela[ion to the

global cr-rlture. For example, India has a grolving, vigor-

ous high-tech economic sector, Ied largely by young peo-

p1e. Horveveq even the better-educated young people,

lvho have become ftrll-fledged members of the global

economy, still mostiy prefer to have an arranged mar-

riage, in accordance l'r'ith Indian tradition (Verma &

Sarasr,r,athi, 2002). They also generally expect to care fortheir parens in old age, again in accord with Inrliar-r tra-

dition. Thus they harre one identity for participating in

the global ecor-tomy and succeeding in the fast-paced

u,orlil of high technology, and another identity, rooted

in Inclian tradition, that they maintain with respect to

their families and their personal lives.

Although d.eveloping a bicultural identity means that

a local identity is retained alongside a global ider-rtiry

there is no doubt that many cultures are being modified

by globalization, specifically by the introduction of glob-

al media, free market economics, democratic institu-

tions, increased length of formal schooling, and delayed

entry into marriage and parenthood. These changes

often alter traditiot-ral ctlltural practices and beliefs, and

n.ray lead less to a bicultural identity than to a hybrid

identity, integrating local cr-rlture with elements of the

global culture (Hermans & Kempen, 1998)'

Increasing imrnigration has been specified as one ofthe forces promoting globalization (Hermans & Kem-

CHAPTER5 TheSelf 185

pen, 1998), and identities become even more compii-cated for young people r,r,ho are immigrants. They may

develop identities that combine their native cuiture,the local culture to rvhich they have immigrated, andthe global culture, along rvith various hybrids, leadingto a multicultural identity or a complex hybrid identity.Fr:rthermore, people living in a culture to which immi-grants have come may incorporate aspects of the immi-grants' culture into their own identities. Thus for an

increasing number of the u,orid's yolrng people, as

Hermans & Kempen (1998) observe, "Different andcontrasting cultures can be part of a repertoire of col-lective voices playing their part in a multivoiced self'(p.1118).

A second identity-related consequence of global-ization is that it seems to be ieading to an increase inthe pervasiveness of identity confusion-a marginal-ized identity, in terms of Phinney's scheme-amongyoung people in traditional cultures. As local cultureschange in response to globalization, most young peo-ple manage to adapt to the changes and develoP a bi-cultural or hybrid identity that provides the basis forliving in their local culture and also participating inthe global culture. Howet,er, for some young people,adapting to the rapid changes taking place ir-r theircultures is more difficult. The images, values, and op-portunities they perceive as being part of the globalculture undermine their belief in the valtle of locaicultural practices. At the same time, the ways of theglobal culture seem out of reach to them, too foreignto everything they kr-row from their direct experietrce.Rather than becoming bicultural, they may experi-ence themselves as rnarginalized, excluded from boththeir local culture and the global cttlture, truly be-

longing to neither.Identity confusion amollg young people may be re-

flected in problems such as depression, suicide, andsubstance use. A rrariety of cultures have experienceda sharp increase in suicide and substance use amongtheir young people since their rapid move towardjoining the global culttrre (e.g., Burbank, 19BB; Con-don, 1987; Leichty, 1995; Rubinstein, 1995). The in-crease in these problems seems to indicate thedifficulty that some young people in traditional cul-tlrres experience in forming a stable identity in thecontext of the rapid social changes caused by global-ization. However, whether this means that yor"rng peo-

ple in traditional cultures are more likely than youngpeople in the West to experience identity confusionremains to be studied.

186 CHAPTER 6 TheSelf

::

N at:i ve A rn eri c a n ;zo u n g p-Co.p tq'ex:hjb. it'$reate r d i G

f rculries in many respecls than any other Americannrinority group. They Trave the highest prevalence

rates for use of alcohol, cigarettes, and illicit drugs

(Barrera, Biglan, & Ary, 2001; May, 1996). Theyhave the highest school dr:opout rate'and the high-est teenage pregnancy rate (John, 1 998; Lafram-boise & Low, 1989). Especially alarming is the

suicide rate among Native American young peopleaged 15 to 24, which is three times as high as the

rate for Whites (lohn, 1998). Suicide is the leadingcause of death among young Native Americans. Na-tive Canadians are similar to Native Americans intheir levels of su bstance use, dropping out ofschool, teenage pregnancy, and suicide (Calambos& Kolaric, 1994).

To a large extent, the difflculties of Native Ameri-can young people are viewed by scholars as rootedin problems of the self (Katz, 1995; Lefley, 1976).The self-esteem of Native American adolescents

tends to be substantially lower than in other ethnicgroups (Dinges, Trimble, & Hollenbeck, 1979;Dodd, Nelson, & Hofland, 1994; Liu et al., 1994)-

Young Native Americans have also been found tohave problems forming an identity in adolescenceand emerging adulthood, as they attemPt to recon-

cile the socialization of their Native American cul-tures with the influences and demands of the

dominant White majority culture (Dodd et al.,1994 lefley, 1976; Liu et al., 1994).

The explanation for problems of the self amongyoung Native Americans is partly historical and

partly contemporary. ln historical terms, during the19th century Native American cultures were deci-

mated and finally overcome by the spread of Euro-

t;;nh*..i;ai iettlement into the vast areas of the

ijnited Staies that Native Americans once dominat-qd. The d:€vastation of their cultures was deep and

thorough, as they were betrayed repeatedly by the

U.S. go"vernment; killed in large numbers, forced to

leave their homelands, and ultimately herded ontoreservations in the most desolate parts of the coun-

try. This alone would be enough to explain substan-

tial disruption to their cultural life in the Present,with consequent effects on the socialization and de-

velopment of their young PeoPle.ln rhe 20th century, additional Practices of the

federal government added to and prolonged the

cultural destruction suffered by Native Americans'

For most of the century, Native American childrenwere forced to attend schools ru n not by the

adults of their community bur by the Bureau of ln-

dian Affairs (BlA), a federal agency. The goal ofthese schools was complete assimilation of Native

American children and adolescents into the ways

of the majority culture-and, correspondingly, the

annihilatitn of their attachment to their own cul-

cure's beliefs, values, knowledge, and customs

(Unger, 1977). Often, these schools were board-

ing schools where the children lived during the

school year, completely isolated from their fami-

lies and communities.Civen these conditions, and given that construct-

ing the self requires a cultural foundation (Shweder

et;|., 1998), many Native American young people

found it difficult to construct a stable and coherent

self. These educational Practices finally changed in

the 'l 970s, when federal legislation was passed giv-

ing Native Americans substantial control over their

schools (John, i 998). Still, like the effects of losing

The Self, AloneOne of the reasons that adolescents are able to engage

in the frequent self-reflection that allows them to con-

sider their self-conceptions, self-esteem, emotionalstates, and identiry is that they are often by themselves.Studies of time Lrse among American adolescents indi-

cate that they spend abou[ one-four:th of thelr tin're

alone, which is more time than they spend with either

their families or their friends (Larson, Csikszentmiha-

Iyi, & Graef, 1982; Larson & Richards, 1994)'

The ESM studies provide some interesting clata on

adolescents' experiences of being alor-re (Larson et

al., 1982; Larson & Richards, 1994). These stlldies

hnd that a substantial proportion of adolescents' time

alone is spent in their bedrooms, with the door

closed. Is this a lonely time for thern? The answer to

this question is not simple. During their time alone

their moods tend to be low-they are more likely

than at other times to report feeling weak, lonely, and

sad. However, after a period alone their mood tends

CHAPTER 6 TheSelf 187

to rise. Larson and Richards (1994) conclude thatadolescents use their time alone for self-reflectionand mood management. They listen to music, they lieon their beds, they groom themselves in the mirror,they brood, they fantasize. When their time alone is

done, they tend to feel restored, ready to face the

slings and arrows of daily life again.

The self-development of young Native Americans is often

fraughr with diffi culties.

their lands and being forced to enter reservations a

century ago, the damage from the cultural annihila-

tion practices of rhe schools have endured in Native

American culcures.ln the present, threats to the selves of Native

American young people remain from the historical

legacy of culrural destruction and from the bleak

.onditions that face them as they look ahead to

adulthood. The legacy of cultural destruction makes

ir difficult for them to form a biculrural identity; Na-

to a'betra;ral of their. own. people in the 'light of their#.iingtth"l hive endurred atthe handrlf whir",(Deyhle, 1995). At the same time, government Prac-tices undermining Nacive ,American cultural social-ization over the 20th century have been effecrive, so

that many young people no longer share their cul-ture's traditional beliefs or know much about theirculture's traditional way of life. As Deyhle (1998)observes, "On the one hand, due to the racism

against [Native Americans] in the Anglo communiryand youth's insistence on cultural integriry, theAnglo world is not available to them. On the otherhand, the traditional lives of their ancestors no

longer exist" (p. 6).Thus, many young Native Americans find them-

selves with a marginal ethnic identity status, alien-ated from the majority culture as well as from theirown culture, living between two worlds and athome in neither. Conditions in their communitiesare grim-rates of poverty and unemploymentamong Native Americans are excePtionally high(lohn, 1998)-but the predominantly White major-iry culture does not accept them and is not accept-ed by them. Their high rates of substance use,

dropping out of school, teenage pregnancy, and

suicide reflect their difficulties in constructing a

self under these conditions. Although some recenthopeful signs have been seen-for example, in ris-

ing rates of college enrollment-overall the

prospects facing young Native Americans remain

formidably bleak.

188 CHAPTER 6 TheSelf

Adolescents spend more time by themselves than wich family orlriends.

Larson and Richards (1994) provide a revealing ex-

ample of one adolescent girl's experience of beingalone. She n as alone about one-fourth of the times she

rt,as beepecl, the qpical rate. Often, she reported feel-ing lonely durir-rg her times a1one. She brooded overher looks, sl-ie br-ooded or,er holv all the girls exceptf ierself seemed to harre boyfrier-rds. Yet, she reported, "Ilike to be b1,m1,self. I don't have to be rvorried or ag-

gravated by -y parents. I fiave rroticed tirat when I'malone I feel better sometimes." Then sl-re added, ir-r

large print, ".tNO1- AL\4/AYS!, " reflecting her ambiva-lence (Larson & Richards, 1994, p. 102).

Being alone can be constructi\re, then, as loug as anadolescent does not ha\re too much of it. Studies have

found that aclolescents nho spend an unusually l-rigl-r

proportion of their time alone tend to have l'righer

rates of school problems, depression, and other ps1'

chological difficulties (Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1986;

Larson & Richards, 1994). Holr'et'er, the same studies

have found that adolescents who are rarely alotle also

have higher rales of school problems and depression.

Time alone can be healthy for adolescerits becatise, as

Larson and Richards (1994) observe, "After a long day

in rvhich their emotions aite played upon b1' peers,

teachers, ar-rd farnily metrrbers, a ltteasttred periocl oftime by themselves, to reflect, reglollp, and explore,may be just r,vhat they neecl" (p. 103).

Just as being alone does not necessarily mear-r beir-ig

ionely, a person can be lonely evet-i 'tl'hen amor-rg oth-

ers. Robert Weiss (1973) has macle an important and

ir-rfluential distinction benveen hvo tyPes of loneliness,

social loneliness and emotional lonelir-ress. Social lone-

liness occurs rvhen people feei tl-rat they lack a suffi-

cient nttrnber of social contacts and relatior-rsl-iips. L-r

contrast, emotional loneliness occlrrs r'r'hen people feel

that the relationships they I'rave lack sttfficient close-

ness and intimacy. Tl-itts, social loneliness reflects a

deficit in sheer quantiq) of social contacts ar-id relatiori-

sl-rips, whereas emotional lonelir-iess reflects a cleficit il-i

the emotional qualitl of a person's relationships(Adams et al., 1988; Asher et al., 1990; DiTornrnaso &

Spiliner, 1997; Larson, 1990). Young people may expe-

rience either or: both of these types of loneiiness ir-r

their teerrs and car)1 t\rentics.Emerging adu1tl'rood is a period r't'hen time alorle is

especially high. Accordirtg to tinre rLse stuclies across

the life span, yolrng people aged 19 [o 99 spend rnot:e

of their leisure time alot-re than any persons except

The flrst year of college is a crme of emotional loneliness for many emerging adults

the elderly, and more of their time in productive ac-

tivities (school and work) alone than any other age

group under 40 (Larson, 1990). Emerging adults have

also been for-rnd to report greater feelings of loneli-ness than either adolescents or adults (Rokach, 2000),and there are good reasons that these years would be

Ionelier. Most emerging adults move out of the home

by age 18 or 19 (Goldscheider & Goldscheider, 1999)

to go to college or just to live independently' Thismove may have many advantages, such as givingemerging adults more independence and requiringthem to take on more responsibility for their dailylives, but it also means that they are no longerwrapped in the relative security of the family environ-ment. They may be glad to be on their own in many

ways, but nevertheless they may find themselves to be

lonely more often than when they lived at home (DiT-

ommaso & Spinner, 1997). Most young people in the

United States and other industrialized societies do

no[ enter marriage-and the emotional support and

companionship that usr-rally go along with it-untiltheir mid- to late trventies (Arnett, 1998a). For many

young people, emerging adulthood is a period be-

CHAPTER 6 TheSelf 189

tween the companionship of living with family andthe companionship of marriage or some other long-term partnership (Arnett, 2000a).

The college environment is one in which emergingadults rarely experience social loneliness, but emo-tional Ioneliness is common (Wiseman, 1995). Thefirst year of college has been found to be an especial-ly lonely period for many young people (Cutrona,1982; Larose & Boivin, 1998), even though they aremeeting many new people. A college freshman livingin a dormitory may have people around virtuallyevery moment of the day-while sleeping, eating.studying, working, and going to class-but still feelIonely if those social contacts are not emotionally re-warding or significant.

THINI(ING CRITICALLY TII

Compared with young people in Western cultures,do you think young people in traditional cultureswould be more or less likely to experience loneliness?

I Surun,tlNc UPJ .,", "

i--*,wei*EF*e

IIn this chapter we have addressed a variety of aspects of self-esteem that are most inflLrential in adolescents'

the self in adolescence and emerging adulthood, in- overall self-esteem are physical appearance and so-

clucling self,conceptions, seif-esteem, the emotional cialacceptance.

self, identity, and being alone. The main points of the o The ESM studies show that adolescents tend to ex-

chapter are as foilorvs: perience more extremes of emotions, especiallynegative ones such as feeling embarrassed or awk-

. Self-conceptions become more abstract in adoles- ward, compared with preadolescents or adults'

cence. This includes the development of the capac- Carol Gilligan has argued that gender differences

ity to distinguish berween an actual self, an ideal exist in emotional self-development dlrring acioles-

self, and a feared,self. Self-conceptions in adoles- cence, as girls "lQse their voice" in the course ofcence also .become more complex, with an in- conforming to cultural pressures for the female

creased awareness that different aspects of the self role, rather than asserting their authentic selves.

might be shown to different people in different sit- o According to Erik Erikson, the key issue in adoles-

uations. This includes an awareness that one may cent development is identity versus identity confu-

show a false self to others at times. sion, and the three principal areas of identityo Research ir-rdicates that self-esteem tends to decline formation are love, u,ork, and ideology. For adoles-

in early adolescence and rise in late adolescence cents in Western societies, idendry formation usuaily

and emerging adulthood. Self-esteem is more likely irivolves a psychosocial moratorium, that is, a period

to decline for girls than for boys. The aspects of of exploration of various life possibilities'

190 CHAPTER 6 TheSelf

Adolescents who are members of ethnic minoritiesface the challenge of developing an ethnic identiryin addition to an identiry in the areas of love, work,and ideology. Four possible alternatives of ethnicidentity formation are assimilation, marginality,separation, and biculturalism.Clobalization is influencing identity issues in ado-lescence and emerging adulthood. Specifically, it isIeading to the development of more bicultural andhybrid identities that combine elements of theIocal culture with elements of the global culture,and it appears to be leading to greater identity con-fusion among young people in some traditionalcultures.The ESM studies find that adolescents are aloneabout one-fourth of the time. Although theirmoods tend to be low during these times, they often

use these times for reflection and regeneration.Emotional loneliness tends to be high among col-

lege freshmen.

Studies of the self in adolescence and emergingadulthood are difficult to find outside of American so-

ciery. Because of the Arrrerican. tradition of individual-ism, issues of the self have been of more interest and

concern to Americans than to people in other soci-

eties, and this is reflected in the interests of Americanscholars. The distinction between the independent selfthat is emphasized in American society (and to a lesser

extent in other Western cultures) and the interdepen-dent self that is emphasized in non-Western societies is

an important one, but so far this idea has not been ap-

plied much to research on adolescence and emergingadr-rlthood.

I Krv Trntas..-,t*.-..,. -..

Iself-reflectionactual selfpossible selves

ideal selffeared selffalse selfself-esteemself-imageself-concept

self-perceptionbaseline self-esteembarometric self-esteemresponse biasinternal consistencyidentityidentity versus identity

confusionpsychohiscory

identificationspsychosocial moratori um

negative identityexplorationidentity crisisidentity diffusionidentity moratoriumidentity foreclosureidentity achievement

intimacy versus isolationassimilationmarginalityseParationb icu ltu ralismhybrid identitysocial loneliness

emotional loneliness

I Fon FunrnEn RrnorNc*t*,*I

Erikson, E. (1968). Identity: Youth and cnszs. NewYork:Norton. Erikson's classic book on the developmentof identity during adolescence and emergingadulthood.

Gilligan, C. (1982) . In a different aoice: Psychological theo-

ry and uomen\ deoelopment. Cambridge, MA: Har-vard University Press. Gilligan's best-known book.Provides a good critique of male-oriented develop-mental research as urell as a good example of howCilligan presents her work.

Livesley, W.J., & Bromley, D. B. (1973) . Prrsonperception

in childhood and adolescencz. New York: Wiley. Thisbook on conceptions of self and others is loadedwith vivid qualitative examples.

Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture andthe self: Implications for cognition, emotion, andmo tivation. P sy c ho lo gic al Retiew, 9 8, 224-25 3. P r e-

sents the authors' now widely used culturaldistinction between independent and interde-pendent selves.

CHAPTER 6 TheSelf 191

l Appt-vlxtc RgsrnRcn-t***-.

F5E**.3j.**3*!r"*@irs"-sl

ISeligman, M. E. p. ( 1gg3). Wat you can change and what informed and witry Seligman's book can be help-

"you can,t: The complete guid,e to successful self-im.proae- ful to people struggling with issues of the self at

ment. New York: Fawcett. This book was written by many periods of life, including adolescence and

Marrin Seligman, a prominent researcher on de- emerging adulthood.

pression, so it is not the usual selihelp book. Weli-