RAMONLULLBY THE SAME AUTHORTRANSLATIONSFROMTHECATA..UNOF RAM6N LULL, WITHINTRODUCTORY ESSAYS.EACH, 35. 6d.THEBOOK OF TalCLoVERANDmEBELOVED.THEARTOFCONTEMPLATION.THETro!:EOJ! LoVE.STUDIES OF THE S:PANISHMYSTIcs. VOL. I. IBs.LONDON: S.P.C.K.ABIOGRAPHYBYE. ALLISON PEERS, M.A.SOMl!:TIMESCHOLAR OF CHRIST'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGEGILMOURPROFESSOROF SPANISHIN nIEUNIVERSITYOF LIVERPOOLcoRRESPONDING MEMBEROF THEHISPANICSOCIETY OF AMERICALONDONSOCIETY FOR PROMOTINGCHRISTIANKNOWLEDGENEWYORKANDTORONTO: THEMACMILLANco.pRINTED IN GREAT BRITAINTOTHEPEOPLEOFTHEISLANDOFMALLORCA-soOFTENAND SOWILLINGLY MYHOSTS-INWHOSECOURTESY, GENEROSITYANDSIMPLICITYLIVES THESPIRITOF THEBEAT RAMONLa patria es gran, es bella: te gorcbs, y fondalades,Yoliverars, y pobles, y temples, y;Y que s'abeurendel cel enles bolrades,Com de la lIet materna, al9flntse assedegades,Les boques dels vadells.Te murs de roques fondes hont brama la riera;La espiga d'or s'engronsafins als pinars reulls;Els taronj ers verdegen, se vinela la palmera ;La mar damunt la platja s'adorm,0 escup brumeraEntre gegants esculls.JOAN ALCOVER.PREFACENo serious, full-length biography of the Mallorcanmartyr, Ramon Lull, has been published in any languagesince Pasqual's great work a?peared in the eighteenth cen-tury. Such abook the eminent LullistMateuObradorhad planned to write, and might indeed have written, hadnot death cut short his career. Inthe manuscript notesofhis preface, which, withaskeletonof theprojectedbiography, heleft amonghis papers,! hedescribes hispredecessors as "ingeneral more inclinedto patrioticand devout panegyricthan to the studyand collationof authenticsources anddocuments." Thatisperhapstrueenough, not only of biographers up to Obrador'sowntime, but also of one or two whohave writtensince.The chieffault, however, of such works as Lull's country-men have produced during the present century is rathertheir brevity. Mn. Galmeshas writtena most carefullycompiled little handbook-yet it can be read inanhour.Mn. Riber hasgiven us abiography which supplementsit admirably, butagainisa mere essay. The Catalansuccessor of the industrious Cistercian is still awaited, andthe harvest which he has to reap is the rich one of a hundredand fifty years'progress. .Myprimaryobject inattemptinga biography, notindeed of the length whichIshould wish, but at least ofa greater length than anything in English, is to give thosewhoreadneither CatalannorLatinwithanyfluencyacomprehensive account of the life and principal works of1 These notes have been generously placed at my disposal by Mn. Salvador

viiPREFACEVlll RAMONLULLamanwho, thoughborncloseonsevencenturiesago,makes still a most potent appeal to-day, and that topersons differingwidelyintemperament, in race andIn creed. To English and American readers he isknown chiefly bya fewofhis translated works, andbeforeall therest byhislittleclassic The Book of theLover and the Beloved. This shows the heights towhichRamon Lull couldsoar; the present booken-deavours todescribethedepthandbreadthof hislifeandpersonality, andtheimmortalityof his workandhis message.But I have also aimed, in this biography, at re-presentingthelife andwork of RamonLull toawideraudience than one composedofmyowncountrymen.Starting withtheLatin andCatalanbiographies writtenin Lull's own lifetime, andknown respectivelyas theVitaBeati Raimundi Lullii and the VidaCoetania,l Ihavetried to extract the most authentic and essential elementsfromthe masses of material-oftenquiteworthless-which lumber libraries and archives, to co-ordinateresultsof themostrecent investigations, and, above all,to follow the new orientation which Lullists have adoptedincreasingly since the Catalan Renaissance, makingtherebytheLull whomtheyhavere-discoveredas realand as living tothe twentieth century asMaster Ramonwas to the students of Paris or the Illuminated Doctor tothe generation followinghis death.The task of rejectionhasnotbeeneasy, andthat .ofcollation, selectionandcomment has beenharder still.By comparison withthemagnitude of the work andthegreatness of thepersonality which it describes,the bookis a short one, and the limits imposed upon it by practicalconsiderations have forced me merely to touch uponmattersto whichIwouldgladly havedevoted chapters.Needless to say, the judgments passed upon Lull's workare purelypersonal: if Ihavebeenunduly inreadinghis life into hiswritings, such:vasinevitableafter the prevalenceofthat pseudO-CritiCism1 TotheseIrefer jointlyinthetext astheIf contemporary biography11where they agree.IXwhichturns Blanquernaintoitsauthor'slife-story, anddescribes every other anecdote which Lull relates as" segurament autobiogrllfica,"Even more compressed than the rest of thebook arethe last twochapters, each of which requires a volume todo its subject justice. But their inclusion was obviouslynecessary, not only tocomplete, asfarasmight be, thestory of a life which isnot yet ended, but to justify thestandpoint which gives a page to the formidable and for-bidding Ars Magna and a chapter each toBlanquerna andto Felix.I have consistently, thoughnot pedantically, usedCatalan rather than Castilian orthography in writing bothof modernCatalanpersons andplaces, andof medirevalCa:alonia, Valencia andMallorca. Abbreviations, all ofwhich are explained in a Bibliographical Note onpp. xvii-xviii, have been adopted with a view toeconomizing space, and quotations in the footnoteshave been reduced to a minimum, by the substitution ofreferencesforthem. My Bibliographyisbrief, and in-tended.less for sch,olars than for English students.The bIOgraphical table IS alsofor theconvenienceofthe general reader rather than for the specialist.is innospiritof formality, butwiththedeepestgratitudeandaffection, that IdedicatethisbooktotheMallorcan.peop!e, adedicationwithwhichI knowmyCatalan friendsIn Barcelona and elsewhere onthe main-!and will associate themselves gladly. That I have neverInMallorcametwithanythingbut kindnessfrompro-fessor, priest orpeasant, and. never oncebeenrewardedwith lessthana welcome and a smile forall thetroublemyresearcheshave causedarchivistsand librarians, hasbeenperhaps myprincipal encouragement to proceed.If first andforemost I thankmyfriend, Mn. SalvadorGalmes, next the librarians ofPalma, the good Franciscansof Cura, theof my pilgrimages, Dr.. MiquelSure?a,. and, InBarcelona, my.c0nstant helper, En Jordi. Rubl6IBalaguer, together Withtheentirestaff of theInstitut d'Estudis Catalans, boththeyandothers willRAMONLULLrecognize that these acknowledgments arebut represen-tative and typical.At home, I ammorethanusuallyindebtedtotheofficials of the British Museum, and, in the initial stagesof thework, tomywife. Themanuscript of thebookhas beenreadin its entiretybymyfriends, ProfessorW.].Entwistle, of Glasgow, Associate-Professor G. W.Coopland, Reader in Medireval History at LiverpoolUniversity, Dr. FerranSoldevila, Lecturer in Spanishat Liverpool University, andthe Rev. E. Iliff Robson,all of whom have made useful suggestions. It should beadded that the substance of five lectures on RamonLull-forming the first course of a series on Catalan literaturedelivered for the Fundaci6 Bernat Metge-has beenincorporated in the later chapters of this volume.E. ALLISONPEERS.THEUNIVERSITY,LIVERPOOL,October 1928.TABLE OF CONTENTSPREFACECHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 01' THE LIFE OF RAMONLULLBIBLIOGRAPHICALNOTECHAPTERIMallorca. Itsearlyhistory. Reconquest fromtheMoors. BirthofRamonLull inMallorca. Education. Years spent intheroyalservice. Marriage. Profligate life. Conversion . . CHAPTERIIP A G ~viixvxviiHopes and projects. Pilgrimage. Influence of St. Ramon dePenyafort. Return to Mallorca. Studies in Arabic, theologyand philosophy. Episode of the MooriBh slave .6CHAPTERIIIThe Bookof Contemplation. Evidenceas todate. Plan, methodamiscope of thebook. Summary of itscontent. Lull's viewsontheconversion of unbelievers, especially of Moslems. Estimates of theBook ofContemplah'on. Maturity of its outlook and style. Itsintrinsic valueCHAPTER IV43TheBookof theGentileand thethreewisemtn. Argument. RamonLull on Moslembeliefs. Weaknesses and merits of the book.Stylistic qualities. Sources' and their treatment. Popularity 8zxixii RAMONLULL TABLEOF CONTENTS xiiiCHAPTERVThe retirement to Mount Randa. The Divine illumination: historicaland legendary_ accounts. The mataescrita. Visit to La Real.Compositionof theArt General or .I1rsMagna. Otherworksofthis period. ReturntoMount Randa. LegendoftheheavenlyshepherdCHAPTERVI '0'CHAPTERXIParis, Montpellier and Rome. The Book of Saint Ma1J'. Minor works.SojourninGenoa, preparatorytoanAfricanmission. Spiritualcrisis: problems of interpretation raised by the evidence. Recoveryand journey to Tunis. First missionary experiences. Escape froma furious crowd. Return to EuropeCHAPTER XIIl'AGERamon Lull visits Prince James of Mallorca at Montpellier. Worksofthis period: Bookof tkeOrder of Chivalry andDoctrine forBoys.Foundationof amissionarycollegeat Miramar. Historyofthecollege. Works probablywrittenat Miramar: Book of the HolYSpin't, Complaint of Our Lady Saint Mary, Hours of Our Lady SaintA!ary ,'sCHAPTERVIIRamonLull'sfirst visit to Rome. DeathofPopeJohnXXI. Un-known period of Lull's life (1277-I2.&2): conflicting theories.Visit toPerpignan: The Sin of Adam. SojourninMontpellier:An Demonstrativa; BQOk of the first and second intentions 141,CHAPTERVIIIBlanquerna(c. I2.&3). Uncertaintyastoits exact date. Outline of itsnarrative. As a whole, Lull's greatest literaryachievement. Itsfaults largely the faults of its epoch. Its merits of characterization,constructionandstyle. TheFranciscan spirit inBlanquerna. Itsportrayal of thesocial andpolitical life of itstime. Itsinsistenceonmissionary effort. TheBook of theLover and theBeloved andThe Art of Contemplation : two short works for contemplatives 159CHAPTERIXRamonLull returns to Rome. Deathof Martin IVandelectionofHonorius IV. The Names ofGod, written in Rome.The Bookof theTartarand theChristian. Lullleaves RomeforParis: his stay there and relations with Philip the Fair CHAPTERXWorki writteninParis. Felix, or theBook of MaMJels (u86). Argu-ment ofthe book. Felix comparedwithBlanquerna, toits dis-advantage. The autobiographical element in Felix. Specialinterest ofits seventh part, the Book ofthe Beasts. 205Arrival at Naples. The Book of tke five 'Wise men. TheIlffatus.Electionof CelestineV. ThePetitionof Ramon. BonifaceVIIIsucceeds Celestine V: Lull again unsuccessful at Rome. TheDesconort: its substance, metrical qualities and spiritual music 240CHAPTER XIIIRamonLull professes as a Franciscantertiary. TheTreeof Science.Genoa, Montpellier and Paris. The Tret oftht Philosophy of Lwe:itspoetry, its artificiality, its variety, its fervour. Summary of itsargument. LuU's complete immersion in his subject. Abook foractives . 26&CHAPTERXIVRamonLull inParis (contt"nued). Relations withI.eMyesier. Versewritings: the SongofRamon, the Dictat. Prose: the BO'Ok ofPrayer: its singular qualities. Return to Barcelona and Mallorca ;disputations with Jews and Moslems. The Medicine for Sin.Minor prose works. Journey toCyprus and Armenia. Return toMallorca: the Thousand Proverbs. Genoa and Montpellier. TheLib.,. d. Fin. . 288CIlAPTERXVClement V succeeds tothePapacy: Lull bas an interview with himatLyons. Lull again in Paris: his meeting with Duns Scotus.Second African mission: success and failure at Bugia. His debatesin captivity I RamonandHamar. Departure fromBugia. Ship-wreck off Pisa. Lull inPisa, Genoa and MontpelIier. Visit to thePope at Avignon 320CIlAPTER XVILuU's last visit to Paris: his campaign against Averroism: minor workswrittenthere. HeattendstheCouncil of Vienne. His Petltiontathe General Council and poem entitled TheCQUncil. His experienceson the journey described in the Phantasticus. Results of the Council XIV RAMONLULLCHAPTERXVIIPAOKRamonLull returnstoMal1orca. Hiscommentsonthe results of theCouncil. Foundation of the Lullian School. Lull's testament.HisvisittoSicily, brief returntoMallorca, anddepartureonhisthird African mission. His landing at Bugia, experiences in Tunis,and probable return to Bugia. His martyrdom. Problems of factand chronology. Burial at Palma. Lull's tomb to-day , , 359CHAPTERXIXCHAPTERXVIIIRamonLull to-day. Claims made for himin the past as prophet,philosopher, alchemist, theologian, etc. Beginnings of themodernorientation of Lullian studies at the time of theCatalan renaissance.Lull as patriarch of Catalan literature,-asan immortal personality,-as active and contemplative in one,--as a typical FranciscanThe history of Lullism. Veneration of Lull's memory in Mallotca. ItspersecutionbyNicholasEymericandtheresults. ThespreadofLullian teaching. Attemptsto secure Lull's canonization and theiroutcome. Dominican persecutions in the eighteenth century.Feyj60 and Pasqua!. Lullismin the nineteenth and twentiethcenturies: great names. Miramar and Randa 3765345-505054555657c. I4'4'53I3333-4'404O-Iu8612851277-82U82YlfAR "allI2J2c. 124612561257I263I26S1265-74I:2.72I272-3[ONLY a few outstandingworks byRamonLull are mentioned in thistable. Fortheremainder, thereader should consulttheINDEX at the end ofthe volume.]Birth, . .Enters King's service . . .Accompanies Prince James to MallorcaMarriage toBlanca PicanyConversion (about July). . . . .Return to Mallorca fromabroad (early in) Period of study, ending in suicide of Moorish slaveBook of Contemplation . Book ofthe Gentile and the three wise men. Retirement to Mount Randa, visit to La Real, and returnto Mount RandaVisit to Prince James. Book of the Order of Chivalry.DoctrineforBays . . Foundation of the College of MiramarJourney to Rome. . . . . .Unknown period of Lull's life, probably spent mainly intravel . . . . . .Sees James II of Mallorca at Perpignan . . .Sojourn at Montpellier. AttendsDominican C h a p t e r ~General (1283). Writes Btan'luerna. Visits Rome. Travels to Bologna for DominicanChapter-General. Returns toRome. WritestheHundred Names of God _. TravelstoParis. SeesPhiliptheFair. WritesFelix.Attends Dominican Chapter-General at Paris Visits Montpellier and attends Franciscan C h a p t e r ~General. . . . . . . Visits Pope Nicholas IV at Rome . . . .Returns to Montpellier, attending, on the way, a Fran-ciscan Chapter-General at Rieti. . .Receives letters of introduction from Fra RamonGaufredi (October). Leaves soon afterwards forRome. Presentsatract tothePopeonthecon-quering of the Holy Land . xvCHRONOLOGICALTABLEOFTHELIFEOFRAMON LULL ACCORDING TO THEPRESENTBOOK435+13INDEXTOTHE WORKSOFRAMON LULL (genuine andapocryphal) dealt within the textGENERAL INDEX ,SELECTBIBLIOGRAPHYleVi RAMONLULL'VUlt AGEBook if Saint Mary (Montpellier). Leaves RomeforGenoa. . . . . . . . c.1291 C. S9Genoa. Illness and spiritual crisis. . . . U9t-2 59-60Voyage to Tunis on first African mission. Escape fromthe mob. Departure for Naples . . . I29z 60EJectionof PopeCelestineV. RamoninNaples and(?) Rome. Abdication of Celestine V and election,at Naples. of Boniface VIII . . . . "94 6.RamonfollowsBonifaceVIII to Rome. Pleadswithhim to no effect. Professes as a Franciscan tertiary.Writes the De.rC01Zor! and Tree of Sciroce . . 1295 63Ramon at Rome, Genoa and Montpellier . 1296 -64SeesJames IIof MallorcaatMontpellier. LeavesforPari. . . . . . "97 6SRamoninParis. Writesthe Tru if thePhilosophy ifLove . . . . . . "98 66Visits Barcelonaand Mallorca. James 1,1of Aragongiveshimpermissiontopreachinthe synagoguesand mosques of his dominions . 1299 67Ramon in Mallorca . . . . . 1300 68Leaves for the East. Visits Cyprus and.. Alleas inArmenia .. . . . . . . . 1301 69Returns to Mallorca, touching probably at Rhodea andMalta . . . . . '30' 70Ramon at Montpellier and Genoa.. 1303-+ '11-2Ramon at Montpellier, Barcelona and Lyons 130$ '13Returns to Mallorca, and visits Paris . . . 1306 74CallsatMontpeUier andMallorca. i'lnd sailsforBugiaon secondAfrican mission. Preaches at Bugiaand suffers imprisonment forsix11l0nths (May-November I). Deperture flom Bug;'. Shipwreckoff Pisa. . . . . . . . 1307 75Ramon at Paa, Genoa and MontpeIlier. Raises moneyfor a projected Crusade . . . . . I308 76Montpellicr and Avignon. See. Clement V at Avignon 139 77Last stay in Paris. Campaign against Averroism.Testimonies to the orthodoxy and character ofhimself and his works . . . . 13"9-U 77""9Ramon attends the Council of Vienne . . I3U 79ReturntoMaIIorcaevia Montpellier. Foundationofthe LulIian School. . . . . . 13II-U 79-80Ramon'stestament(April 26). He leavesforMessina(May). . . . . . . 1313 81Return to Mallolca (May). Departure on hi. third andlast African mission (August). . . . 1314- 8zArrival at Bugia and departure for Tunis .. 1314 8zRamon in Tunis. Writes to James II of Aragon askingfor a translator to be sent to him Uuly). Completeshis last two known works (December) . . . 13,15 83Probable returnto Bugia and martyrdom(late in 1315or) early in . . . . . . . 13 x6 83BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTEOFworksreferredtointhefootnotesof thisbook, theauthor's nameonlyhas beengiven(except where oneauthor has writtentwo or morebooks); funparticularsof all works thus briefly cited will be found in theBibliography (I?P'421-33).The followmg abbreviations are used: Av. indicatesMn. Aviny6, and, unless otherwise stated, his El TereiariFrancesd. Beat Ramon Llull, Igualacla, 1912 ; B.S.A.L.:Boletlndela SoeiedadArqueologica Luliana; D.P.:DoctrinaPueril; H.L.F. : Histoirelitt6raire de laFrance,vol. xxix; L.A.A.: Libre deAmic eAmat; L.C.:LibredeContemplacio; Life: A Life of Ramon LuIl,ed. E. AllisonPeers, London, 1927; L.O.C.: Libredel Orde de Cavayleria ; Obras': Obras de Ramon Lull,textos originales .publicados por Geronimo Rossello,Palma, 1901-3 ; Obres: Obres de Ramon Lull (ComissioEditoraLUlliana), Palma, 1906 ff.; Sa!z: Beati Ray-mundi Lulli . Opera (ed. Salzinger), Moguntire,1721-42, 8vol. [Note that eachof theworks whichtogether comprise a volume hasa separatepagination];V.B.R.L. : VitaBeati Raymundi Lulli, etc. (the con-. temporary Latin biography). V.C.: Vida Coetania(thecontemporary Catalan biography). The abbreviationPasqua!refersalwaystothebiography of LullinCas-tilianbythatauthor(see p. 392); his Latin biographyis referred to as Vindiciae.Fiveof Lull'sworksareavailable inEnglishtrans-lations, which are quoted in the footnotes by the abbrevia-.tions appended to their titles: Book of the Lover and theBeloved (B.L.B.): London, S.P.C.K., 1923; Art ofxviiXV1ll RAMONLULLContemplation(A.C.) : London, S.P.C.K., 1925; Blan-querna(Bl.): London, Jarrolds, 1926; TreeofLove(T.L.): London, S.P.C.K., 1926; BookoftheBeasts(B B). London Burns, Oates &Washbourne, 1927.to the Book of the Lover andthe are generallymade, not to B.L.B., b.ut tos!lghtlydifferent versionof that work found, III Enghsh, III Bl.,and, inCatalan, inObres, vol. ix.RAMONLULLCHAPTERI1232-1263Mallorca. Its early history. Reconquestfromthe Moors. Birth of RamonLull in Mallorca. Education. Years spent in the royal service. Marriage.Profligatelife. Conversion."LApatriaes gran, es bella." Thus sings a modernMallorcanpoet; andthereistruth, aswell aspride, inhis song. ExtensiveMallorca may notbe, asmeasuredin square miles, but the extent of her riches is illimitable.And onnO part of the region where the Catalantongue isspoken have Catalan poets more often loved to dwell thanonthisfairestof island-gardens, which tomany of themishome. Noless justlythanEngland, it maybeapo-strophized asThis precious stone set in the silver sea,Which serves it in the office of a wall,Or as a moat defensive to a houseAgainst the envy of less happier lands.Mallorcawins everyheart, withitssereneblueskyandblue, calmsea; withthewarmyetkindlyclimatewhichit owes toboth; withits innumerablesecludedhauntsandshelteredvalleys; its wildmountain-paths,its ravines and gorges, its snow-capped peaks. Acres oforange-trees infragrant flower perfumeitsDecember;weekspass, andthereisspreadbefore oneasnow-whitemassof almondbloom; whileall theyear roundricholive-groves of silver andsteely-greyforma perpetualbackground to the flora of winter and of summer.D2 RAMONLULLBeauty, sunshineandpeacereignin Mallorcawithout .rivals and have reigned there for centuries unchallenged.Andmanyof life'sweather-beatentravellers, whohavediscovered thisIsle of Calm and anchoredthere a while,lookgratefullybackuponit everafter, andforwardtoit withawistful longingas to the haven where theywould be.So fairanisland hasnotunnaturally changedhandsmore than once in the course of its long history.Phrenicians and Carthaginians, Romans and Vandalsruled successively in it ere it was absorbed, with themainlandof Spain, bytheMoorishinvasion. Asearlyas 797, it passed to the Moors, and the Moslem conquestbrought it morethan four long centuries of comparativesecurity from invasion, though they were centuries marredbyinternal strifeandunrest. StiIl, thetinyMallorcankingdomgrewfat andflourished, and asa pirates' baseexasperatedall the states ofthe Mediterranean. Oneprinceafter another lookedenviously acrossthesea andstrove to possess it, nor can we suppose that the Christianhostsof apartially' reconqueredSpainfailedtomeasureit fromtime to time with covetous eyes.Butnoneof themcouldtakeit. Not eventheCidCampeador was to add its conquest to his valiant achieve-ments against theMoors,though he wasnear enough toit when heruled within the walls of Valencia. Hisdoughtycontemporary, Count RamonBerenguer IIIofBarcelona, did certainly succeed for a brief space, inI I 15,aided bythePisans, ingainingafootholdwithin theisland and taking the capital-now known as Palma-byassault. Acounter-move on Barcelona, however, wassufficient todivert the conqueror, and inhis absencethe Moors regained the city. Withits sister islands,Mallorca became ever moredangeroustothe Christiansandmorevaluableasashelter for audacious Moorishpirates. Yet another entire centurywent bybeforeafresh attempt was made to wrest the kingdomfromMoslem hands, and this attempt was successful.King James I of Aragon, who succeeded to his thronein12 I 3, at the age of five, was no sooner out of his boy-MALLORCA 3hood than he began to consider the extension of hisalready ,wide, dominions. These ,includedAragonandCataloma, WithCerdagne, Roussillon, andtheisolatedterritory of Montpellier. But the eastern states of Spainin the early thirteenth century, were attuned to conquest:cast eyes uponthe oorish kingdom ofValencia, which It was soon to make Its own. Cataloniawith its important seaboard, lookedrather across where in years it was to accomplisha senes of conquests of which Its sons have ever since beenjustlyproud. Both Aragonand Catalonia were filledwiththat unconquerablespiritwhichin 12 I 2 hadwonthe great victory over the Moors at LasNavas de Tolosa-avictoryinthe perils of whichJames' father Peterhad takenhis full share, but which hadbrought nothingeither to himor to his people-save honour. Small then, if, after a turbulent boyhood, spent insubdumg refractory Aragonese nobles and rebelliouscities, the youngking, who was afterwardstobe knownas J the desiredto occupy himself withexpeditions agalllst theMoors abroad. And, since hemore sympathy with the Catalans than withhiS subjects m he was readyto gaze with!hem acr?ssand, If they would uniteIII followmg him,toplace himself at their head.It was quite comprehensible that they should.James was abornsoldier andagiftedleader ofmen.Seven feet in height, strong and muscular, well developedyet by no means devoid of grace, he was a hero whom mencould hardly choose but admire,nor would their admira-tion be unmixed with wholesome fear. His flashing eyesandwealth of hair toldunmistakably, andtruly, of a rash, ImpulSive, bold ll;nd generous disposition,and the fact that hiS fearlessness In warfare was combinedwitha capacity foramourswhich can seldom havebeenexceeded in history made him nonetheless attractive inmediaeval eyes, especially to a Latin race. He was onlya youth of twenty when, at a banquet given in Tarragonaby a :-vealthy Peter Martell, hishostbegantodescnbe the attractions of Mallorca so realistically4 RAMONLULLthat the barons present urged James to put intoexecutionplanswhichhehadalreadyconceivedfor itsre-conquest. InDecember of thesame year(1228)theCatalan Corts were convened at Barcelona, and the King,all eagerness forthe fray, promised generousportions intheisland, whenit shouldbeconquered, tothosewhowouldhelphimtakeit. Inthefollowingsummerthesuccessful campaign began.On September 12, 1229, the Christians, havinglanded at Santa Ponsa, gained a hard-fought battle nearPorto PI, and the siege of the City of Mallorca (as Palmawas then called 1) began. It was a longer one than mighthave been expected, for the citywas not takenuntilDecember 31, andsomeyears wereto pass beforeitswarlikedefendersleft themountainfastnessesto whichthey had fled, and made their final peace with the Christianconquerors.This isnot the place to relate in full the story of theconquest, nor of theineffectivecounter-attacks, andthemore disastrousguerrilla warfare,plague, andpestilencewhich had to be facedby the conquerors. Our concernis rather withthewayinwhichtheKingfulfilledhisobligations, both to God and to man. Deeply religious,afterhisownmannerand that of mediaeval warriors, hecaused the chief mosque of the city, upon his entry, to beimmediatelycleansed, sothat Massmight besaidinitdaily. This done, among his first thoughts was thebuildingof acathedral, for whichhegavethegroundinfront of hisownroyal palace. Tohisexampleandencouragement were unquestionably due the rapid stridesmade by the Church and the religious orders in Mallorcaduring the early years of Christian rule. And this, fromevery point of view, was as it should have been, for, fromthe venerable Archbishop of Tarragona downwards,clergy and religious were, throughout the campaign,among King James'most ardent supporters.When the island. was definitely divided up, some ninemonths afterthe taking of Palma, it was foundthat few,if any, whohadhelpedtheKing hadbeenforgotten.1The shorter name will be used for the city hereafter.RECONQUESTOFMALLORCA 5Everyone, says the Chronicle oj King James ojAragon,received so large apart thatnoone could pick a quarrelwithhis neighbour.1TheKnights Templars andtheOrder of St. Johnof Jerusalemwere givenequal sharesof territory, and both Dominicans and Franciscans estab-lishedconventsinPalma immediately. Norwereindi-viduals neglected. SomeofJames' foremost warriors,alas, had been slain in battle and siege-among them thevaliant Guillemand Ramon de Montcada. But suchlosses, ifgrievous, werefew, andtheearliest Christiansettlers in reconquered Mallorcawere those who, fortheir constancyandvalour, werebest entitledtodwellinsofavouredaland. "Lapatriaes gran, es bella,"they must often have cried. Had not James theConqueror described it as "the most precious pearlin my crown" ?Among these earliest settlers was one who, a few yearsafter the Reconquest, became thefather ofMallorca'sgreatest son. Ramon Lull the elder bore a name of greatantiquity and honour in Catalonia." He had sailed withKing James'fleet in1229, and, to judge from the extentof thelandsassignedtohim, wasevidentlyapersonofsome importance, though perhaps little more thanthirtyyearsof age.8TheLibredel repartiment giveshisterri-tory as including the rajal of Aliebiti, not far from Palma,-and Biniatr6 (then called Beni-Atron) between the modernCampanet andPollensa. Other authorities credit himalsowiththe freeholdof placescalledTell, Gebelliand1 Tr. Forster: lxxxviii. (i, p. 175).:I The oldCatalan formis Lull, or perhaps LuI (cf. Keicher, p. I, n. t);the Latinforms LulinsandLullinsarebothusedby theBeatns inhisLatinworks. According tomodern Catalan orthography,thename is Llull. Theunfortunate spelling" Lully," affected by some writers in English, is unknownin LuU's own country. I adopt the Catalan form, without accent, arRamon'sChristiannameexcept wherequotingfromauthors who use the accentedCastilian form.S Av., p. 5I, following Vernon and earlier writers, gives the date ofhis birthas P96, but there seems. to be nosatisfactory evidence for thesupposition... This no longer exists, nor is it known in what direction it lay. Mallorcanauthorities, however,believeit tohavebeeninthe north-west suburbs of thecapital. AfarmcalledSo'nLlull, inthisquarter, maypossibly perpetuatethe existence of some such family possession.6 RAMONLULLAlcaritx,'. but thereisalsoevidencethat thesebelongedto a certainFerrer Lull, who may havebeen hiscousinor, moreprobably still, hisuncle." RamonLullseem;already to have had considerable possessions in Barcelonaandotherpartsof Catalonia,"but, afterspendingsomemonths in the gradual surrender oftheMoors hVlngoutsidePalmaandperhapsacquiring prope.rty than that allotted to him,4he apparentlydecided that It would be both safe and desirable to settlethere, as oneat least ofhis brothers was doingalso.5 the 'yea; X23 x, therefore, he was joined by his wife d Erl1l,may already havebeen with childby him andhaveWIshedtomakeapermanent homeinMallorcabefore her sonwasborn. As it wasnot untilthe. of x2 3x, betweenthelast twooccasionsonwhich Klllg James returnedto complete hisconquest ofMallorca, that the final harrying of the strongholds of theMoors. began,. the most likely date forthe settling of theLulls III the Islandwould be the beginningof x232.But.on other grounds it seems possible that it was rather.earher.Both Lull the elder and his wifewere probably well1 isknownof these places. Gebelli (or Al-gebelli-the hilly-as itwas orlgmally called) was not far from Beni-AtreD. Near it was a farm calledHuatel (lTell). As to Alcaritx, there was araJal in the locality called Alxaritx,and another called Near the AIgaida, too, east of Palma,was,afarmc.al1edLancantx. Pasqual (I. p. 3) follows Dameto in discussing s possession of these places, andtakes a conservative view.. pa';1eto, cit: Avo, pp. 50-I. Ferrer had a son, Ramon, who wouldmherlthIS possessIons, or part of them, whence the confusion.3 See note, p. r6, below... Pasqual (i, pp. 3-4) tells us that Ramon owned a .. Cav.alleria d'en Lull "near Manacor-calledSo's Llulls-attachedto the posa.ession ofwas the permanent obligation to provideahorse (cavall) andarmourforthe defenceofthe island. Therewasanother U Cavalleriad'enLull .. nearCampanet. Whichever of these Ramon the elder possessed he did notapparently acquire it at the Conquest. '. T?ere is, .further, a .venerab!e tradition, not altogether unsupportedbytestImony, whIchcredIts theLull familywithpossessionsof someImportance on the Palma side of what is now Algaida (here, too, there is a farm ,called. SotnLlull):. An extension of this tradition gives Mount to s also .(see p. I04.n., .below), a less probable supposition (see, e.g.,CorneJo, Vtdaadmtrabledelmc/ttomdrh"r RaymundoLulio, Madrid, 1686,p.2).5 Dameto, cit. Pasqual, i, p. 3. & Pasqual, i, p. 6.BIRTHOFRAMONLULL 7_ descended. Thepatronymic issaidtoderivefromthe"Lolius " of ancient Rome, and, thoughthisisonlya we hear of a Lull who, asearlyas 792,wasappOintedbyCharlemagnetobegovernorof thecastleof Barcelona.'Quadradopoints out that notracehasbeen found of a noble called Lull in the thirteenth century,and surmises from this that our Lull was of the merchantclass." The inference seems hardly justified; and,althoughinNicholasEymeric'sDirectoriuminquisitorumourRamoniscalleda"Catalanmerchant,"3thetesti-mony, evenonsosmall apointof fact, of onewhosorelentlesslypersecutedhisverymemory, canhardlybetaken as valid evidence. The balance of opinion isdistinctly of a contrary nature,4and the fact thatthe. Erills were, without reasonable doubt, of goodpedlgree,6strengthens thecaseof thosewhoincline toaccept it.The date ofRamon's birthis uncertain. Variousyears have been suggested, most of which vary from1231to1235, and it is difficult to decide between them. Thecontemporary biography gives no definite particulars-onlythevaguest indicationthat themost likelyyear is1i, pp. 16-17.II. fi PrimerosaDOS yconversion deRam6nLull,"inMuseoBalear, 1875,vol. J, p. 388.8 Seep. 378, n. I, below. C.f. also Revilta dek Llihres, Any ii, pp. 86-8, foraon.this point and a reproductionof thepageofEymeric'sDtre,toNumInquestion. Pasqual (seenext note) quotesevidence(infavourof Lull'snobility) by Pere Clasqueri, Archbishop ofTarragona, giveninEymeric's own time and dated1373 (Pasqual, i, p. 18, n.)... The ancestryandfamilyhistory of RamonLull havebeendiscussedinsomedetail byPasqual (i, pp. 4-7, 14-2.0) andby writersinCatalan. Theprincipal modern contributions have been made by Mn. Aviny6 (Avo, pp. 47-56); J. M. QuadradoJ.. Primeros aDOSy conversion de Ram6n Lull,"inMuseo Balear, 1875, vol. i, pp. 387ff.; andJ. Mirety Sans (see Biblio-graphy, Nos. 50-').The writerhassoughttoshowthat the original familynameof the Lulls was Amat, .. Lull .. being a monu or sobriquet, and that the elderRamon's brother was a Pere Amat, who represented him in Barcelona (signingdocuments U nomine fratris rodRaimundeLuI ") probably becauseRamon elder lived in Mallorca. In that case the sobriquet may have been changedmtoa 8urnamebytheelder' Ramon, andadoptedbytheMallorcan: branchofthefamily.. Pasqual, i, p. 6. Cf. Miret ySan. (Bibliography, No. 52).e See p. viii, above.8 RAMONLULLthat of 1232.1 Anumber of days are credited bydifferent traditions withthehonour ofbeingRamon'sbirthday, butitisa highly suspiciousfact thatthey areall prominent saints' days, andtheconsensusofbeliefwhich placed his birth on the Feast of the Conversion ofSt. Paul is nowas generallydiscreditedasthat whichassigned hisconversion tothe same day of the year-anattribution which we know to be erroneous.Thetraditional siteof Ramon'sbirthplaceisshownin what is nowthePla9lt Major in Palma, where aninscription, dating from the year 1888, records the beliefthat" in this place stood the house in which was born thegreat sage and blessed martyr Ramon Lull, 1232-131 S."Thetraditionhere embodied, however, datesonly fromthe sixteenth century, and there is this against it, that thesite would have been in the parish of St. Nicholas,whereasRamon'sparentswereburiedinSt. Eulalia, ofwhich church theywould probably be parishioners.3Nevertheless, no alternative site has been suggested.41 Gabriel Lull, in 1606 (seeB.S.A.L., vol. iii, pp. z62.-4), gives the dateas .. despuesdedeuanysquefonchconquistat. 10Re-.gnadeMallorca"(i.e.U39). But, as will laterbe seen, this witness is inotherrespects unreliable. gives 1240; Wadding, I2.36,; Blanchandothersvary betweenUJIand1232. Pasqua! (i,pp. 7-Q.) gives reasons, tomany entirely convincing,infavour of theyear 1231" whichhe accordinglyadopts. Of moremodernwriters, Quadrado takesU35as the date, and is followedby several influentialcritics, includingMenendez yPelayo. Recent biographers, however, inthelight of newknowledgeaboutotherparts of RamonLull'slife, have swungback to earlier dates, and indeed it would be hard, if not impossible, to compilea chronological tablebasedonanybirth-year later than1233. Mn. Galmesinhis short biography(p. II)adoptsthe year1233. Mn. Riber, inbothhisbooks, records the date1232, but considers it uncertain. P. Ephrem Longpre(col. r:074) adopts 1:2.35, but Mn. Aviny6argues infavourof 1:232 (Av.,pp. 52:-4' 507-8). To me the arguments in favour of that date are practicallyconclusivelthe dates ofthe conversion and Librede Contempfacioand thereferenceat theendof thecontemporarybiography(Lifel pp. 44-5, 85-6)making a later date more than improbable, and the unsettled state of Mallorca,before12311 making even that year too early tobe likely.lli Enaquest llochestava, segonstradici6, lacasa nataIiciadel gransavi ybenaventurat martir Ramon Lull, 1232-I315'8 Terrassa (cit. Cronicon Mayoriccmc, Palma, I8S!, p. 5) gets over the diffiRcultyby supposingthatthe parishboundaries weredifferent inhistime(theeighteenthcentury) andinLuU's.I Seguf, at the beginningofhis biography, describes the birthplaceasbeingco en lacalle deSanMiguel de la ciudad de Mallorca, en una caIlejuelaque no dene salida, mas de la vista que da a la riera,0arroyo, que parte la villaEARLYEDUCATION 9Some writers assert that N'Elisabet had been marriedfortenyearsbefore she becamea mother,1andthat thestory of Aloma's childlessness in Ramon's great Blanquerna isthereforefounded fact. For however, there is no contemporary testimony of any kmd.The most that can be said with confidence is that Ramonwasalmost certainly an onlychild, for, althoughinhisnumerous works herefersfrequentlytohisfather andmother hiswife andhischildren, henever oncemakes of either brothersorsisters. Inthat casewecanfurthersurmisethat Ramontheelder andElisabetmayhavebeen marriedshortly before theexpedit!on of1229, whichwouldaccount for three ofthe childlessyears andbequite sufficient, togetherwiththestory oftogive risetothetradition. If N'Elisabet hadother beforeorafterthebirthof Ramon, theyprobably died in infancy.Heir tohis father'sconsiderable estates, Ramonwasclearlylookeduponas aboy.withafuture. Bothhisreligious and his secular education were carefully plannedandrigorouslycarriedout. .. I crave Thy grace, LordGod," hesays, .. devoutlyandwithall myThou wilt blessmy fatherandmymother for bnnglngme up in the wayoftruth."3If tradition can be believed,Ramonthe elder must have held some positionnear thedeabajo de la alta." Dameto (vol. ii,ii, p. ,39) hasonlythe words:.. Naci6 ...en una callejuela que no tlene salIda, a las espaldas de la"Inquisici6n:' These two descriptions, at first sight different, refer to the samesite as referenceto a map of old Palma will show.i ArmenguaI (cit. Pasqual, i, p. 5) seems tobeth,; fountain-headhere,;he has been followed with greater or less reserve by all bIographers. The traitis of course common among legendary accretions in the lives of great men.:I See pp. 160--61, below. ...s L.C. chsp. '5(Ohm, ii, p. uS), Cf. ch3p. 77 (Ohm, 111, p. 98) :.. Thy blesses Thee for Thy grace inmaking him a faithfulCatholic,byreasonof hisfatherandmotherbeing faithful Christians:' Further, theBiblical expression, which Lull continually uses, I amThyservantandthe son of Thy handmaid," may not be whollyForLull's ownideas and conjectures on educatIOn, see L.e.,chap. 30 5,passim, D.P.,.chaps,. 73n:., BI., chap. z. Itis n,ot possible to. saythese passages area descrIption of hIS ?wn educatIon,or. a reactIonIt,orneither. Therecanbe nothing gamedbythe gratUitous assumptIo.n(e.g.inMn. Riber's Vidaabrcujadadel B.R.L., pp. 8-xo) that theydepIct theauthor's own experiences.10 RAMONLULLKing, or inother wayshavehad influence withhim, sothat he educated his son with a viewto obtainingaposition forhim in the royal court. And he apparentlysucceeded betimes if it is true that theboy wasnomorethan fourteen years old when James the Conqueror tookhim into his service as a page.1For about elevenyears, JameshadbeenmarriedtoViolante, daughter ofAndrew II ofHungary, and, besidesaboy namedAlfonso, born of a previous marriagewithEleanor of Castile, he had, ofViolante, amongotherchildren, two sons, Peter and James, both of whom weredestinedto reignafter him. Ramonmust have beena charming andwell-bredboy,' andthe opinionthat hisfather was well descended is the more tenable, though notof course proven, if we accept the tradition that, atQueenViolante'srequest, hebecamethecompanionofthetwoyoungprinces, agedrespectively about tenandfour. Bothwerebeingeducatedas boys whowouldone dayrule, for James I was tofollowthe commonthoughunfortunatecustomof dividinghis kingdomathis death.' Ramon became perhaps somethingofanelder brother to them, and must have found ample scopefor observation in their dissimilar, if not antipathetictemperaments. He was especially beloved by the docileandaffectionateprince James, sothat, whetherfor thisreason, orbecause he wasanative of Mallorca, of whichtheyounger princewas to beking, hewas eventuallymadehis tutor. Between tutor and pupil there werescarcelymore thantenyears inage, andwe canwellunderstand how the intimacy formed in childhood would1All biographers subscribetothistradition, andthoughthereseemstobe little documentary evidencebehind it, there is every probability of its truth.The earliest evidence dates from1373(PasquaI, /Tindlciac, i, p.21).2 His extremely lovable disposition in later life is sufficient proof of this.aPeter'Was bornin I2.36. About thebirthof James, withwhomthisnarrative is more directly concerned, there is some doubt. Zurita and Pasqualboth give 1240; Swift adopts the date May30, 1242. The Thalamus parvusof MontpelIier, however,followedby many writers, makestheday May20,1243(" Enl'an de Me CCc XLIII, Ia vigilia de Pantacosta, nasqueta Montpellier En Jacme 10 bon rey"). This date, orSwift's, I takeasapproximately correct in the text above.4See p. 12&, below.INTHEROYALSERVICE I Igrowcontinuallystronger, with the result. that .when. thetutor was nolonger neededhewas retamedmPrmceJames'service as,:' that most .illustr!ouslord'sseneschaland majordomo. 1 The between the.twoneverwaned. Throughout his careerreceivedcontinual indicationsthathisformer pupil hadnot for-gotten him; we may be sureupheld him loyallyagainst thetruculent anddommeermgw.eknow that one at least of the happiest experiences m hislater life he owed entirely to James' Inthe summer of I2S6'the youngprmce pro-claimed heir to the throne of Mallorca, and, accordmg tosome authorities RamonaccompaniedhimtoPalma,where hereceived the homage of his future subjects andpromised to continue the privileges g.ranted themhis father. The only documentary testimony underdate showsthat Lull was in Barcelona-aninconclusivefact-andthat his fatherhad then died,4which event, !fit had taken place quite recently, would no doubt necessI-tatethe son's visittohisbirthplace. Wemay thereforetake itas that, his mayhave been andhis wandermgs have led him, as suc-cessivelypage, tutor andmajor-domo, he returned toMallorca, not only inI2S6 with hisbut at othertimes on his own account, to look after his property.Some littleknowledge ofRamon's life andhabits1 r.c. i; Pasqual, i, pp.This is the first thing. that we learn aboutRamon', life fromthe contempor,-,/, biography. Life, p. I.)has merely" senescallus mensae (P'47). What Ramon soffice actuallywas is very uncertam. Nothmg IS known of an office?fseneschal inthe court of Aragon at the time, though the major-domo's dutiesare well defined. (See Bofarull: Coleccwn de documenfosintditosdel General deLa Corona de Aragtin, Barcelona, 18S0, Tom. v, pp. t 1-18; LegesPalatinae Jacobi II Regis Majoricae/' Pt. i, pp. to Sanetorum, JunE, vol. iii, Venitiis, 17+3]: H DeOffiCIOmaglsttorumhOSpltllsive. .:I: U xiicalendasseptembris anna DominiMCCLVIU (c/. Mltet 1 Sans,Itinerari, etc., p. 253)'3 E.g. Clasqueri and Zurita (cit. Av., p. 6+). See 1. Miret y Sans, inBoletln de Bue.,tas Le.tras, Barce:lona, vol. xv, p. 103. Inthe document, which inCathedx:alArchives, .. RaimundusLulli filiusquondamR.almundl Lulli makesa gIfttohisfirst cousinArnau(Arnaldus), and aGuJ11emLull, probably a youngrelative, is the first of the witnesses. The document bears Ramon's autQgraph.12 RAMONLULLduringtheseyearsof royal servicemaybegainedfromautobiographical passages in his later writings, andoccasionallyfromadditional sources. In all chivalricaccomplishments-witness his Book of the Order ofChivalry '-hewouldseemtohavedelighted. Buthisprincipal interest was more probablyin theart ofthetroubadour," which at that time, and above all in Catalonia,Provence and Languedoc, wasinits very heyday. Thebeautiful Catalan language tripped gracefully in alba,balladaandsirventes, andRamon'slater verses, some ofthem written in the popular troubadour metres,8showthatthe songs of his wanton youth must have been as gay andelegant as any. Hewhoin after lifewas to be, likeSt. Francis, a joculator Domini, was devotedto" cansonse dancese sonsevoltese lays.'" Thatwas, afterall,perfectly natural. He never threw off entirely thetroubadour's mantle, and, among the manyattractivecharacters in his romances, one of the best is a joglar.The instruction in the liberal arts with which Ramon'sparents would havethought it necessary toprovide him,eveninpreparationfora career at court, could not havebeen extensive, and would probably be of less importancethan instruction in the accomplishments of a gentleman:reading, writing, cipheringandalittleLatingrammarwouldnodoubt makeupitstotal. Itisoftenassertedby his biographers, the early and the late alike, that he hada particular distastefor learning-a doubtfully relevantsentence fromone of his worksbeing, however, the onlyserious evidence that is offered.6From what we discoverlater of his passionately studious temperament, there1See pp. 120-4, below.:1 cr. V.C., i: .. Com fos en la plenitut de la sua joventut c sfosdonat enla artdetrobar ecompondre c a n ~ o n s edictatsdelesfolliesdaquest man ..(Life, p. ,). Cf. V.B.R.L., i(Life, p. 47).3 E.g. 'hetwopoemsinBkmquerna(Bl., pp. 300, 529-30) andsome ofthe stanzas from the Medicina de Pcceat, such as that beginning:Quant par l'estela en ralbor ...translated in part on p. 300, below.4. L.C., chap. 143(Obres, iv, p. 261).6L.C., chap. 109(Obres, iv, p. 41). Thesentence is quotedonp. :1.1,below: it does not appear tome to refer necessarily to learning at all, still lessto bookhiearning.INTHEROYALSERVICE 13would appear to be little truthin suchstatements asSeguCs, that he refused to study and wasput to court athisownearnest desire.1Nodoubt, however, it istrueenough that if he once entered the King's service as pagetherewouldbeneitherneednor opportunity forstudy,and, evenasthetutor of a prince, hewould atone foradefectiveknowledgeof books byproficiencyin manlyexercises, and by a knowledge and understanding of men.Thislast the life of the court, and more particularlythe travels which it involved, would give him. Thekingdom of Aragon had been greatly extended since theyearsof Ramon'schildhood. Itnowstretchedwell tothesouthof Valencia, westwardbeyondSaragossa, andnorthwardsasfarasPerpignan, whileitsisolatedterri-toriesof MontpelJier, Carlat andGevaudanwereby nomeans without importance. Further, James was generallyeither absent fromhis own domains or occupied invisitingthem, energetically, almost feverishly. Inhistravels his pagewouldshare, andalovefor travellingnot unnatural in a boy may wellhave sown theseeds ofRamon's later activity. One of his descriptions of him-self is of "a manthat hasmade many journeys over hilland plain, to populous and to uninhabited lands,by riverand sea alike, and has seen . . . many kings and baronsof highdegree."" Thesewords refer almost certainlytohis journeys in the King's service, for whenthey werewritten, in I 272, histravels on hisown accounthad, sofar as is known, been confined to a single period spent inreligious pilgrimages.Some memories of James'court he gives us also; iftheyare less certainlyunmixedwith fiction, he couldhardly fail to incorporate in his earliest writings upon theconduct of princes some of his personal experiences in theroyal house of Aragon. To these we shall draw attention,morenaturallythanhere, inalater chapter. All suchreminiscences of court life and foreign travel can beamplifiedevenby a readerwithasluggishimagination1 Segul, Vida y heclzos del admirabledoctor y mdrtirRamon Lull, Mal-Iorca, 1606, foi. 2.2 L.C., chap. 101(Obres, iii, p. 230). L.C., cW;p. 210 (Obm, v, pp. 357-8)!i L.C., chap. 23(Obres, ii, p. US). I o The erroneous assertion that Lulls WIfe was called Catahna Labots.houldbementioned, 10 widespread a it (aee, t.g., Gabriel Lull, B.s.4.L.,14 RAMONLULLwhoconsidersKingJames' manifoldactivitiesbetween1246, thetraditional year of Ramon's arrival at court,and1260or thereabouts, bywhich time hewas preesumably occupied with the business of the youngprinceentirely.! If indeed hebecame theConqueror'spage at fourteenhe would quickly have gained an inten-sive experience of travel, for the King spent thelear 1246ln at least twelve places, revisiting some 0 theminaddition.! Nor was heless activeintheyears whichfollowed: his conquests temporarily concluded, a periodduringwhichhewasoccupiedwithinternal affairshadbe!l"un, and he travelled none the less extensivelyforbemgmainlyinhisowndominions. Ramonmaywellhavebeen with the Conqueror at Valencia, whenhewas occupied withthe evictionfromit C!f therebelliousMoors3 ; at Osca (Huesca), in1251, whenKing Jameswasat QueenViolante's4 ; at Soria, in1256(unless the Prince's major-domowascut offfromthecourtof Aragon), whenJameswas reconciledwithhisson-in-law Alfonso, who for some time had been too readytotest his strengthontheConqueror'sfrontiers G; atCorbeil, for thebetrothal of thePrincess ElizabethtoSt. Louis' son, afterwards Philip III of France (May1 I,1258)G; andat Barcelona, twomonths later Guly16),when James I ratified the contract and the' political treatywhich it involved.71 SeeMiret i Sans, ltinerart; etc.) pp. 176-310. For the activities ofJames Iduring this period, cf. also Chronicle of King James of Aragon. passim ,Swift, pp. 83 ff,; Aigrefeuille, vol. i, passim i Devieet Vaissette, vol. vi,passim.2 TheConqueror'sitinerary(cp. tit., pp. 1'16-86) for that year being:Valencia, Montpelier, Perpignan, Gerona, Barcelona, Villafranca del Xativa, Valencia, Tortosa, Lleida (Lerida), Pina, Saragossa, Alag6n, Saragossa.Jamesdidnot goto Valladolid in November n46fQr thebetrothal ofbisyoungdaughter Violantetotheheir (afterwards knownasAlfonso theWise) of Castile(op. cit., p. 185. Cf. Swift, p. 85). He must often hay:been there on other occasions, for James Ispent longperiods there fromU46toIZ50andwas oftenthere formonths at a tim,e inthe years following. Mire:t i San$, It;nerari, pp. 5S2 if.Op. cit., p.211.Op. cit." p. '5" Swift (pp.9>-3)dates this event ayear later (March"57).eOp. cit., p. 272 (the date corrects that of earlier authoritiei).7Op. p. '77.PROFLIGATELIFE ISThese travels, in Catalonia, Aragon, Castile andFrance, didmuchtobroadenRamon'sexperience, andhis easy and genial dispositi?n must not only ha;veendearedhimtohischosenfriends but alsomadehimeverywhere a companion.followedtheinevitabledemoralIzatIOnof aneasy-gomg temperamentby a pleasant life; and as Ramon grewinto he showedtoo evident signs ofbecomIng adissolutecourtier.! Hegave himself up, inhisownwords, " tosins and the companionship of vices." !When Iwas grown and tasted vanity,Then strayed Iinto sin, worked evilly,Forgat my glorious God, with lust madefree.sWith his gay.and thoughtless companions he grew toblaspheme the name of God and to mock the holy thingswhichasa childhe had beentaught to honour.4Heabandonedtheways ofhonestyandupright,;.. I deceived and acted falsely to many of my own friends,he says, " speaking tothem both falsely and evillr.and doing them !l1any wrongs..3Most mark.edly of al ,he committed SInS oflust, brIngmgbothhimselfandothers into open shame.In 1257, or ;ather earlier-probably'Yhilestill inMallorca with PrInce James-Ramon mamed a lady ofgentle bitth, calledBlancaPicany.6The marriage is1Bouvelles(Pita Raymund; Lulli, Paris., with .those follow him closely, dilates on this phase of slife :Inpalatioregiseducatus,'"hesays, .. promoreaulicorum mundmhumquevU"o-rumtotusinteramoresvivebat inqueipsisamoribus, nonmodofiagranterninventam, sed et maioremvitae. partern inaniter consumpsit: in dictandisdioneiscantilenispraecipue intentu.s:' But it will benoticed that r.c. andY.B.R.L., which open so abruptly, show no desire to particularize in this way,and hurry on to Ramon's conversion. L.C., chap. 106 (Obm, iv, p. '5)'3Canfui granesenti del m6nlavanitatcomenceafar mal eentre en pecat,oblidant Deu, glori6s, siguent carnalitat.Desconort, ii116 RAMONLULLsaid to have been arranged by the king, in order to checkhis vicious career, but, from what we know of James' ownloveaffairs, such solicitude seems highlyimprobable.Perhapsit wastheprincewho sought in a characteristi-callygentle manner to reformhim. Inanycase, theattempt canhardlyhavebeenasuccess. Shortlyafterhis marriage,Lull returned to the gay city ofMontpellier,where he nodoubt witnessed the burghers'profession ofallegiance to Prince James as their future king1 (Decem-ber 18, 1258). Revisiting Mallorca inthefollowingyear, he seems to have lived for a time with his wife andto have had of her, successively, a son and heir, Dominic,anda daughter, Magdalena.' But both at Montpellierand in Mallorca he was continually unfaithful to her, and,although some of the incidents related of his early marriedvol. iii,pp.Seguf, chap. i, who addsthat she was a formermistressof Ramon's ; andCornejo, who merely gives the name).Mostmodernwriters havecorrectedthis. Thecorrect details aregiven,e.g., inCrrmiconMayoriunte, Palma, I88r,p. 14: .. Rstemismo ana de11.57,con instrumento que para en la escribanla de cartas reales de 8 de las kalendasde Octubrc, Blanca Picany, hija de Ferrer Picany, difunto, firm6 podergeneral afavor de RamonLull, sumariclo, hijo de RamonLull difulltO.Prucha este instrumento y ottoS que produciremos en el afio de1275[for thissee p. 131,below], que dichaBlanca fuelamugerde nuestroBeatoRamonLull, y noCatalina Labots como han escrito algunos."The document of U57, citedby Pasqual (Vindicicu, i, p. 2.2.) and others,states that Blanca Picany makes her husband (both being described as above),.. absent andpresent alike,'" her procurator, andgoes ontomention" all thepossessions that the said R. Lull holds in the city of Barcelona and its suburbs,and in Catalonia,"thus showing howconsiderable were theestates whichRamon could now call his own.1 Cf. pp."5-7, below.I Because he dedicated several booksto his son (e.g. DQCtrina puent, Librede prt'merai segonaenfencio, Arhrede jilosofiadesijada) it is assumed thathe had no other. Nor does he mention any other in his will, dated1313(seep. 364, below). Theinferencemay be .erroneous, butthe of thetwochildren are certainly correct, andGabrIel Lull (B.S.A.L., vol. lU, pp. 2.62.-4)wasquitemistakenwhenhewrote: .. Li nasquerenfills: Ramon en I1,63, y Guillem Lull, en u66. MorIlo Ramon sens mfans; y del GUlllemLull nasquerenRamonyDomingoLulls germans, enlosanys I2.9Sy I2.98... . Succeyadit DomingoRamonLull songerma, bonciutada, del cua!nasqueenRamonetLull en 10any132.7, etc:' Cornejosays that Lull losthis wife when the children were still young, but gives no kind of proof; andweknowthatshewaslivingas as, I2.75(seep. 131, below). Therearealsomentionsof wifeandchildreninObres, i, pp. 78, 83, iii, p. 175 (I2.75and12.71. respectively), and in iv, p. 2.27, viii, p. 14(I2.72.), etc.3 Magdalenaafterwards marrieda certainPcre[Peter] de Sentmenat, ofBarcelona. See p.364, below.PROFLIGATELIFElifemaynot behistorical, it is impossibletoquestiontheir implication. -Indeed, Ramon himself, as a man of forty,looks backupon these days and brings themonly too clearly before US:The beauty of women, 0Lord,has been a plague and tribu-lation to my eyes, for because of the beauty of women have I beenforgetful of Thy great goodness and the beauty of Thy works.1And nearlyforty years after this was written, in hisPhantasticus,' he returns once more to his disorderedyouth, and, fromthatdistance of half acentury, seeinghimself vividly in his own remembrance, describeshimself incisively andbriefly:Inmatrimonio copulatus: prolemhabui, competenterdives,lascivus et mundanus.Two stories of Ramon's youthful ardour, bothreferringtoaperiodsubsequent tohis marriage, havebecome famous. Neither isfoundinthecontemporarybiography, nor iseither in anyway established, but eachis related by authorities sufficiently credible to makepossible its truth. We reproduce them intheir simplestform, strippedof the adornments, added bylater bio-graphers, which only disfigure their outline.It appears, first, that Ramon was enamoured of a ladyof rarebeauty,' who, being herself happilymarried, hadno desire for the attentions with which he persecuted her.'These reached their climax one day when, riding onhorseback through the city, he espied her entering achurch5 for the purpose of devotion. Suddenly hispassion overwhelmed him, and, putting spurs to his1 I.e., chap. 104 (Obret,iv, p. 1 I); Cf., among other passages, chap. 143,passim, where he goes into great detail on the inordinate love of women.II See p.356, below.a Traditionmakes her a Genoesc, andgives her name as Ambrosia deCastello. Pasqual (i, p. 47) follows another tradition, which names herLeonor.f .. Laestabaregalando comoantes [de casarse],"says Segul, .. clandomuchas musicas)insistiendo en saraos) componiendo oada dla nuevas Cllntaresen su servicio."IS The Cathedral, for High Mass, according to Seguf, who is alwaysprodigal of localcolour. St.Eulaliaisthechurchgenerally associatedwiththis episode, but the attribution is not taken seriously. .c18 RAMONLULLhorse, hegalloped rightintothe .church,sanctity ofwhichhewouldno doubthave vIOlatedstili furtherhadnot the worshippers, in a tumultuous scene, ejectedThis unhappy incident,2so runs the traditIOn,decidedthe ladythat by some meansorRa,:,on'ssuit must be ended. How she brought this aboutIS thesubject of the second story.After askingpermissionofher toemployadrasticremedy, shesummonedheradmirertoattendher in some secluded place-perhaps her own chamber-when, insteadof yielding, as nodoubt hetohis demands, sheuncoveredher bosom, anddisplayeda breast that wasbeing slowly consumed by a loathsomecancer." " See, Ramon," she cried, "the foulness of thisbody that has won thy affection1. Howmuchbetterhadst thoudone tohave set thy love on JesusChrist, ofWhom thou mayest have a prize that is eternal! ..4 Of the two stories thiS latter seems the less Im- one interesting inbeingprovided by a work of Lull s late middle Me, Felm, or theBookoj Marvels, in a very si!?ilar inci?ent .is toldin great detail.6 Bnefly-for thiS narrative IS un-1Bouvelles' account funs thus: .. equo conscenso inforo spaciaretuf.:videretque eamquamfattlo amore diligebat, in vicinum templum divine precIscausaprofectarn: max(tametsi equcs) illamintemplumpersecutusest, exquoconfestim(velutamensetincompossui factus) cui ingenti omnium risuexplodi meruit,"2 Pasqual (op. cit., i, pp. 47-8)nocredencetothestory, notonlybecauseitisnotinthecontemporarybIOgraphy,because Lullsays)always recounted in his works the worst offences of hiS youth, and was In anycasetoomuch of agentlemanbybirth andbreedingtocommit suchanactasthis. ThoughBouvelles recordsthe episode, it is not foundin Pax, and Ido not myself think it genuine.. u .,S I use the mediaeval substantlVe. Insanablhserat haeccanerl pestISIIIpectore mulieris,nsays Bouvelles, If sedlange insanabilior cupidinei amariscancer mentem laniabat RremundLn.. Thisstory alsoisnot Pax. Bouvelles seemstobethefirsttorelateit) goesintosomedetail, as alsodoesCorneJo, moregruesomely. Thelatteraddsthewords: .. Givenot toa womanthelovethatthouowest toGod," Pasqual (i, p. 58)considers the story tobe false. .5' Very fewwriters have noticed this similarity. (Alist given?yLongpre, col. I075.) y Pelayo (0r:'$enes de la novela, I, p.IXXXIV)quoted the episode, but conSIdered the traditionofthe to. befoundeduponit. Mn. Riber (Vidaip.. 109)thiS view.Tomeit seems more likely thatRamon, 10 Feltx, IS narratmg, Ina carefullyPROFLIGATELIFE 19pleasantly outspoken-abishopisdeeply enamoured ofa lady who refuses to do his will though he has wooed heronmanyoccasionswithgreat vehemence. Atlast sheinvites himto her chamber, where, to his initial dis-comfiture, he finds no less thanthreewitnesses-thelady's two waiting-maids and her nephew! In thiscompanyshe disrobes beforehim, andreveals a sightperhaps evenmore revolting, if less spectacular, thanthecancer. The lady thenreproveshimsternly forhis sin.. indesiringtobring herintothewrathof Godand ofher husband and of her friends, and into the blame of thepeople." Whereupontherepentant prelate has" greatshame and contrition."1Whether theincident of thecancerbehistorical orno, it was certainlynot theimmediatecauseof RamonLull's reformation, which perhaps is an argument againstthegenuinenessof thestory. NothinglessthandirectDivineinterventionwastoreclaimhim. "It wasThyPassion, 0 Lord,"hesays himself, "thatarousedandawakened Thy servant, when he was . . . dead inmortal sins."2 The Passion of Christ wasin fact" thebeginningandthecause"2of hisconversion, aneventwhichcameabout" inthefulness of hisyouth,"4 or,as nearlyas can be determined, when he was aboutthirty years of age.6He was sitting, one summerdisguisedform, an incidc;nt drawnfromhis ownearly life-apracticenotuncommonwithhim: hedoes it in Felix (seepp. 217, 222, below)-thanthat out of themanyhundredsof storieswhichherelatesinhisworksthisparticular oneshould, fornodiscoverablereason, havebecomeincorporatedinthe LulIian tradition. Further, it is usual for such stories togainin force;and not to lose, withthe re-telling; and anyone who has read in Felixthestory relatedabove willagreethat itismoredaringand(exceptperhapsto refined modern ears)more effective" than the cancer-story.1Felix, bk. viii, chap. 27 (Ohras, Hi b, pp. UO-I). L.C., chap. 55 (Obres, ii,p.87). Ibid. (pp87-88) . V.C., i (Life, p. I).l> This fact is statedon several occasions by Lullhimself, and, if we givedue weight to his actual words, we shall place his conversion in theyear of his age(c. 1263) :"'10 son estat fall del comensament demas' dies dentro'axxxanyspassats,que comensaenmiremembrament deIll.vostra saviea e desig deIll. vostra laore membransa deIll. vostra passio." (L.C.,chap. 70: Ohrei, iii, p. 65.).. Carxxxanshaque jonosonenest manestat fructu6s1anssonestatnoable a mas veyns e a mas amics." (L.C.chap. I07: Obru, iV1 p. 27.)20 RAMONLULLevening,lin his chamber, humming an air, to which he wasengagedin fitting some amorous verses inthe vulgartongue, addressedto whatever ladymay havebeen tem-porarily mistress of his heart. Suddenly," when his wholeunderstanding was engaged and occupied in the composi-tionof thisvainsong," 2he chanced to look up, still ab-sorbed by his thoughts, and there, on his right side, was thefigure of" our Lord God Jesus Christ hanging upon theCross."3 Sogreat wastheshockof thevisionthat hispen fell fromhishand. Nodoubts asto its objectivityoccurredto him; notheorythat hecouldformwouldaccount for it. His brain reeled; his powers of reasoningwere numbed anddead. Toreturntohis writingwasimpossible. Heleft thepapersas they were, scatteredabout him, and betook himself straightway to his couch.'No doubt he decided, on reflection, that he had beenoverwroughtby his passion, and, whenherosethe nextmorning, sat down again immediately to his song,thinkingnofurther of thevision. But, aweeklater,at about the same hour,when he was sitting inthe sameplace writing another part of his song, he suddenlybecame conscious once again of the sacred Presence.This time he was still more alarmed.7Without stayingfora moment'sthought, he flunghimself uponhisbed,andburiedhisfaceinthebed-clothessothat hemightnot see the terrible and persistent vision.1 Comment has alreadybeenmadeonthetendency of Lull'slesstrust-worthybiographers tomakehis birth, conversionanddeathfall onsaints'days(p. 8, above). Thedaycommonlyassignedto theconversion is theFeast of theConversionof St. Paul, Jan. 2S. But fromwhat follows itisclearthatitmust havetakenplaceinJuneor July, afact whichPasqual(i, pp. 54, 81) refuses tosee, preferringtocredit thetradition. Uponthistradition, some notes will be foundin Av" pp.74 ff. V.C., i(Life, p.).3p.e., i (Life, p. 2). Itadds thewords 56-7).2 Assuming, as seems most probable, that the suicide of the slave took placenotlaterthanthebeginningof 1274, thiswouldgiveRamonat least monthsat LaReal, as well asthefourmonthsand eight days or1Il.ore onMountRanda, and still it wouldbe possible forhimtohave crossed tothe. mainland before the end of the same year. Critics who think six months insufficient forthe writing of so many works should consider that Ramonwascomposing his Art under strong inspiration and also that he was writing withgreat rapidity for a large part of his very long life.a Miret i Sans, Itinerari, p. 503 ; Aigrefeuille, vol. i, p.143 : cj. DevicetVaissette, vol. ix-, p. 4z.II6 RAMONLULLnegotiations with Savoy.' Everything points to Ramon'svisit as takingplace between thesetwoevents, probablynearer the first than the second.It was some years-perhaps six or seven-sinceJames and Ramon had met in Mallorca, and in theinterval James had "heardit said" thatRamon had"written certain books" which he was not unnaturallycurious to see. No doubt the Prince's interest inRamon's history, andthe pleasurewithwhichhehadgreetedhimonhislast visittoMallorca, hadnot beenentirely untainted by disapproval. The best of men areapt tobesuspiciousof suddenconversions, andJames,if no worse than royal personages of his day, was certainlynobetter. Had Ramontold him anything inMallorcaabout hisprojectedtreatise on Contemplation, whichin1268 he would hardly yethavebeguntowrite? If wemay judgefromhis character, withitscombinationofdiffidence and common sense, he probably had not.Inanycase, all that hecouldhavesaidwouldbeof avagueandgeneral nature, and the Prince might be for-givenif he doubted whether the projects would come tofruition. But now all was different. Reports hadreachedMontpellier-havinglost nothing, wemaybesure, upon the journey-of Lull's supernatural ex-periences on Mount Randa, of the publication ofanenormous and most learned work written in Catalan andin Arabic, and of the composition of an " Art" of somekindbywhichall theheathencouldbeconvertedandwhich was said tobe infallible. Beneath such rumours,evenweretheyexaggerated, theremust of necessitybean important basis of truth. Here was somethingdefinitefor Jamestoseizeupon: hewouldseethosebooks, andhewouldfindout unfailingly if theirwriterwere really inspired or no.So Ramoncrossed theMediterranean, andmade hisway by slow stagestoMontpellier, acity with whichhemust .nave beenfamiliar fromboyhood, andinwhich,1 Devic et Vaissette, vol. ix, p. 48; Dameto, bk. iii, p. II23.~ V.C., iii, V.B.R.L. goes farther: .. quosdam libros bonos" (Life, pp. 14,56-7).VISITTOMONTPELLIER Ii]asitproved, hewastowritemorethanone of his best-known compositions. For a student of men and manners,as he had alreadyshown himself to be, fewcities inWestern Europe could have held somuchattraction.Ambitiousandwealthy, it wasthecentreof avastandever-growingtradeandthesceneof a perpetual fair, atwhichall kindsof merchandisewerebought andsold.Throughits three ports of Aiguesmortes, Maguelonneand Lattes, it sent goodstoEurope, Asia and Africa,-fruitsandvegetables, cheese, wineandoil, saltedmeat,leather cloths and the scarlet dyes for which it was every-where famous. It enjoyed commercial privileges inVenice, Sicily, Rhodes, Antioch and Jerusalem. Itshared in allthe benefits of the Conqueror's commercialtreaties withAfrica. In manyrespects it rivalledthegreat port ofMarseilles. And, asoneconsequenceofsomuchactivity, Christians ofeverycreed, fromtwocontinents, mingled inits streets and squares with Jews,Mohammedans and adherents of stranger cults thanthese. "MerchantsofItaly, Egypt, Palestine, Greece,Gaul, SpainandEngland,"wrotetheRabbi Benjaminof Tudela in his Itinerary, "men of all languagescanbeseen there together with the Genoese and Pisans," ,Even apart from this particular attractiveness,Montpellier was a favoured city to live in. Since1204,it hadbeen an Aragonesepossession, and wastoremainin the Conqueror's family till James III of Mallorcacededit, in 1349, to France. Its isolation won it acertaindegreeof independence; besides, it wasinanycase a favouritewith JamesIandhis descendants, and,save at infrequent intervals, basked pleasantly in thesunshine of their grace. Its citizens figure freelyin thepartition-roll of Mallorca, andagainandagainwereadofthe Conqueror or his son conferringuponit somefavour, or of being received in it with acclamation. Soif Ramonlearned early tolove Montpellier no lessthanthe" City of Mallorca," his birthplace, he may well havelearned it at court.1 Cit. Germain: Histoire du commerce deMontpellier. Montpellier, 186r,vol. i, pp. 4-5.I I 8 RAMONLULLAgain, hehadaffinitieswiththecitybecauseof itsecclesiastical and academicimportance. Although itsuniversity wasnottobe founded forsome years, it hadhad schools of law and medicine for more than a century,and, at thetime ofwhichwe are writing, degrees ofmedicine and civil law were established in them, and in-struction was given in manyother subjects. ThePopehadconsideredMontpellierof sufficient importancetobe the seat of theGeneral Council of 1274, although, inthe end, for want of sufficientaccommodation, thiswasheld in Lyons. Activity amongthereligiousordersinMontpellier was great at thisperiod; DominicansandFranciscans especially were strong; many new churcheswere built there; and, if true religiousprogress did notkeeppace with externalecclesiasticalprosperity,! amanofRamon's professionandcharacter was not likelytostay anythe lesswillingly inacity where, forthat veryreason,he might serve God the better."Arrived at Montpellier, Ramon laid his works beforehisroyalpatron, who at once "caused the said books tobeexaminedbyamaster intheology, whowasafriarminor,3and especially the meditations which he hadcompiledfor everydayof theyear, eachchapterbeingdivided into thirty paragraphs."4 The Franciscanselected as censor, who is said to havebeenFraBertranBerengari, awell-knowntheologian,5not onlyapprovedof the books but presented a report full of" great admira-tion and respect." It is said that the Ars MagnaimpressedhimlessthantheBookof Contemplation,?-a1 Germain,op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 45-63.:it Devicet Vaissette, passt"m; Germain, op. cit., vol. i,passim, vol. ii,pp. 1-63.3 Although7 infact, James' inclinations, like hisfather's, were in generalrathertowardstheDominicansthantheFrancistans. Cf. Dameto, bk. iii,pp. 546-7. V.C., iii (Life, p. '4)'5 .. FraterBertrandus Berengarii olimsacraeTheologiaeProfessor apudMontempessulaoum ": Wadding, 1287, '4(vol. Y, p. ,64), Cf. Pasqua!,Pindiciae, i, p. II3.(I Ibid. V.B.R.L.hasto quas meditationes 'philosophia et devotione Catha-lica plenas non sine admiratione reperit frater ille" (Life, p. 57).7 Thisseems to be onlyaninferencefromthespecialmentionaccordedto L.e. in the contemporary biography.BOOKOFDEMONSTRATIONS II9fact fromwhichone would like toinferthat beappre-ciated the quality and diversity of Ramon's literary gifts.Amorelikelyexplanation, however, isthat it was theextraordinary length, scope, and orderliness of the latterbook which surprised him. For one reason or another,his verdict has been confirmed by posterity.The favour shown to Lull and his books by the futureking encouragedhimto write others. One of thesemay perhaps have been a further application of theArs Magna,' another the Book of Definitions and Questions,"and a third theBook of Demonstrations, the date of whichisunknown." The last-named, closely relatedwiththeArs Magna,4is a treatise of some interest on the conversionof the heathen. The first of its four books discusses thepossibility of a comprehension of the articles of the faithbeing reached; the remaining books put forward proofsinturn forthe existence of God, forthe Trinity and forthe Incarnation. As conditions for the proper useofthis treatise, Lull postulates the reader's honest intentiontopraise and serve God, an open mind as to the truth orfalsehoodof the author'sclaims, adesireto attributetoGodthegreatest possiblenobility, andaknowledgeofwhat exactly is meant bythe term"understanding."It shouldbeaddedthat thechief reason fordating thebook in this period is that, according to the contemporarybiography, the Ars demonstrativa, which we know to havebeen writteninMontpellier some seven years later, was1So it is usually said, but see n. 4, below.:I Whichwas certainly writtenbefore 1275, asitis mentionedinD.P.,chap. 73. Fora longtime itwasthought tobeyet anothernamefortheLib" del Gentil (cf. p. 82, above), but tbeCatalan MS. bas now been foundinthe Ambrosian Library, Milan. See abo H,L,F;, No. 138, p. 296:, Pasqua!(ii, p. 333) alsoassignstotheyear 1275theCatalanBook ofPrayers and Contemplations of the Mind (" Libre de oracions e contemplacionsde 1enteniment en Den"), but this seems to be onlyaguess. H.L.F.(NO.147, p. 300) adds(incorrectly) thatnoMSS. areextant of this work,and thatnomentionof itisdiscoverableintheearlycataloguesof Lull'swritings,-which would make its genuineness almost as hypothetical as its date.There'are, however, two extant MSS. andaValenclanversion (by JoanBanlabi, 'S"), Cf. Loogpre, col. II03 IRogent i Dodo, BibUografla,etc.,pp. 68-71. Cf. V.B.R.L., ii (Life, p. 57) : .. Fecit Raymundu, sub pr"'dicta Arte sibidata in Monte . librumunum ... e t e . ~ The title is Liber Demon-strationum, qui est una Brancna Arhs Compendiosa4 Invenimdi Per/tatem.120 RAMONLULLwritten n.ow,1and that the author ofthat biography,usually fairly correct, should have confused two similarlyentitled works seems very possible.2 other works can with tolerable certainty bedated tn the years 127+-5, the probability being infavour of thelatteryearof thetwo.3Thefirst istheBook of theOrder of Chivalry; thesecond, theDoctrineforBoys (' Doctrina Pueril ').The date of the firstis partly fixedby its mention inthesecondas havingbeenalreadywritten. Attemptshavebeenmadetoexplainawaythisreference, butitsterms seem, for Lull, quite unusuallydefinite.' Thesecondmust have beenwritten before 1276, sinceanevent of that yearwhichwill shortlybedescribedhadclearlyat that time not happened "-againan unmis-takablydefiniteindication. Thevarious critics, there-fore, whohavedatedtheBookof theOrderof Chivalrybetween 1276and 1286 are definitelyprovedto bewrong. How long before the earlier date It was writtencannot be even guessed fromexternal evidence, andinternal evidenceisconflicting. Forwhile, ontheone1 V.C., iii (Life, p. 15). TheArt demonslrativais mentionedbut not?escribedI abrit;f descriptionisaddedof a!ecfura whichwas writtenupon!t. (See p. ISS, below.) V.B.R.L. (Life, p. 57) reads similarly.2Another reasonworthnoticingis Lull's description of himself inLiberas .. quida.mhO,mo.culpabiIis, pauper, miser, cummodicomtellectu, vl1ipendU8 a genubus,mdlgnus, quod anum nomen sit scriptuminhoc libra nee in altro." There is hardly an example to be found of such com-plete self-abasement anywhere in Lull's works after 1277.a Becauseit is difficult toseehowintotheyear U74couldhave beencrowded more than we are forced already to attribute to it.II II The beginning of chivalry was to maintain justice, as we havealreadysaid(ugons que ja avem parlat)intheBook if the Order if Chival1y"(D.P.,chap. 81: Obres, i, pp. 150-1).u li I.e.. the founding .of Miramar. cr.. D.P.,. chap. 83(Obres, i, p. 155) :ThereIS none who will foundmonasterIes whIch ahall be established for thelearning of diverslanguages, or who will sendfriars[intoheathen lands] topreach the word of God:' Rosse1l6(Obrarrimadas, p. 48) puts itat 1276-1286. Aguil6(seethetitle-page of his edition) supposes it to have been written at Miramar. H.L.F.(No. pp. the question to be quite open. Obrador1,pp. 464-5) 15SUSpICIOUS(ratherI think) of the referen'ce note 4above, but ,accepts it withcaution, though alsocommentingapprovmglyuponPasqua! s pure guess that L.O.C. was not written tillJamesII's corts of 1276. This wouldbring L.O.C. very near to D.P. ifweaccept the reference in the latter book.BOOKOFORDEROFCHIVALRY 121hand, it might besupposedtobetheworkof Lull therecent convert, thestyleof itsprologuesuggestssomedegreeofmaturity. Unlessthe prologue was writtenafter therest of thebook, it could hardlybe one of theearliest works of the author.1TheBook of theOrder of Chivalryisamuchbrieferwork than the Doctrine for Boys, and is divided into sevenchapters, "insignificance of the sevenplanets which.. govern and order the terrestrial bodies."2 Neverrising, either in style or in interest, to as high a plane asdoes the chapter on chivalry in the Book of Contemplation,Snever approaching it in realism or in fervour, it representson thewhole a decline fromthe standard already set upby Ramon himself, though to be sure it had a considerablesuccess, and influenced writers as notable as the CastilianJuan Manuel,' andJohanot Martorell, author of theCatalanclassic Tirant10Blanc." Its fiction, like that ofthe Book of the Gentile, starts promisingly, but its interestis illusory, both interest and fiction endingwith theprologue and the rest of the book depending upon themnot at all. Thestyle of thebookismoremonotonousthanthat of theBook of theGentile, its only merit beingI Another suggestion of early dateis intheprologuetoD.P. (Obres, i,pp. 3-4) whereLull declares that his nameis unworthyto bewritteninthebook, as in L.C. andelsewhere (see pp. 49-50 and120, n. 2, above).Thoughnotextreme, thisself-depreciationoccursalmostexclusivelyintheearly works.Ontheotherhand, D.P. refers to LiberDemmsfraJionumandArtIn-veniendi VeritaJnn, as well astoL.C. and the Libre deDefinicions e Questionsreferredto above. Itis impossible, therefore, toplace it earlier thanthe endof 1274.II Pasqua! (i, p. 205....) believed it to havebeen written for, and at the camwmand of, James II of Mallorca, but this seems to me a mere guess., L.C., chap. XI.(Obres, ii, pp. 57-63)., Thegeneral influence of RamonLull onJuanManuel, whichisnotextensive, is briefly discussed by Menende. yPelayo (in Origenes de la Nove/a,i, pp. lxxxvi-lxxxviii) and the two men are strikingly contrasted.Ii See L. Nicolau d'Olwer: .. Sabre les fonts catalanes del Tirant!o Blanc"(R.evista de hibUografia(atalana, Anyv, 1907, pp. 5-37), who givessomestriking parallels between this work of Lull's (chiefly the early part of it) and. Tirant kJ Blanc, chaps. i-iv, xxvii-xxxii). Previously Marian Agui16 (in his-edition of L.O.C., Barcelona, x879) had noted resemblances, without examiningthem closely, andMenendezy Pelayo(Origenes delaNove/a, i, p. ccliv)describes thefirst part of Tirant as U calcada,puede decirse que servilmente,"on Lull's treatise.122 RAMONLULLthat of straightforwardness. . There is hardly a figure ofspeech in the entire treatise.!The prologue, however, it will be agreed, shows someadvance in descriptive power, which augurs well forLull's future writings. A. noble and prudent knight,towards the end of his days, elects to retire to a hermitage,and chooses a solitary spot" in a great wood, aboundingin streams and fruitful trees." One autumn day,a squire passes by a spring, .. right fair and clear," wherethehermit-knight iswont tocome dailytopray. Theknight,who is .. very old, with a long beard and hair andgarments in tatterswith age,"takesupa book whenhesees the squire coming-a natural touch-and greets himon his approach.'They" sit down on the fair grass, the one beside theother," andthe knight, .. knowingthat the squire, toshowhimdeference, will not speak first, II asks himwhencehecomes andlearns that heis boundfor thecourt ofafar-famed king, wherehehopes toreceiveknighthood. On hearing this,the knight" sighs deeplyandis plungedintocogitation,"rememberinghis ownpast exploits. Naturallyenough, thesquireasks himthe nature of his thoughts, and, whenhelearns that hiscompanionhasbeenfor solonga knight, begshimtotell him all he can of the" rule and order of chivalry.""Fair friend!" said the knight, "the rule and order ofchivalrymaybe foundinthisbook, whereinI sometimes read,that it may cause me to remember the favour and grace which havebeenshownmebyGodinthis world, becauseI honouredandupheld the order of chivalry as best Imight." . .. .Sohe gave himthe book, and, when he hadreadit . . heremained for a moment in thought, and said: "Ah,LordGod!Blessed be Thou, Who hast brought me into this place at this time,that Imay have knowledge of chivalry, the which thing I have fotlong desired, without knowing either the nobility of the orderorthe honour wherein God has brought all that are therein."81 Unless we count illustrations astrite asthose on pp.:UI, 2.2+ (inObres,vol. i)there is absolutely none., L.O.C., Prblech (Obrtt, i, p. '05)'3Ibid. (pp. ,06-7).BOOKOFORDEROFCHIVALRY 123The book is, of course, by implication, Ramon Lull's,and the hermit-knight presents it to the squire, since hisowndaysarebut few, that hemaymakeit knownatcourt. He also, ratherpathetically, begshimtoreturnthat way when he has received knighthood, and to recountto him all that has happened. But the squire never doesso, or thus at least it would appear, for no word is heardof himmore. Andthereader, whowas beginningtofind both characters attractive-considerably more sothan the Gentile and the three wise men-is disappointed.The most interesting partof theremainderof theOrder of Chivalry is the first chapter,! which describes, ina somewhat idealisticfashion, the origins ofchivalry.Thesecondchapter, dealingwiththeofficeanddutiesof knighthood, repeats to someextent thechapter of theBookofContemplationreferredto. Wethenlearnhowa squire should be examined before being dubbed knight,and the preliminaries of the ceremony itself: the accountsgivensuggesttheessential connectionbetweenknight-hoodandreligion, a connectionwhichinthe Book ofContemplation is underlined in another way.Thesymbolismintheknight's armour-asdetailedas that in the vestments of a priest-is of interest to thosewho have small knowledge of such things, but thedetailingofit wouldhaveseemedtritein Lull's day.The chapter following this, on the" customs that belongtoaknight,"is particularlybanal, consistinglargelyofadiscourse, andquiteanuninspiredone, onthesevendeadly sins. The final chapter, on the honour thatshould be done to a knight, is brief."That the Order of Chivalry was popular in Lull's owndayissufficientlyprovedbythe numberoftranslationsmadefromit intoother languages. BesidestheLatin1 OrII part" (Obres, i, pp. 208-r r).II It ends (Obres, i, p. 247) : .. We have to treat of a book of the Order ofClergy...:" Of this book, which presumably was begun soon after L.O.C.,and probably plannedon similar lines, nothing is known, nor does it figureinthe catalogue of I3II. It is most probably theCatalan original, now lost,of the Liber Clericorum, whichwaswritteninLatinaslateas 130&(p. 335,below. Cf. Obres, vol. I, pp. 295-386) andRogent I Duran: Bibhografla,etc., pp. 22-23.124 RAMONLULLtext, there are at least tenextant manuscripts of Frenchversions, as well as two printed editions published in 154and 1505. ManyEnglishreaders will beacquaintedwith Caxton'sBook oj theOrdre oj Chyualrey, made fromaFrench versionof this book andprinted about 1484.The Buke oj the Order of Knychthede, translatedfromLull's treatise into Scots, by Sir Gilbert Hay (1456), andgreatly enlarged in the process, is not so generally known.1EvidentlyLull's Orderoj Chivalry-short, informatoryand picturesque-was found aconvenient and attractiveoriginal for thosewhowishedtowriteuponchivalry,andfor whomRamon's namehadameaning, whichitwould not improbably have for their public also.The Doctrine jor Boys was written for Lull's own sonDominic, to whom he frequently refers in it and to whomitisaddressed,-thoughnot by name. Theboy wouldnot have been more than seventeen at the time-probablyhe wasrather less-and thepre-occupation of his fatherwith hischoice of a profession3 and eventual marriage'confirmsour conclusions as tothe book's approximatedate. Itwas not writtensolely, thoughprimarily, forf.0ung Dominic, or at least not for Dominic while young.'Prayfor thywife," says onechapter, "andfor thychildren, if thouhast any" :' otherchaptersdeal witheducation, in the widest sense, showingthat thebookisamanualfor theparentandtheteacher, aswell asforthe child.Its early pages call for no detailed description. Theydrawupon the Bible rather more than Lull's earlier1 Anaccount of t h ~ e versionswill be foundinan editionof Caxton'stranslation edited by Alfred T. P.Byles fortheEarly English Text Society(London, 1926). The introduction to this edition also compares 1,u11'soriginal point by point withthese versions, andgivesa brief biography ofLull, which contains a few errors. D.P., PrOlecb (Obm, i, pp. 3-4). Most of the paragraphsof the workare addressed toU my son," as those of L.C. are addressed to God.S E.g. in the Prologue, andat the endof chap. 12) among()therplaces(ObTes, i, pp. 3-4, 28).4. E.g. D.P., chap. 28 (ObTes, i,P'. 51). There is no suggestion in the bookthat the boy was contemplating marriage at the time it was written., D.P., chap. 84 (Obm, i, p.rS8).DOCTRINEFORBOYS 125works, and treat of the fourteenarticles of the faith, theten commandments, the seven sacraments, the sevengifts of the Holy Spirit1 and the seven beatitudes.-Following them are others on the seven joys of Our Lady(there is nothing on the seven dolours 3), the seven virtuesandthesevendeadlysins. Thenext fivechapters, onthe "three laws," are of great interest. That onMahomet especially, which is surely the work of Lull thepreacher, recalls theBookoj theGentile.' Wenext passto secular instruction, two chapters being consideredsufficienttoexplainthenature of thesevenliberal artsof grammar, logic, rhetoric, geometry, arithmetic, musicand astronomy. Theology and law claim a chapter each,and a curious chapter on natural science shows that Lullhasnot lost interest inthissubject. Adescriptionofthescienceof medicineserves toconveysomehomelycounsels on health, after which a chapter on the mechani-cal arts-certainhandiworksandtrades-leadsuptoadiscussion of the more exalted offices to which the readerof the book may be called: the office of theprince, thehigheroneof thecleric, andthehighestof all, that ofthe religious. Before leavingthe subject ofvocation,Lull interpolatesachapteronthethemeof missionarywork,' which sums upthe ideas expressed inhisBook ofContemplation; already, inapassage whichshowsthat,forall his erudition, he knew how to appeal to youth,hehad held up the flaming ideal of martyrdom:Why wouldst thounotdie for JesusChrist 1 Because deathmakestheetofear. Becausethouhadst ratherbeinthisworldthanthenext. Wherefore, wert thouJesus Christ, thouhadstnever died, nor hadst willed to die. What thingisthis, that thelordwill diefor hisvassal, andthe vassal will not die for his lord 1 Or wherefore do the knightsof this worlddie for their lords in battle 1 Have thouno fear of11n,pired ratherby Isaiahxi, (lhe gift of pietybeingadded)thanbyGalatians v, 22-3, as might have been expected.::I This se.cqon is treated rather more freely than is customary.3This omission was soon tobe remedied. See pp. 139-40, below.4 As early as chap. 5 (Obres, i, p. 13)he had warnedhis son against thesensuous Moslem conception of Paradise., D.P., chap. 83.1 D.P., chap. 8 (Obres, i, p.21).:.I; These are studied, by Luis Pastre, art. cit." who rightly says that D.P. isthemost reliable of Lull's works forthe educationist to study. It is hardtoknow how far Lull is speaking for himself in Blanquerna and Felix.8 D.P., chaps. 6I, 9I, 93, passim. Cf. Blanquerna, chap. ii (BI., pp.37-40 ).death, foris it not the gate to the life wherein dwell the saints inglory l'Fromthis place to its close, the Doctrine for Boysbecomessomewhatmiscellaneousinitsarrangement ofsubjects. Chaptersonthe bodyandthesoul, lifeanddeath, arefollowedbyothersontemptation, vainglory,the feeding and educationof children, the inculcation ofgoodhabits, the four elements, fate andfortune, theAntichrist, theso-calledsevenages of theworld-onehardly knows what to expect next. The book is certainlya compendium of varied knowledge.Thechaptersof greatestinterestarethoseinwhichLull describes the bringing-up of children.2Therecouldhardlybea morepuritanical childhoodthanthatadvocated by this mediaeval Catholic. Aboyshouldnever beallowedtoseeanddesirefineclothes, tohear"vanities, idle words, romances and songs,"or tosmellperfumes such as musk and amber. In girls and women,"topaintandcolourthefeatures" isanabomination.Achild's first food is to bemilk; onlywhenhecan"run and play"is he to have" bread if he so desire";meat istobegivenbut sparingly, andfruit andsweetthings hardly ever. " Winethat is over-strong," we aretold," destroys thenatural heatand theunderstanding,and shortens life," while "strongsauces inflame thehumoursanddestroy thebrain." Precautions mustbetakennoless against theoverclothing of childrenthanagainst overfeeding them. Nature, in .short, isthebestmother, and" that which she loses in the childrenof therich, she gainsinthechildren of thepoor." The sonsofpoormenareprotectedbytheir verypovertyfrommanyof the temptations which assail the rich."Inthetrainingofthe mind, it is important tosetnobleideals beforechildren, andtospeaklittleof vice126 RAMONLULLDOCTRiNEFORBOYS 127and sin; toaccustomthem at a very early agetoloveGod and Divine worship; to allow no children, or otherpersons, of ill education, to enter the home. It is note-worthy that the child is to be fully and rigidly instructedin doctrine, andother matters concerninghis beliefs,before anything is said to him of morality,land that, justasascetichabitsareinculcatedinhim fromhisearliestyears, soasceticidealsarehelduptohimashegrowsolder-in order that he may follow them if he feelscalledso to do, and in any case may admire and reverence them.Not only is the life of the evangelist described with some-thing nearer to emotion than we have yet foundin Lull,but the mystical life is glanced at, as embodying anoblerideal-thatof the" infusedscience "-thanthe" acquiredscience"of thetheologian. " Thecontem-plative life isnearer toGod and farther from sin thanistheactive life,"2 but, likethemissionary andwould-bemartyr, the contemplative must court self-denial.Apart fromits somewhat faulty progression, theDoctrine forBoys is well adaptedtoitsdidacticpurpose.With but fewexceptions, its chapters are short, itsparagraphs are short, and itssentencesare short. Thisbrevity, most marked, very properly, in the earliestchapters, is a striking contrast to the occasional, andsometimesmorethanoccasional, wordinessof all Lull'searlier writings. Further, thereis acharmabout theDoctrinewhichmakes it pleasant reading. Theterse,maxim-like formof all the instructions, the staccatosentences, the briskness with