Piety among Tablighi women

8/13/2019 Piety among Tablighi women

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Piety among Tablghwomen

Jan A. Ali

Published online: 1 July 2011

# Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2011

Abstract Islamic piety in Muslim women has been on the rise in the last three

decades around the world. Much of it involves formerly nominal Muslim women

becoming observant of Islamic rules, rituals and practices and taking their faith

seriously. For these women, it is a journey of spiritual elevation. It is a new

endeavour of Islamic awakening and self discovery. All this is occurring in an era

characterized by a modernity which claims, among other things, that religion is the

basis for womens oppression in society. Thus, western and western-educated

scholars and feminist theorists have argued for the unveilingof Muslim women as

part of the process of weakening the hold of Islam and allowing women to become

free thinking, liberal and independent. This article is an attempt to explore the

continuous growth of Islamic piety in Muslim women around the world. Using the

Tablgh Jamat in Australia as a case study, the article seeks to understand the role

of Islamic piety in Muslim women. The article argues that Islamic piety in Muslim

women is an attempt by Muslim women to find a religious response to modernity.

Keywords Tablgh Jamat. Women . Australia. Islam . Revivalism . Piety

Introduction

Piety among Muslims in a range of Muslim societies and communities has been on

the rise in the last three decades around the world. Embodied in contemporary

resurgence of Islamic forms of social behaviour as part of a larger project of

reinstating orthodox Islamic virtues or pristine Islamic practices (Mahmood 2005),

piety has become a tool forAl-amr bi-l-marf wa-l-nahy an al-munkar(enjoining

the good and preventing the forbidden) in the lives of many Muslims. Although thisform of Islamic social behaviour is often studied in the context of male practices, this

Cont Islam (2011) 5:225247

DOI 10.1007/s11562-011-0164-9

J. A. Ali (*)

Centre for the Study of Contemporary Muslim Societies, University of Western Sydney, Sydney, Australia

e-mail: [email protected]


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article looks at the less-studied rituals of piety among women, specifically female

members of the Tablgh Jamat1 in Australia.

In the context of the Tablgh Jamat, piety has found a strong hold on its female

members. It involves practices and rituals such as bayn (religious talk), dhkr

(knowledge and remembrance of Allh), khurj (preaching tour), tablgh (a calltowards religion), talm (education), wearing the burq

2 and gender segregation.

Piety among the Tablghs is seen as a necessary component of Islamic virtue or

being a true believer because it both expresses true Islamand is the means through

which knowledge and practices of true Islam are acquired.

The observation of Riaz Hassan (2008) about Muslim piety sheds important light

on the concept. He notes that:

Religion provides the means to create a morally coherent and meaningful

life As religion is the essence of Muslim identity, religious commitment is

both the evidence and the expression of this identity. An analysis of Muslim

religiosity or religious commitment can provide vital insights into the nature

and character of Islamic consciousness and the role it plays in shaping the

political and social organization of Muslim societies (Hassan2008: 62).

In light of this fact, this article is a modest contribution, through a preliminary

investigation into piety among Tablghwomen, to understanding why many Muslim

women are returning to Islam in an era characterized by a modernity which claims,

among other things, that religion is the basis for womens oppression in society. It

will show how contemporary Islamic forms of social behaviour are re-orientatingMuslim women towards maintaining moral standards and transforming the self with

direct and indirect consequences on the broader moral and social milieu.

The article contends that piety among Tablghwomen is part of a larger project of

Islamic revivalism that seeks to return Muslims to orthodox Islamic virtues and

practices of worship and to mount a defence against the Western ideologies of

secularism, liberalism and materialism. The article argues that the acquisition of

piety by the Tablghwomen is motivated by their need to increase their faith (mn)

as a basis for self-fulfilment and happy living. Lavishness and material extravagance

are shunned because they are believed to fail in providing self-fulfilment to the

extent that inwardly directed piety does. Tablgh women find the vocation of

discovering God more fulfilling and rewarding than participating in the consumer

culture of material capitalism.

The interviewees

The study is based on a small sample of four unstructured interviews conducted

between January and March 2009. Each interview was approximately 1 hour and 30

minutes long. All the interviewed women lived in Sydney in the state of New South

Wales in Australia. Their membership of the Tablgh Jamat ranged from a

1 The Tablgh Jamat or group for propagation [of Islam] is an Islamic organisation that originated in

India in the 1920s and is now active in many countries around the world (Sikand 2002; Ali2006).2 A loose outer garment for women, covering the whole body including the head, face and torso.

226 Cont Islam (2011) 5:225247


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minimum of 4 years to a maximum of 25 years. The interviews were conducted in

the Tablghwomens homes by a female researcher.

In this article, I shall refer to the four interviewees as Aiesha Abdullah, Samar El-

Masri, Fatima Ibrahim and Asma Hussein.3 Aiesha Abdullah, the first, is a 41-year-old

homemaker. She is an Australian citizen but was born in England, and her ethnicbackground is Pakistani. She is married, has one child and has been involved with the

Tablgh Jamat since 1990.

Samar El-Masri, whose ethnic background is Egyptian, is 30 years old and

describes herself as a home-schooling educator. She was born in Australia. Samar is

married with children and has been involved with the Tablgh Jamat since she was

7 years old when she started accompanying her parents on various preaching tours,

which are known as khurj.

Fatima Ibrahim is a 20-year-old homemaker. She was born in Australia, and her

ethnic background is Lebanese. She is married, has one child and has been involvedwith the Tablgh Jamat since 2006.

Asma Hussein is a 47-year-old housewife who also attends university part-time.

She is an Australian citizen but was born in Lebanon and, therefore, has Lebanese

ethnicity. Asma Hussein is married with four children and has been involved with the

Tablgh Jamat since 1985.

Before considering some of the material from their interviews, it will be useful to

present some further background to the Tablgh Jamat.

Islamic revivalism in the modern era

Islamic revivalism is a sociologically significant phenomenon in the modern world.

Constituted by a large diversity of revivalist movements, Islamic revivalism is a

complex and heterogeneous reality. As Dekmejian observes, the movement to return

to pristine Islam or the development of Islamic revivalism is at once spiritual,

social, economic, and political in nature (Dekmejian 1985: 7). Though Islamic

revivalism is by no means a monolithic phenomenon, there is a common thread

between these disparate movements that binds them together. For the earlier

movements, it is the Muslims direct experiences of colonialism, while for more

recent movements, it is the consequences of these experiences and the ideology of a

defensive reaction to the crisis of modernity.

The literature on contemporary Islamic revivalism point to the colonial

experiences of the people of the dr al-Islm (abode of Islam)4 as the catalyst for

Muslims returning to their faith with great zeal and enthusiasm. The encounter of the

West with the people of the dr al-Islm was intense, less than amicable and

ultimately led to the downfall of the Muslim world (Esposito1983; Hunter1988).

Thus, in the last 150 years or so, revivalist ideas and motivations have surfaced

essentially in direct response to the challenges and experiences generated by Western

influence and intrusion, particularly European expansion on Islamic life. The

3 All names have been changed for reasons of confidentiality. The interviews took place in the Sydney

suburbs of Blacktown, Auburn and Greenacre between January and March 2009.4 This term refers to regions of the world where Islam was freely practised under Muslim rule.

Cont Islam (2011) 5:225247 227227


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European conquests of Muslim territories, which began in the sixteenth century,

overwhelmed Muslim societies with new Western technologies, methods of

economic management, political systems and ideology (Bagader 1994). Muslims,

who had reigned supreme for many centuries, quickly came under Western

domination by the nineteenth century, and their societies were confronted with amultiplicity of challenges (Bagader1994). The advent of colonialism broke up the

traditional Islamic political order, especially the Mughal dynasties and the Ottoman

Empire, and challenged its traditional beliefs and norms, causing a major crisis in

Islamic authority and Muslim identity (Bagader1994). Under Western influence and

colonial rule modernity found its way into the dr al-Islm bringing sweeping

changes to the Muslim world (Rahman 1982; Esposito 1983; Hunter 1988). The

processes of secularization, urbanization and modernization undermined and

challenged old myths, doctrines, institutions, social structures and social relation-

ships. Muslim societies underwent radical socio-economic, cultural and politicalchanges (Rahman1982).

The development of contemporary Islamic revivalism as a significant political

phenomenon, according to Sidahmed and Ehteshami (1996), grows out of the

experience of decolonization and continued underdevelopment in much of the

Muslim world. Many Muslims felt a strong sense of being socially, economically

and politically eclipsed and deprived of the benefits of modernization. Islamic

revivalism emerged in response to the perceived failure of secular models of

development on the one hand and a lack of social and political initiatives and

reforms by Muslim authorities and elites on the other.Social dislocation resulting from or accompanying economic development,

rapid urbanization, destruction of traditional institutions, expansion of

education, and social mobility had resulted in the growth of deep social

tensions and discontent. This environment was compounded by the growing

inability of the states to provide necessary services for their subjects as a result

of mounting economic crises (Sidahmed and Ehteshami 1996:7).

As Hunter notes,

the process of modernization has generally been carried out in an unbalancedand unfair manner, with the economic and social benefits of modernization

distributed unevenly among the Muslim populations. In addition, many Islamic

leaders have used the paradigm of modernization to justify and legitimate their

arbitrary rule (Hunter1988: xiii).

Scholars of Islamic revivalism have frequently argued that the revival of Islamic

forms of social behaviour, such as men sporting beards, women donning the burq

orhijb, increased observation of daily ritual prayers, strict observance of gender

and dietary rules and the proliferation of mosques and prayer halls in various

Muslim communities and societies can probably be best explained as an expression

of resistance against the process of westernisation and a response to the negative

consequences of the modernising project undertaken after the end of colonial period

by Muslim regimes (Ali2006; Burgat and Dowell 1997; Esposito1992; Roy1994).

From this perspective, the success of reviving orthodox Islamic practices depends on

mounting a resistance against modernist secular-material teachingsteachings

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whose supporters are thought to be postcolonial secular modernist Muslim political

powers that co-operate with Western hegemonic authorities.

Contemporary Islamic revivalism is, therefore, a struggle against the forces

hostile to religion and aspects of traditional and religious life. The Islamic

revivalists who subscribe to this ideological approach see Islamic revivalism as thelast hope for bringing about Islamically useful and acceptable changes in their

societies. For these revivalists, the return to pristine Islam is the solution to existing

problems. Through personal and social reform and Muslim unity, they seek to

strengthen Islam and present it as the alternative to Western order.

The significant surge in Islamic consciousness and activities among both male

and female Muslims in the last three decades in Muslim countries, as well as in non-

Muslim countries where a considerable number of Muslims live such as in India and

even in the Muslim diaspora, needs to be understood in this complex context.

Contemporary Islamic revivalism as a significant global phenomenon highlights theongoing importance of religion in the modern epoch. It is not only Muslim men who

are devoting themselves to religious convictions and engaging in religious rituals

and practices of worship at an ever increasing rate. Muslim women also, the focus of

this article, are becoming increasingly conscious of their religious identity and are

freely expressing themselves in religious terms. Saba Mahmood, who did an

important ethnographic study of piety among the womens mosque movement in

Egypt, highlights this fact. She says:

According to participants, the mosque movement had emerged in response to

the perception that religious knowledge, as a means of organizing dailyconduct, had become increasingly marginalized under modern structures of

secular governance. The movements participants usually describe the impact

of this trend on Egyptian society as secularization (almana or almniyya)

or westernization (tagharrub), a historical process which they argue has

reduced Islamic knowledge (both as a mode of conduct and a set of principles)

to an abstract system of beliefs that has no direct bearing on the practicalities

of daily living. In response, the womens mosque movement seeks to educate

ordinary Muslims in those virtues, ethical capacities, and forms of reasoning

that participants perceive to have become either unavailable or irrelevant to thelives of ordinary Muslims. Practically, this means instructing Muslims not only

in the proper performance of religious duties and acts of worship but, more

importantly, in how to organize their daily conduct in accord with principles of

Islamic piety and virtuous behaviour (Mahmood 2005: 4).

This brings the claim of secularisation theory that in the face of modernization,

the influence of religion will diminish markedly under intense scrutiny. It raises the

broad sociological question of the compatibility of religion with modernity. In fact, it

raises the sociological question of why religion continues to play a vital role in the

modern epoch. Perhaps this is due to the fact that modernization as a

multidimensional process with its urbanization and state formation, rationalization

of the economy, differentiation of social structure, individualization and disenchant-

ment of the worldview has weakened if not destroyed peoples anchorage and sense

of community. Many people feel fragmented and lost and reverting to religion is

possibly a way of establishing roots and finding the ultimate meaning of life. We will

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see later on in the article that this is precisely what the Tablghwomen are trying to

achieve through their involvement in the Tablgh Jamat.

Origins and growth of the Tablgh Jamat

Founded by Muhammad Ilys in 1927, the Tablgh Jamat emerged in Mwt,

India, in a direct response to the rise of Hindu Arya Samaj sect. From this sect

emerged two proselytizing movements of shuddh (purification) and sangathan

(consolidation). They were engaged in large-scale efforts to win back strayed

Hindus who accepted Islam during Muslim political hegemony in India. The Arya

Samajis claimed to be the new defenders of Hinduism, which they alleged had

become a forgotten faith and slipped into decadence at the hands of the Brahmans.

In order to counter Arya Samaj proselytizing amongst the Meos, the TablghJamat emerged to embark on the mission of Islamic faith renewal and awakening

among the Meos of Mwt and beyond in India. Muhammad Ilys, who died in

1944, had gained his Islamic qualifications from the Dr al-Ulm, the well-known

seminary founded in 1866 in the small town of Deoband in Uttar Pradesh at a time

when the British were at the zenith of their rule in India, which emerged as the

leading force in a reformist movement in British India in the violent context of the

aftermath of 1857 mutiny.5

The Tablgh Jamat argued that the true teachings of Islam had been grossly

neglected by Muslims everywhere and not just in India. It saw the Muslimbourgeoisie as overly comfortable in the lap of luxurious living and had generally

given up their obligation toAllh(God) in totality. It argued that the ulam(Islamic

scholars) were paying too much attention to knowledge construction within the

confines of educational institutions and mosques and not paying enough attention to

encouraging the majority of lay Muslims to practice Islam in their daily living. This

created a gap between the learned and the lay Muslims and consequently led many

ordinary Muslims to question the validity of Qurnic teachings. Such a trend only

threatened further decline of Islam. Based on this, the Tablgh Jamat declared

Muslims to be in crisis and embarked on the mission of faith renewal.

To tackle the threat to Islam and overcome Muslim crisis, Ilys argued that

practical measures were needed. He suggested reviving Islam. He stressed that the

responsibility of reviving and spreading Islam was not confined to the ulam but

was incumbent on every Muslimmen and women alike. He, therefore, founded the

movement whose aim, since its inception, has been to purify Muslims from religious

5 The Deoband movement is a part of SunnIslam and is based on the Hanafjurisprudential school of

Islamic thought. Its members strictly follow Islamic orthodoxy and have always taken inspiration from the

Saudi Arabian based Wahhbi movement, the Muslim revivalist movement founded by Abdl Wahhb in

Saudi Arabia in the eighteenth century. The founders and initial scholars of the Deoband movement werealso vehement opponents of the Mutazilites, a school of Islamic thought that holds that Islamic teachings

are open to rational discussion. The Deoband movements cultural style has been text-based and it is

uncompromising and confrontational towards bida (impermissible innovation). The Deoband movement

emphasizes the importance of the Hadth literature, which it argues is the most important text of Islam

after the Qurn. Its efforts are directed towards re-establishment of true Islam, and it has regularly

clashed with the Barelws, a group who also follow Sunn Islam but have a strong Sf devotional

tradition.

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syncretism and remake them into better Muslims or model citizens of the

world for the rest of humanity to emulate. He developed six foundational

principles, which I will discuss next in detail, to keep his movement together and

operational.

The six principles of the Tablgh Jamat

The activities of the Tablgh Jamat revolve around its six principles, and both men

and women observe them in their pursuit of the Tablghpath of religious living. For

Tablghs, this constitutes the foundation of their piety. These principles are:

Shahdah (article of faith) Like other Muslims, Tablghs accept that there is no god

but Allh and that Prophet Muhammad is His messenger.

Salt (ritual prayer) Again, similarly to most other Muslims, Tablghs believe that

all Muslims should offer their five daily prayers. Tablghs emphasise this practice of

worship very much arguing that five ritual prayers are essential to spiritual elevation,

piety and a life free from the afflictions of the material world.

Ilm and Dhkr (knowledge and remembrance of Allh) Tablghs emphasize that the

knowledge and remembrance of Allh is important for spiritual growth. They,

therefore, regularly conduct sessions in which a congregation listens to the recitationof Qurn and preaching by an mir (leader), and they perform superrogatory

prayers and read Hadth(accounts of the Prophet Muhammads sayings and deeds).

Ikrm i-Muslim (respect for every Muslim) Tablghs place a strong emphasis on

treating fellow Muslims with honour and deference as this builds good solid

personal and social relationships.

Ikhls i-niyt (emendation of intention and sincerity) This principle is to encourage

Muslims or Tablghs specifically to perform every human action for the sake of

Allh leading to self-transformation.

Tafriq i-wqt (sacrifice of spare time) This is the sparing of time to learn dn

(religion) and to impart the knowledge gained to fellow Muslims. For this, Tablghs

are instructed to invest 3 days in a month, 1 month in a year and 3 months in each

life time to exit from the normal everyday rhythm of life to develop and improve

faith, learn the virtues ofdnand Prophetic traditions and take His message door-to-

door for the sake of Allh.

The Tablghworldview and Islamic revivalism

The Tablgh Jamat holds a common orthodox view of the world. For them, the

world has changed in a radical way from the time of the advent, success and

dominance of Islam until the present day. The world has become modern. It is

Cont Islam (2011) 5:225247 231231


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characterized by modern mass society. Modern mass society is secular because

religion is not the source of moral order or the basis for the social, economic and

political order. The will of the gods is no longer applied to legitimize power and

personal gain is the norm, requiring no further legitimation. The aim and purpose of

life is not spiritual enlightenment or meeting the demands of a supernatural being fora good life but the material pursuit of present happiness. Modern mass society

functions through the efforts and initiatives of human individuals both individually

and collectively. Through rational purposive actions and the utilisation of science

and technology, efforts and activities find meaning and efficacy thus permitting

human beings to be in control of and shape their own lives. This naturally mitigates

the need to be dependent on any outside force or power and so human beings

become masters of their own world. Wilson puts all this neatly together saying:

All one time functions of religion have declined in significance as human

involvements have ceased to be primarily local, and as human associations

have ceased to be communal. Industrial society needs no local gods, or local

saints; no local nostrums, remedies or points of reference. Personal gain is

the common sense of modern life, needing no further legitimation, whilst

material provision, not spiritual solace, is what society now offers the poor

(1982: 15960).

For the Tablgh Jamat, all this is problematic. First and foremost, it sees the

world as being not in a state of peace and prosperity but in a state of self-service,

bitter rivalry and ungodliness

the state of j

hilyah (ignorance). What Toennies(1955/1889) describes as a positive transformation of the society from Gemeinschaft

to Gesellschaft, and Durkheim (1974) as a transition from mechanical solidarity to

organic solidarity, Tablgh Jamat describes exclusively in negative terms. Tablghs

suggest that such a transformation has produced a modern civilization upon which is

based the entire current organization of the world which no longer represents the

unity of people within society. The development and the spread of nation-states

across the globe is a good example.

Tablghs see the development of nation-states as the epitome of modern civilization.

The modern civilization, Tablghs suggest, is not like the Islam in which sovereignty

rests with God, whom acts as a central unifying force. While this political sovereignty

unified under belief in God existed only for a brief period in Islamic history, it can be

achieved again, since Islamic history has shown that it is possible.

The modern world is ideologically as well as politically fragmentary and divided into

many nation-states. These nation-states are based on differentman-madesets of rules

and regulations and have their own separate socio-cultural, economic and political

structures and separate geographical boundaries with the right to self-determination.

Tablghs claim that, given the fact that human beings are created by Allh and are not

creators themselves, it is then only prudent and logical to base life on an already

prescribed legal frameworksharah (Islamic law)rather than invent one, which

only leads humanity into inventing more rules and regulations which in turn constantly

set people against each other and draw them into disputes and conflicts.

Tablghs argue that while the notion of development is of central concern in the

nation-state, its focus is material improvement, not spiritual development. It is the

absence of connection between spiritual development and material improvement,

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Tablghs argue, that is the key source of all prevailing problems facing humanity.

Tablghs find support for their view in the verse: Verily never will Allah change the

condition of a people until they change it themselves (Quran193813: 11). Thus,

Tablghs suggest that social and material development is Gods work and His reward

for spiritual improvement. Tablghs argue that the spiritual cultivation of the goodside of a person helps to create self-discipline against evil. This has the benefit of

contributing to a persons well being and to the social and material development of

the community of believers (ummah), within which good is pursued and evil is

forbidden.

Tablghs argue that when peoples or societies and states do not fit as one

community guided by and governed under a single source of rules and regulations

like the sharah, development is hampered and there emerges a potential crisis and

challenge to the unity of the nation-state. The Tablghs argue that the boundaries

of the nation-state and the monopoly of force within it have been challenged overthe years by sub-nationalist movements seeking self-determination. They oppose

nationalism, which they see as evil and a cause of division amongst people.

The social solidarity of the ummah, not of the nation-state, is the Tablghs

central focus. The ummah is analogous to internationalism, not nationalism, where

the sense of identity is an important aspect but equally important for the preservation

of theummahare aspiration, loyalty and devotion. Thus, for Tablghs, nationalism is

perceived as a man-made and parasitic ideology because it is often difficult, even

impossible, to identify a single characteristic common to all members of national

society.All this implies that the idea of religion has changed and people can make their

own religion, which instead of reflecting the community spirit, reflects the

individuals own private quest for reality. The things that have replaced religion

are now focused on the individual, on the self and the modern mass society has

become a self-absorbed entity.

To change the situation and save the world from drifting further into the state of

jhilyah, the Tablgh Jamat suggests that Islam has to be revived and re-

established as a dominant global belief system. For the Tablgh Jamat, this is a

desirable yet practically distant prospect. What is immediately achievable is the

Islamic awakening among the Muslims themselves. With a return to the basics of

Islam approach, the Tablgh Jamat sees an immediate impact made on the process

of reviving Islam. The philosophy that resonates with the Tablgh Jamat here is that

of saving oneself before saving others. Salvation can only reach others if one first

saves oneself. Therefore, Muslims themselves need to first and foremost enter totally

into the fold of Islam and base their entire life on the Qurn and the sunnah

(sayings and practices of Prophet Muhammad).

But what does the Tablgh Jamat exactly mean by this? Does this mean an

abandonment of the material world in what has been described as world-rejecting

new religion(Wallis1984) or does it mean what I would like to call inner-worldly

focus? Inner-worldly focus refers to the notion of inward concerns for the

purpose of improving, reforming and developing oneself internally in terms of

Islamic practices and rituals. It draws on Webers concept of inner-worldly

asceticism (1966) and Walliss concept of a world-accommodating new religion

(1984). The Tablgh Jamat as a movement is neither inner-worldly asceticism nor a

Cont Islam (2011) 5:225247 233233


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world-accommodating new religion, but an inner-worldliness sect, because it

encourages living as part of the general community, not outside of it, but at the

same time, it emphasizes a cautionary approach to terrestrial and materialistic affairs.

Total entry into the fold of Islam, in Tablgh Jamat parlance, does not denote

adopting a world-rejecting new religion but rather an inner-worldly focus. Allhcreated the world so the Tablgh Jamat sees it as always deserving of human

attention and respect, despite its current jhil (pre-Islamic) state brought about by

none other than human beings themselves. Allh created the world for human living

and use, and by the virtue of this fact, the material world remains essential for the

pursuit of human living. The inner-worldly focus in terms of total entry into the fold

of Islam in the context of the Tablgh Jamat denotes a cultivation and re-infusion of

Islamic values and cultures in individual living and in ones immediate (domestic

and familial) environment. The broader outside world is not rejected, but a

cautionary approach to it is taken because it still remains part of the totalembodiment of life.

Gender relations

Tablghwomen observe strict gender rules, and unlike mainstream Muslim women,

who generally exercise only limited restrictions in their interactions with men, their

conservatism generally leads them to avoid interacting with men beyond their

mah

rim.

6

As Metcalf notes,

Women are encouraged to engage in Tabl

gh and to goout, so long as they do not mix with unrelated men. They are expected to engage in

Dawa within their own sphere of women and family members (2000: 50).

Similarly, Sikand observes:

Only married women may go out on a jamat, and they must always be

accompanied by a male relative. This should preferably be the husband. If, for

some reason, the husband is unable to accompany a woman, she must have her

son, brother, father, grandfather or some such mihramrelative with her (1999: 43).

This distance between the two genders is further enhanced by the practice on the

part of the majority of Tablghwomen of wearing the burq. Tablghwomen avoid

interaction with non-mah

rim and clad themselves in burq. They see these

practices as part oftaqw(piety) and often as linked to ibdt(worship). Of course,

these practices alone do not epitomise the model Islamic womanhood, but

nonetheless, from the Tablgh womens perspective, they reinforce the image of

proper Islamic womanhood in a very potent and important way.

However, from the perspective of mainstream Muslims, and from certain

academic positions, such strict observation of gender rules and the wearing of the

burqdo not necessarily translate to piety and worship. For Yoginder Sikand (1999),

for example, Tablghgender rules and the practice of donning the burqis part and

parcel of traditional Islamic understandings of the role of women as wives and

mothers(1999: 46) in Muslim communities and perhaps has little, if anything, to do

6 Mahrim (singularmih

rm) are close male kin, before whom one can appear without observing h

ijb

(veil), and whom one cannot marry.

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with piety and worship. He sees that the Tablgh discourse surrounding womans

agency places her within the confinement of the four walls of her home (Sikand

1999: 46). Thus, Domestic work alone is the proper sphere for women (Sikand

1999: 47).

Such an interpretation of Tablgh womens bodily behaviour is derived fromlooking at these women and their movement from outside in. Whilst there is nothing

inappropriate about such an approach, it is important to realise that if we wish to

give the subjects, in this study, the Tablghwomen, their own voice, it is absolutely

critical to better understand their agency and subjectivity and how they go about the

routines of everyday life. Also, it is imperative that we appreciate the subjective

meanings the Tablgh women assign, as we will see below, to their natural

environment of daily life and real social processes. This kind of appreciation of

Tablghwomens bodily behaviour and their engagement with reality construction is

undoubtedly rich sociologically.The debate surrounding the legitimacy of burq, gender segregation and other

Islamic virtues in the context of the Tablgh Jamat is only a minor part of the

much larger argument raging today not only in the Muslim world but also wherever

Muslims live, including in the countries of the West, amongst traditionalists,

modernists and secularists regarding ritual performative behaviour articulated in

the tradition of contemporary Islamic revivalism. Whilst this is a complex and long

discussion, I want to argue that Tablghwomens own interpretation of their bodily

behaviour is absolutely critical. Their rituals of piety are not just about how they

are enacted but explain the way they are embodied and expressed experientially inan attempt to construct a new religious-oriented identity. Hence, Tablghwomens

commitment to various Tablgh amls (good deeds) is part of the bodily

behaviour that is at the very centre of their proper realisation of true Islam.

Mahmood reinforces this point in her exploration of the relationship between what

she calls body learning and body sense (2005: 158). She argues that:

in this program of self-cultivation is that bodily actslike wearing the veil or

conducting oneself modestly in interactions with people (especially men)do

not serve as manipulable masks in a game of public presentation,

detachable from an essential interiorized self. Rather they are the criticalmarkersof piety as well as the ineluctable meansby which one trains oneself

to be pious (2005: 158).

This can be seen more clearly at an experiential level in Tablghwomen when we

turn to our interview material. Thus, Aiesha Abdullah, who has been a Tablghfor

10 years, illustrates:

I prefer segregated gathering. I am more confident and relaxed in these

gatherings. [As for wearing burq orhijb] I wear only a scarf and modest

clothing. I feel proud of those women who can wear the abay [a robe-like

dress] andnqb[a veil which covers the face] because they have so much love

for the first women of Islam. They are the ultimate feminists. They emulate the

best women. I choose not to wear these garments because I dont have the

degree of taqw[piety] in me that was present in those women. The garments

would definitely make me feel more pious.

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Samar El-Masri, who has been with the movement since she was 7 years old, says:

With men of the family there is no difference. However, with other men I have

always been courteous but not over friendly. I will not befriend anyone and invite

him to a cup of tea between the ages of 10 years and 60 years. Levels of piety I

believe change and goes up and down as time goes on. But again this is not

something I would consider no matter how low my pietyno male friends. I have

been around for a while as have been my parents and have lived through so much

with friends and even strangers who ask for advice. Most of the time the problems

have come about, I believe, because of mixing between the genders too freely.

Therefore, veil helps maintain the separation between men and women. It

doesnt stop the communication. I wear the face veil and to me it is a step

closer to Allh. There are many things I am unable to do but others can. This is

the area in religion I am able to do for Allh.

Fatima Ibrahim, who joined the Tablgh Jamat in 2006, says that:

The way I am dressed makes a man lower his gaze; makes a man respect a

woman more. This is because I wear the burq. The burq is a part of me.

Wearing it is ibdt[worship]. I really love it and I cant imagine leaving the

house without it. I really felt humble and peaceful when I first wore it. Yes, I do

feel more pious because I wear theburqand I think men respect me more and

I feel like an example for younger girls.

Through the exploration of Tablghwomens bodily behaviourtheir rituals of

pietywe are able to gain a more precise understanding of the operational functions

of the Tablgh Jamat and by extension the phenomenon of contemporary Islamic

revivalism. In new migrant urban settings or modern urban spaces such as Sydney,

Tablgh Jamat offers Muslim women occasions for new prospects of selfhood to be

discovered, modelled and projected. As we saw above, the Tablghwomen model

new selves which are seen to be in line with Islam and an important and visibly

potent way in which the self manifests itself is in attire. Tablgh Jamat promotes

and encourages the adoption of visible symbols of piety in everyday living, which

for women are strict observance of gender segregation and the donning ofburq. The

practice of donning what may be construed as Islamic attire is a product of the

teachings of Muhammad Ilyas, which began initially in Mwt with his program of

Tablgh. Ilyas introduced this practice, not necessarily as a new approach but as a

practical measure, to respond religiously to the Hindu accretion that had seeped into the

everyday practices of the Mwtis. He encouraged and taught Muslims the importance

of outer appearance, which was in concordance with Islamic clothing rules, and many

Muslims took to this in earnest (Ali 2006). Wherever Tablghis live in the world

today, this practice of wearing identifiable Islamic attire is clearly prevalent

revealing the potency of the teachings of the founder of the movement in matters of

Muslim inner and outer bodily comportments. For Muslims, both males and

females, living in modern urban spaces, the adoption of distinct and ostensibly

identifiable appearances are through which a newly constructed selfhood is

projected. For many Muslims living in Sydney, for instance, Islamic attire or

even ethnic clothing does not constitute normative bodily practice. In fact, many

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Muslims outer bodily appearances conform to modern contemporary styles such

as the wearing of jeans and t-shirts.

For those influenced by the Tablgh Jamat, the situation is different. For Tablghis,

wearing identifiably Islamic attire, such as jub for men and burq for women, in

particularly modern spaces can be easily construed as proselytisation. Such clothing self-consciously identifies oneself as pious, as we have seen above, and functions as a selfhood.

However, not all Tablgh women wear burq. There is a small percentage of

women in the Tablgh Jamat who do not wear the burqand who interact with men

comparatively less conservatively. Some of these women are new to the movement

whilst others are mere sympathisers of the movement who engage in the rituals and

practices of the movement in a haphazard manner.

In the broader context of everyday living, Tablghs argue that strict observance of

gender rules and gender segregation neither restrict Tablgh womens physical

movements nor confine them to the domestic sphere, as some academic literaturemay have us believe. They say that after all Tablghwomen do frequent the market

place, travel to places, visit family and friends, drive and generally participate in the

ordinary everyday processes. Asma Hussein explains: Not mixing with men doesnt

stop me from doing all the things I need to do. I drive myself to shops and to

university. Samar El-Masri echoes Asmas point and says:

For me wearing the face veil and being particular about gender rules sets me apart

as an individual who is judged first for her behaviour and brain rather than her

appearance. I feel safe, secure and so independent as someone who wears the face

veil and observes gender rules. I am me, and I am free as an individual.

Of course, there are always difficult and complex situations in which Tablghwomen

find themselves, and gender relations and rules have to be then meticulously negotiated

and executed. For example, women and children eat first followed by men when a Tablgh

family honours a dinner invitation to a friends house. In a more complex situation, such as

going through visa clearance at the airport when travelling overseas, a Tablghwoman

would reveal her face even to the male attending officer by removing her face cover which

is normally attached to theburqand then putting it back on. In this case, because it is a

legal requirement by the apparatus of the state for security purposes, Tablghs accept

that women revealing their faces to and interacting with a male attending officer does

not constitute a breach of gender rules or the sharah (Islamic law). Tablghethos is

mindful of the fact that avoiding male and female interaction in certain social situations

may prove to be a practical impossibility and permits it as long as vigilance is exercised.

From all this, we can readily see that the Tablghi women demonstrate the need to

bring the outcomes of personal development ofpositive bodily behaviour back into

their membership of a larger ummah. Since the shift in global culture in the last

100 years, where change away from communal living, from Toennies Gemeinschaft7

or Durkheims mechanical solidarity,8 has accelerated remarkably, there is an

awakening for a renewed sense of belonging. For many centuries before the advent

7 A close-knit group of people with the same or similar values and cultural traditions who identify closely

with each other.8 A term referring to a situation where the behaviour and conduct of a small population are governed by

religion and individualism is absent.

Cont Islam (2011) 5:225247 237237


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of modernity in which this change took place, human beings belonged to a community

and did not need to askwho am I? People were born in a community and were for

the community. They had an unambiguous sense of belonging.

Of course, this shift in world culture, this remarkable change, has produced significant

development in individual awareness. It has given rise to individualism resulting infreedomand the ability to do away with religion and the familial bond. However, this

compartmentalisation and disconnecting of parts, which is a very West-centred way of

making sense of the life-world, has produced a particular kind of cognition, eventuating

in a particular kind of self-awareness and self-understanding. Thus, the loss of

community of the sacred space, in this case, Muslim communal milieu, has resulted

in isolation, hopelessness and anger. The Tablghi women demonstrate the unprecedent-

ed task of discovering ways to re-enter the sacred space, to establish clear membership to

the whole, that is, to theummah, and to be distinctively themselves within it.

Strict observance of gender rules and gender segregation or the bodily acts needto be understood in this way. Tablghwomen see these as acts of ibdt. However,

these are not the only way Tablgh women acquire piety. In fact, rituals of piety

extend beyond strict observance of gender rules and women avoiding interaction

with non-mahrim. This is demonstrated in the following discussion.

Tablghwomen and the rituals of piety

Tablghwomen can engage in all the rituals of piety of the movement as long asgender rules are observed when performing them. These rituals have both individual

as well as social dimensions, and they all revolve around the Six Principles of the

movement. The Tablghrituals of piety are as follows:

Bayn (religious talk or speech), whether long or short, always revolves around the

six fundamental principles of the TablghJamat:

Dhkr (remembrance of Allh) involves reciting the Qurn, reading hadths

(accounts of the Prophet Muhammads sayings and deeds), offering numerous unitsofnafl(supererogatory) prayers in the day and doing tasbh (human observance of

extolling God's praise) which involves softly repeating Subhn Allh (glorious is

Allh),Al-hamdu lillhi(praise be to Allh) and Allhu Akbar (Allh is greatest) for

a period of time. Also, it involves making a special effort to perform Tahajjd(night

vigil spent in prayer). Yoginder Sikand claims that these efforts appear to encourage

most regular attendees to remain in the movement (Sikand 2002).

Khurj (preaching tour) is the engine that drives the Tablgh Jamat. Women

undertake this in the company of their mah

rim. Bayn, jol (preaching mission,

which women undertake in each others company), and talm are the three key

activities that punctuate khurj. In the context of the movement, khurj is an

institutionalized form of worship in which efforts are harnessed to experience Allh

through spiritual enlightenment and abandoning material pursuit of peace and

happiness. Khurjhelps in the reformation process of oneself as well as others.

238 Cont Islam (2011) 5:225247


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Khurjgenerally involves forming a group and embarking on a preaching tour, for a

set time3 or 40 days or 4 monthsto learn dn (religion of Islam) in order to

reform oneself and then help others embrace dn in their lives. At a time when

human living is globally dictated by the imperatives of material capitalism, it is

therefore particularly important to exit9

from this form of living for a short while andengage in pure spiritual behaviour.10

Tablgh (to communicate or call towards religion) is viewed by Tablgh Jamat as an

obligatory duty incumbent on all Muslims and an act of virtue. Muslims, by virtue of their

declaration of the oneness of Allh, are naturally obliged not only to submit themselves to

the Will of Allh but invite others to submit to the Will of Allh. As one of the tenets of

Islam,tablgh in the context of the TablghJamat acts as a tool for proselytization.

Talm (education or teaching) is undertaken to arouse a desire for righteousness and good

deeds. It focuses on reading theFazail-e-Amal(Tablghtext), a talk revolving around

the six points and tajwd, the practice of reciting the Qurn with proper intonation.

Piety as an inner-worldly focus

Tablgh womens piety is inwardly directed; it has an inner-worldly focus. This

resonates with all Tabl

gh

s, men and women alike. Such piety does not require therenunciation of life or the world but rather the renunciation of worldly desires and

attachment to worldly actions. The approach to the broader outside world within piety of

inner-worldly focus is cautionary and this is because the Tablgh Jamat sees the

contemporary world as one that has departed remarkably from Gods directions. It

believes that human beings have abandoned God and spiritual living and, in search of

material satisfaction, have successfully polluted the world. The world, it claims, has

become a site for human conflict in which greed, exploitation, mistrust and despair

abound. Vice-ridden societies have emerged in which individuals treat one another with

a deep sense of use and as means rather than as ends. The urban modern secular societies

and their values, particularly the idea of individual success which is measured by

material possessions, wealth and the ability to actively participate in the consumer

culture, it views as overly materialistic and essentially devoid of meaningful humanism

and spirituality. In this connection, Samar El-Masri, one of our interviewees, says:

I believe it is of paramount importance to be pious in todays society. The

reason being that there is so much uncertainty and lack of morality in society

today, a person needs a personal moral code to follow. To know that whatever

one does their creator can see them. Therefore before any action a person must

stop and think. It brings back a central focal point to ones purpose in life whichis earning through ones actions the pleasure of Allh. So whatever I am doing

in life should be in line with the moral code of Islam.

9 Suspend worldly engagements.10 Time devoted to the service of Allh and His true religion.

Cont Islam (2011) 5:225247 239239


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Another interviewee, Aiesha Abdullah, notes that:

The only way to be successful in this world as well as the afterlife is through

practising dn [religion]. It is more important than money, property, school,

jobs etc. It is the most important thing. How much of this world and all it

contains am I willing to give up is a measure of piety. The real success is not

hoarding wealth but when you can see what is unseen clearly.

Seeing the world in crisis, the Tablghwomen take upon themselves as an act of

piety to rid the world of its problems. They see it as their obligation to transform the

world in accordance with the Islamic ideals and, therefore, assume the role of

rational reformers. But social transformation is never actively and consciously

sought. It is merely expected. After all, a typical Tablghwoman is never someone

of conspicuous social engagement. She is never driven to re-build the world.

Wherever Tablgh (a call towards religion) work has produced communal action orsocial change, it has come about not by conscious design but largely as a

consequence of inspirational dawah (preaching) work. Samar El-Masri explains:

As women who try to propagate Islam to non-practicing Muslim women,

Tablghwomen need to be role models and therefore, yes, they need to train

themselves to be more pious. Otherwise they are no good as role models.

Again it depends on the individual way of coming across to others. Some

women are very influential across all sectors of the Muslim community.

Asma Hussein explains this further and says:I personally think that the Tablghwomens role is a great and majestic role

preaching, teaching, role modelling, etc. I also think that being pious and at the

same time getting to meet other women in the modern society is also majestic

and necessary. We get to know each other and make some difference.

Fatima makes a similar observation, saying that Tablgh women are d:

[preachers]. Yes, theyinfluence other people by their behaviour, their words and

their actions. We influence other women and our own menfolk.

The idea of members of a religious group participating in rituals together and from

which emerges, rather naturally, some form of communal action or solidarity can be seen

happening in other religions and is not something unique to Islam. However, albeit

unintended, the social consequences produced by group rituals and practices are

inevitable. Weber makes this point in his analysis of the mystical notion of the Eastern

Christian church:

[the] Christian brotherly love, when sufficiently strong and pure, must necessarily

lead to unity in all things, even in dogmatic beliefsmen who sufficiently love

one anotherwill also think alike and, because of the very irrationality of their

common feeling, act in a solidarity fashion which is pleasing to God (1966: 176).

Among Tablghs, the concept of piety is very important. It manifests ones

commitment to Islam and devotion to Allh. It embodies all actions that are

sanctioned by the sharah and are part of Islamic culture. Hence, according to the

Tablgh teaching, performing five daily salt (Islamic prayers) is an act of piety as

well as removing an obstacle from the path of an elderly person. Saba Mahmood

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(2005) explains that these acts cultivate piety. She argues that cultivation of piety

occurs not only when Muslims carry out their religious obligations (al-farid) but

also when they testify to their faith by incessantly engaging in good activities (al-aml

al-sliha) and practising virtues (fadil). Mahmood further argues that acts of

worship and virtuous deeds that cultivate piety are not natural but created out of aseries of disciplinary acts. In other words, desire is not the basis for doing good and

engaging in moral actions but is a product of this experience. She explains that:

The techniques through which pious desires are cultivated include practices

such as avoiding seeing, hearing, or speaking about things that make faith

(imn) weaker, and engaging in those acts that strengthen the ability to enact

obedience to Gods will. The repeated practice of orienting all acts toward

securing Gods pleasure is a cumulative process, the net result of which is, on

one level, the ability to [engage in acts of worship] and, on another level, the

creation of a pious self (Mahmood2005: 126).

All acts of piety, therefore, have personal benefits or rewards some of which

Tablghs claim can be felt and enjoyed in this world and some or most of it is

reserved for the life in the Hereafter. Take the benefits of performing ritual salts, for

example, which Tablghs purport makes livelihood easy here and secures a place in

heaven in the Hereafter. However, some acts of piety have both personal and social

benefits, for instance,dhkr(knowledge and remembrance of Allh). The performer

ofdhkr11 gets the benefit or reward as well as those listening to it, albeit the doer of

dhkr is entitled to greater portion of the benefit or reward because of his or her

literal effort. In this case, doing dhkrand listening to it both become acts of piety.

Hence, dhkras an act of piety has both personal as well as social benefits.

Aiesha Abdullah sheds some light on the concept of piety based on personal

experience when she says:

I have a strong theoretical piety but my struggle is always putting it into

practice. I want and intend to put it into practice and sometimes succeed but

not as well as I know that I can. Hijb and modest clothing, yes. Sending my

husband forkhurj, yes. Praying, fasting, yes. Charity, yes. However, I see the

world and all that it contains clearer than the unseen.

Also, socialising with pious people has affected my own piety. Over time the

peace and tranquillity these people have in their lives and self became obvious

to me and it became desirable.

That is why I choose to associate mostly with pious women. I also strive to

increase my knowledge and have spiritual goals that I struggle towards albeit

slowly. I attend weekly talm [education] meetings and having to prepare the

six points for a discussion helps to cement the things I read. Having to explainto other people helps me to understand things better and clearer.

11 According to the Tablgh Jamat,dhkris an act of piety and the benefits or rewards may not be seen or

felt, like many other acts of piety, either by the performer or the receiver of the dhkr. Nevertheless, both

the parties are entitled to a reward or rewards, if not here then definitely in the Hereafter.

Cont Islam (2011) 5:225247 241241


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Piety immediately brings peace into the home and into relationships. It protects

family members from harmful worldly excesses, habits and harmful activities.

It gives a feeling of belonging to a big family. It provides a strong social

support network. It gives you an anticipation of success. It makes you feel

complete as a person. There is a sense of security, being protected by Allh,and a sense of independence from other people.

Similarly Samar El-Masri offers her own experience and understanding of piety:

I believe for each person it would be different. For myself I feel contentment

with piety. I believe an essential aspect of piety is surrendering to Allh. So

when something good happens I am happy and thankful and when something

doesnt go my way, or a calamity happens I have someone to turn to for help.

I maintain my piety by having weekly gatherings (talm) [education] where

we read Hadthssayings of the Prophet, someone gives a talk, meeting up

with other Tablgh women regularly to revise and pass on any new

information and stories we have heard. This constant networking helps to

keep one strong, or pull you up when you are down on piety. Doing Islamic

research and being active in dawah[preaching] reminds us to change for the

better and that there is always more that can be done.

The goal of the Tablgh Jamat as a whole is to reform Muslims at the personal

level and encourage spiritual development, not a systematic transformation of themundane order. It is due to this teaching that the women seek self-purification, inner

struggle and individualistic ascetic trance as a way of discovering God. The pursuit

of reordering the social system is neither desired nor forms the objective of Tablgh

women. The attitude of rejection towards the mundane world and its material

attractions seem to create a sense of deep asceticism.

Samar El-Masri explains:

I believe the TablghJamat focuses on changing ourselves and those around us as

the first step to bettering humanity as a whole. The main change is in bettering ourdegree of worship and connection with Allhwhich translates eventually into piety.

I believe, therefore, that piety is the degree of awareness you have of your creator.

Once a person has the true understanding of the qualities of our creator and his

ever watchfulness, this prevents a degree of wrongdoing which becomes piety: to

have hope in His great mercy and keep away from actions that would displease

Him as much as possible; to worship Allh as if you see Him because even though

you may not be able to physically see him, He sees you.

Hence, it follows that transforming society is dependent on reproducing reformed or

better Muslims. The source of personal and social problems and sufferings, the Tablgh

Jamat claims, lies within oneself and not in the social structure. Therefore, the

individual should take responsibility for social ills that pervade society and for

transforming it. The Tablghphilosophy teaches that the responsibility lies with the

individual. Hence, adopting the Tablghlifestyle, which is simple and non-materialistic,

242 Cont Islam (2011) 5:225247


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is the best way of making a direct contribution towards social and environmental

improvements. For instance, Tablghs use resources very scrupulously such as food,

shelter and clothing and duringkhurjlive on meagre provisions so that a disciplined

consumption pattern can be achieved and subsequently incorporated into everyday

living. In this regard, Metcalf (1994: 715) comments:

Most important, the impact of self-financing shapes relations by eliminating the

bonds of patron and dependent, minimizing the reciprocity and exchange true of

so many dimensions of everyday social interaction. If Tablighis stay in a mosque,

they are scrupulous about not using resources that are not theirs. They implicitly

stand apart from all the elaborate transactional arrangements that organize so

much of [contemporary] societies. This scrupulosity in material goods is a central

theme of one pattern of guidance given those leaving on a tour.

The underlying assumption, here, seems to be that once a large number ofMuslims adopt the Tablgh lifestyle and when they start to lead the populace by

example, that a more simple, humane and spiritual social order will emerge. The

basis of this assumption is in the Tablghbelief that the world is ameliorable and the

evidence of this is in the expectation of the arrival of the Mahd(messiah). Ills and

problems can be overcome, therefore, the Tablghwomen do not cut themselves off

from the world, which is in contrast with Sf mystics who do. The Tablgh

womens response to the world is one of inner-worldly focus, that is, that society can

be transformed from withinnot through social and institutional reforms but rather

through individual self-improvement and moral and spiritual renewal.Asma Hussein sheds some light on this point by saying:

My life is very much affected by Tablghwomen and the Tablghwork. I call

myself a Tablghand I am so proud. Our work is adawahcall Muslims to

practice the Islamic faith according to the way of Prophet Muhammad. We

dont try to fix the world. Insh Allh [God permitting] our world will slowly

become a good place with all thedawah. The aim is to remind Muslims about

some rules about religious practices. It is to remind ourselves and our Muslim

brothers and sisters to become good Muslims. Improve our mn [faith].

Similarly, Aiesha Abdullah notes:

Every Sunday I spend two hours with Tablgh women during our weekly

talm sessions. Some are very good friends while others are simply sisters in

Islam to respect, help and socialise with on occasions when we meet. I have

hosted ajamat[group] of women at my home and it was a good experience.

The ladies were from Sri Lanka and I learnt a great deal from them. It made me

realise and I continue to reflect on it every time that we have to become good

Muslims and improve our faith by learning more and more about our dn

[religion]. I think the state of our society is the way it is because of our weakfaith and our poor efforts. I think if we continue to improve ourselves and our

faith then Insh Allh [God permitting] our surroundings will be so good and

we all can enjoy good life. I think we have to first focus on ourselves.

Although the Tablgh Jamat places strong emphasis on the individual rather than

society, in relation to piety, most of its activities (which the movement considers to

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be acts of piety) are socially oriented. As noted earlier,talmsessions involve group

reading of the Fazail-e-Amal, talks revolving around the six points and tajwdor

Qurnic recitation. Other such group activities are salt, dhkr, tablgh, khurj,

bayn, jol and mushwara (discussion or consultation). These could be described

as social piety, and these are important because they attract greater reward thanpersonal piety. Hence, the Tablghs encourage the performance of rituals and

practices of worship such assaltand dhkrin a group because they argue that these

attract far greater reward being performed in a group than individually.

According to Tablgh teaching, piety is a genuine moral virtue and a very

powerful path to discovering God or being close to Him. Tablghwomen, in pursuit

of discovering God, therefore, believe that they have to acquire piety by performing

those particular acts of worship which are obligatory such as saltas well as doing

virtuous deeds such asdhkr. They seem to believe that obligatory duties (al-farid)

as well as virtuous deeds (fadil) are particularly important in securing Gods

pleasure. This kind of conceptualisation of piety is not unique to the Tablgh Jamat

and resonates with other Islamic piety groups and movements. For example, Saba

Mahmood (2005) notes this to be true among the womens mosque movement in

Egypt. She notes that:

The women I worked with described the condition of piety as the quality of

being close to God: a manner of being and acting that suffuses all of ones

acts, both religious and worldly in character. a pious comportment entails a

complex disciplinary program, at a fundamental level it requires that the

individual perform those acts of worship made incumbent upon Muslims byGod as well as Islamic virtues and acts of beneficence that secure Gods

pleasure (Mahmood2005:123).

Piety not only means renunciation of sins but also consists of possessing an

internal energy and power of self-restraint, which are achieved by undertaking

continuous rigorous self-discipline and making one obedient to God's Command-

ments. The self acquires such strength that it shows resistance and steadfastness

against unlawful whims and passions. Every act of abstaining from sinning is pious

as well as an act of doing a virtuous deed.

Hence, the Tablghwomens push is always towards adopting piety because it is

seen as the safest way to salvation and the best support for Islam. Being pious is a

position of honour and pious pursuits bring peace and contentment.

Tablghwomen consider piety to be one of the best and most effective factors of

insight, enlightenment and conscientiousness. It is responsible for enhancing the

sense of insightthe practical aspects of reason and ability to diagnose duties. The

most important effect of piety, considered by Tablghs, is that it overcomes the

difficulties of daily life. A pious person, according to Tablgh women, is familiar

with and confident about God and the Hereafter. Therefore, the calamities and

hardships of day-to-day life do not disturb their state of ease and tranquillity. These

hardships, calamities and tragedies in essence are not painful. Instead, it is the

anxiety and intolerance of the self which makes them uncomfortable.

Thus, Tablghwomen suggest, most of the severe problems and catastrophes in

life are the result of moral indecencies, self-whims, passions and the domination of

satanic desires. For example, Tablgh women believe that family problems are

244 Cont Islam (2011) 5:225247


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created because of a failure on the part of the husband, wife, or both, in controlling

their passions. Moral vices such as jealousy, vengefulness, stubbornness, prejudice,

egotism, greed, lust, extravagance and arrogance are responsible for causing

problems and hardships for human beings. The best and most effective thing that

could prevent such catastrophes is piety. Tablghwomen claim that with tranquillityof the heart and enlightenment, a pious Muslim lives a peaceful life. Love for the

world is seen by them as the root of all evils, and whilst some Muslims easily

succumb to earthly temptations, the pious Muslim resists becoming infatuated with

such allurements and charms.

Piety is seen as the key solution for all human problems and the rescuer

from disasters and destruction. It is the most formidable shelter for human

beings. Therefore, piety does not deprive or create limitations, rather it revives

human personality and frees a human being from the imprisonment of carnal

desires, vengefulness, prejudices, stubbornness, greed, egotism, gluttony anddesire for fame and publicity which is perceived to epitomise the contemporary

secular world.

Conclusion

The growth of the Tablgh Jamat is part of a larger project of contemporary

Islamic revivalism, which in essence is a response to the crisis of modernity.12

Tabl

gh

womens piety finds its trajectory from this context and is not related toidentity or rights per se, although these are important. Rather, it is about the

practice of ones belief and its orientation towards maintaining ethical moral

standards and transforming self to reorder directly or indirectly the moral and

social milieu.

First and foremost, Tablghwomen who seek piety are motivated by the need to

increase their mn (faith) through Tablghamls (good deeds). For them, donning

burq and avoiding interaction with non-mahrim, for instance, does not reproduce

their subordination to men or gender inequality. Their struggle is inwardly directed. It

is a process of self-cultivation linked to self-improvement. From the outside, this may

seem to be an instance of internalising certain standards of gender-specific female

behaviour, but this barely helps us to understand agency as experienced by Tablgh

women. However, instead of conceptualising agency as a struggle against social

norms, we are here concerned with how action is formed and acted out. This kind of

understanding of agency raises some important questions about the type of

relationship created between the subject and the norm, and most importantly between

action and inner nature. What is critical here is to appreciate that instead of inner

nature or inner desire drawing out outward appearance of performative behaviour, it is

the chain of rituals and performances, as I discussed above, with which an individual

engages that gives meaning to ones feelings and desires. Thus, for Tablghwomen,

agency is expressed through engaging with the various Tablgh rituals of piety

12 By the crisis of modernity I do not just mean people suffering from the failure of the promises of

modernityunemployment, poverty, inequality, injustice, discrimination, etc.but also the failure of

modern luxurious living to provide real happiness and a genuine sense of satisfaction.

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bayn, dhkr, khurj, tablgh, talm, and of course donning burq and avoiding

interaction with non-mahrim. To put this in another way, the various Tablgh

rituals of piety as a collection of behavioural actions do not emanate from desires

and emotions but in fact produce them. It is by engaging in recurring rituals and

practices that Tablgh women train themselves or their desires, emotions andminds to be able to operate within the boundaries of established standards of

Tablghcomportment.13

In examining the prominent role that Tablghrituals of piety play, their effects on

the self, particularly the female self, and different structures of moralethical action

which contribute to the creation of particular Muslims or in this case Tablgh

women, we have been able to see how Tablghembodied actions are achieved. Our

analysis of rituals of piety and Islamic virtues has revealed the social and cultural

effects that Islamic revivalist movements generate amongst Muslim women and

enhanced our understanding of inner-worldly focus piety as part of the broaderproject of Islamic revivalisms response to the crisis of modernity.

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Piety among Tablighi women