Professional re-entry for foreign-trained immigrants

Professional Re-entry for Foreign-Trained Immigrants

Hieu Van Ngo University of Calgary

David Este University of Calgary

Existing studies have elaborated on personal and structural factors that shape the prevalent reality of occupational dislocation, underemployment, and unemploy- ment among foreign-trained immigrant professionals. Complementing the current literature, this study explores how some immigrants manage to re-establish themselves as professionals in Canada. Drawing on in-depth interviews with six immigrant professionals from various immigrant cohorts, countries of origin, professions, and of both sexes, this study examines the professional re-entry process and describes how immigrant professionals address pre-migration preparation, post- migration individual challenges, and post-migration structural challenges. It further elaborates on factors that influence the efforts of immigrant professionals to reestablish themselves professionally in Canada. The theoretical and service and policy implications are also examined.

Les dtudes actuelles approfondissent des facteurs personnels et structuraux qui far la r~alit~ du d@lacement professionnel, le sous-emploi et le ch6mage chez les immigrants professionnels formds h l'~tranger. Venant compldter la documenta- tion courante, cette dtude examine la fa~on dont certains immigrants rdussissent fi se rdtablir professionnellement au Canada. Puisant dans des entrevues approfondies aupr~s de six immigrant(e)s professionnel(le)s tird(e)s de diverses cohortes d'immigrants, des professions varides et divers pays d' origine, cette dtude se penche sur le processus de la rdintdgration professionnelle et ddcrit la far dont les immigrants professionnels abordent la preparation d~ l'immigration, les ddfis individuels et les ddfis structuraux qui surviennent apr~s I'immigration. De plus, elle expose en ddtail les facteurs qui influencent les efforts consacrds par les immigrants professionnels leur rdtablissement au Canada. Finalement, on dvalue les incidences th~oriques et les r6percussions sur les politiques et les services.

Key words/Mots-clefs: Immigrant professionals/Immigrants professionnels; Foreign credentials/Titres de comp6tences 6trangers; Professional re-entry/R6int6gration professionnelle.

�9 2006 byTransaction Publishers. All rights reserved./Tous droits r6serv6s. ISSN: 1488-3473

JIMI/RIMI Volume 7 Number/num6ro i (Winter/hiver 2006): 27-50

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Foreign-trained immigrant professionals, especially those from countries other than the United States and the United Kingdom and from Western Europe, are often unable to secure employment relevant to their professional training (Boyd, 1992; Calleja & Alnwick, 2000). Several studies have reported the success rates for immigrant professionals in obtaining suitable employment in their professional field as ranging from 19% to 40% (Basran & Zong, 1999; Krahn, Derwing, Mulder, & Wilkinson, 2000; Statis- tics Canada, 2003a). Among factors that contribute to such low rates of economic integration are lack of recognition of foreign credentials, unfair requirements in the professional accreditation process, lack of Canadian experience, language barriers, and discriminatory practices in the Canadian labour market (AlbertaTask Force on the Recognition of Foreign Qualifica- tion [ATFRFQ], 1992; Basran & Zong, 1999; Bauder, 2003; Henry & Ginzberg, i99J; Mata, 1999; McDade, 1988; Ornstein & Sharma, 1983; Pendakur & Pendakur, 1998).

Complementing the body of knowledge focusing on barriers to employment of immigrant professionals in the Canadian labour market, this study explores the unique experiences of foreign-trained immigrants who have successfully found employment in their intended fields of practice. Drawing on in-depth interviews with six immigrant professionals from various immigrant cohorts, countries of origin, professions, and of both sexes, this study examines the professional re-entry process and describes how the immigrant professionals address pre-migration preparation, post- migration individual challenges, and post-migration structural challenges. It further elaborates on the personal attributes, economic climate, and variations among professions that influence the efforts of immigrant professionals to reestablish themselves professionally in Canada.

Background

Of 178,124 immigrants who arrived in Canada in 2002, 46% had university degrees, with the breakdown rates for bachelor's, master's, and doctoral degrees at 34%, 10%, and 2% respectively (Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2003). Adjusting for age, recent immigrants are almost twice as likely as native-born Canadians to hold university degrees and are even more likely to hold advanced degrees. They are between two and three times more likely to have master's degrees and about four times more likely to have doctorates (Zhao, Drew, & Murray, 2000). Skilled workers also tend to be young, with 61% at the prime working age of 25 to 44 years

28 .Journal of International Migration and Integration

PROFESSIONAL RE-ENTRY FOR FOREIGN-TRAINED IMMIGRANTS

(Citizenship and Immigration Canada, 2003). They further report high rates of language ability: 62% in English, 7% in French, and 15 % in both French and English (Citizenship and Immigration Canada).

In the light of such encouraging sociodemographic data, human capital theorists would argue that immigrant professionals with higher human capital assets such as education, training, work experience, and language skills would attain the most rewarding occupations (Becker, 1975). Existing research, however, leans toward the labour market segmentation theory, which explains stratification of labour markets on the basis of class, sex, race, or ethnicity (Bonacich, 1979; Doeringer & Piore, 1971; Dunlop, 1988; Parkin, 1979). This theory predicts that immigrants will face mechanisms of social closure in their host countries and experience downward mobility (Sorensen, 1995). In a recent survey of 12,128 immigrants, Statistics Canada (2003a) found that as a group, only 40 % of immigrants who could converse in either English or French found jobs in their original occupational groups. The department further noted that whereas some 63% of immigrants who were born in the US and 68% of the Oceanian-born (Australia, New Zealand, etc.) were employed in their original occupational groups, the same could be said for only 33% of those born in Asia and the Middle East and 36% of those from Central and South America. In their interviews with over 500 adult refugees in 1998, Krahn et al. (2000) found that only 26% of refugees who had been in professional or managerial positions before coming to Canada had managed to find similar employment. Basran and Zong (1998), in their study of 404 visible-minority professional immigrants, reported that only 18.8% of the respondents worked or had worked as professionals in Canada. Badets and Howatson-Leo (1999) examined the 1996 Census data and found that immigrants with university degrees had lower rates of employment: 73% for males and 58% for females, compared with the respective rates of 92 % and 86 % for their native-born counterparts. These researchers also noted that approximately one in four recent immigrants with university degrees worked in sales and service occupations, making them about twice as likely to be in this kind of employment as their native-born counterparts.

In addition to the differential opportunities for employment, immigrants with university degrees earn significantly less than their native- born counterparts. In 2000, among university graduates, recent immigrants earned 31% less than those born in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2003b). Using the microdata sample of the 1996 Canadian Census (N = 373,222), Reitz (2001) compared the earnings of immigrant and native-born men and women aged 20-64 with positive earnings during the previous year.

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The findings indicated that immigrants received a lower earnings pre- mium for education and work experience than did native-born Canadians and that immigrants of African, Caribbean, Chinese, South Asian, and Fil- ipino origins earned between 15% and 25% less than most groups of Euro- pean origin. Reitz suggested that the total annual earning deficit for immigrants was $15.0 billion, attributable to underuse of immigrant skills ($2.4 billion) and to pay inequities ($12.6 billion). In another study that also used the microdata file of the 1996 Census, Li (2001) confirmed that foreign credentials produced a net effect on immigrants'earnings beyond the influence of sex and racial origins. At the same time, the findings also demonstrated an additional clear earning disadvantage for female immigrant degree-holders of minority origin.

A numbers of barriers have contributed to immigTant profo~ional~' lack of access to relevant professional employment. According to the Lon- gitudinal Survey of Immigrants to Canada (Statistics Canada, 2003a), of the 116,700 newcomers who sought work, 70% reported at least one problem with the process in their efforts to enter the Canadian labour market. An- other 26% identified lack of Canadian experience as the most common problem. Among other common barriers, 24 % and 22% of the immigrants respectively cited problems with transferability of foreign qualifications or experience and language barriers.

These findings are congruent with other studies that have linked the limited success of immigrant professionals in obtaining suitable employment to the following factors: requirement for Canadian experience (ATFRFQ, 1992; Aycan & Berry, 1996; Fernando & Prasad, 1986; Krahn et al., 2000); problems with recognition and transferability of foreign credentials (Aycan & Berry; Basran & Zong, 1998; Kaufman, 1991; Krahn et al.; Mata, 1999; McDade, 1988; McDade & Wright, 1992); limited Eng- lish (Fernando & Prasad; Samuel & Woloski, 1985; Wooden, 1991); access to language and employment training programs (ATFRFQ; Basran & Zong; Krahn et al.); discriminatory practices of employers (Henry & Ginzberg, 1993; Henry, Tator, Mattis & Re es, 1995; Lam, Haque, & West, 1994); visible- minority status (Basavarajappa & Verma, 1990; Basran & Zong; Pendakur & Pendakur, 1998; Reitz & Sklar, 1997); and gender status (Boyd, 1985; Lee, 1999; Seward & McDade, 1988;Trovato & Grindstaff, 1986).

The above-mentioned studies illustrate the bleak reality of unemploy- ment and underemployment facing foreign-trained immigrants in Canada. They shed light on various factors that contribute to occupational dislocation and underemployment among immigrant professionals. Methodolog- ically their examinations of the devaluation of foreign credentials focus

30 Journal of International Migration and Integration


mainly on quantitative analyses. This article complements the existing research by offering a qualitative account of the successful professional re-entry of six foreign-trained immigrants.

Methodology

Procedure This study used grounded theory methodology as developed by Glaser and Strauss (1967) and Strauss and Corbin (1994). Our goal was to dis- cover theoretical constructs that both provide detailed descriptions and explain unique patterns of successful integration of immigrant professionals into the Canadian labour market. The research process involved contin- ual interplay between data collection and data analysis (Strauss & Corbin). In other words, data analysis started as soon as the first interview with the first immigrant professional was completed. Emerging findings from the data then directed further data collection in terms of what data to collect next and where to find them in order to develop theory as it emerged.

We chose face-to-face, in-depth interview as the primary means of data collection. Interviews were guided by the principles of constant comparison and ongoing formulation and verification of hypotheses about relationships among theoretical constructs. Each participant was interviewed three times, the accumulated interviewing time for each being between four and a half and five hours.Throughout the research process, the participants had opportunities to review their transcripts, modify their responses, and provide feedback on the researchers'interpretation of data.

Data analysis involved the procedural steps of open, axial, and selective coding (Strauss & Corbin, 1994). Through constant comparative analysis, the researchers identified salient variables; compared, clarified, and ex- panded understanding of the data; and generated and verified hypotheses. One researcher also used ATLAS/ti, an analytic software program, to manage, extract, compare, explore, and reassemble meaningful pieces from many data in a flexible and systemic way (Murh, 1997).

Participants According to the grounded theory approach, the sample size is not prede- termined, but rather an outcome of theoretical sampling (Charmaz, 2000). In other words, the respondents are selected on the basis of the relevant categories, issues, themes, and concepts that emerge in the joint process of data collection and data analysis (Minichiello, Aroni, Timewell, & Alexander,

Revue de l ' integration et de la migrat ion internationale 31

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1995; Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Sampling continues until categories reach saturation and theoretical constructs are fully developed (Charmaz).

After completion of theoretical sampling, a total of six research participants were interviewed. All had completed their professional training in postsecondary institutions in other countries, excluding the US and UK. In addition, they had secured employment in Canada related to their professional training and expertise. The participants were heterogeneous in terms of sex, age, country of origin, length of time in Canada, level of Eng- lish proficiency, marital status, profession, academic qualification, and work experience. Table 1 provides detailed profiles of the participants on their arrival in Canada.

In their efforts to reestablish themselves professionally in Canada, the immigrant professionals interviewed addressed pre-migration preparation, post-migration individual challenges, and post-migration structural challenges. Personal and societal factors including personal attributes, the economic climate, and variation among professions had also influenced the process of professional re-entry of these immigrants into the Canadian labour market.

Pre-migration Preparation Pre-migration awareness. Through their access to the Internet, publications, and knowledgeable friends and relatives, the immigrant professionals expected social, capacity-related, and economic challenges. In the social arena the respondents were acutely aware that their lack of social networks in Canada would put them at higher risk for social isolation and limited access to employment information. One respondent pointed out the lack of a support network.

Being in a new place is itself an impediment. I wouldn't have my network of relatives, friends, acquaintances and associates to support me. Back in my home country, on the street equivalent to the Wall Street of NewYork, I'd know people in four out of five build- ings. That's a lot of support in terms of looking for job information and referral.

Some respondents further indicated that they expected to experience discrimination based on their skin colour. One participant stated matter-of-

32 ,Journal of International Migration and Integration

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Revue de l ' intOgration et de Ia m i g r a t i o n in t e rna t iona le 33

NGO and ESTE

factly, "I am a Black person. I know it could be detrimental to be Black. Dis- crimination happens everywhere."

In the capacity-related arena the respondents grasped the importance of language proficiency in finding employment in Canada. One commented, "Even though professional expertise would be easily transferable into the Canadian context, it would be hard to gain employment without English." Several respondents were conscious of greater technological advancement in the developed world and articulated the need to upgrade their knowledge and skills in order to use advanced technology in Canada. A respondent reflected,

I knew the state of technology is current here, up to the minute. That was not the situation in Nigeria. So I knew it's gonna be a temporary problom for mp l know I w n . l a haye to !eg.rn end it would be a learning curve to go through to update myself.

In the economic arena the respondents were able to link opportunities in the Canadian job market to the state of the economy, varying demands for professions, specific professional standards, and recognition of foreign qualifications. They were also aware that their lack of Canadian experience might also pose challenges in their effort to re-enter their professions. One respondent expressed his anxiety thus.

There was a lot of anxiety. I knew that my knowledge, skills, and experiences might or might not be recognized. I knew Canadian experience would be a problem. I might not be familiar with specific requirements in the industry such as safety programs or knowledge of the system.

Along with their knowledge that immigrant professionals might have difficulties accessing the Canadian job market at first, the respondents realized that they would need to be financially prepared. One respondent articulated such needs: "Without friends and relatives helping us, we knew it would be difficult to live in Canada without saving. We knew we should have money to live for at least six months without jobs."

Pre-migration actions. The immigrant professionals moved beyond mere awareness of social capacity-related, and economic challenges. They employed various strategies to prepare themselves for resettlement and professional re-entry in Canada. Socially the respondents initiated and maintained communication by e-maiL letters, and telephone conversations with

34 Journal oflnternationaI Migration and Integration


friends, relatives, and colleagues in Canada. They also sought to develop friendships with Canadians living overseas. One participant in particular visited Canada both to learn about the new environment and to establish some initial social networks. He explained,

My wife and I decided to visit Canada before making any formal decision to leave our country. We wanted to have a feel of what it is like to live in Canada, and how other professionals were faring. When we came, we made sure we talked to our friends and met new people. They gave us a great deal of support and information about the job market.

In the capacity arena several respondents enrolled in formal English classes in their effort to acquire or improve their English skills. Their ability to master the language, however, was compromised by their work sched- ules and limited opportunities for practising English. One refugee participant had no English training due to her fear of authority and her chaotic life before her escape. She explained, "Even though I knew it would be good for me to learn English, I couldn't take any classes. I was afraid that the authority got suspicious about me trying to learn English."

With the exception of one immigrant professional who came to Canada as a refugee, all the respondents applied as skilled workers. They were not eligible for any financial assistance. They prepared for expected financial challenges by saving their money and selling their valuables. Two respondents looked for international employment opportunities that would allow them to take their work to Canada. A social worker explained, "I had regu- lar contracts with the United Nations. I asked to carry over parts of my work. When I arrived in Calgary, I worked on my research contract for eight months. That generated some income while looking for other work."

Dealing with Post-Migration Individual Challenges Sociopsychological arena. The participants had to overcome the social isolation that resulted from their separation from relatives, friends, and acquaintances in their home countries, as well as their newness to Canada. They worked hard to maintain close relationships with their existing social networks while forging new relationships. The respondents "stayed with friends for a while," "lived within a 30-minute driving distance" to relatives, and continued to "exchange correspondences via e-mails" with friends and colleagues in other cities. Several joined self-help groups and participated in social and volunteer activities in both their ethnocultural

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communities and the community at large. One respondent elaborated, "I joined the support group for immigrant professionals at a local immigrant-serving agency. That introduced me to other immigrant professionals. We learned from our experiences and supported each other in our uncertain times."

Several respondents made difficult decisions to live apart temporarily from their immediate family members in order to concentrate on their job search. One participant shared her emotional turmoil.

We sent our son back to India to stay with his grandparents so we would have more time to find work. It was a difficult time! Our son was only one and a half years old. When your kid is that young, you feel really bad; you want to live with him. We were crying. . . . . . ' . . . . . . yi ryi ryi ,~ , ,~ l~u vva~,tuutm b VULC[ ng, c n g a n d c ng.

In coping with the psychological turmoil caused by a disrupted home life, the respondents relied on their limited social networks for social support. They rationalized their judgements, focusing on the positive aspects of their emotionally difficult decisions and expressing their hope for a bet- ter future for themselves and their families.

It was a temporary thing. We needed time for ourselves to clearly plan for our future and to find work. You can't do that when you have too many responsibilities. It was not like we sent our kid to strangers. We knew our parents would take good care of him.

Beyond social isolation and a disrupted home life, the immigrant professionals had to deal with conflicting cultural practices in employment. For example, one respondent observed the cultural differences in how employers recruit prospective employees and how job applicants market themselves.

Back home, it's not socially acceptable to brag about oneself.You have to be subtle about how good you are. But in your r6sum6 and your cover letter here, you have to brag about how good you are. You have to be very good in marketing yourself. Here employers don't go out of their ways to find out more about you. What they get from your r6sum6, cover letter, and interview are what they base their decisions on.

In addressing the cultural challenges to employment, the immigrant professionals reflected on cultural values and practices to "identify both



points of tension and potential transferable aspects." They sought to learn from other Canadians about Canadian society and its work culture, the mainstream media, and job training services. Their ability to compromise and adapt to new cultural practices is reflected in the following statement of one respondent. "I am living in Canada. There are things that don' t fit into my culture. But if I want to get a job and do wel l I need to compromise, I need to adapt to how things work here."

Capacity-related arena. The participants identified language barriers as their sole capacity challenge. Several struggled with their limited English proficiency on arrival in Canada. Even those with good English proficiency found their distinctive accents a hindrance to communicat ion with others. One stated, "I could not pass te lephone interviews or equivalency tests. I realized my English level was too low to get a professional job."

The participants also felt that they needed to upgrade their training to ensure their professional competence.The experience of a human resource professional illustrates this need.

Human resource is driven by legislation. For example, in terms of compensation and benefit sides of the business, it's different in every country because many of them are regulated by law. Things regarding taxation, pension, and tax deduction are regulated by the government. I had to learn those.

The respondents discussed several strategies to address the challenges in language proficiency and professional capacity. They first sought formal or informal assessments of their skills and knowledge from educational and professional institutions. They then used available resources in the communi ty such as English classes, accent reduction courses, and computer training programs. Several registered for courses in postsecondary institutions to upgrade their professional skills in particular areas. They also invested a great deal of time on their own to upgrade their skills and knowledge. One participant commented, "Imagine this: I went through about 13,000 pages of medical literature with the dictionary in one hand and the textbook in the other hand."

Financial arena. Most of the respondents arrived as independent immigrants and so were not eligible for government assistance. They were also financially responsible for their immediate family members in Canada and their relatives in home countries. The lengthy process of professional

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re-entry further involved financial constraints. In fact the respondents spent between 18 months and five years preparing for their professional re-entry and looking for work in their fields. An example of the financial hardship experienced by the respondents is illustrated in the following. "We had to convert our rupees into Canadian dollars. In three months we found our saving going down and gone. Everything costed us much more: food, rent, telephone, everything."

In addressing their financial challenges, the respondents used savings or relied on previously arranged short-term contract work with international organizations. Several accepted temporary manual labour or service jobs that gave them the flexibility to spend time preparing for their professional re-entry or to look for suitable employment in their fields. A respondent explained,

I realized that I cannot just wait doing nothing until I find work in my field. I had to accept all kinds of work. I chose the factorywhere I worked for four days on and four days off. The other four days off gave me time to keep looking. It did not relate to my profession, but I started making money and had time to look for jobs in my field.

Dealing with Post-Migration Structural Challenges Pursuit of professional accreditation. The respondents discussed in great de- tail the structural challenges they encountered in dealing with institutions and employers as they attempted to reestablish themselves professionally. They indicated that the professional regulatory bodies set a wide range of requirements for accreditation including evaluation of academic qualifications and experience equivalency, upgrading, licensing examination, internship, sponsorship from established members, and English proficiency. Although they agreed with the subjective testing to determine equivalency of educational and professional experience, they expressed concern about the accreditation requirements such as Canadian experience and letters of reference from Canadian employers or Canadian-trained professionals. One respondent commented on the vicious circle created by the requirement for Canadian experience.

If you don't have Canadian experience, you cannot apply to professional membership. And most companies don't give you the opportunities to start working in your fields because you don't have professional membership.

38 3ournal of International Migration and Integration


The participants also asserted that Canadian institutions quite often did not understand how academic systems in other countries worked and as- sumed that foreign qualifications were inferior.

The respondents used several sequential strategies to meet regulatory requirements. First, they initiated contacts with their professional associations or accessed their established social networks of Canadian- trained and foreign-trained immigrant professionals to learn about the requirements for practising their professions in Canada. "My former colleagues who had gone through the accreditation process told me about the steps I needed to take to be professionally accredited in Canada. They warned me about the lack of trust and recognition of foreign credentials."

Following their inquiries about regulatory requirements, the participants used services offered by professional associations or postsecondary educational institutions to assess their foreign academic qualifications and work experience formally and to identify gaps in their professional capacity. The participant from Nigeria described his process of accreditation as follows.

I submitted all of my credentials and proofs of my professionaI experience to the association. They looked at my education and experience in Nigeria. They interviewed to check the information. They then told me that later I would need to take a few courses to bring my knowledge up to the Canadian standard.

In preparation for their professional accreditation, the participants up- graded their knowledge through self-study and formal training in postsecondary institutions. In addition they sought volunteering opportunities or entry-level jobs related to their professions to gain Canadian work experience. The experience of the social worker from the Philippines was described as follows."I volunteered in a number of places to gain Canadian experience. I got involved with the bartering community, a form of community economic development. I helped put together a programme and do research in another organization."

The participants also wrote qualifying examinations set by their professional associations to obtain formal certification. Several made numerous attempts to do this. Failed attempts were often followed by self- reflection and further preparation for the next attempt. Their determination is illuminated in the following comment.

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My first attempt to pass the certification exam was six months after I came to Canada. I didn't pass the first test. But it was good that I knew how to prepare for the next time. I went back to study more. One year and six months later, I tried again.This time I passed.

Dealing with discrimination. The participants reported that they experienced discrimination in the labour market primarily due to their skin colour and immigrant status. All those with visible-minority status believed that many employers discriminated against them on this basis.

I didn't get a contract because I am a person of colour. It was in the area that, I think if there was somebody who should get that contract, it would be me. Because this was related to training to a com-

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a Nigerian, providing services in that area. Still, this company wouldn't give me that contract.They ended up giving it to another white Canadian.

Regardless of their skin colour, the immigrant professionals uniformly reported that they were subjected to discriminatory practices because of their immigrant status. They maintained that employers would detect their newness to Canadian society through their distinctive accents or social behaviour and simply dismiss their foreign credentials or work experience. One participant remarked,

I was whi te . . . (laugh). But I had an accent. When I finished my internship, I applied for a speciality position in paediatrics. I finished with pretty high marks. But I couldn't get that position because I was an immigrant. I went to the department head, and he told me that I was rejected because there were too many Canadians apply- ing for those positions. And naturally they favoured Canadian graduates.

The participants noted that rather than overt racism, they were more likely to encounter subtle kinds of discriminatory practices by employers, which often left them feeling discriminated against or unsure. They at- tributed discriminatory practices to the lack of willingness of employers to engage with the immigrant community. Consequently, employers did not have informed knowledge about foreign qualifications and as a result


PROFESSIONAL RE-ENTRY FOR FOREIGN TRAINED IMMIGRANTS

did not trust or appreciate the h u m a n capital brought into Canada by immigrants.

Facing the prevalent discriminatory practices in the Canadian labour market, the participants demonstrated diverse strategies to cope with, re- spond to, or manage their circumstances. Their strategies were character- ized as acceptance, diversion, adaptation, and confrontation. In terms of acceptance, some respondents fatalistically viewed discriminatory practices as "universal facts of life." They compared discriminatory practices in Canada to those in their home countries. By pointing out the lesser degree of discrimination in Canada, the respondents felt that their experiences in Canada were endurable as reflected by a respondent from Romania.

For 37 years I lived in Romania, being treated as a second-hand citizen because of my Hungarian background. I knew discrimination from my own native land. In this country I faced much less discrimination. Discrimination happens everywhere! I just took it as this is the fact of life--life is not fair. In life we cannot expect everything to be.

Some respondents at tempted to ignore discriminatory incidents and focused on positive experiences when they felt accepted and appreciated. They further maintained their optimism, reminding themselves of the goodness of people and affirming their pride in their professional capacity.

I always looked at the full part of the bottle, not the empty part. I would look more at the positive experience I had with other people.

I tried to be positive and optimistic. I don' t believe that you can't make it. If you are confident and you have good skills, there are no reasons why you cannot.

The participants also demonstrated adaptive strategies to deal with discriminatory practices. Through their social networks and access to training programs offered by the immigrant-serving agencies, they learned job- search skills and hiring practices in Canada. Reflecting on their efforts, two respondents stated,

I learned how to write the r6sum6 the Canadian way, how to con- duct myself in the interviews, to use special words to get through the Canadian employers.

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I talked to other established professionals. They showed me the Canadian ways to look and act in looking for jobs. I adapted Canadian mannerisms, dress, and patterns of communication. I also tried to loosen up accent.

Another adaptive strategy used by the immigrant professionals was to obtain some additional education in the Canadian system. Several respondents took courses or professional training in established educational institutions in order to "get around" the lack of trust in foreign education among employers. One respondent remarked, "It was good that I repeated some training here in Canada, even if it was something I'd done before. It made employers feel comfortable. It was good that I could show them they could trust me."

Tire participants also used confrontational strategies to deal with discrimination. Several reported that they had challenged discriminatory practices and attempted to educate the employers on valuing diversity and foreign qualifications as indicated below.

When I figured out that they chose the Canadian-born professional who had never worked in Nigeria for that job in Nigeria, I told them what they were doing was discriminatory. I told them that I could have done something good for the company, knowing that I had already had experience working in Nigeria.

Social networking. "It's not what you know, but that whom you know is very important in finding work." This respondent's statement characterizes the critical role of social networks in facilitating the integration of immigrant professionals into the Canadian labour market. Facing the harsh reality of employers and professional associations as gatekeepers of the Canadian labour market not readily allowing immigrant professionals to "get in the front door," several respondents attempted to "climb in the window"by tapping into their social networks of Canadian-trained and foreign- trained professionals.

The respondents indicated that they had established their social networks through volunteer work, membership in mutual support groups for immigrant professionals, participation in social activities in both ethnocultural communities and the community at large, and attendance at social events hosted by professional associations. They stressed that their professional contacts facilitated their access to training and employment opportunities, which in turn helped them meet the prevalent requirement for


PROFESSIONAL RE-ENTRY FOR FOREIGN TRAINED IMMIGRANTS

Canadian experience. Friends and acquaintances of several respondents further took on the role of mentors, giving advice and preparing the immigrant professionals to work in their fields in Canada. They also connected them to volunteer or mentorship programs and employment opportunities.

Many jobs are not advertised in newspapers. Employers like to use their current employees and professional associations to recruit new employees. So I counted on my friends and acquaintances in the field to give me job leads and watch the job markets and let people know I was looking for work.

Thanks to my acquaintance, I was offered an internship. Dur- ing my internship I worked hard and spent time to build trust with the people in the system. When I completed the internship I was offered a permanent job in the department.

Context Personal and societal factors also shaped or influenced the course of action of the participants. Such contextual factors include personal attributes, the economic climate, and variations among professions.

Personal attributes. The participants shared several c o m m o n attributes. They took pride in their professional competence and had impressive track records in educational training and work experience in their home countries. Their high level of personal commitment to their professions and how this relates to career decisions and personal fulfilment are reflected in the following.

I cannot just make a living.The issue here is my contribution to society. I feel I can contribute working in my profession. Working in my profession brings me personal happiness

My profession is my life. I tried to do other things. For me it would be very hard to move away from civil engineering. I don't feel like doing other kinds of things. It's my life. I have been building my career as an engineer for almost 20 years.

Throughout their professional re-entry process, participants maintained a positive attitude, a hopeful outlook on life, and a positive self- image. In encounter ing challenges participants talked about patience, determination, courage, adaptability, and strength. One respondent conveyed a strong sense of resilience in her self-description.


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I am a born optimist. I always look at the full part of the bottle, not the empty part. I had the guts. I follow this Hungarian philosophy that if they don't let you go through the front door, you will climb in by the window.

Economic climate. The participants found that the economic climate set the parameters for professional re-entry. In their opinion, a growing economy forced employers to become less selective as they faced tough competi- tion in recruiting qualified employees. Conversely, during a recession immigrant professionals had to work harder to convince employers to value their foreign qualifications. The respondents, however, agreed that the Canadian labour market had become less conducive to immigrant professionals finding suitable employment in their fields. They highlighted lack ot trust in foreign qualifications and tougher practice requirements such as Canadian work experience, recertification, and prerequisites for professional membership as factors that prevented immigrant professionals from finding suitable employment in their intended fields of practice. A long-time resident observed,

If I tried to do it again, I would have to do it with much greater difficulty. Today it is much more difficult. I know quite a few physicians who have tried and tried. I have personal acquain- t ances -young people who came from Romania, Yugoslavia, or Hungary in the last five to seven years. And among 12 to 14 of them, I know only one person who has succeeded. She was forced to leave for the States. After two years in Chicago, she started her basic practice. In Canada, as a foreigner, it is extremely difficult to get through.

Variations among professions. The participants contended that there are variations in terms of the recognition of foreign qualifications among professions. They indicated that some professions were in higher demand than others. One participant made a comparison:

If you compare two people, one with a computer science or electrical engineering degree and the other with a chemical engineering degree, the one with a computer science or electrical engineering degree will have an easier time finding work in his field. There are explosions of demand in those fields.

44 Journal oflnternatRmal Migration and Integration

PROFESSIONAl. RE-ENTRY FOR FOREIGN TRAINED IMMIGRANTS

The participants also noticed that traditionally hierarchical professions such as the natural sciences and medicine have more rigid and formal processes of professional accreditation. One respondent stated, "Some human service professions--social work, for example--advocate for inclu- siveness. These professions are more willing to recognize foreign credentials." However, the participants cautioned that the lack of recognition of foreign credentials was universal despite variation among professions. Rather, they argued that lack of trust and professional protectionism were transparent across professions.

Discussion

Theoretical Implications The findings of this study partly support the human capital theory (Becker, 1975), which would suggest that those immigrant professionals with higher investment in education, training, and work experience would be allocated the most rewarding occupations. All the respondents were seasoned professionals in their home countries with longstanding records of educational training and work experience. They clearly demonstrated tremen- dous effort to acquire or improve their language ability and to upgrade their professional capacity in order to function well in their professions in Canada. In this sense the study supports current beliefs that immigrant professionals will gradually achieve economic assimilation into the Cana- dian labour market as they gain experience, acquire skills, and improve their language skills (Chiswick & Miller, 1988, 2002; Ornstein & Sharma, 1983; Richmond & Zubrzycki, 1984; Samuel & Woloski, 1985).

However, our study findings challenge the narrow focus on education, training, and work experience as achieved characteristics of human capital. Although these professional qualities are necessary for immigrant professionals to meet the objective demands of professional employment, they fail to address the subjective demands exemplified in employers' ethnocentric assessments, their preference for Canadian qualifications, and other discriminatory practices in the Canadian labour market. As illustrated in this study, the strategies employed by participants to overcome structural barriers, including the strategic use of social networks, suggest another kind of human capital that goes beyond educational investment or work experience.

The findings of this study also partly support the labour market segmentation theory (Bonacich, 1979; Doeringer & Piore, 1971; Dunlop, 1988),

Revue de l ' integration et de la migration internationale 45

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which contend that labour markets are stratified into highly impermeable primary and secondary labour markets on the basis of class, sex, race, or ethnicity. Whereas the primary sector offers workers high wages, good working conditions, job security, and opportunities for advancement, the secondary sector does not reward workers' skills, which in turn results in low wages or unsatisfactory jobs (Althauser & Kalleberg, 1981). Immi- grants who face mechanisms of social closure in their host countries often experience downward mobility and are confined to the secondary labour market (Sorensen, 1995). As a result of their immigrant status, participants in this study faced lengthy professional accreditation processes that in- cluded biased requirements for Canadian experience and ethnocentric assessments of foreign qualifications. They further experienced discrimination in the Canadian labour market on the basis of skin colour and accent.

Nevertheless, the study findings challenge the assumption of passiv- ity embedded in the labour market segmentation theory. Whereas the labour market segmentation theory emphasizes barriers that create imper- meability between the primary and secondary labour markets, our findings suggest that immigrant professionals can take action to move from the secondary to the primary labour sector. Throughout the study participants demonstrated effective strategies to overcome structural barriers in the labour market associated with race or ethnicity in order to participate in the primary labour sector.

The findings of this study draw attention to the notion of social capital, which involves embedded resources in social networks to enhance the outcomes of actions (Lin, 2001). They particularly support the networks view of social capital, which stresses bonding and bridging social capital (Gittell & Vidal, 1998). Whereas the former recognizes strong in- tracommunity ties that give group members a sense of identity and pur- pose, the latter involves intercommunity networks that enable individ- uals to access economic opportunities (Granovetter, 1973; Woolcock & Narayan, 2000). As illustrated in this study, participants often relied on their social networks in the ethnocultural communities for psychosocial support (their bonding social capital). They also sought networking opportunities other than with their immediate friends and acquaintances to acquire the requisite skills and resources needed to join the economic mainstream progressively.

Service and Policy Implications Services for immigrants have historically focused primarily on post- migration resettlement and integration needs. This study, however, suggests



the importance of pre-migration preparation for facilitating migrants' speedy and effective professional re-entry. This finding calls for more progressive immigration services and international programs that assist prospective immigrants to prepare for their future in their countries of destination.

At the individual level the study draws attention to three important areas in the planning and delivery of post-migration services for immigrant professionals. First, immigrant professionals may need support with their sociopsychological adaptation, which includes lack of social support, a disrupted home life, and cultural adjustment to conflicting work values and practices. Second, immigrant professionals may need support in language training, accent reduction, computer skills, and professional upgrading. Collaboration is needed among disciplines and established educational institutions to provide immigrant professionals with technical language training and professional upgrading services in order to prepare them to function adequately in the competitive labour market. Third, immigrant professionals may struggle with financial challenges as they seek suitable employment. Service providers need to be knowledgeable about financial assistance programs to help immigrant professionals to access these programs. Governments also need to develop appropriate special- ized financial assistance programs that invest in immigrant professionals in order to expedite their professional re-entry and to benefit from the professional contribution they can make.

The study also draws attention to structural barriers created by professional regulatory bodies and employers including a requirement for Cana- dian experience and ethnocentric assessment of foreign qualifications and experience. Such barriers call for practices that focus on both integration of immigrant professionals into Canadian society and the adaptation of Canadian institutions to the reality of immigration in Canada. They also suggest a need for various government jurisdictions, professional licensing bodies, employers, unions, academic institutions, and ethnocultural communities to have meaningful dialogue and work together to develop clear guidelines and policies that fairly recognize foreign qualifications.

This study highlights the importance of social networks in support- ing immigrant professionals in their professional re-entry. Community development programs can play an important role in establishing self-help groups for social support, exchange of information, and empowerment among immigrant professionals. Service providers can also create opportunities that bring immigrant professionals and employers together for dialogue and learning. Such efforts would capitalize on established research


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findings that demonstrate Canadians'favourable attitudes that result from increasing contact and familiarity with immigrants (Levett, 1996) and the importance of trust embedded in the networks of personal relationships in employment transactions (Grannovetter, 1985; Lin, Cook, & Burr, 2001).

It is still an exception rather than the norm that immigrant professionals are able to gain suitable employment in their fields in Canada. Unless addressed, the reality of underuse of foreign professionals will continue to confront Canada with the ethical question of establishing an immigration policy that clearly aims to attract well-educated immigrants, yet lacks a comprehensive plan and system coordination to ensure proper evaluation of their credentials and use of their skills.

Acknowledgements

We thank the research participants for sharing their experiences. We acknowledge Beth Chatten for her thoughtful feedback and suggestions. We appreciate the helpful comments of the anony- mous reviewers and editors. This article is dedicatedto Morn, Nguyet, Thang, Hung, Jo, Ricardo, Dave, Jackie, Nancy, Beth, and Areal. We thank them for their support.

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50 Journal oflnternational Migration and Integration

Documents

Professional re-entry for foreign-trained immigrants