-connecting the city’s infrastructure

back to its people

Social, economic, and political forces have led to the creation of physical districts and imaginary boundaries in Los Angeles, limiting social interaction and segregation

among the various communities. This has caused enclaves to form within the communities themselves, and has led to a disconnect in the city’s infrastructure.

Los Angeles is one of the world’s most ethnically diverse cities, yet its vast infrastructural network promotes the idea of an enclave. As a city built around the automobile,

driving has caused communities to form psychological barriers. For my thesis, I am interested in exploring the large Korean community in central Los Angeles. Currently,

green space is not accessible to the public, and instead acts as a physical barrier. Thus, this project seeks to turn these green spaces into communal spaces available to

the community. Through the use of a green pathway and public plazas, Koreatown is integrated into the existing fabric of the city while remaining open and accessible to

all cultures.

The project encourages interaction between the Korean community and the residents within each block by weaving together interior and exterior conditions and public and

private programs. Located along the mile long street that defines Koreatown’s borderline, a green pathway uses architectural elements such as Deachong Maru, courtyard,

and exposed foundations used in a Korean traditional home (Hanok) to achieve this. By focusing on one block, connected by two major streets, the project focuses on a

communal way of living for the residents where the site and spaces become a fluid organism and cause barriers between people and programs to become imperceptible.

As the project attempts to reconnect Koreatown into the city’s infrastructure by introducing a new green system, it asks - Can other districts in Los Angeles be redefined

by their cultural and social values?

ABSTRACT

Los Angeles has become one of the world’s most ethnically diverse cities, yet it fails to integrate a social infrastructure into the city. As the city grew rapidly, the

inhabitants were forgotten. During the 1920’s, Los Angeles was home to the most talented writers, filmmakers, artists, and visionaries, which led to the outcome of Hol-

lywood noir films such as Chinatown and Blade Runner. From this rose the misconceptions of ‘postwar Americanization of Europe’ and soon urban fabrication was geared

towards littérateurs, filmmakers, musicians, and artists, the elite class at the time. The roles of city planners and engineers became less important as Hollywood’s stage

sets turned into reality.

Hollywood icons, such as the Grauman’s Chinese Theatre [ref. 1], promoted the city’s Hollywood image to tourists and prospective affluent investors. Despite the

garnished ornaments on the façade, locals rarely visited this monument that sat in their backyards. Banham noticed that these ornamental buildings were replacements

for ‘cultural values’1, for these object buildings didn’t engage the local community. Hollywood’s cultural monuments are detached from the city, but lures visitors and tour-

ists.

Architectural critics such as Richard Lehan2 led the city to realize that the fantasyland image was an obstruction to the city. Los Angeles’ way of attempting to re-

cover its image was to accelerate its development in the same way that New York was. The hope was to become the nation’s arts capital. A large endowment of $3 mil-

lion led to the creation of the Getty Art museum [ref. 2]. In an effort to reach out for more investors to support the city’s image, developers teamed up with museums, arts

foundation, the media, and intellectuals from universities to build museums. Another strategy was to use the word ‘Cultural…’. For example, the entrance fee was free at

the Getty’s museum, giving visitors the impression that there was community involvement. However, there was a $15 parking fee. This misconception wasn’t realized until

the visitors saw how inconvenient accessing the museum by public transportation was. Travelling to the museum in a private car was easy. The exit on the 405 freeway

directed the visitor to an isolated museum at the top of a mountain. However, the long bus ride wasn’t as pleasant. While this attraction has been built with an extraordi-nary view of Los Angeles, it has primarily benefited the higher social class due to its

location and accessibility. The museum can’t be enjoyed by everyone who lives in

the city.

Since the city was structured to accommodate the automobile, the con-

struction of freeway infrastructure has become a large part of the city’s identity.

Freeways took over railway construction in Los Angeles, and became the main

source of transportation. The monumental transportation system created more

subdivisions within the city. The Hill Street exit off of Arroyo Seco Parkway3 lies on

History

REF. 1Grauman Chinese Theatre

Architecture that resembled the Hol-

lywood stage sets attracted tourists

rather than the locals.

on the borderline of Bunker Hills and the segregated part of downtown. Hollywood’s star architect, Frank Gehry, attempted to integrate a new urban archetype in Bunker

Hill. Supported by Disney CEO Michael Eisner, Gehry designed ‘entertainment architecture,’ Walt Disney Concert Hall, which is only utilized by those who can afford it.

Bunker Hill, the new financial core of downtown, was cut off from the poor immigrant neighborhoods that surrounded the edges of the district. The division made by Hill

Street, similar to the Berlin Wall4, can be distinguished by the green spaces that are in Bunker Hill and the underground tunnels that are directly linked to the industrial side

of downtown. Public green spaces are more accessible to those who have money and are inconvenient for immigrants who live a mile away. In order to secure4 the im-

age of downtown, architectural elements such as the freeway and tunnels create social distances for Hispanic immigrants on the other side of downtown. There is a sense

of danger embedded in the other side of Bunker Hill, and is accepted by the Hispanic immigrants who have claimed this area as their primary shopping and entertainment

area. Construction of enclaves by both parties creates a distance between the two communities. Hill Street is another marker of two segregated communities due to the

freeways.

Under the influence of commercial capitalism, the need for segregation and the establishment of districts has become fundamental to urban planning, urban

design and urban life in Los Angeles. The result of immigrants having cultural values, referred to as holding special characters5, created different social conditions that

ranged from dirty and congested slums to exclusive and aristocratic suburbs. Inequalities in real estate values according to the districts are visible with the increased value

of houses Westside of Los Angeles such as, the Italianesque architecture on Rodeo Drive on the Westside and aged housing in Skid Row in contrast to the low income

residences in the Eastside of downtown. The different land values within the districts in Los Angeles support the idea of fabricating the city in favor of the elite class. The

defined topography of West and East is the biggest division in the city of Los Angeles.

The migration of Hispanics and Koreans further affected the demographics of the city, causing further divisions within the city. After the change of the Immigra-

tion Policy in 1965, there was a big increase of the Korean population between 1970 and 1980, from 9,395 to 60,618. This rapid growth of the Korean population led to what

is Koreatown today. The increase in population within the two decades of migration, affected a district that was already segregated from the city. Koreans became one of

the multi-ethnic groups amongst the already residing minorities – the Hispanic immigrants and African American residents. Known as the entrepreneurial community, Ko-

reans had the advantage of attaining an education. Moreover, they came from an urban middle class background prior to arrival in the United States. This allowed them to

become small business owners, operators and wage workers of the city. The success of most Korean firms formed between 1975-86, creating a positive business environ-

REF. 2Getty Art MuseumThe museum with one of the largest

endowments of $3 million primarily

benefited the higher social class due to

its location and accessibility.

ment for the Korean community’s needs.

Los Angeles’ accelerated development allowed Koreans to create an enclave among themselves. The size and demands for the Korean residents along with the

small businesses created by the Korean community had an effect on the greater social and cultural topography of Los Angeles. Through the “economic niches” the city had

provided them, human capital endowment of these businesses started to form the infrastructure in the inner city. By locating themselves in the older section of the city,

“where race restrictions were not enforced”- along the boundaries of Vermont, Western, Adams Blvd, and Slauson Ave - multi-ethnic groups allowed Koreans to develop

their businesses. The targeted consumers of stores such as markets, auto repair shops, medical, and apparel were Koreans, Chinese, Hispanics, and African Americans.

The Korean entrepreneur community also took advantage of the closing the manufacturing plants which had decreased employment for many inner city residents.

Since Koreans were able to buy real estate at a cheap price in downtown, mostly in the fashion district today, Koreans constructed new employment opportunities for the

diverse ethnic groups for the labor force shifted from African Americans to the Hispanics and Asians. This allowed Koreans to occupy the residential area where African

Americans originally resided. Psychological barriers such as real estate values, language barriers and the limitation of interaction in the districts of LA County led Koreans

to reside only in Koreatown [ref. 3] or the suburbs. Over time, Koreans felt a sense of security, defined by their cultural values, within Koreatown. What has resulted is

that Koreans have segregated themselves from the city and have failed to integrate their social and cultural values into the greater Los Angeles community.

REF. 3LA County

The pink and red shades represent the

commercial buildings that define the

main streets of Los Angeles. The blue

shades represent all the manufactur-

ing plants and factories. The yellow

outlines the district of Koreatown.

Precedents

In the midst of postwar modernization, Los Angeles allowed almost anything to be constructed. The Entenza’s Case Study Program of experimental houses ex-

plored a new way of looking at a typical single-family modern household. Instead of mass developing cookie cutter houses, the project gave Los Angeles the opportunity

to build with design in mind. It provided an identity for the city as well proposed a new modern way of living. Pierre Koenig design, Case Study House no. 22 [ref. 5], is

designed with an open plan that provides both privacy and engagement with the family members. By using glass as a tool to create transparency, he questioned what is

inside and outside. The L-shaped plan around the courtyard allowed easier access to the different rooms as well as a private space from the neighbors.

Case Study House no. 23 [ref. 6], designed by Killingsworth and Brady & Smith architects, was a community planning effort. Three adjacent houses were built

next to each other. Each houses offered an opportunity to interact with the one next to it by either focusing on the transparency of glass between the dining room and

living room area and using courtyards as the threshold between two rooms, the separation of interior and exterior was softened. In House A, the U-shaped plan helps to

focus on the entrance area that allows privacy. Once inside the house, there is not a clear distinction between living room and family room because of the frameless glass

windows that act as the walls. House B and C are built so the neighbors face each other instead of the view downtown. This encourages the idea of communal driveway

rather than a distinct borderline of each other’s property. House B has a green courtyard in the middle, between the communal space and bedrooms. The courtyard simul-

taneously maximizes interaction between each family member, but still gives privacy to each family member. In House C, a reflection of the pool in the kitchen and living

room area provides more transparency by blurring what is interior and exterior.

These case study houses started to hint at architectural elements that had the potential to give an identity to the community that was distinctly specific to Los

Angeles residents. It was an opportunity for Los Angeles to start connecting back to the local people instead of tourists. However, Angelenos was not confident in the

combination of transparent wall and solid roof, which stopped the case study houses project. The concepts manifested in Koenig’s or Killingsworth and Brady & Smith’s

design could have expanded and started to define the rules for the city to build a new urban fabric. However, because the local norms had already been set by romantic

Precedent 1 : Case Study Houses

masterpieces such as the Gamble House [ref. 4], the style did not survive, and by

the early sixties, it was clear that the steel and glass style of domestic architecture

was no longer appreciated by the community and developers.

REF. 4Gamble House

The Gamble House is the ultimate icon

of the bungalow style house construc-

tion in the early 1900s. The size of the

house speaks about California providing

large amount of land to their residents.

REF. 5Case Study House # 22Pierre Koenig used glass as a tool to

create transparency throughout the

house. This allowed the residents to

question what was inside and outside.

House A

House C

House B

REF. 6Case Study House # 23

Through these 3 homes, it was one the first efforts for community planning. By the

consistency in materials and conecpts, the three houses are linked together. All the

houses include a small pool at the entrance and a loggia that softens the threshold

between the indoors and outdoors.

House A House CHouse B

House A

House C

House B

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Today, the architect Michael Maltzan tries to design for community’s needs by building for those who are rejected or are in poverty. The Rainbow Apartments, lo-

cated in an area of downtown that consists of one the largest homeless populations, provides affordable housing with a series of communal spaces such as a kitchen, out-

door gathering areas and laundry facilities within the complex. Maltzan creates a central area that acts as a bridge to connect the residents to one another. The opened

U-shaped [ref. 7] configuration also allows more interaction, which helps them to reintegrate their lives back into society. This type of housing considers the inhabitants

which can become a model for a new urban infrastructure in Los Angeles. Michael Maltzan also uses the color white to make a statement to the city. Although some

might be against these white iconic buildings around the city, Maltzan is making an effort to have the city realize that a difference can be made with the collective spaces.

Surrounded by grey deteriorated industrial buildings, the white provides a positive initiative for society, a fresh start. The use of color of white not only fosters a sense of

identity for the discouraged Skid Row residents, but also provides the residents with a recognition that can lead them to a different lifestyle.

Precedent 2 : Maltzan Rainbow Apartments

Site Plan

MICHAEL MALTZAN ARCHITECTURE / SKID ROW HOUSING TRUST APARTMENTS MICHAEL MALTZAN ARCHITECTURE / SKID ROW HOUSING TRUST APARTMENTS50’20’10’ 50’20’10’ 50’20’10’ 50’20’10’

400’200’100’

Downtown Los Angeles Figure / Void

50’20’10’ 50’20’10’ 50’20’10’ 50’20’10’

REF. 7Rainbow Apartments

Maltzan makes an effort to allow communal living for the residents who are in

proverty. The U-shaped plan allows more interaction with one another and having a

communal laundry facility and kitchen makes the residents become a community on

the apartment complex.

The Korean traditional house is built to fit to its surroundings, nature. The

rooms are always surrounded by a courtyard [ref. 8] space in the middle that allows

the view of other family members as they go around the house. Although there

is a sense of openness inside the house through this courtyard space, the exterior

walls [ref. 9] enclosing the house gives a sense of a fortress from the public. All

the rooms are connected with a space called Daechong Maru [ref. 10 & 12], a roof-

covered space, which is similarily used as living room, but opened to the outdoors.

This space is where the family members would have most of their interaction with

one another. Shoes are taken off on the maru and provides the summer breeze to

go thru during the hot summer, which provides ventilation throughout the house.

The construction of the maru is also raised from the ground. This is the outcome

of the exposed foundation [ref. 11] you usually see in a Hanok. This raised platform

plays several roles in a Korean traditional house. One is that the maru is always

cool during the summer, and the heating system ondol, floor being heated with the

kitchen fire from underneath, during the winter shows the considerations put into

the construction of the house. Many elements from the Korean traditional house is

taken to provide a communal living in my thesis.

Precedent 3 : Korean Traditional House (Hanok)

REF. 8Courtyard Space

The green courtyard space in the middle is surrounded by rooms inside the

house. Although there is a sense of openness inside the house through

this courtyard space, the exterior walls enclosing the house gives a sense

of a fortress from the public.

Instead of the best view,

houses face each other.

House A

House C

House B Regardless of entrance,

Courtyard faces South.

Commercial and Retail in front,

Housing behind.

Shared Entryway and Driveway

Spatial Organizations

Suspended Sunscreen achieves lightness

Steel Column and Plate detail achieves lineal framework.

REF. 9Exterior Walls of HanokThe public wouldn’t be able to see what it is like inside one of these traditional

homes. But from ref. 10, one can get an idea of how the space is constructed

inside.

REF. 11Exposed FoundationsThe exposed foundation allows the maru to be raised from the ground, which cools

the space during the summer, but also allows the floor to be heated from under-

neath during the winter.

REF. 10Daechong Maru

The maru space is very open to the outdoors, but still covered above. This allows

the question of what is inside and outside. Before you go on top of the maru, there

is also a space where a person would take off their shoes.

REF. 12Daechong Maru

From the two plans of a traditional Hanok, the connection of the maru space can

be seen with the rooms and the courtyard space. There is a space for privacy, but

provides the fludity of being open to the outdoors.

Windows

Entrance Perimeter

Kitchen and Living Rm Combined

Pool

CASE STUDY HOUSE #23-Triad DevelopmentKillingsworth, Brady, and Smith Architects

An effort for community planning is shown through these 3

houses. By the consistency in materials and conecpts, the

three houses are linked together. All the houses include a

small pool at the entrance and a loggia that softens the

threshold between the indoors and outdoors.

Hanok- Korean Traditional House

Using raw materials such as soil, timber, and rock, Hanok is

built to fit its surroundings, nature. Although there are

different layouts of an Hanok, it is considered to be very

open to one another through the middle space called

‘daecheong maru’. This provides interaction with one

another, but also private spaces.

House A

U-Shaped plan helps to focus on the entrance and pool in the middle of the house, but the walls separate the Master Bedroom

and the children’s bedroom. The core area is also facing South to allow the most sunlight.

House B

Instead of facing South like House A, the entrances of House B and C face each other. The rooms in this house are arranged

around the courtyards, which allows the possibility of reaching any room without crossing another.

House C

The reflection of the pool in the kitchen and living room area provides more transparency from distinguishing what is indoor

and outdoors. The translucent wall, which divides the entrance and the two courtyards, also provides privacy.

Hanok A

The disbursement of the rooms are focused on the wooden floor called ‘daecheong maru’. Daecheong Maru is a roof-covered

space, which was similarily used as living room, but opened to the outdoors. Because of the extremely hot weather in Korea,

one to four sides are opened for ventilation. During the winter, the floor heating system is used to provide warmth, called

Ondol.

Hanok B

This Hanok also has the characteristics of the ‘daecheong maru’, but the rooms are surrounded by a central space, the

courtyard. Another element about Hanok is the Master bedroom is always connected to the kitchen. As the women of the

house cooks in the kitchen, the fire that is used to cook provides heat for the Ondol floor heating system.

Korean House Today

This is a standard 3 bedroom apartment today in Korea. Although the construction is different, Koreans have kept their way of

living through the layout of the house. In all three apartments, the there isn’t a division between the kitchen and living room.

There is also a space to take off one’s shoes / storage before entering the house with a a little step like how people stepped

onto a platform in the ‘daecheong maru.’

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Windows

Entrance Perimeter

Kitchen and Living Rm Combined

Pool

CASE STUDY HOUSE #23-Triad DevelopmentKillingsworth, Brady, and Smith Architects

An effort for community planning is shown through these 3

houses. By the consistency in materials and conecpts, the

three houses are linked together. All the houses include a

small pool at the entrance and a loggia that softens the

threshold between the indoors and outdoors.

Hanok- Korean Traditional House

Using raw materials such as soil, timber, and rock, Hanok is

built to fit its surroundings, nature. Although there are

different layouts of an Hanok, it is considered to be very

open to one another through the middle space called

‘daecheong maru’. This provides interaction with one

another, but also private spaces.

House A

U-Shaped plan helps to focus on the entrance and pool in the middle of the house, but the walls separate the Master Bedroom

and the children’s bedroom. The core area is also facing South to allow the most sunlight.

House B

Instead of facing South like House A, the entrances of House B and C face each other. The rooms in this house are arranged

around the courtyards, which allows the possibility of reaching any room without crossing another.

House C

The reflection of the pool in the kitchen and living room area provides more transparency from distinguishing what is indoor

and outdoors. The translucent wall, which divides the entrance and the two courtyards, also provides privacy.

Hanok A

The disbursement of the rooms are focused on the wooden floor called ‘daecheong maru’. Daecheong Maru is a roof-covered

space, which was similarily used as living room, but opened to the outdoors. Because of the extremely hot weather in Korea,

one to four sides are opened for ventilation. During the winter, the floor heating system is used to provide warmth, called

Ondol.

Hanok B

This Hanok also has the characteristics of the ‘daecheong maru’, but the rooms are surrounded by a central space, the

courtyard. Another element about Hanok is the Master bedroom is always connected to the kitchen. As the women of the

house cooks in the kitchen, the fire that is used to cook provides heat for the Ondol floor heating system.

Korean House Today

This is a standard 3 bedroom apartment today in Korea. Although the construction is different, Koreans have kept their way of

living through the layout of the house. In all three apartments, the there isn’t a division between the kitchen and living room.

There is also a space to take off one’s shoes / storage before entering the house with a a little step like how people stepped

onto a platform in the ‘daecheong maru.’

PATIO STUDIO

BATH

K & LR

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Proposal

Proposal

When Koreans immigrated to Los Angeles, they applied their culture and traditions to the new city. Other ethnic groups might identify Koreatown with the odd

characters on billboards or the location between Western and Vermont Street, but a certain cultural atmosphere is embedded in these signs or streets. Other than the

physical boundaries created by the freeways and street width, Los Angeles has failed to develop a definite architectural identity. I’d like to start exploring how Korean

identity and culture can be introduced into Los Angeles by blurring the boundaries between Koreatown and the rest of the city by applying certain characteristics of Los

Angeles into the traditions of Koreans.

The first part of my proposal seeks to connect people living in the community to their surroundings. An awareness of what is around them is important. Instead

of having to drive 5 minutes, most of a person’s needs would be walking distance. The excessive number of parking lots for each plaza or retail store is identified along the

main boulevards and avenues that define the city’s grid system. These lots become the potential space for a new housing/green typology that will connect Los Angeles’

infrastructure as a whole. Koreatown becomes the central area for the start of this new typology. Boundaries will be unnoticeable, and will be defined as an integrated

community instead of an enclave.

Densities of housing in the different districts [ref. 14] have defined the city’s real estate value as well as how much green space each individual has for themselves.

Green space seems to have directed towards the privacy of one individual. The determination of green space one deserves has been decided by the standards of the

family’s hierarchy in society. This is a characteristic Los Angeles has developed in a negative way, which led to a way of segregation in each district. I’d like to use the

idea of green space being utilized by each household, but also be used by the community at the same time. Each house would have their own green space, but will have

a program so that it can be used for the public as well. Specifically, in the Korean community, outdoor space or green space has been not been developed in Los Angeles.

Spaces that aren’t being well maintained allow them to not use the space or recognize the space at all. In the Korean culture, nature is something that is very appreciated,

which needs to be preserved within the city. A park in the city of Korea isn’t cut down, but is literally the existing mountain side next to the city or town. The same nature

that exists around them was used by their ancestor, which allows them to appreciate the park even more. The same appreciation of nature is something that can exist in

Los Angeles as well. Although the palm trees and green spaces have been constructed by man, it can be constructed in such a way to appreciate the community of their

ethnic group.

The green spaces that will exist for the new housing project can bring the community together as well as allow other communities to see what the Koreans value

about their culture. The idea of sharing and communal living is a huge part of the Korean culture. in contrast to the American way of living. This is evident in an American

restaurant where each individual orders their own plate they and eat it by themselves. Usually in a Korean restaurant [ref. 13], each individual is conscious of what the

others in their party is eating as well. With this in mind, they order accordingly and share their plate with one another. Similarly, through the use of green space, I’d like to

construct a space where people can come together and share each other’s interest instead of dividing the space into sections, spaces would be laid out around a central

space that shares a common interest.

A consideration of open space that brings together different programs is also something that is considered. In a Korean home, there are no subdivisions between

the kitchen, dining area, living room, office space and family room that is common in an American home. Everything can be seen from one space. The kitchen is connected

to the dining room, which can be seen from the living room and the hallways from the bedrooms. Koreans have tried to incorporate the traditional way of living into their

everyday lives as well. Traditionally, a room without any walls can be seen. A door that might is connected to multiple rooms is a common space that everyone shares.

This way can be thought of as a new way of building for new housing in Koreatown. This traditional way of living has the potential to redefine a way of living that can be

applied to other districts as well.

Through the use of architectural elements such as the ones mentioned above, I’d like to explore the Korean identity’s place in the city of Los Angeles. Integrating

the existing architectural elements and infrastructure in Los Angeles with Korean traditions will give the opportunity for both communities to create a collective identity.

Los Angeles already has several districts that consist of different ethnic groups, and Koreatown can become the model for this new typology of urban infrastructure. A

spine of housing and green space can define the community and can be specific to the districts and cultural values each ethnic group holds onto. Instead of disguising

districts that attract tourists these districts will have a common area where the values will only be understood by the local community.

REF. 13Dining in two different culturesHierarchy of the food can be seen in the American and Korean culture. The Korean dining table on the left, there is an idea of being more communal where the middle

dishes are all shared with one another except for the bowl of rice and soup. There is the idea of also sitting on the floor. The American dining table on the right, an indi-

vidual has their own plate and set of food. The food is also shared amongst each other, but there is a sense of ownership of individual’s plate of food. Of course, there is

also the chair that the person sits on instead of the floor.

Spatial Organizations

Looking at one another at eye level.

Communal Dining Set - Everyone has their own bowl of rice and soup. Rest is shared amongst each other.

Idea of dining on the oor.

Individual Dining Set- Everyone has their own plate and set of food. Shared amongst other, but there is a sense of ownership of individual’s food.

Idea of dining on a chair.Exposed Foundation

Scope of work

Los Angeles Today

Cars

Lawns Communal Backyard Green Space

Blocked off fences Sharing same view

Proposal

Walking

Density Diagram-Individual’s Green Space

Hancock ParkGreen Space 4,557sqft

Mid-City [partially koreatown]Green Space 1,294sqft

JeffersonGreen Space 598sqft

Mid-Wilshire [partially koreatown]Green Space 26sqft/ per housing

Density Diagram-Individual’s Green Space

Hancock ParkGreen Space 4,557sqft

Mid-City [partially koreatown]Green Space 1,294sqft

JeffersonGreen Space 598sqft

Mid-Wilshire [partially koreatown]Green Space 26sqft/ per housing

Density Diagram-Individual’s Green Space

Hancock ParkGreen Space 4,557sqft

Mid-City [partially koreatown]Green Space 1,294sqft

JeffersonGreen Space 598sqft

Mid-Wilshire [partially koreatown]Green Space 26sqft/ per housing

Density Diagram-Individual’s Green Space

Hancock ParkGreen Space 4,557sqft

Mid-City [partially koreatown]Green Space 1,294sqft

JeffersonGreen Space 598sqft

Mid-Wilshire [partially koreatown]Green Space 26sqft/ per housing

REF. 14Density of Houses The diagram shows the densities of the houses in four different districts. All districts have their own green space they own. These green spaces aren’t used for the public,

but the determination of green space one deserves has been decided by the standards of the family’s hierarchy in society. Below, it lists the different districts and how

much green space an individual household owns.

1. Hancock Park - 4,557sqft 3. Jeffersson - 598sqft

2. Mid-City - 1,294sqft 4. Mid-Wilshire - 26sqft/housing in apartment complex

REF. 15Parking Lots

In Los Angeles, if you follow the main streets, each block/plaza has its own park-

ing lots for the commercial building on that block. This limits the community from

walking. This map is the first attempt at connecting the city with each parking lot

by turning it into a green space for the public.

Notes

1 “ The convulsions in building style that follow when traditional cultural and social restraints have been overthrown and replaced by the preferences of a mobile, affluent, consumer-oriented society, in which ‘cultural values’ and ancient symbols are handled primarily as methods of claiming or establishing status.” Reyner Banham, Los Angeles The Architecture of Four Ecologies, 1971

2 Richard Lehan emphasized, ‘probably no city in the Western world has a more negative image’ Mike Davis, City of Quartz, 1992 p.22

3 …is another historical landmark of importance, since it was the first of the works that eventually led to Arroyo Seco Parkway, the beginning of the freeway network… Reyner Banham, Los Angeles The Architecture of Four Ecologies, 1971 p.87

4 How to overcome fear of crime in downtowns. Create a Dense, Compact, Multifunctional Core Area. A downtown can be designed and developed to make visitors feel that it is attractive and the type of place that ‘respectable people’ like themselves…A core downtown area that is compact, densely developed and multifunctional will concentrate people, giving them more activities…The activities offered in this core area will determine what ‘type’ of people will be strolling its sidewalks. Such an attractive redeveloped core area would also be large enough to affect the downtown’s overall image. N. David Milder, ‘Crime and Downtown Revitalization’, Urban Land, September 1987, p.18

5 Weimer and Hoyt mentions, in cities, “various groups of people tend to segregate themselves into definite areas in accordance with their incomes, social positions, and special characteristics,” in which the ‘special characteristics’ references to race-ethnicity and to religious beliefs. .Hise, Greg. “Identity And Social Distance In Los Angeles.” Landscape Journal 26.1 (2007): p.46

Bibliography

Banham, Reyner. Los Angeles; the Architecture of Four Ecologies. New York: Harper & Row, 1971. Print.

Davis, Mike. City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles. London: Verso, 1990. Print.

Hise, Greg. “Identity and social distance in Los Angeles.” Landscape Journal, 2007, v.26, n.1, p.45-60. Print.

N. David Milder, “Crime and Downtown Revitalization”, Urban Land, September 1987, p.18. Print.

“Pierre Koenig: Case Study House #21: West Hollywod, California, U.S.A., 1960.” GA Houses 71 (2002): 32-47. Print

Cram, Justin. “Early Moderns: Five Architectural Highlights in Los Angeles.” KCET. Ingle Publishing Company, 15 Dec. 2011. Web. 22 May 2012. <http://www.kcet.org/socal/departures/landofsunshine/arts/la-early-moderns.html>

Smith, Elizabeth A. T., and Esther McCoy. Blueprints for Modern Living: History and Legacy of the Case Study Houses This Book Is Published in Conjunc-tion with the Exhibition “Blueprints for Modern Living: History and Legacy of the Case Study Houses”, Presented at the Temporary Contemporary of The Museum of Contemporary Art, Los Angeles, October 17, 1989 - February 18, 1990. Cambridge, Mass. [u.a.: MIT, 1989. Print.

Smith, Elizabeth. Case Study Houses 25th Edition. Taschen, 2009. Print.

“Housing Project in Los Angeles.” ArkitecTRUE.com. ArkitecTRUE, 15 Feb. 2007. Web. 20 May 2012. <http://www.arkitectrue.com/michael-maltzans-completes-affordable-housing-project-in-los-angeles/>.

Center for Urban Research, and CUNY Graduate Center. “Visualizing a Changing Region, Block by Block.” Zoomable Map: 2000 to 2010 Demo-graphic Changes. US Census Bureau. Web. 16 Jan 2012. <http://www.urbanresearchmaps.org/comparinator/pluralitymap.htm>.

“Los Angeles County Department of Regional Planning.” Land Use & Zoning. Los Angeles County Regional Planning, 2009. Web. 23 May 2012. <http://planning.lacounty.gov/luz/summary/category/commercial_zones/>.

Commercial

Koreatown, Los Angeles

Restaurants & Markets

Church

Hotel

Housing

Parking Structure -EXG. Parking that are to be used for everyone.

Site - Surface parking lots or empty unused lots.

Subway Line

Bus Stops

M

MM

M

M

MM

M

MM

M

MM

Existing Parking

Site for the green pathway

Commercial

Koreatown, Los Angeles

Restaurants & Markets

Church

Hotel

Housing

Parking Structure -EXG. Parking that are to be used for everyone.

Site - Surface parking lots or empty unused lots.

Subway Line

Bus Stops

M

MM

M

M

MM

M

MM

M

MM

Existing Parking

Site for the green pathway

M

MM

Courtyard Section Apartments

The apartment complex acts as the courtyard in between the high-rise commercial buildings that surrounds it. Having green courtyards inside the building that is opened

to the public allows the interaction between the residents and the public. These moments will connect the following block with a different program in a similar way.

Ground FloorCommercial and Resident’s Usage

The ground floor provides the opportunity for the public to experience the courtyard and within the housing complex. ALthough the tall building seems to be private, the

opened floor plan allows the pedestrians to cut through the building and enjoy the green space, commercial, and maru seating.

Resident’s FloorThree Type of Apartments

The three different type of rooms are considered to be close to the programs they are interested in living in. Being able to to choose from study type, kitchen, and enter-

tainment type, each resident is able to have easier access to the type of program they choose to go with, but also have access to the others as well.

Maru that connects the rooms together makes it a communal space. Mimicing the Korean traditional way of living, the residents would take their shoes off before they

step up onto the the raised platform, which leads them to their rooms.

Communal FloorConnecting all three types of apartments

The communal floor is the only floor that connects the three different types of apartments. This is the floor where most of the interactions among residents will happen.

This allows the large communal kitchens,lounge/entertainment area, and study spaces to know what type of people live in their community.