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This article was downloaded by: [University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign] On: 04 October 2014, At: 00:14 Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Muziki: Journal of Music Research in Africa Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rmuz20 Re-thinking white narratives: Popular songs and protest discourse in post- colonial Zimbabwe Blandina Makina a a Department of English Studies , University of South Africa Published online: 26 Nov 2009. To cite this article: Blandina Makina (2009) Re-thinking white narratives: Popular songs and protest discourse in post-colonial Zimbabwe, Muziki: Journal of Music Research in Africa, 6:2, 221-231 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18125980903250772 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the “Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis, our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as to the accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinions and views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors, and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Content should not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sources of information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims, proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arising out of the use of the Content. This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms- and-conditions

Re-thinking white narratives: Popular songs and protest discourse in post-colonial Zimbabwe

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Page 1: Re-thinking white narratives: Popular songs and protest discourse in post-colonial Zimbabwe

This article was downloaded by: [University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign]On: 04 October 2014, At: 00:14Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registeredoffice: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK

Muziki: Journal of Music Research inAfricaPublication details, including instructions for authors andsubscription information:http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rmuz20

Re-thinking white narratives: Popularsongs and protest discourse in post-colonial ZimbabweBlandina Makina aa Department of English Studies , University of South AfricaPublished online: 26 Nov 2009.

To cite this article: Blandina Makina (2009) Re-thinking white narratives: Popular songs and protestdiscourse in post-colonial Zimbabwe, Muziki: Journal of Music Research in Africa, 6:2, 221-231

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/18125980903250772

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Taylor & Francis makes every effort to ensure the accuracy of all the information (the“Content”) contained in the publications on our platform. However, Taylor & Francis,our agents, and our licensors make no representations or warranties whatsoever as tothe accuracy, completeness, or suitability for any purpose of the Content. Any opinionsand views expressed in this publication are the opinions and views of the authors,and are not the views of or endorsed by Taylor & Francis. The accuracy of the Contentshould not be relied upon and should be independently verified with primary sourcesof information. Taylor and Francis shall not be liable for any losses, actions, claims,proceedings, demands, costs, expenses, damages, and other liabilities whatsoever orhowsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with, in relation to or arisingout of the use of the Content.

This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Anysubstantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing,systematic supply, or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. Terms &Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/page/terms-and-conditions

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Re-thinking white narratives: Popular songs and protest discourse in post-colonial Zimbabwe

Blandina Makina Department of English StudiesUniversity of South [email protected]

AbstractThroughout history song, in whatever form, has played a pivotal role in the life of man. It has chronicled man’s struggles and joys and has acted as a consciousness-raising tool to a nation’s, moral, political and social problems. It is a dynamic living art form, which is responsive to developments in a society. Artists have, and still use it as a vehicle of expression of societal values, a medium of information and a popular form of entertainment. In this respect, the economic and political meltdown in Zimbabwe over the past decade have given rise to protest songs as artists became the mouthpiece of a population that is enduring economic hardships. One such artist is Samm Monro, popularly known as Comrade Fatso. He is one of the emerging young musicians who, through his protest music, has become an inspiration to ordinary Zimbabweans from all walks of life because his songs are insightful commentaries on what is happening in their country. This paper discusses the protest discourse that his wide audience finds appealing. The focus is on the lyrics from excerpts of four songs on his album Chabvondoka.

Key words: Chabvondoka, political meltdown, protest discourse, rap, revolutionary

IntroductionThis paper discusses the protest discourse in Samm Monro’s songs. He is one of the emerging young white people, whose music has become part of a growing multiracial

the lyrics of his songs, which are mirrors and commentaries of what is happening in the country. He is therefore, an inspiration to ordinary Zimbabweans from all walks of life. This article discusses the protest discourse in excerpts from four songs on his album Chabvondoka. It begins with a brief description of the role of song in general, and that of the protest song in particular. Thereafter, the diction in excerpts from Monro’s songs is analysed to reveal the intensity of protest.

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The role of song in society From time immemorial, man has told the story of life and its beauty, wonder, struggles and causes through song. From stories of love to the vagaries of war and oppression, song has provided people with an emotional outlet. In song, a community expresses its hopes and fears, wishes and problems, thereby consolidating the group interest. The protest song in particular, is a day-to-day commentary of what is taking place in society.

of life. Mugo, (1983: 6) describes song as the artistic outpouring of the heart. This is because through song, feelings are communicated and tense emotions released. The release of pent-up emotions is important because it enables people to remain humane and not driven over the edge to inhumanity. From an Afrocentric point of view, the heart is important because it determines one’s state of being – hence the Shona saying, Haana Mwoyo meaning he/she is inhuman or heartless. Using song as a weapon, man has stood up against this heartlessness, hence the popularity of the protest song. Zimbabwe is no exception. The combination of a politically-repressive climate and economic hardships that people have had to endure have stimulated the creative genius in different artists who have used the protest song as a day-to-day commentary of what is taking place in society.

The protest songAlthough created individually, song forms part of a people’s collective existence. In song, the community discusses its experience with itself, commenting for its

— the physical world, the political world, the aesthetic world and the moral world – but all communicated as part of dialogue within the community, a dialogue with its traditions, its present and its future. Through song, artists have questioned authority and the status quo that is occasionally misdirected, misinformed and in some cases just plain wrong. These adverse situations are the inspiration behind the protest genre. The protest song therefore, becomes a vehicle for the expression and manifestation of what is going wrong in society. In other words, protest songs are a means of communication and an aid to collective action. They are also a great way of connecting with others who have similar views on local and worldly issues united by the fact that they all have something to say, something to dispute or something to rile against whether it be political, social or personal. This makes the protest song a form of social commentary that is profoundly relevant. Because song is more expressive than prose, man relates to it in a special way.

Contextualising the Zimbabwean protest song Like elsewhere in Africa, Zimbabwean oral art has not been static; but has responded to the economic, cultural and social changes in the country. Zimbabweans are not mute in the face of oppression and economic hardships but through song, they have always

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expressed their anger and sorrow as well as revolutionary aspirations, sometimes even

consciousness of the people at a given time in their history. For instance, during the war against colonialism, Chimurenga (revolutionary) songs were aimed at conscientising

They were an effective inspirational tools because song can capture and convey human

they walked long distances and endured harsh conditions of guerrillaPongweni, (1982) has called them the songs that won the liberation war ‘in recognition of their capacity to shape, direct, and transform the political consciousness of Africans towards the goal of political independence’ (Vambe, 2004:175). The songs gave the guerrillas zest and courage and acted as stimulants to action. Other songs conscientised the society during pungwe (night gatherings) and gave people a channel through which they could vent their emotions.

After independence, the artistic scene was awash with celebratory songs such as the Harare Mambo’s Jongwe (cock), which welcomed the new leader Robert Mugabe and urged everybody to celebrate new beginnings. During this time, song was used as a tool to spur people to celebrate the birth of a new nation. Ten years into democracy, the protest genre reared its head again with artists expressing the society’s anger and dismay at the neo-colonialism that had eclipsed the sun of independence. Artists registered the discontent of the masses over the rampant post-independence vices like bribery, theft, nepotism, greed and unequal treatment of citizens, all of which were frustrating the progressive goals set at independence with such songs as Manatsa’s allegorical Gonzo ndiShef (The rat is boss), which criticises the government’s corrupt practices and its unequal treatment of citizens. It is a critique of the more powerful in society who refuse to help the weak. In the same period, Mapfumo added his voice to the growing discontent with songs such as Corruption, which were an overt criticism of government

the protest song became the voice of the voiceless, articulating discontent of the masses with the state. The deterioration was apparent as Zimbabwe continued to be riddled with problems from all fronts. In response, artists became more vocal and critical as they portrayed the peoples’ anger and suffering through song. In the face of their dignity that had been stripped, song provided the outlet for anger at the unjust conditions that people were enduring.

Samm Monro’s protest songs

song and the song serves as barometer in gauging the peoples’ sensitivity, tone and

protest song-genre and focuses on Zimbabwe during the recent economic meltdown.

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It is not possible to do justice to the current nature of protest song in Zimbabwe without bringing up the name Samm Monro. He belongs to the young generation of

today. In this regard, he has broken the boundaries and entered an area that was formerly the reserve of black musicians. Unlike the older generation musicians such as Thomas Mapfumo’s Corruption and Simon Chimbetu’s Simba Nederere (2000)

music is revolutionary in that it is mainly rap with strands of hip-hop and African beats. Undoubtedly, this fusion and the fact that he is white and singing about the suffering of black people appeals to the audience.

Samm ‘Farai’ Monro (Comrade Fatso) composer, singer and poet, has made an indelible mark on the current Zimbabwean artistic scene with his protest music. In a country where being white predisposes one to harassment by the state machinery, Monro protests against the narrowness of ethnic intolerance by identifying with the masses. In this regard, he is himself an image of protest because he refuses to see ethnic boundaries. Monro’s use of rap is ideal for the protest genre. According to Benga (2002) the fabric of rap is woven from the cities and for young artists, rap is a mode of expressing their identity. His song Identitylyrics are:

What’s my identity meant to be?Is my identity that of a white boy in Zimbabwe?I am a child of the soilNdiani wopinda nawo mwenje mudziva? (Who is doing something so tragically futile?)

Should my identity to be a white boy defy class and race?Should my identity defy expectations, defy a nation?

Refrain: Toyi toyi chimurenga ndiwo mutupo (Militancy is my totem)

Shock one calling me MurehwaI am very indigenousMy roots are from Shamva to Bikita

Refrain: Toyi toyi chimurenga ndiwo mutupo

The fabric of this song is inherently revolutionary, forcing one to shift perspective and

his birthright and refusing to be labelled as a white boy belonging to a certain class. By using the words kaf r and Murehwa he is breaking the societal boundaries and asking to be set free. Kaf r is a derogatory term for black people and Murehwa is a totem associated with an ethnic group from Mashonaland. Monro associates with both the positive (totem) and negative (name-calling) aspects of blackness as proof that

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he belongs and does not want to be ‘othered’. He invokes a spirit of nationhood by claiming Zimbabwe (from Shamva to Bikita) as home. In this regard, he is appealing for unity among all Zimbabweans, regardless of race or colour, because these are divisive

militant diction of the refrain. Toyi toyi is a protest dance, Chimurenga is a revolution and Mutupowith a new revolution against the oppression that has gripped Zimbabwe. Commenting on his music/poems Monro (2006) says it ‘does not ask for permission, it demands, it dreams, it acts’. The diction in this song does just that.

Most of the social context in Monro’s songs is focussed on the struggle against neo-colonialism in Zimbabwe, a country that is undergoing economic and political recession. His stance is that although people have suffered and some even died, there is hope in the adversity. So, apart from bemoaning the economic collapse and resultant mayhem, Monro believes that the hardships that people endure now serve to make them stronger. He therefore, urges people to have forbearance and patience and in this regard his message instils and inspires hope. Monro contends that artists have a role to play in making Zimbabwe a better place in spite of the hardships. This vision underlines his philosophy:

I believe in possibilities and dreams. I believe in alternatives to the way things are today. I am inspired by believing in alternative means of survival and power being in the hands of artists. I believe my art is very important. It is not submissive, it does not ask for permission (Quoted by Mushekwe, 2006).

As a young artist, he speaks of dreams for a better Zimbabwe and sees his role in it as

that artists have a mandate to serve society through their work, which should not only

are urban life scenes, ‘contemporary tales that report social facts, raising problems and calling for responses’ (Benga, 2002: 84). They function as commentaries of events that Zimbabweans encounter daily, showing that Monro is in touch with the concrete problems and aspirations of ordinary Zimbabweans.

The thrust of his music is therefore, three-pronged – to conscientise the masses, to appeal to the conscience of those in authority and to inspire hope. These three descriptors will be used as a framework within which the protest music will be discussed. The lyrics are virulently anti-establishment as the following excerpts from the song House of Hunger demonstrate:

This is the house of hungerIn this house you gonna make it or break itDzimba renzara (House of hunger)

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Where fat chefs sit in the kitchenCooking heaps of famineBroken bricks of colonialism

This is the house of hunger Built on the foundation of famineAnd we live in itA house built by chefs now blackThey build brick upon brick of corruptionThey build brick upon brick of hunger

Rest in peace is brokenYour brother’s hopes dashedChildren rapedPeople left for dead

The writing is on the wallIt says Zvakwana (Enough)

We stand tallIts time to build a house without ChefsHow can people suffer in silence?

The imagery in this song is poignant. Monro launches a caustic attack on those in power (chefs). The metaphor a house of hunger aptly describes Zimbabwe, where the chefs

have resulted in hunger. From a literal perspective, the land distribution programme that went wrong resulted in food shortages and people went hungry. Figuratively, the nation is hungry for good governance and a normal life.

The image contained in the word ‘building’ is used ironically in this song to mean destruction because the authorities are building corruption and hunger, both of which are destructive elements. The same applies to the action verb ‘cooking’, which under normal use implies availability of food and yet in this lyric they are cooking famine. The contrast is effective because it emphasises the negative impact of government policies. It is also a satire on the government public rhetoric of building a nation and feeding its people. The song therefore, has an allegorical political meaning.

The state of hopelessness manifests itself in incidents of anti-social behaviour because Zimbabwe has become a land where people are so destitute that they resort to

in peace’ are written. On a metaphorical level, these desperate actions have disturbed the spirits of the dead, who no longer rest in peace. From a cultural perspective, graves are sacred among the Shona people and it is taboo to desecrate them, but because of hunger, people have resorted to selling anything. This, together with the rape of children and wanton murder ‘people left for dead’mismanagement ‘cooking heaps of famine’ of the country.

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The effectiveness of these lyrics therefore, stems from Monro’s use of powerful images to paint a grim picture. His use of the metaphor gives his songs multiple meanings and interpretations – trying to understand the metaphors in relation to the motives of the composer provides only one of the numerous possible meanings. This is typical

song is located in the mental activities of the audiences. Often depending on the context in which the song is sung, the listener gets more meaning than the singer intended to communicate.

is a need to rekindle hope because now the people’s hopes ‘are dashed’, meaning they are broken beyond repair. ‘Zvakwana’

house without chefs’. It is also a call for dignity and self-stand tall’ in a very oppressive political climate.

This inspiration soothes the wounded spirit and instils a sense of hope in the midst of despair. In a society that has degenerated and is characterised by hopelessness, young

positively in society. They replace the victim mentality with seeds of aspiration for a

a need to be heard.The same motif of protest about political and social decay ending with the planting

of seeds of hope runs through the song MaStreets. Some of the lyrics are:

Walking the streets every dayNo foodNo job No opportunityThey call us thugs

But we are struggling to get byThey live in luxury, thanks to the povoThey live in comfort because of our sweatThey drive Hummers and live in luxuryThanks to the misery

Refrain: Hapana chakanaka, toonana mumastreets (We are in dire trouble, we will meet in the streets)

Asi zvakwana shamwari(But that’s enough my friend)The rot can never stop the truthIsu tiri mayouth ivo madhara(We are the youth and they are old)Because you want to change me You wanna chop off my head and debrain me

Refrain: Hapana chakanaka, toonana mumastreets (We are in dire trouble, we will meet in the streets)

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We face death so we appreciate life.

Refrain: Hapana chakanaka, toonana mumastreets (We are in dire trouble, we will meet in the streets)

This lyric begins with a picture of hopelessness of young people who walk the streets every day, jobless and hungry. This struggle is juxtaposed with the luxury of those in power who thrive by exploiting the ordinary people ‘povo’. Monro’s discourse, like that of Chimbetu, is ‘distinctly bi-polar’ (Vambe, 2004:185) in that it is the masses against those in power. In this respect, Monro represents the common man who is faceless and has no voice. He speaks for the common suffering, for the anonymous being of Zimbabwe (No food. No job, No opportunity). The triple negative invokes an atmosphere of despair

the common man on whose behalf Monro speaks. This is typical of his songs, which are unique for their ability to convey the reality of Zimbabwean life under a new type of oppression. The image is real because it is common to see people walking the streets in search of work or lying in the shade because they are hungry and tired, while the wealthy (usually those in power), zoom by in their big cars. As typical of rap music, this song ‘is a manifest preaching of political messages on the daily urban hardships and embodies the cry of desperation of city dwellers’ (Benga, 2002: 82).

As in the song House of Hunger

of the young towards political, economic, social and cultural institutions is typical of rap’. In this style, young artists manipulate language to rebel against the establishment ‘Because you want to change me, You wanna chop off my head and debrain me’. This protest language shows Monro’s rebellious attitude towards authority, and he expresses his refusal to conform in graphic and violent language of chopping and debraining. He is adamant that the truth about the vices of those in authority should be exposed ‘asi (but) the rot cannot stop the truth’. However, underlying the virulent brutal protest language is

human rights and justice are a reality. This is characteristic of the ending of his protest

price. It is this talent of talking back at politicians who, by their greed, have stolen the

Zimbabweans’ civil rights and through incompetence run the economy into the ground

functions of music and Monro uses feisty language Certain things get sacri ced We face death so we appreciate life to protest against complacency of the oppressed. As Haskins, (1987:182) says, ‘Human beings make music because it somehow elevates them, causes them to rise up out of themselves, makes them feel better.’

His portrayal of the stark divisions between the ‘haves’ as represented by the political elite in Zimbabwe and the ‘have nots’ as represented by the masses is captured in the

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diction of the title Bread and Roses (chingwa nemaruva). Bread represents survival, a life characterised by bare necessities and roses depict a level of sophistication which is elitist. Ordinary Zimbabweans are too busy trying to eke out a living and roses or

poignant image of disparities between the rich and poor. The song itself is a mirror of a day in the life of an ordinary young Zimbabwean.

Bread and Roses (chingwa nemaruva)

My dad wakes me againNdonomuka na 4 dzekuseni (I wake up at 4 am)Kuenda kumusika (To go to the market)Selling bread, tomatoes

Asking for my ID and vending licenceStolen dignityDo I need a licence to live?Is life theirs to give?He smashed tomatoesAll he knows is to breakMy fruits have been destroyedSmashed tomatoes, scattered avocadoesLove and dignity is what I am asking for

Saying my food is dirtyNo, my food is dignityIt sends my children to schoolToday my fruits have been destroyedLove and dignity have been destroyed

This song focuses on the life of ordinary people trying to eke out a living on the streets but their attempts are thwarted by authorities who destroy their wares ‘Smashed tomatoes, scattered avocadoes’. By destroying their livelihood, the authorities are also destroying their lives because the money they generate through the sale of fruits sends my children to school. In this context, ‘music is inextricably involved in the discussion of survival

in a country with an autocratic government and devastated economy. It captures the harsh conditions under which children in the city are forced to live. Often they have to earn money to help their parents and siblings survive, and this reality is captured in the

My dad wakes me again. Ndonomuka na 4 dzekuseni (I wake up at 4 am). The word again shows this is routine. While children in wealthy homes are fast asleep, the day begins early for ordinary people who have to go and buy fruit from the market then spend the day in the streets selling and enduring harassment by municipal police who are arms of government. The song is a direct social critique of authorities who treat the masses with disrespect – Love and dignity is what I am asking for, Love and dignity have been destroyed. By destroying one’s source of income, the authorities have

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stripped the individual of dignity, and this in turn, impacts negatively on the humane aspect of a person. As with most rap music, this song is deeply rooted in social reality, and it aims to restore dignity to those who are marginalised (Benga, 2002). Its success is therefore measured by the impact of its message on the audience. Through this song, Monro shows that through music, human beings wage the continuous struggle against negative forces and oppressive conditions, which seek to make them inhuman.

Monro demonstrates how authorities are consistently and relentlessly intent on breaking the human spirit. In the song House of Hunger, Monro uses the word dashed to depict this intense destruction. In this song, he uses the word smashed to that same effect. By protesting that All he knows is how to break, Monro implies that what has been destroyed is much more than the fruits, it is human dignity because the income from the sales sustains the people by giving them dignity. Through the destructive behaviour of the municipal police, the authorities want to have complete control of the

Is life theirs to give? This rhetorical question encapsulates

licence) is a way of harassment, a mechanism of control. By protesting against this dehumanising behaviour, Monro increases awareness of unjust treatment by questioning and challenging authorities. Like the other two songs, Bread and Roses ends with some

No, my food is dignity. It sends my children to school.

norm by, for instance, breaking syntax or meddling with grammar. This refusal to

through his mixture of Shona and English to break convention. As a rapper, Monro’s role is eminently political and his shows are closely monitored

takes the stage because his mission is to use his music as a vehicle for voicing the social claims of people that are subject to exclusion and economic crisis. This article has demonstrated that through the use of imagery and militant diction, Monro articulates his dissatisfaction with the establishment in a manner that reaches and touches every heart. He has the ability to fearlessly convey the reality of Zimbabwean life, and this is what makes his music unique. Through his protest songs, he has been able to provide pop-culture viewpoints on one of the most tumultuous times in Zimbabwean history. His music

audience due to their simple but carefully-crafted language. Monro also mixes Shona and English to cater for the linguistic diversity of his audience because his intention is to reach out to the masses, give them an outlet for their pent-up emotions and instil hope. The creativity and talent in his compositions is evident in the feisty name of his backup group – Chabvondoka. The name embodies onomatopoeic sounds that paint a picture of violent disturbance implying protest. In character with the multifaceted powers of music, his lyrics entertain, educate and inspire. Vambe’s (2004:190) observation sums it all up succinctly – music ‘constitutes a volatile cultural space through which African

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singers have sought to tell their stories and give meaning to their lives’. This is true of Monro’s music.

Conclusion

journey it has gathered new elements from the vicissitudes of political intrigues which

emanates from the current socio-political situation in Zimbabwe and in this sense, gives voice to the downtrodden masses due to its lyrics that are topical, articulating in vivid imagery the plight of a people who are hungry, unemployed, dehumanised and exploited

a better future; a refusal to be defeated. In this regard, his protest is two-pronged – he protests against the harsh conditions that have been created by the government but at the same time adamantly protests against the victim mentality that usually sets in when people are oppressed. On a personal level, Monro protests against ethnic stereotyping, advocating a broader vision of identity that transcends colour and race. Put succinctly, his music resonates with the struggle for survival in a land that is characterised by deprivation in all spheres of life. He is indeed an artist with a message.

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