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2015

Soldiers and Civil Rights: The Impact of World War II on Soldiers and Civil Rights: The Impact of World War II on

Jacksonville's African American Community, 1954-1960 Jacksonville's African American Community, 1954-1960

Bryan Higham University of North Florida, b.higham.139188@unf.edu

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Suggested Citation Suggested Citation Higham, Bryan, "Soldiers and Civil Rights: The Impact of World War II on Jacksonville's African American Community, 1954-1960" (2015). UNF Graduate Theses and Dissertations. 560. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/560

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i

SOLDIERS AND CIVIL RIGHTS:

THE IMPACT OF WORLD WAR II ON JACKSONVILLE'S AFRICAN AMERICAN

COMMUNITY, 1945-1960

By

Bryan Arch Wayne Higham

A thesis submitted to the Department of History

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree in

Master of Arts in History

UNIVERSITY OF NORTH FLORIDA

COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SCIENCES

APRIL 2015

Unpublished work © Bryan Arch Wayne Higham

ii

The thesis of Bryan Higham is approved:

__________________________________ ______________________

Dr. Gregory F. Domber

__________________________________ ______________________

Dr. James Broomall

__________________________________ ______________________

Dr. Alan Bliss

Accepted for the History Department:

__________________________________ ______________________

Dr. Charles Closmann, Dept. Chair

Accepted for the College of Arts and Sciences:

__________________________________ ______________________

Dr. Barbara Hetrick, Dean

Accepted for the University:

__________________________________ ______________________

Dr. John Kantner, Dean of the Graduate School

iii

Dedication

My fellow veterans- As the following pages will demonstrate, our time in the military is only the

first chapter of our legacy.

iv

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank my mentor and research supervisor, Dr. Gregory Domber, for his

patience, support, and commitment throughout this process. Despite his busy schedule, Dr.

Domber aided me throughout both the research and writing process. The leadership that he has

provided has helped me develop the necessary skills of a historian. I would not have achieved

the successes that I have without his help and guidance.

I would also like to thank Dr. James Broomall for not only agreeing to be a part of my

defense board, but for the guidance he provided in Dr. Domber's absence. Dr. Broomall's help

was instrumental in the early stages of this process, especially with the historiography.

Furthermore, I need to thank Dr. Alan Bliss for agreeing to be a part of my defense board.

His understanding of the Civil Rights Movement and local history was important in aiding my

development and elevation of the final form of this project. In actuality, I believe nearly every

member of the UNF History department faculty has taken time to provide me with some form of

constructive feedback, and for that, I am thankful.

Lastly, I would like to thank my wife, Camille. She provided invaluable help during both

the research and editing portions. Her skills as a lawyer were instrumental when helping me

analyze several documents. Most importantly, she was patient and supportive during this long

and trying process. Without the contributions of any one of these people, I would not have been

able to produce the final product that I did.

v

Table of Contents

Title Page ......................................................................................................................................... i

Certificate of Approval ................................................................................................................... ii

Dedication ...................................................................................................................................... iii

Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ iv

Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... vi

Chapter 1: Introduction ....................................................................................................................1

Chapter 2: Setting the Stage ...........................................................................................................16

Chapter 3: Fighting the War ..........................................................................................................35

Chapter 4: Bringing it All Home ...................................................................................................56

Chapter 5: Conclusion....................................................................................................................74

Bibliography ..................................................................................................................................83

Vita .................................................................................................................................................97

vi

Abstract

This research explores the role of returning African American veterans in the Civil Rights

Movement in Jacksonville from 1945-1960. Black World War II veterans not only faced the typical

challenges of returning to civilian life, but took up the fight for equality as well. While this work

acknowledges existing arguments about black veterans in the Civil Rights Movement, it emphasizes

and analyzes the importance of their military benefits and experience. The mechanizing revolution

that occurred in the United States military in this era had a lasting impact on the soldiers fighting as

well as communities back home, Jacksonville included. This changing military dynamic necessitated

an increase in support positions, meaning African American soldiers received training in various

fields like combat, supply, and intelligence. This training translated into useful skills in the postwar

period. The experiences of black soldiers while overseas also played a pivotal role, especially their

interaction with foreign cultures. Often foreigners referred to black soldiers as "American" leaving

off any racial distinction. Additionally, black veterans were able to attend college in unprecedented

numbers because of their GI Bill benefits. Ernest Jackson earned undergraduate and legal degrees,

and led the attack on segregation in Jacksonville. Elcee Lucas also went to school after exiting the

service but used his military skills to orchestrate voter registration drives, and organize political

campaigns. With their new skills and education, these men were not only able to organize and lead

others but were equipped with the tools necessary to challenge the institutions that subverted their

equality, greatly influencing the path of the Civil Rights Movement. Through their efforts, black

veterans helped expose inadequacies with the existing structures and laws, thus adding to the

justification for the later civil rights tactics that intentionally challenged and broke Jim Crow laws.

1

Chapter 1: Introduction

"The things that a trained soldier must know, and the way in which they

are done, will be taught you as rapidly as you can absorb them. The basic

military information is described and explained in this handbook so that it

may be available constantly to you during the first weeks of your service.

By mastering the contents your future progress will be much more rapid."

Basic Field Manual: Soldier’s Handbook, 19411

Speaking during the Civil War as African Americans were enlisting in the Union Army,

Fredrick Douglas said, "Once let the black man get upon his person brass letters US, let him get

an eagle on his button, and a musket on his shoulder, and bullets in his pocket, and there is no

power on earth or under the earth which can deny that he has earned the right of citizenship in

the United States."2 This notion of a connection between military service and citizenship rights

still rang true well into the twentieth century when African Americans took up arms against their

country's enemies in World War II. One of history's greatest ironies is that while America

pushed democratic ideals abroad in the fight against fascism, it denied a substantial body of its

own citizenry equal rights at home. To remedy this, black veterans began their civil rights

efforts almost immediately upon their return home. However, these men do not fit into the

traditional narrative of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s, from the

Montgomery bus boycott to the March on Selma through Freedom Rides, all culminating in the

1 Basic Field Manual: Soldier's Handbook, FM 21-100 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing

Office, 1941), III. 2 Frederick Douglass, "Should the Negro Enlist in the Union Army?" speech, National Hall Philadelphia, July 06,

1863.

2

Civil Rights Acts of 1964 and 1965.3 African American World War II veterans utilized a

different set of tactics than the direct action and non-violent civil disobedience to segregation and

Jim Crow laws that typified the movement during Martin Luther King’s era. Instead of the

“illegal” methods such as sit-ins and marches, black World War II veterans challenged the

existing structures through legal means, exposing the flaws in the system, providing justification

for the later civil rights tactics.

This project seeks to explore the role and establish the importance of black World War II

veterans in the Civil Rights Movement between the years of 1945 and 1960 in Jacksonville,

Florida. During their military tenure, black service members gained invaluable training that

translated to useful skills towards their civil rights endeavors. An individual's unique military

training allowed him to contribute to the Civil Rights Movement in a way that he would have

been unlikely to be able to before. Men who served in rear support positions, like the supply

branch, obtained professional and organizational skills relevant to both civilian businesses and

activist groups. Additionally, men who served in direct support positions like reconnaissance

became proficient in hands on skills that required them to collect and collate information into

useful products while dealing with the stress of working in close proximity of combat actions.

Lastly, combat training, even the baseline weapons training that all soldiers received, gave black

soldiers weapons proficiency and knowledge of tactics that would be useful in protecting their

communities from white vigilantes. Furthermore, the benefits extended to black veterans

3 Some examples of works covering this more traditional narrative include; Numan V. Bartley, The Rise of Massive

Resistance: Race and Politics in the South During the 1950's (Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press,

1969); David J. Garrow, Protest At Selma: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 (New Haven,

CT: Yale University Press, 1978); Aldon D Morris, The Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities

Organizing for Change (New York: The Free Press, 1984); David J. Garrow, Bearing the Cross:Martin Luther

King, Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1986);

Richard H King, Civil Rights and the Idea of Freedom (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992).

3

through the Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944 enabled them to gain a higher education as

well as increased opportunities to purchase homes.

This project seeks to establish the connections between these portions of the black

veterans' experience and the postwar movement to increase African Americans’ civil rights. The

historiography later in this chapter will outline what specific areas of scholarship this project is

both drawing and building upon. Furthermore, that section will illustrate a gap in the scholarship

that this project seeks to fill. Chapter two will portray what the city of Jacksonville was like in

the prewar period and how World War II affected the city. That section will demonstrate that

Jacksonville was a changing landscape that was providing increased opportunities for the city's

black community. Chapter three will analyze the different modes of military training as well as

the impact of foreign cultures on African American enlistees. Black soldiers gained new skills

and training that would prove useful in the postwar environment. Chapter four examines specific

veterans and their impact on Jacksonville's Civil Rights Movement. This section will illustrate

how these specific black veterans utilized their military training and benefits to challenge the

postwar power structures. Chapter five will act as a concluding section, bringing all the elements

of the chapters together. This section will assert that World War II provided the circumstances

for black veterans to act as leaders and begin a renewed civil rights charge. These veterans acted

within the existing structures, exposing the inadequacies and racial biases, providing the

justification for later generations of activists.

In terms of narrative technique this study focuses on three central case studies to gain

insight into the important roles African American veterans played once they returned from the

conflict. Jacksonvillians Elcee Lucas, Ernest Jackson, and Samuel Bruce embodied this broader

trend of returning from war to play a significant role in the Civil Rights Movement in Northeast

4

Florida. Elcee Lucas served in the U.S. Army as reconnaissance officer in the European Theater

of Operations.4 After his homecoming, he orchestrated a pivotal voters' registration drive, and

acted as a campaign manager for African American political candidates. Ernest Jackson also

served in the Army in both the European and Pacific Theaters, where he received wounds that

left him permanently disabled.5 He then returned home to earn a law degree and challenge

segregation and inequality in the judicial system, arguing cases both in Florida and around the

country. Samuel Bruce spent World War II in the U.S. Marine Corps and came back to

Jacksonville to advance African American conditions by running for City Council in 1959, a role

that Ernest Jackson also embraced.6

Using these three veterans as case studies, this thesis investigates the connection between

African Americans veterans of World War II and the Civil Rights Movement nationally and

applies these patterns to explain the progress of the Civil Rights Movement in Jacksonville,

Florida, in the fifteen years immediately following the end of World War II. The broader

purpose of the project is to, first, illuminate Jacksonville’s place in this story, as an incredibly

underexplored area on this subject matter. Second, this project specifically substantiates and

illustrates broad claims from scholars about the importance of returning black veterans' in the

postwar landscape. Lastly, this project discusses why World War II stands out as the pivotal

point from the other previous conflicts that black soldiers had taken part in. In order to help

address these issues, this work will engage a body of scholarship about how World War II

changed African Americans and their grassroots role in the broader Civil Rights Movement, as

4 Abel A. Bartley, Keeping the Faith: Race, Politics, and Social Development in Jacksonville, Florida, 1940-1970

(Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2000), 37. 5 Ibid., 47. Narrowing down Ernest Jackson's specific role in the military has been extremely difficult. There are

four black Ernest Jacksons from the Jacksonville area that served in the Army during World War II. Some of these

records were destroyed in the 1973 fire at the National Personal Records Center in St. Louis, Missouri.

Furthermore, the records that I have received do not appear to be the same Jackson, and I have therefore excluded

them from this work. 6 Ibid., 52.

5

well as provide a unique breakdown and analysis of how relevant military skills and training

transferred back to civilian life.

Historiography

Given the parameters of this project, it directly relates to two separate historiographies:

scholarship on political and social developments in Jacksonville and changing views of the

modern Civil Rights Movement.

The city of Jacksonville in Florida provides a unique opportunity as the setting for this

study. In the mid twentieth century, Jacksonville was a large Southern city with a substantial

African American population. Furthermore, Jacksonville was both an important industrial

production and military site. These aspects do not make Jacksonville anomalous among

Southern cities; it actually makes it more similar. However, where Jacksonville is unique is the

limited amount of research that scholars have conducted with it as the focal point. The most

prominent and relevant to this study is Abel Bartley's Keeping the Faith: Race. Politics and

Social Development in Jacksonville, Florida, 1940-1970. Dr. Bartley's work examines the

political aspect of Jacksonville's civil rights movement from 1940 to 1970, focusing on key

individual leaders from within the community. This work offers an in-depth examination of the

black activism and at times the white response. Keeping the Faith does an excellent job

illustrating the exceptional caliber of leadership within Jacksonville that allowed the black

community to continually challenge the existing white power structures. However, Dr. Bartley's

area of focus leaves out any substantial discussion of the impact of World War II on

Jacksonville, as well as how the key activists developed into successful leaders.

6

James Crooks is another historian that has written quite extensively about Jacksonville.

His work Jacksonville: The Consolidation Story from Civil Rights to the Jaguars is a thorough

political and social examination of the city. Crooks focuses heavily on consolidation, which

places the beginning of his work in the 1960s, leaving out any substantial discussion of black

World War II veterans.7

While not traditional scholarly works, Robert Saunders and Rodney Hurst both wrote

books about their personal experiences with Civil Rights in Florida. Saunder's Bridging the Gap

is his account of working with the NAACP and the struggles that they endured across the state,

often at times including Jacksonville.8 Rodney Hurst's It was Never About a Hot Dog and a

Coke is his recollections of the rise of passive resistance tactics in Jacksonville.9 Both of these

works are important when considering the study of civil rights in both Florida and Jacksonville,

however they both focus on the traditional areas of civil rights activism, underemphasizing the

period before 1960 and the role of veterans in Northeast Florida.

Another key work concerning Florida and Civil Rights is Old South, New South, or Down

South: Florida and the Modern Civil Rights Movement. This work is a collection of essays that

seeks to re-examine some of the previous notions about the passive nature of Florida's Civil

Rights Movement. It explains that previous scholarship depicted Florida with "moderate

exceptionalism" and that "black residents abstained from many of the mass-and direct-action

protests found in other southern states."10

These essays focus on different locations across the

state, mainly concerning events surrounding Brown v. Board of Education or the Civil Rights

7 James B. Crooks, Jacksonville: The Consolidation Story, from Civil Rights to the Jaguars (Gainesville, FL:

University Press of Florida, 2004), 18,22, 24-27, 35-40. 8 Robert Saunders, Bridging the Gap: Continuing the Florida NAACP Legacy of Harry T. Moore, 1952-1966

(Tampa, FL: University of Tampa Press, 2000). 9 Rodney Hurst, It was Never About a Hot Dog and a Coke: : A Personal Account of the 1960 Sit-in Demonstrations

in Jacksonville, Florida and Ax Handle Saturday (Livermore, CA: WingSpan Press, 2008). 10

Irwin Winsboro, ed., Old South, New South, or Down South: Florida and the Modern Civil Rights Movement

(Morgantown, WV: West Virginia University Press, 2009), 12.

7

Act of 1964 or the Voting Rights act of 1965. The only essays within this work that mention

Jacksonville are by Dr. Bartley and are variations of the work previously mentioned. There is

some mention of World War II throughout the essays, but no mention of veterans, even when

Bartley discusses Ernest Jackson, one of the key veterans in this study. Even when seeking to

overturn older notions in the field and create a more complete narrative, scholars have

overlooked the role of black World War II veterans. Moreover, using Jacksonville as the base for

research provides the opportunity to contribute to an understudied field.

As for the second historiographic record that this project intersects, the Civil Rights

Movement is a complicated and influential event in American history; as a result, historians have

focused in on it heavily, constantly establishing new veins of scholarship and focus. Any work

that seeks to contribute to this field must engage several of these areas. First, there is the issue of

periodization. Some scholars argue that the Civil Rights Movement was not merely a ten or

twenty year phenomenon, but actually a much longer process, reaching back at least to the first

decades of the twentieth century. In her article, "The Long Civil Rights Movement and the

Political Uses of the Past" Jacquelyn Hall explains that by placing the beginning of the Civil

Rights movement in 1954 with the ruling on Brown v. Board of Education, the traditional

narrative “ensures the status of the classical phase as a triumphal moment in a larger American

progress narrative, yet it undermines its gravitas."11

To rectify this, Hall seeks to place the Civil

Rights Movement as early as the 1930s with the emergence of the New Deal, and lasting well

into the 1970s.12

However, in her article, Hall, not only attempts to expand the timeline of the

Civil Rights Movement but also emphasizes that it was a national movement, not just a Southern

11 Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, "The Long Civil Rights Movement and the Political Uses of the Past," The Journal of

American History 91, no.4 (March 2005): 1234. 12

Ibid., 1235.

8

issue.13

By expanding the scope of the Civil Rights movement, Hall takes it out of isolation and

establishes it as a long-term phenomenon that is not only influenced by other events in this era,

but is also an influencing force.

In Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919-1950, Glenda Gilmore engages

and expands upon Hall's work involving the long Civil Rights Movement. Gilmore is in direct

conversation with Hall's work when she states, "By giving the movement a 1950s start, we

discount the forces that generated and sustained human rights during the 1930s and 1940s and

privilege its religious, middle class, and male roots."14

In her work, Gilmore focuses on the

earlier decades of the movement, even expanding Hall's initial timeline from the conclusion of

World War I. Additionally, as the title suggests, Gilmore places the radical aspect of the early

Civil Rights Movement at the center of her study. Gilmore explores the connection between

African Americans and their association with communism and its ideals and argues that in their

effort to bring about change, black Southerners looked outside their community for support.

Additionally, communists in America saw race relations in the South as an opportunity to spread

their ideology. Many prominent activists even ventured to Russia to experience what a

"raceless" society was like for themselves.15

By exposing a radical element, Gilmore helps create a broader vision of what constituted

the movement. While many whites may have loathed an organization like the National

Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), its moderation became

something to tolerate in the face of the Communist alternative.16

Recognizing that the Civil

Rights Movement contained several groups with varying ideologies is an important concept,

13

Ibid., 1234,1239-1240. 14

Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore, Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919-1950 (New York: W.W.

Norton & Company, 2008), 9. 15

Ibid., 44,48, 138-141. 16 Ibid., 124,167,258-259.

9

because it helps illustrate Hall's idea that the Civil Rights Movement was not just a brief, intense,

and unified movement in the American narrative. This is an extremely important concept,

especially when attempting to incorporate World War II veterans into the narrative. They were a

specific group of people who utilized specific tactics that differentiated them from those that

came before and after them.

Gilmore also adds to the scholarship regarding the opportunities that World War II

provided for the advancement of civil rights. First, the events in Germany gave activists

something with which to compare black treatment in the American South. One example includes

the comparisons activists made between the hate filled speech and motivations of Adolf Hitler

and Georgia Governor Eugene Talmadge.17

This type of comparison helped place things in

perspective for blacks and whites. This tactic of appealing to America’s broader wars in the

name of democracy also created an opportunity to influence more moderate white Southerners.

Additionally, increased federal involvement in war production provided the possibility for

activists to demand measures by the government to ensure everybody had an equal chance at

employment. Activists succeeded when President Roosevelt signed Executive Order 8802,

which prevented racial discrimination in the defense industry. This also led to the establishment

of the Fair Employment Practices Commission. While the accomplishments of these measures

are debatable, Gilmore argues that the importance is not in their success but in the fact that

through them the federal government acknowledged discrimination as an injustice.18

John Dittmer's work Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi is an

excellent example of another method in which scholars can examine the Civil Rights Movement:

utilizing social history focused on a specific region to understand the role of average people

17

Ibid., 352. 18

Ibid., 362-363.

10

during the struggle for civil rights. Most importantly, Local People provides valuable insight

into the role of grassroots organizations, by focusing on the ground-up development of the

movement. In Local People, he argues, "[T]he period beginning with World War II and ending

with the Chicago Democratic Convention in 1968 encompasses the most intensive and

comprehensive period of grass-roots organization and protest in the state's history; as a result of

that campaign, Mississippi experienced more sweeping changes in the area of race relations

during those three decades than at any time since the end of the Civil War."19

Dittmer

acknowledges the importance and influence of outside forces, such as national headquarters of

organizations like the NAACP and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC);

however, he argues that the actions of local people and leaders produced lasting results. Dittmer

illustrates this best when he discusses the formation of the Council of Federated Organizations

(COFO) by Aaron Henry, an activist who worked his way up the ranks of the local NAACP

chapter.20

Often, various protest groups like the SCLC and NAACP were in competition with

one another, and could often lead to counterproductive efforts.21

However, it was a local man,

Aaron Henry who was able to create a united and therefore more effective base for action

through his establishment of COFO. Furthermore, it was the thousands of local men and women

who braved the polls that helped solidify change, not the visiting college students for summer

campaigns.

Additionally, Dittmer explores the juxtaposition of efforts to gain access to power at the

ballot box versus direct action, i.e. peaceful protest. Throughout his work, Dittmer illustrates

that while activists could pursue both strategies together, movement leaders often only had the

19

John Dittmer, Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi (Chicago: University of Illinois Press,

1994), 423. 20

Ibid.,118-119 21 Ibid., 78-79.

11

resources to focus on one or the other, frequently causing divides.22

While Dittmer does not seek

to diminish the importance of either of these tactics, he concludes that suffrage efforts were more

important because he recognizes that "[t]he major victory of the movement, however, had been

the substantial reduction in the use of terror to control the state's black population, a direct result

of the black electorate's increasing political influence."23

Dittmer's work predates Hall's article by several years, and as a result is void of any

substantial discussion of a longer Civil Rights Movement. Except for a brief discussion

concerning the immediate action of returning World War II veterans, Local People takes place

entirely after the Brown v. Board of Education case. Additionally, aside from the discussion of

the traditional fears of miscegenation, there is little discussion of masculinity and gender roles in

Dittmer's work.

Another important strand in the historiography underlying this project is work that

directly frames the events of World War II within the struggle for civil rights. Maggie

Morehouse's work Fighting in the Jim Crow Army: Black Men and Women Remember World

War II is a study of black service members during World War II. Morehouse's work keeps the

majority of the discussion framed within the wartime period, and has little discussion tying these

events to later pushes. She does not substantially engage with the idea of a long Civil Rights

Movement. Morehouse does, however, try to connect black World War II veterans to the

broader Civil Rights Movement when she states near the end of her work, "In the nationwide

movement for civil rights and black power, the black veterans of World War II became foot

soldiers in the fight for equality."24

While Morehouse is ahead of her time in this assessment, it

22

Ibid., 107-108. 23

Ibid., 426. 24

Maggie M. Morehouse, Fighting in the Jim Crow Army: Black Men and Women Remember World War II

(Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2000),207.

12

is more of a sweeping claim that she does little to substantiate. This is where Morehouse has left

the discussion open for other scholars.

Nonetheless, Morehouse provides an insightful examination of African Americans’

experiences from the beginning of the conflict to the end, which is useful for this project. In the

work, Morehouse crafts the image of the average recruit as not necessarily activists but very

much aware of the racial situation.25

Morehouse continues to recreate what training was like for

black soldiers, and couples that with government policy concerning black soldiers. Wherever

black soldiers went, racial disputes followed.26

Additionally, the author illustrates the political

battle to get African Americans to serve in combat and the results of when they finally did. One

point that Morehouse makes abundantly clear is that in addition to fighting the Axis powers,

black soldiers also had to fight institutional racism and military polices.

The author does continue to examine the post war period for black veterans and the

challenges that faced them. Overall, Morehouse establishes the challenges and discrimination

that black service members endured during World War II, and that those were experiences that

resonated with veterans in the postwar period. Black soldiers returned home to segregation, but

had a new sense of pride and purpose.27

Morehouse states that, "Newly acquired skills and life-

lessons prepared black veterans for a new life in America."28

However, Morehouse does not

adequately explain what those specific skills were and how they aided veterans in their postwar

endeavors.

Christopher Parker is one scholar who embraces the challenge of connecting aspects of

black veterans' experience in World War II to post-conflict civil rights endeavors. Parker’s

25

Ibid., 6-11. 26

Morehouse, Fighting in the Jim Crow Army, 87-123. 27

Ibid., 196-199, 202. 28

Ibid., 207.

13

work, Fighting for Democracy: Black Veterans and the Struggle Against White Supremacy in the

Postwar South, revolves around the idea that African Americans "fighting on behalf of

democracy ultimately resulted in black veterans fighting for democracy."29

Parker outlines

several concepts that catalyzed African Americans into action. First, service abroad provided

interaction with foreign cultures where many black soldiers experienced equality among whites.

These experiences among foreign whites helped African American servicemen realize that

equality was possible, and that the current state of affairs back home was merely a construction.

Second, Parker argues that military service provided financial stability.30

A steady federal

paycheck and military benefits placed some black veterans in the position to ascend into the

middle and upper classes in the postwar period. Another key point that Parker makes about

black veterans is that their service created an attachment to American ideals, which they then

saw necessary to fulfill.31

African Americans at the time were just as susceptible to the rhetoric

and propaganda that imbued nationalism and pride in the citizenry. The military uniform is the

physical embodiment of those ideals and Parker argues that their belief in these ideals motivated

them to act when they returned home.32

Parker further explains that when African American soldiers returned they had expected

equality, they thought that their service alone might facilitate the process. When they realized

that this was not the case, they recognized the fact that they were going to have to actively fight

for their equality.33

According to Parker, black veterans were more likely than their civilian

counterparts to challenge segregation and vote despite the risk of white retaliation, as well as be

29

Christohper S. Parker, Fighting for Democracy: Black Veterans and the Struggle Against White Supremacy in the

Postwar South (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2009),6. 30

Parker, Fighting for Democracy, 71-73, 99. 31

Ibid., 84. 32

Ibid., 40, 193. 33

Ibid., 129-141.

14

engaged in civil rights groups and activities.34

Parker even illustrates that given the opportunity,

black veterans were willing to volunteer their children as the ones to push school integration.35

Ultimately, Parker concludes that veterans were much more active in civil rights efforts because

of the transformative experience of serving in the military, because of the activist mindset drilled

into military personnel as well as their experiences overseas.36

Parker does an exemplary job

illustrating the transformation black veterans endured, but like Morehouse fails to explicate the

impact of their training and benefits.

Additionally, World War II proved a pivotal event in the concept of black masculinity.

Steve Estes' work I am a Man!: Race, Manhood, and the Civil Rights Movement is an analysis of

the changing notions of black masculinity from pre-World War II to the late twentieth century.

When defining manhood, Estes explains that it "entailed an economic, social, and political status

ideally achievable by all men. A man was the head of the household: he made enough money to

support his family as the primary if not the only breadwinner."37

As outliers of the traditional

definition of masculinity, Estes points out that African Americans struggled to obtain these basic

rights.

For Estes the service of African Americans during World War II fostered the

masculinizing process. While African Americans have served in the United States military in

nearly every conflict since the Civil War, World War II saw the largest numbers of black soldiers

and the establishment of a large standing Army in which African Americans could continue to

take part. While the idea of full citizenship as a reward for military service is not a new concept

34

Ibid., 128-129, 130-131, 152-153. 35

Ibid., 168. 36

Ibid., 196-198. 37

Steve Estes, I Am a Man: Race, Manhood, and the Civil Rights Movement (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North

Carolina Press, 2005),7. For a more exhaustive study on the origins and identity of American masculinity, see

Michael Kimmel's Manhood in America: A Cultural History. While Kimmel's work is not integral to this study, his

definitions and concepts of American masculinity (predominately white) are important to understand. This is

especially true when trying to place black masculinity within the larger context.

15

in scholarship, Estes does provide a unique analysis of masculinity in war. Estes articulates that

in the military "'man' becomes not just a noun but a verb, not just an identity but an action." In

this sense, military service helps shape masculine identity.38

When thousands of black men

served in the military during World War II, they were able to achieve manhood through an

alternate means, and take this home with them in the post war years.

Clearly, scholars have established that African Americans' wartime service had a lasting

impact in their postwar lives. However, they have focused primarily on black service members'

interactions with locals while abroad and the general military experience. This omits an essential

part of the narrative of black World War II veterans. The field currently fails to provide any

substantial explication of the importance of black veterans' training and benefits in relation to the

Civil Rights Movement in the years following World War II.

This project aims to contribute to the existing scholarship by connecting the focus on

military experience by scholars like Morehouse with the postwar focus of scholars like Parker.

Understanding where and how veterans were able to gain the ability to challenge the existing

structures is important. Furthermore, connecting the relevance of these two periods of their lives

as a continuous process is important in understanding this phase of the Long Civil Rights

Movement. The decade after World War II saw a drastic increase in activity pushing for civil

rights, over a million black veterans returned home not only motivated to instill change, but also

armed with the appropriate tools to do so. The goal of this thesis is not to supplant earlier

notions of the black veteran experience, but to contribute to them, creating a more

comprehensive narrative. The importance of black veterans' service is a complex model

interweaving many facets of the struggle for civil rights, with no specific aspect more important

than another.

38

Ibid., 12-13.

16

Chapter 2: Setting the Stage

"Before you joined the Army you were a member of a family of closely

related individuals who had many things in common. The members of

your family shared the same dining room, the same bathroom, and the

same amusements around the house. All worked together, played

together, read the same newspaper, and were largely dependent upon each

other for comforts, pleasures, and a living."

Basic Field Manual: Soldier’s Handbook, 194139

In the years leading up to World War II, Jacksonville was a prominent city in Florida.

Like any other Southern city, segregation was an established and enforced aspect of daily life.

White violence against individual African Americans, or black communities occurred across the

state when black activists attempted to change the status quo. However, despite these

circumstances, Jacksonville's various black communities blossomed. African Americans

established their own businesses and a thriving cultural that resulted in a rather prosperous

community. Fears of white repression resonated with black communities, but Jacksonville's

African American community was not completely complacent. Jacksonville's high percentage of

African Americans and the economic success of many of its members necessitate that the white

city leadership enter into a limited give and take relationship with them. This relationship

revolved around the more prominent members of the black community gaining certain incentives

as long as they did not upset the power dynamic.

When its men were away fighting and undergoing their transformative process during

World War II, so too was Jacksonville. The changing mechanizing dynamic within the military

placed increased industrial production demands on U.S. cities, Jacksonville included. The

39 Basic Field Manual: Soldier's Handbook, FM 21-100 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing

Office, 1941),1.

17

constant shortage of manpower helped facilitate a broader incorporation of African Americans

into the workforce. Furthermore, the desire for maximized war production necessitated that the

United States federal government take an increased role in the monitoring of war production

through organizations like the FEPC and the War Manpower Commission. Black workers in

Jacksonville had increasing avenues to express their grievances for racial issues in the

workplace. During the years of World War II, Jacksonville became a different environment and

in many ways was primed for the newly invigorated leaders who would return from the conflict.

This project will refer to the city of Jacksonville quite often and therefore it is important

to discuss what Jacksonville was. The Jacksonville landscape looked very different in the early

twentieth century both on paper and in reality than it does presently. Jacksonville did not

consolidate until 1968, giving it the present borders and composition. Before 1968 Jacksonville

was a loosely knit collection of neighborhoods, many of which had their own identity, usually

with a racial component. There were several prominent black neighborhoods in the area. The

first is Durkeeville, an early Federal Housing project that is best defined by the area west of I-95,

north of Kings Road, south of 13th Street, and approximately east of Whitner.40

LaVilla was a

black cultural hub situated directly west of downtown, but east of Interstate 95. Another

predominately black neighborhood was Brooklyn, an area just south of LaVilla, along the river,

now nestled in by Interstate 95. The last area is a collection of small neighborhoods referred to

as Eastside. Eastside does not refer to its orientation to the St. Johns River, which is usually the

case in Jacksonville, but its positioning in reference to downtown. Eastside is the general area

40 Durkeeville Historical Society, Map of Durkeeville, http://durkeevillehistoricalsociety.com/images/aerial-L.jpg,

accessed March 2, 2015.

18

east of downtown to where the St. Johns River turns north.41

Many of these areas are located in

what is now considered the old city or downtown area. While some of these neighborhoods now

go by different names, or have since been grouped together, this project will refer to them the

way the people from the era did. While numerous neighborhoods were popping up further out in

the Westside and Southside, they were still detached from the main Jacksonville political body.

On the eve of World War II, Jacksonville was a prominent port city in the Southeast. In

1940, the city boasted a population of 173,065 people and tens of thousands more just outside the

city limits.42

Of that number, approximately 35.7% were African American the highest

concentration of African Americans in the entire state of Florida.43

In 1940, Jacksonville's black population had a slightly higher representation in the work

force than their position in the overall population, but they were underrepresented in the

professional sectors. In addition, African Americans established their own businesses and

services. In 1945, black residents in Jacksonville owned 590 enterprises. These businesses

included, among other things, sixty groceries, twelve wood yards, fifty-seven cafes, and ten

hotels.44

Local black residents created and owned whatever businesses they needed to in order to

serve their segregated communities. While certain career paths may not have been as accessible

to African Americans, they could gain economic security and prosperity by servicing their

community.

41

Wayne W. Wood, Jacksonville's Architectural Heritage: Landmarks for the Future (Jacksonville, FL: University

of North Florida Press, 1989), 89, 107, 221. It is important to point out that like other cities across the United States,

when it came time to plot the path of major highways and interchanges, African American communities were often

the ones selected to have the roadways run through them. 42

Survey Committee of the Council of Social Agencies, Jacksonville Looks at its Negro Community: A Survey of

Conditions Affecting the Negro Population in Jacksonville and Duval County, Florida (Jacksonville, FL: Published

under the auspices of the Council of Jacksonville, 1946), 1. 43

Ibid; Bartley, Keeping the Faith, 43-44. 44

Survey Committee of the Council of Social Agencies, Jacksonville Looks at its Negro Community: A Survey of

Conditions Affecting the Negro Population in Jacksonville and Duval County, Florida (Jacksonville, FL: Published

under the auspices of the Council of Jacksonville, 1946), 61-62, 67-68.

19

Like many cities and communities across the South in the interwar years, the civil rights

fight for African Americans had lost momentum in Jacksonville after the end of Federal

Reconstruction. Through decades of political and societal domination, white Southerners

managed to promote a sense of apathy in the African American community. Many African

Americans reached the point where they saw fighting the system head on as potentially more

harmful than just living with the status quo.45

There were numerous violent incidents across

Florida from the end of World War I into the 1920s in response to African American efforts to

exercise their right to vote, including African Americans lynched in Polk County and

Macclenny. The most notable incident occurred at Ocoee where blacks who were attempting to

vote were greeted by a white mob. The mob killed numerous people and the burned down

approximately twenty buildings.46

As these examples illustrate, actively resisting segregation

and other Southern social mores could often result in violent retaliation. Despite the presence of

civil rights organizations in cities like Jacksonville, they lacked the popular support necessary to

make dramatic headway. Those who lived through the post Reconstruction era were especially

tired of fighting after suffering decades of disappointment and defeat.47

Florida chapters of the

NAACP saw membership numbers either drop or stagnate in the early twentieth century with

black activists turning their attention to more passive local based biracial organizations like the

Urban League.48

Because many African Americans were willing to live with the status quo rather than risk

any retrogression of their condition, Jacksonville’s large African American population lived in a

45

Parker, Fighting for Democracy,145; Robert W. Saunders Sr., Bridging the Gap: Continuing the Florida NAACP

Legacy of Harry T. Moore (Tampa, FL: University of Tampa Press, 2000), 12. 46

Saunders, Bridging the Gap, 10-14. 47

Parker, Fighting for Democracy,148-149. 48

Saunders, Bridging the Gap, 13.

20

somewhat harmonious existence with their white counterparts.49

Because they were over a third

of the population, African Americans’ demographic weight made it necessary for the white

community to enter into a give and take relationship with them, but one in which African

Americans deemed it prudent not to push for too much political power. This continued

preference for a harmonious relationship based on give and take was most evident in Wilson

Armstrong’s attempt to become a city council representative. This occurred shortly after the end

of World War II and was the first election after the elimination of the all white primary in 1947.

Despite running in a black majority district, the local African American population chose not to

endorse Armstrong, who was a high school dropout and a construction worker who many black

leaders from the older generation thought would not have a palatable image for the white

community.50

The district five community recognized that the first black elected official could

not just be any person, they had to be the best possible candidate. Some individuals even feared

repercussions from the white community if they elected someone like Armstrong.51

In this

election and in deference to the existing, less confrontational style of improvement, the African

American community chose to endorse a white candidate to achieve the end goal that they

desired—a community pool.52

The black community in Jacksonville knew that they may not

have the strength to topple the system at hand, but they could negotiate for things they wanted.

In this respect, Jacksonville was similar to other major urban centers across the South.

Coalitions between blacks and whites for political purposes formed in Atlanta, for example.53

Just as in Jacksonville, the elite members of the black community in Atlanta were responsible for

49

Alphonso Bartley, "Jacksonville: The Critical Years. A Political History of the African American Community in

Jacksonville, Florida, 1940-1978" (PhD diss., Florida State University, 1994), 9-10. 50

Bartley, Keeping the Faith ,30,47. 51

Ibid., 33. 52

Bartley, Keeping the Faith, 29-33. 53

Kevin M. Kruse, White Flight: Atlanta and the Making of Modern Conservatism (Princeton, NJ; Princeton

University Press, 2005),20,32-41.

21

this partnership and controlled its endeavors.54

One key example of this relationship in Atlanta

was the 1953 elections. Mayor William Hartsfield was seeking re-election and was faced with

potentially losing the black vote, possibly costing him the election. Hartsfield strategically

endorsed Dr. Rufus Clement, a black candidate, for a spot on the board of education. Clement

won the election, securing an important position and representation for the black community, and

the black community continued to support Mayor Hartsfield.55

The fact that both Jacksonville and Atlanta had such substantial black populations

allowed them to enter into a quid pro quo relationship with the white community. The leadership

in both cities was organized and very competitive, ensuring the most capable people rose to

prominent positions. Both cities also saw a conflict between the older generation's conservative

approach, and the more militant and aggressive approach of the younger generation.56

While the

1947 political compromise was completed shortly after the end of World War II, it was

indicative of the more complacent tactics used by Jacksonville’s African American community

before the returning veterans made their mark on the local civil rights movement.57

Returning more fully to the period directly preceding World War II, while the attack on

Pearl Harbor may have come as a surprise to the American public, the United States had been

preparing for war by sending tons of war materiel to its allies and expanding its military forces.

With the Protective Mobilization Plan of 1937, a result of Japanese hostilities in the Pacific, the

54

Ibid., 28-30,37. 55

Kruse, White Flight, 38-40. 56

Gerald A. McWorter and Robert L. Crain, "Subcommunity Gladitorial Competition: Civil Rights Leadership as a

Competitive Process," Social Forces 46, no.1 (September 1967):13-14. 57

Additionally, when African Americans did join the military, it seems their non-confrontational attitudes towards

race relations carried over. The average African American soldier did not actively oppose segregation, and in fact,

in a survey conducted by the Army the majority of black soldiers were either indifferent or favored segregation over

integration. Morehouse points out that“[w]hen the army asked thirteen thousand soldiers whether ‘white and Negro

soldiers should be in separate outfits,’ only 36 percent of black respondents, and 12 percent of white respondents,

answered that blacks and white should be in the same units. Thirty-eight percent of blacks said they wanted to be in

separate units, and 26 percent registered indifference.” While this may have been the general attitude when these

men joined, their experiences and training would change this. Black veterans would be the leaders in a renewed

charge for equality. Morehouse, Fighting in the Jim Crow Army, 10-11.

22

U.S. government already had put into motion military reorganization and mobilization. While

the United States may have been concerned about growing tensions in Europe, they saw

Japanese expansion and aggression as a direct threat to their overseas interests.58

Growth in

troop strength, for example, was significant before the United States joined the war in a direct

combat capacity. At the onset of hostilities in Europe, the United States military contained

334,473 personnel and by 1941, that number had risen to 1,801,101, an increase of over five

hundred percent. By the end of the conflict in 1945, there were 12,209,238 personnel in the

United States military.59

Jacksonville's established reputation as a port city helped propel it straight into the war

effort. Jacksonville was an important hub for naval forces, and it was also an important center

for ship production. Just like many other cities across the United States, the war dominated

every aspect of life. An increased military presence and the all-consuming desire for increased

war production forever changed Jacksonville.

Even before the United States officially entered the war, Jacksonville’s rail lines and port

made the city a debarkation point for vital lend-lease supplies for allies. The importance of

contributing to the lend-lease program cannot be overstated. The Lend-Lease Act of 1941 was a

broad program with different aspects "necessary to promote the defense of the United States."60

It predated the United States' declaration of war, and was the dominant contribution of the

United States in that period, as well as the first years after America officially entered the conflict.

The United States' priorities fell with its longtime ally Great Britain, especially after the fall of

58

Maurice Matloff, ed. World War II: A Concise Military History of America's All-Out, Two-Front War ( New

York: David McKay Company, 1980),12-15. 59

The National World War II Museum, "By the Numbers: The U.S. Military,"

http://www.nationalww2museum.org/learn/education/for-students/ww2-history/ww2-by-the-numbers/us-

military.html (accessed September 2, 2014). 60

Transcription of Lend-Lease Act, March 1941, http://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?doc=71&page=transcript,

accessed February 05, 2015.

23

France to German forces. Ensuring that the United Kingdom could remain in the fight against

the Third Reich in Europe was of vital importance.61

While Britain was one of the early primary

allies demanding supplies, after June 1941, when the Germans declared war on the Soviet Union,

Soviet demands grew as well and became an increasing priority for lend-lease.62

While it may seem that the United States could send supplies from ports on either coast to

aid the Soviet Union, this was not necessarily the case. The most suitable means to send supplies

to the Soviet Union was from the East coast given port access and proximity to the actual

fighting. While the most efficient ports to send supplies from were in the Northeast given the

polar route, specifically Boston, this was not always an option. The increasing demands of their

own military and the supply demands of their allies ensured that every East coast port capable of

supporting large shipping vessels was of extreme importance.63

By early 1943, hundreds of rail

containers loaded with war material were leaving Jacksonville on each convoy.64

Jacksonville's

port not only aided in the endeavors of the United States' military efforts, but that of its allies as

well.

Jacksonville also helped fill an important role in the growing demand for the increasingly

mechanized military. As a port city, it had numerous civilian facilities that the defense industry

could easily adapt to military production. The Gibbs Gas Engine Company and the Duval

Vocational School fell under the umbrella of contributors to the defense industry. Producing

naval vessels, however, was the primary focus of Jacksonville industries. The Merrill Stevens

61

Edward R. Stettinius Jr., Lend-Lease: Weapon for Victory (New York: Macmillan Company, 1944), 42, 44,57. 62

Stettinius, Lend-Lease, 204-206. Arguably, the United States' most significant contribution to the European

Theater of Operations was not the millions of soldiers that it sent, but the supplies that it provided to the Soviet

Union. 63

Stettinius, Lend Lease, 203-204. 64

Memorandum: Port Conditions at Jacksonville, FL, Lend-Lease Movement, to Mr. J.M. hood, From J.P. Imlay,

February 6, 1943, RG 219, Box 61, File Jacksonville Fl; Memorandum: Port Conditions at Jacksonville, FL, Lend-

Lease Movement, to Mr. J.M. hood, From J.P. Imlay, June 12, 1943, RG 219, Box 61, File Jacksonville Fl, National

Archives at Morrow, GA.

24

Dry Dock & Repair Company, The St. Johns River Ship Building Company, The Eastport

Marine Company, and the Huckins Yacht Corporation were all key naval facilities that

contributed to the defense industry, with the St. Johns River Ship Building Company being the

largest operation. The local companies produced a wide variety of vessels ranging from barges,

to small combat craft, and of course Liberty ships.65

Liberty ships were an important craft

intended for shipping and transportation. Their versatile design allowed them to be configured to

handle any cargo including resources, materiel, and even personnel. These ships were vital for

the transportation off goods and personnel for every Allied nation in both theaters.66

The goal of supplying more and more naval vessels led to a dramatic increase in labor

demands in Jacksonville. In March of 1942, the manufacturing district in Jacksonville employed

5,897 personnel, the transportation sector 6,255, and the government 2,563. By March of 1943,

the number of defense industry employees significantly increased. The manufacturing workforce

now totaled 18, 287, transportation rose to 8,058, and government positions employed 4,480

personnel. While all areas saw an increase in jobs, the manufacturing sector dwarfs the others in

comparison, with a three-fold increase in twelve months. Furthermore, of the 18, 287 personnel

working in the manufacturing sector, 14,417 were in positions associated with shipbuilding or

repair.67

The war effort was making demands on communities across the country and

Jacksonville was in the position to aid in the area of ship production.

In March of 1943, the defense industry was demanding 30,825 personnel from

Jacksonville for the war effort, a city that only contained 173,065 people three years earlier.

65 Labor Markets Developments Report, April 15, 1943, RG 211 Series 12 Box 5, File 1, National Archives at

Morrow, GA, pages 1-6. Every labor report in the file corroborates this information. 66

Peter Elphick, Liberty: The Ships that Won the War (Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 2001), 17. The author

of this work argues that the war could not have been won without the incorporation of the Liberty ship. These ships

allowed the mass transportation of goods and personnel necessary to secure victory. 67

Labor Markets Developments Report, April 15, 1943, RG 211 Series 12 Box 5, File 1, National Archives at

Morrow, GA, page 4.

25

Therefore, the number of needed personnel represented more than fifteen percent of the total

population, a staggering number. And, the defense industry's needs did not stop there.

Increasing demands for war materiel had the defense industry continuously looking forward, so

that by April 1943 they predicted that by June of that year they would need an additional seven

thousand laborers.68

However, when the June 1943 labor report came out, there was an increase

of only 31,188 as of May 1, well behind the target goal. The earlier demand estimations were

not an exaggeration, and the labor board again estimated that they would need at least seven

thousand additional workers by August of that year and a total of around fourteen thousand more

workers by May of 1944. Authorities figured that there would be approximately 3,375 workers

available by August first of the desired 7,462, a shortage of 4,585 personnel—in the best

employment case scenario.69

All of these employment needs were driven by the fact that naval

production and repair benchmarks were not being met because of the lack of personnel. In one

period, four naval vessels were not completed according to schedule as well as an undisclosed

number of ship and aircraft repairs. All of these missed deadlines were blamed on a lack of

personnel.70

Jacksonville's problems mirrored the rest of the country's issues with wartime

production. Nationally, production centers were struggling to meet labor demands, especially in

the skilled and semi-skilled positions.71

One difficult aspect of increasing the amount of personnel in the necessary fields was the

constant draw of military aged men into the armed services. Luckily, this was one somewhat

predictable factor that officials could factor into their labor reports and hope to compensate for.

68

Labor Markets Developments Report, April 15, 1943, RG 211 Series 12 Box 5, File 1, National Archives at

Morrow, GA, page 4, 6-9. 69

Labor Markets Developments Report, June 15, 1943, RG 211 Series 12 Box 5, File 2, National Archives at

Morrow, GA, page 1-7. 70

Letter to Mr. Dillard Lassiter, Regional Director of War Manpower Commission from R.A. Rasco, State Director,

RG 211 Series 12 Box 15 file Labor demand and supply reports State of Florida, National Archives at Morrow, GA. 71

War Manpower Report for Jacksonville, Florida, October 6, 1942, RG 211 Series 12 Box 15 file: Labor and

demand supply reports misc Jacksonville, National Archives at Morrow, GA, page 1.

26

In addition to completely voluntary enlistments, the draft was pulling men away from the

production lines at a steady rate. The Selective Service Act compelled many men into service

during World War II. One scholar estimates that approximately ten million men entered military

service because of the draft.72

Interestingly, the draft affected white and black men differently. Despite the widespread

use of the draft, it often denied entry to black men. While black men were consistently selected,

review by local draft boards often found them unfit for service. This phenomenon was not

unique to the South; Northern draft review boards displayed racist attitudes as well, evidence that

concerns over African Americans serving were not unique to the American South.73

The constant demand for labor forced the War Manpower Commission to recruit workers

from outside the production centers, and Jacksonville was not any different.74

In the summer of

1943 when the city and surrounding area were unable to meet labor demands, local authorities

began recruiting workers from across the state. Labor officials looked to bring in both men and

women, black and white. In the first two weeks of July, the recruitment effort managed to bring

in over a thousand white works and three hundred black workers from across Florida.

Recruitment continued throughout the state for months, with yet another re-evaluation and call

for more outside laborers the following October. Jacksonville looked as far as three hundred

72

George Q. Flynn, The Draft, 1940-1973 (Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas Press, 1993), 53. This number

includes men who were called to draft, but opted to enlist instead as well as men found unfit for service. 73

Flynn, The Draft, 42-44. 74

President Roosevelt created the War Manpower Commission with Executive Order 9139 on April 12, 1942. This

commission was made of representatives from the Departments of War, Navy, Agricultural, Labor, as well as other

commissions created during the era concerned with war production. The goal of this organization was to "Formulate

plans and programs and establish basic national policies to assure the most effective mobilization and maximum

utilization of the Nation's manpower in the prosecution of the war; and issue such policy and operating directives as

may be necessary thereto." By creating an organization that communicated with, and worked with representatives

from all facets concerned with production for the war, it allowed the United States to prioritize production and

eliminate as much waste as possible. Furthermore, it ensured that taking workers away from one area of production

did not drastically weaken the United States ability to fight a sustained war. For full information, see “Executive

Order 9139: Establishing the War Manpower Commission in the Executive Office of the President and Transferring

and Coordinating Certain Functions To Facilitate the Mobilization and Utilization of Manpower,” President Franklin

Roosevelt, April 12, 1942, accessed through http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=16248.

27

miles away to Southern Florida to help meet the requirements to maximize its production

potential. In fact, the continual increase of people going into the city necessitated a coordinated

effort to construct new housing. The city created seven hundred new housing units to help meet

these demands in 1943.75

Across the entire country, labor pools diminished and production

centers had to reach further and further to meet demands.

However, just as racist mindsets permeated through local draft boards, they were also

present in labor evaluation, especially when considering the recruitment of outside workers. As

one official memorandum notes, "As far as the use of Negro in-migrants is concerned there is

this to be said. The Negro is going to go where the easiest, quickest, and 'mostest' money can be

made."76

While this attitude may have been pervasive, especially at the local levels, labor

officials responsible for ensuring production rates stressed the importance of black labor. After

following up on a labor recruitment effort, one federal report found that numerous black workers

who had agreed to transfer and work on essential war effort production changed their mind after

coordinating officials told them their transportation costs would no longer be compensated. As

an official memorandum to the regional director stated "Activities of this nature probably come

under disrupting influences in the labor market. Negro labor is badly needed in legitimate

essential war production jobs all over the state and in this vicinity. This sort of activity does not

help the war program."77

75

Report on In-migration, Jacksonville Office, July 15, 1943, RG 211 Series 12 Box 15 file: Labor and demand

supply reports misc Jacksonville page 1; Memorandum, In-migration Jacksonville, Florida, Labor Market Area,

October 23, 1943, RG 211 Series 12 Box 15 file: Labor and demand supply reports misc Jacksonville, pages 1; Inter

Office Communication, from L.S. Rickard, director of Florida, to B.F. Ashe, regional director, War Manpower

Commission, , RG 211 Series 12 Box 15 file: Labor and demand supply reports misc Jacksonville, National

Archives at Morrow, GA, 1-2. 76

Memorandum, In-migration Jacksonville, Florida, Labor Market Area, October 23, 1943, RG 211 Series 12 Box

15 file: Labor and demand supply reports misc Jacksonville, National Archives at Morrow, GA, pages 1. 77

Official Memorandum, December 4, 1943, from H.E. Spaulding, Chief Reports and Analysis Unit, to Mr. Dillard

Lassiter Regional Director, RG 211 Series 12 Box 15 file Labor & Demand Supply Reports State of Florida,

National Archives at Morrow, GA, 1-3.

28

In order to ensure that production for the war effort was operating in the most efficient

way possible, the federal government had to get involved in local concerns through the War

Manpower Commission. The federal government extended its influence into the war effort by

other means as well. On June 25th, 1941 President Franklin signed Executive Order 8802 with

the intention "to provide for the full and equitable participation of all workers in defense

industries, without discrimination because of race, creed, color, or national origin."78

Ensuring

that the United States was producing materiel at peak levels was a primary concern for the

federal government, and Roosevelt recognized this could not happen without the proper

inclusion of all of its population. The most important aspect of Executive Order 8802 was the

establishment of the Committee on Fair Employment Practice (FEPC). The members of this

committee were directly appointed by the president and they were given power to "receive and

investigate complaints of discrimination in violation of the provisions of this order and shall take

appropriate steps to redress grievances which it finds to be valid."79

While somewhat vague in

the wording of how the organization would enforce their power, the FEPC represented an

important step in the evolving relationship between black workers and the federal government.

The FEPC opened a dialogue for black workers to express their grievances, outside of local

frameworks governed by potentially racist or tainted officials. Furthermore, the FEPC was not

just a distant faceless organization that individuals sent letters, Executive Order 8802 gave them

the power and authority to travel to various sites in an effort to follow up with complaints and

78

Executive Order 8802: Prohibition of Discrimination in the Defense Industry, President Franklin Roosevelt, June

25th, 1941 accessed through http://www.ourdocuments.gov/, page 1. William O' Neal points out that Executive

Order 8802 and the incorporation of African Americans into the defense industry was instrumental in the changing

atmosphere. William L. O'Neill, American High: The Years of Confidence 1945-1960 (New York: The Free Press,

1986), 246. 79

Executive Order 8802: Prohibition of Discrimination in the Defense Industry, President Franklin Roosevelt, June

25th, 1941 accessed through http://www.ourdocuments.gov/, page 2.

29

attempt to force employers to rectify the situation.80

Few if any employers were likely to lose

lucrative government production contracts because of their inability to incorporate the local

African American work force.

In addition to the FEPC, the United States Government utilized the United States

Employment Services (USES), an organization meant to help facilitate employment

opportunities. While this organization had existed for quite some time, the increased labor

demands of World War II helped elevate its importance and stature. Local USES branches were

supposed to place job postings that anyone could access. Segregation in the American South

necessitated that there were two USES offices in cities, including Jacksonville. These dual

offices in Jacksonville led to complaints with the FEPC that made their way all the way up to the

regional director. As one brief but evocative reference of a complaint reads:

Complaint- alleged failure of Jacksonville local office to have addresses of both

the white and colored offices inserted in advertisements for recruiting through

USES. Further, that the Jacksonville office is not giving Negroes equal

opportunity for referral to and employment in all classifications of jobs.

Correspondence now being had with USES in Florida. Case remains open.81

Local black laborers were concerned that local USES officials were using the separate offices as

an opportunity to disseminate work opportunities in a manner that was more favorable to local

whites.

Officials deemed many of the complaints sent to the regional director during this time as

frivolous or unfounded; however, the case with the local USES offices in Jacksonville proved to

80

Ibid., pages 1-2. 81

Memorandum from W.B. Klugh, Regional Chief of Placement to Mr. Dillard B. Lasseter, Regional Director, July

20, 1944, RG 211 Series 20 Box 1 File 1: Reports, National Archives at Morrow, GA, page 7. This specific

complaints code was 7-GR-320 and was initially opened on June 10, 1944.

30

have some merit, drawing a substantial inquiry and investigation.82

The investigation found that

the local USES official had violated the WMC-FEPC Agreement by not listing both addresses in

their announcements. Furthermore, the report noted that the local USES offices were refraining

from recommending local African Americans for skilled labor positions, a problem that was

evidenced by a lack of paper work. The Merrill-Stevens company even complained to the

investigator that the black USES office would avoid sending African Americans to skilled labor

positions despite the company's requests. The regional director advised the investigator to stay

in Jacksonville and ensure these shortcomings were rectified.83

Clearly local white officials and

business resisted the idea of allowing black laborers to work in the coveted skilled positions even

when demand necessitated. The federal government's interest in war production and efficiency

created an outlet by which black Jacksonville residents could appeal to when they felt their rights

were threatened.

In addition to general complaints lobbied against the African American USES branch,

some individuals found satisfaction in their appeals to the FEPC. It seems that sometimes the

mere initial stages of submitting a complaint to the FEPC was enough to begin the process of

change. In April of 1944, the regional Chief of Operations expressed an interest in examining

two separate complaints concerning the Duval County Vocational Training School. Both

complaints, however, had already received a satisfactory adjustment before he could delegate

82

Memorandum from W.B. Klugh, Regional Chief of Placement to Mr. Dillard B. Lasseter, Regional Director,

September 15, 1944, RG 211 Series 20 Box 1 File 1: Reports, National Archives at Morrow, GA, page.1. 83

Memorandum concerning Florida FEPC cases, From Dillard B Lasseter, Region Director, to Mr. R.A. Rasco,

State Manpower Director, February 17, 1945, RG 211 Series 20 Box 2 Folder 22: USES 7-GR-320, National

Archives at Morrow, GA. This source is a compilation of many of the earlier referenced documents including

commentary notes and correspondence, it spans thirty-seven pages.

31

any specific action.84

The FEPC had enough weight and authority behind it to prompt employers

and agencies to rectify situations before an official in-depth FEPC investigation occurred.

Furthermore, when cases were not quickly resolved at the local level, they simply did not

disappear; they stayed on the rolls until the FEPC could act on them. Julius Trimmings filed a

complaint in 1944 against the local black USES office in Jacksonville. Trimmings claimed that

the office denied him a referral to work for the St. Johns River Ship Building Company as a

welder because he was black.85

While officials sorted through the issue with the USES office

they contacted Mr. Trimmings, giving him a letter that he could take to another office that would

grant him the necessary referral. As a welder, Trimmings was considered to have an essential

skill that must be utilized in an essential industry.86

While they conducted their investigation, the

War Manpower Commission ensured that Mr. Trimmings was working as a welder somewhere

in the area. While Mr. Trimmings' complaint helped secure him a skilled labor position, it also

falls within the period of complaints that prompted the FEPC to conduct an investigation of the

local black USES Office. It appears that his appeal to the FEPC not only aided him personally

but helped the entire community by drawing attention to inequalities.

The FEPC was not simply a symbolic authority created to help appease the complaints of

activists. The FEPC had teeth, and more importantly, it used them. While not every grievance

filed with the FEPC saw direct action, the organization did pursue enough specific incidents that

a mere threat of involvement was enough for employers and other organizations to rectify

inadequate situations. Just as important though is that local African Americans had opened a

84

Office Memorandum concerning Closed Cases from Mr. A Bruce Hunt, Regional Director FEPC to Mr. Frank A.

Constangy, Regional Chief of Operations, WMC, April 26, 1944, RG 211 Series 20 Box 1 File 1:Reports, National

Archives at Morrow, GA. 85

Memorandum concerning FEPC-WMC Operations from W.B. Klugh, Regional Chief of Placement, to Mr.

Dillard B. Lasseter, Regional Director, September 15, 1944, RG 211 Series 20 Box 1 File1: Reports, National

Archives at Morrow, GA, page 13. 86

Letter to Mr. Julius Trimmings from Floyd M. Jameison, Manager, December 1, 1944, RG 211 Series 20 Box 3

File 47: 7-GR-441, National Archives at Morrow, GA.

32

dialogue with a federal-level organization that could supersede local-level authorities. While the

FEPC may have deemed many of the cases unfounded or helped employers reach some sort of

compromise, the fact remains that black workers in Jacksonville were not happy with the status

quo. African Americans in Jacksonville were expressing their discontent, and subsequently were

exploring options to try and rectify their situation.

With the changing dynamics of the African American workforce and national changes in

federal employment practices, the economic landscape started to shift for Jacksonville's black

community. The continuous increasing demand for war material did not permit employers to

simply slow production to prevent the hiring of black workers, providing new opportunities for

African Americans. The economic repercussions were noticeable as early as April 1943 in the

Labor Market report. The increased positions in manufacturing allowed many African

Americans to move from domestic service positions into non-war and war industry positions.

These positions clearly compensated black workers significantly better, because this time saw a

rise in black women leaving the "labor market because of lack of financial necessity to work."87

In fact, the labor market report claims that there was a shortage of black workers in Jacksonville,

and that as a result "this group" has seen the highest pay increase of any demographic. The

reports even complained that portions of Jacksonville's black population refused to work or take

low paying positions.88

From this evidence, it appears that Jacksonville's black population

recognized their improved position in the labor market. Their labor was not merely wanted but

needed, and that gave them options and leverage when considering the amount of compensation

that they would accept for their work. Jacksonville's black population was starting to climb the

economic ladder.

87

Labor Markets Developments Report, April 15, 1943, RG 211 Series 12 Box 5, File 1, National Archives at

Morrow, GA, page 22. 88

Ibid.

33

Jacksonville had always been an important port city in Florida. The years leading up to

World War II saw black communities across the state slow their civil rights activities. Economic

hardship and violent reactions by white communities made it risky and difficult for many African

Americans to take up activism. However, where Jacksonville did differ from the rest of the state

was that it did have a rather high proportion of African Americans, giving them some limited

negotiation power in local politics. Although like in other Southern communities with similar

dynamics, it was usually black elites who benefitted most from this relationship.

The outset of World War II brought new attention and focus to the city of Jacksonville.

War production and then war fighting became a focus for federal and local officials. This meant

cities and communities had to not only send many of their young men to fight, but also had to

find the labor to build the guns, ships, planes, and munitions they would need to fight.

Jacksonville fit into this equation by building naval vessels. The demand for these vessels was

so high that the city had to constantly draw in people from the surrounding areas as well as

incorporate African Americans into the work force in ways that they had previously avoided.

Jacksonville's black community benefitted immensely from the opportunities that World

War II provided. African Americans were the group that gained the most from the increasing

economic opportunities that the war effort provided. Furthermore, Executive Order 8802

attempted to end discrimination in the defense industry and government positions, and it created

organizations that helped enforce this new policy— all for the purpose of ensuring the highest

level of efficiency in war production. Black workers in Jacksonville used this outlet to express

their discontent with the racial situation.

34

When Jacksonville's veterans returned home, it would be to a different environment. The

continually increasing industrial production within the city drew African Americans from across

the region to Jacksonville. The labor shortage permitted local African Americans to move into

work positions that may not have otherwise been open to them. These increased opportunities

led to an overall increase in the economic position of Jacksonville's black community.

Jacksonville's black veterans were returning to a community that was primed for the leadership

that they would be able to provide.

35

Chapter 3: Fighting the War

"In the transition from civil life to the life of a soldier you may, at first,

feel somewhat confused. It is the purpose of this handbook to help you

over these rough spots as rapidly as possible and to lay the foundations for

your successful career as a soldier."

Basic Field Manual: Soldier’s Handbook, 194189

Many of Jacksonville's young men, both black and white represented their country in the

various uniforms of the armed services. The United States military was undergoing a

monumental shift because of the mechanizing and technological changes taking place. All

branches of the United States military saw an increasing number of its members filling various

support roles instead of combat. The increasing use of materiel like tanks, planes, and radios

required specific training and skills. Furthermore, this equipment required entire teams of

soldiers dedicated to its maintenance and supply chain. These specialized positions provided

invaluable skills in black veterans' postwar endeavors.

In addition to the skills that these men were developing while in the service, they also

experienced life in foreign countries. In many of the overseas locations where they served, local

customs did not necessarily include racial segregation. This resulted in black soldiers

experiencing certain levels of equality when interacting with foreign nationals. However, black

soldiers were still serving in a segregated military, highlighting the contradictions of their

military service. Both black and white soldiers were aware of the importance of these overseas

89 Basic Field Manual: Soldier's Handbook, FM 21-100 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing

Office, 1941), III. Some of the material within this chapter draws heavily from my undergraduate honors thesis,

"Jacksonville's Greatest Generation: The Contribution of African American Veterans to the Civil Rights Movement,

1945-1960." That original project was submitted to the UNF Digital Commons in August of 2012.

36

interactions and the implications it would have when they returned home. Just as the city of

Jacksonville transformed during World War II, Jacksonville’s African American service

members also changed because of the training they received and the foreign cultures they

experienced.

In gearing up to fight and then fighting World War II, every branch of the military

underwent fundamental structural shifts. Technological strides over the previous several decades

forced the United States military to turn its focus away from the typical infantry soldier. As

manuals at the time explained "[i]nfantry is charged with the principal mission in combat. It is

the basic arm; the missions of the other arms derived from their ability to contribute to the

execution of the infantry mission."90

But a man on foot was no longer efficient or powerful

enough to seize objectives, and so the military was rapidly mechanizing, creating ever-thicker

layers of bureaucracy and organization above the combat soldier. In the modern military, there

is the infantry and then there is everyone else; during World War II, the number of everyone else

was growing.

As one example of mechanization, new methods of transportation and assault through

combustion-powered vehicles increasingly became the standard. Nothing illustrates this better

than the number of aircraft utilized by the United States. In 1940, the United States claimed only

3,807 military purposed aircraft, but by 1945 it boasted 299,293.91

The air was not the only

realm conquered by military innovation; ground warfare experienced a complete shift in tactics

and mobility with the widespread use of the tank. Between the end of the First World War and

90

Infantry Field Manual: Organization and Tactics of Infantry; The Rifle Battalion, FM 7-5 (Washington, DC:

United States Government Printing Office, 1940), 19. 91

Wesley Frank Craven and James Lea Cate, eds., The Army Air Forces in World War II, vol. 6 of Men and Planes

(Washington, D.C.: Office of Air Force History, 1983), 352.

37

1933 the United States had only produced 33 tanks, but by 1945 had manufactured a total of

88,430.92

While both of these technologies saw use in World War I, they were extremely limited

and only in their infancy. They only became two dominant prongs of military campaigns in

World War II. The increasing demand for sophisticated weapons and vehicles placed unique

demands on the soldiers as well as the production centers throughout the United States.

This mechanizing shift had serious repercussions for the structure of the military. These

new vehicles presented a series of problems for the military. First, they required extensive

training to operate and maintain. The military had to create completely new positions with

specific training to keep the mechanized war machine on the move: operators, mechanics, fuelers

and munitions specialists, to name a few. Furthermore, providing the resources necessary to

keep these vehicles on the move mandated a complex transportation network and an increase in

the supply branches of the various arms of the military. World War II saw some of the largest

armies ever fielded, partially because now for every man in a combat arms position, there were

several more in support. By the end of World War II, only 24.1 percent of the personnel

employed by the Department of Defense were directly associated with ground combat operations

(infantry, tankers, scouts, and artilleryman). In fact, the United States Army, the branch most

associated with traditional combat, could only claim 39.3 percent of its personnel as combat

arms.93

This restructuring was a dramatic shift from the military models of earlier conflicts. The

vast majority of those serving in uniform were now fulfilling either a bureaucratic or support role

for the increasingly small percentage of the armed forces that were directly involved in combat.

92

Alan L. Gropman, Mobilizing U.S. Industry in World War II: Myth and Reality (Washington, D.C.: Institute for

National Strategic Studies, National Defense University, 1996.) 93. 93

Harold Wool, The Military Specialist: Skilled Manpower for the Armed Forces (Baltimore, MD: The Johns

Hopkins Press, 1968), 19-22.

38

This evolving paradigm provided the United States a unique opportunity to determine

what to do with the growing body of black men that wanted to fight for their country. African

Americans were almost exclusively assigned to support positions, leaving them underrepresented

in the combat arms section of the military.94

In the U.S. Army, there were ninety-one combat

divisions, only two of which included African-American troops: the 92nd and 93rd divisions.95

Military and government officials recognized the potential complications of sending African

American units into combat so much that military officials only sent black combat units overseas

after much lobbying. However, even then more physical labor awaited black soldiers than actual

combat missions.96

When every soldier joins the military, he or she is assigned or chooses (depending on the

circumstances of their entry) a MOS, or military occupational specialty. This is essentially the

service member's job during his time in the military.97

These positions range from rear support

(cooks and truck drivers), to direct support (supply and reconnaissance), to combat (infantry and

tank crewmembers). As mentioned earlier, it took time for all black combat units to make their

way overseas; however, black soldiers were serving in different capacities from the beginning of

the war. Service members spent weeks, often months in training environments honing their

skills. Once overseas their lives revolved around and depended upon the practical application of

the skills they had learned. By the end of the war and their subsequent return home, the military

turned these men into experts in their respective fields.

94

Memorandum to the Under Secretary of War, Percentage Breakdown of Arms and Services as Proposed for June

30, 1941, February 7, 1941, 3; Records to the Adjutant's Office 1905-1981; Adjutant General Central Decimal File,

1940-45, Record Group 407, National Archives at College Park, MD. 95

Robert R. Palmer, Bill I. Wiley, and William R. Keast, The Procurement and Training of Ground Combat Troops

(Washington, D.C.: Historical Department of the Army, 1948), 489-491. Of the 91 army divisions, 4 did not see

service overseas. 96

Morehouse, Fighting in the Jim Crow Army, 130-132. 97

Harold Wool, The Military Specialist: Skilled Manpower for the Armed Forces (Baltimore, MD: The Johns

Hopkins Press, 1968), 19-20.

39

Even infantry training, the most combat oriented—and perhaps the one most superficially

different from living in peacetime—provided a unique set of skills that could be applied to life

back at home at the end of the war. Combat skills were particularly useful to returning African

American veterans who faced violence perpetrated by whites. While lynching transcended

regional borders, the thousands of racially motivated incidents in the American South were a

scourge on black communities. In the decades leading up to World War II, thousands of African

Americans fell victim to vigilante mob justice.98

These mobs ranged in size from dozens to

thousands, and executed unspeakable horrors on African Americans.99

By the end of World War

II, white southerners were eager to lynch black veterans, especially those in uniform.100

Military

uniforms were and remain a symbol of equality. Any individuals regardless of gender, ethnicity,

or religious beliefs are equal when wearing the same rank. A black private and a white private

are essentially equal under the terms of the military until one of them earns a promotion.101

This

visual representation of equality clearly ran counter to the segregation and superiority of whites

codified by Jim Crow laws and enforced by white violence. Any person who believed in racial

superiority would not tolerate this visual representation of equality.

One incident that caught national attention was the blinding of Isaac Woodard. Woodard

was a black veteran travelling through the South in uniform who confronted a bus driver that

refused to let him use a restroom. At the next stop, Woodard was dragged off the bus and beaten

98

James W. Clarke, "Without Fear or Shame: Lynching, Capital Punishment and the Subculture of Violence in the

American South," British Journal of Political Science 28, no.2 (April 1998): 270-274. 99

Katherine Stovel, "Local Sequential Patterns: The Structure of Lynching in the Deep South, 1882-1930," Social

Forces 79, no. 3 ( March 2001):843-845. 100

Morehouse, Fighting in the Jim Crow Army, 202. 101

On paper in the military all ranks were equal according to the command structure. When the appropriate military

authorities were around, even the most ardent racist would have to abide by the military command structure.

However, the reality remains that this was merely ideal circumstances and real life practices were likely very

different, and resembled civilian life practices. That being said, the powerful idea of equality and the visual

representation that the uniform provided was incredibly important.

40

nearly to death. A police officer then "ground out his eyes."102

As John Gunther, a journalist

who travelled the South, realized "[t]he effect of World War II is one point worth noting.

Almost every victim of lynching since the war has been a veteran."103

Lynching a black veteran

in uniform sent a powerful message.

After receiving wartime training, African American veterans had new skills to employ

against the violence perpetrated by whites. Returning infantry soldiers were proficient at setting

up defensive positions because of their combat training and experience. For instance Field

Manual 7-5 (one of the infantry manuals), teaches that one of the keys to defending is "[t]he

great stopping power of the infantry weapons, which is increased by the organization of ground,

permits wide fronts to be guarded by relatively weak holding elements."104

Returning veterans

would know how to maximize their manpower in order to effectively deter hostile mobs in order

to provide physical security to their communities. These veterans were able to set up the

necessary defensive networks through their understanding of rifle drills, small unit formations,

and constructing individual defensive positions.105

One important aspect of the military training

system is that every service member received a baseline level of combat training, and weapons

familiarization. This base level training allowed veterans with more combat experience to take

command of these other service members and create an effective defensive network.

While there are no recorded examples of Jacksonvillians taking this level of defensive

measures, organized armed resistance to white vigilantes was fairly common in the post-war

South.106

In some instances, it seemed as if returning veterans had left European battlefields

102

John Gunther, Inside U.S.A. (New York: The New Press, 1997)(1947), 686. 103

Ibid., 687. 104

Infantry Field Manual: Organization and Tactics of Infantry; The Rifle Battalion, FM 7-5 (Washington, DC:

United States Government Printing Office, 1940), 56. 105

Ibid., 72, 99-102,161-169. 106

Parker, Fighting for Democracy, 2-3. In terms of local conditions, after World War I a group of African

American veterans formed the League for Democracy in Jacksonville. One of the primary goals of this organization

41

only to enter a hostile Southern home front. The community of Monroe, North Carolina, is a

great example. Ku Klux Klan motorcades often drove through and harassed the black

community. The veterans put their combat training to use and "greeted the night riders with

sandbag fortifications and a hail of disciplined gunfire."107

A similar incident transpired in

Columbia, Tennessee. The black community caught wind of a white mob moving on their

community and the veterans took action. In fact, "[a]s they heard of the assault and arrests, black

veterans pulled out their guns to defend their neighborhood…When other men asked to

participate in the community's defense, the veterans showed them how to use weapons and build

barricades."108

Veterans' combat experience provided African American communities an effective means

to defend themselves from vigilante white extremists. Again, while Jacksonville does not have

these same levels of armed resistance, violence was not unheard of. As explained in the previous

chapter, racial violence was common in Florida. When returning veterans increased their

political activism after coming home, white extremists acted out to intimidate and discourage

political participation. In one instance, Porcher L. Taylor, an editor of a black newspaper that

printed articles encouraging African Americans to vote, received several threatening phone calls

about what might happen to him if he continued pushing the black community to vote.109

In

was to provide defense against lynching and other forms of white violence. Veterans of subsequent wars remained

active in the organization. See, Paul Ortiz, Emancipation Betrayed: The Hidden History of Black Organizing and

White Violence in Florida from Reconstruction to the Bloody Election of 1920 ( Berkeley, CA: University of

California Press, 2005), 161. That is not to say violence during this era was unheard of, there are reported incidents

of bombings during elections that will be elaborated on later. 107

Timothy Tyson, "Robert F. Williams, 'Black Power,' and the Roots of the African American Freedom Struggle,"

The Journal of American History 85, no.2 (September 1998): 551. 108

Kimberly L. Philips, War! What is it Good for? Black Freedom Struggles & the U.S. Military: From World War

II to Iraq (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press, 2012), 93. 109

"Believe Klan in Jax Behind Vote Threats: Registration List Mounts Daily in County," Atlanta Daily World,

February 20, 1946.

42

subsequent elections, as the stakes got higher, white extremists escalated their tactics from just

threats, attempting to bomb two separate locations where African Americans would go to vote.110

In an entirely different skill set, World War II veterans also learned how to function

within a large bureaucracy gaining skills coveted in the civilian world. This training and

education may have been hard to come by for some individuals if not for their military service.

An excellent illustration of the kind of real-world applicable skills provided in the military is

supply and clerical positions, specifically that of a quartermaster. While it is easy to overlook

the importance of support roles, the bottom line is that "[t]he mission of the Quartermaster Corps

is to assure the successful operation of the Army of the United States by accomplishing

efficiently and economically the general function of providing food, clothing, equipment,

housing, transportation, and similar services assigned to the corps by law or regulation."111

Individuals working within the quartermaster capacity learned how to keep books, facilitate

transactions, manage money, and meet a deadline.112

These skills are extremely valuable in the civilian market, especially in the professional

environment and were also central to skills needed by civil rights organizations, as illustrated by

the experiences of a quartermaster named Aaron Henry. Henry was one of the founding

members of his local NAACP chapter.113

Henry's organizational and administrative skills from

his time as a quartermaster came in handy in establishing and running the organization. In fact,

110

"Crudely Made Bomb Thrown at Polling Place in Florida," Atlanta Daily World, May 31, 1952. Again, while

there are limited examples in Jacksonville during this period it is important to note that combat training remained an

important factor. Veterans were aware of the possible violence that could erupt any moment and often conducted

themselves in a way that would help mitigate its effectiveness. Habits of checking for 360 degree security, establish

safe routes, and always being aware of cover were not easily forgotten. . Violence was not unheard of, and military

training provided a means to understand, react, and prevent it. 111

Quartermaster Field Manual: Quartermaster Operations, FM 10-5 (Washington, DC: United States Government

Printing Office, 1941), 1. 112

Ibid., 1-2. 113

Aaron Henry with Constance Curry, Aaron Henry: The Fire Ever Burning (Jackson, MS: University Press of

Mississippi, 2000), 73.

43

other NAACP officials recognized Henry's work and competency, earning him higher and higher

positions over the years.114

Henry also utilized his clerical and organizational skills to establish

and help a run a democratic organization called the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party .115

Henry stuck with the organization and remained a pivotal leader in Mississippi; he was even

elected as a state representative there. While organization and supply skills were not the focal

point of the war, they were the skills that carried over into the civilian world, and drove the Civil

Rights Movement.

Robert Saunders, a Florida native, is another example of the long-lasting impact of

military training when returning to civilian life. While not a quartermaster, Saunders had a

similar position as an administrator for the Army Air Corps, spending time at Camp Blanding

just outside of Jacksonville on two different occasions during his tenure with the military. Like a

supply clerk, an administrator for the Army Air Corps would be well versed in record keeping

and processing paperwork. Furthermore, they would have developed an important sense of

organization and structure for personnel management. These skills helped propel Saunders to the

important position of Florida field director for the NAACP.116

Saunders proved to be an

important piece in the Florida Civil Rights Movement, travelling across the state influencing and

organizing important endeavors.

Another classification of military positions that helped veterans in the post war period is

direct support. One specific occupational specialty within this category is reconnaissance.

While there are different forms of reconnaissance across the different branches of the armed

forces, the ultimate goal of this job is "to secure details of hostile organization, strength, and

dispositions, the characterizations of terrain, and other information upon which to base a plan of

114

Ibid.,73, 101-102. 115

Parker, Fighting for Democracy. 112-113. 116

Saunders, Bridging the Gap, 50-54.

44

action."117

An individual in this position would conduct missions to acquire information via

ground scouts, or even assets like aerial photography. Then as part of a team, they would then

assess this information and determine the overall strength and weaknesses of the enemy. A

member of the reconnaissance branch would then take that information and compare it against

his own unit's assets to help develop a plan of action.118

The ultimate goal is to find a way to

pair your strengths against your opponents' weaknesses. Essentially reconnaissance is the

process of gathering and collating information in order to understand the conditions you are

facing, form a strategy based on those findings, and accomplish a goal. Elcee Lucas, who will be

discussed in detail in the next chapter, worked within the reconnaissance branch.

More generally, the military drilled a certain mentality and mindset into its soldiers. In

the Basic Field Manual for Military Training, it lists several qualities to be developed. Some of

the more notable traits are discipline, initiative, adaptability, and leadership.119

While veterans

may not have realized it, developing these qualities was instrumental to their postwar ambitions.

Generally, when people think of discipline and the military they picture soldiers standing

motionless in formation, or their ability to take verbal abuse from superiors. In actuality,

discipline has another meaning, it is the ability to stick to a task despite distractions and see it

through until completion.120

Generally, initiative is simply defined as "an introductory step."121

In the military,

initiative means acting without requiring specific instruction, and doing what is required. The

emphasis of this characteristic by the military ensured that individuals were always proactively

117

Cavalry: Cavalry Reconnaissance Troop Mechanized, FM 2-20 (Washington, DC: United States Government

Printing Office, 1944), 2. 118

Armored Force Field Manual: Reconnaissance Battalion, FM 17-22 (Washington, DC: United States

Government Printing Office, 1942),1-3, 32-33. 119

Basic Field Manual: Military Training, FM 21-5 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing Office,

1941), 2. 120

Ibid., 12. 121

Merriam-Webster, online, http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/initiative (accessed June 9, 2012).

45

looking for the next step. The ability to adapt despite obstacles and accomplish a task is another

trait that was ingrained in every service member. There is never an excuse for any soldier not to

accomplish their mission, they are expected to adapt and overcome. A great example would be a

supply sergeant preparing for his unit to enter combat. The sergeant may have enough rations

for his company for two days, but they are expected to be on the line for five. The supply

sergeant does not simply concede defeat or throw up his arms, but finds away to acquire the

supplies his unit needs to complete their assignment, even if this means operating outside the

traditional norms. Initiative and adaptability were important traits for returning veterans working

to jump-start the lethargic Civil Rights Movement.

Leadership is another important trait that the military instills in its members regardless of

rank. The burden and responsibility of leading men was not reserved only for officers, even the

lowest levels of enlisted members were expected to assume leadership roles when necessary.

Leadership is not only the mastery of these other skills, but also the ability to delegate

appropriately and inspire others.122

In any branch of the military it is always important to learn

the job of the man at least one rank above your own. The fact of the matter is that men are

wounded or die in combat, leaving the next man with the responsibility to step up. At any

moment, a private could have to fill the role of a sergeant, and a sergeant that of a Lieutenant.

There was no time to go to the rear for additional training. Every soldier learned to be a leader

from their initial basic training, and continued to develop that aspect of their service while

overseas.

Furthermore, military service even affected the language that they used. When referring

to other activists in the NAACP, Robert Saunders called them "the foot soldiers in the war

122

Basic Field Manual, 7,10.

46

against discrimination."123

As a leader in the NAACP, Saunders was placing this role in the

terms that he was familiar with, those of leaders and soldiers. To place this relationship in this

language insinuates that Saunders saw himself as a leader, and more importantly understood the

obligation to those soldiers underneath him. Furthermore, when African American veterans

referred to activists as soldiers it was because they understood the demands of that title. It would

take discipline, patience, and sacrifice to accomplish their objective.

Returning to the story in Jacksonville, Elcee Lucas, Ernest Jackson, and Samuel Bruce

were all men that embodied these traits—discipline, adaptability, initiative, and leadership—

during the postwar period. As the premier scholar on Jacksonville in this era, Abel Bartley,

points out "[t]he most important difference in Jacksonville when compared with other Southern

African American communities is the quality of the African American leadership."124

Leadership, which builds on discipline, adaptability, and initiative, is essential for any movement

that seeks to unify a community in order to accomplish a common goal. The military engrains a

structure of leadership that promotes multiple echelons that promote efficiency and cohesion.

Implementing this tiered leadership model in civilian life helped provide direction and cohesion

to post war civil rights endeavors.

In addition to the practical application of their military skills that service provided, black

soldiers sent overseas were also experiencing foreign cultures and different conceptions of race

relations for the first time. Many of the African American soldiers had not experienced life

outside of America, let alone the American South. Approximately seven hundred thousand

123

Saunders, Bridging the Gap, 185. 124

Bartley, "Jacksonville: The Critical Years," 5.

47

African Americans from the South served in some capacity in the Army alone.125

The military

destination of most African Americans was the European Theater of Operations.126

Once they were living among European people, African Americans experienced a very

foreign concept: acceptance. In England, both civilians and soldiers treated African Americans

as equals despite white soldiers' insistences to the contrary.127

Englishmen identified black

soldiers simply as American, leaving off any racial distinction, a powerful concept that stuck

with many black veterans. Additionally, black soldiers were free to associate with English

women, without fear of repercussions.128

James McGill, a black soldier from Florida, was a

member of the 1330 Combat Engineer Corp who travelled across Europe. One point of emphasis

for Mcgill was that English women were both eager and willing to date black Americans.129

In a

letter home another black soldier noted that "[t]hey have dances around in the nearby villages,

and you can imagine how odd it is to be all white women and no colored women and with white

125

Army Enlistment Records, Electronic Army Serial Number Merged File, ca. 1938 - 1946, http://aad.archives.gov,

accessed July 18, 2012. 126

Since the Army was the largest branch of the armed forces, it contained the largest number of African Americans,

and the Army's primary area of focus was Europe. This is due to the fact that there was pressure from other

governments to keep black soldiers out of their colonies that were currently held by Axis powers, so as not to

influence the local nationals. The last thing any western powers wanted to have to do after defeating the Axis

powers was face a local uprising. However, one of the all black combat divisions, the 93rd, did go to the Pacific

where there was more physical labor than combat waiting for them. Morehouse, Fighting in the Jim Crow Army,

132, 138. 127

Report to the G-2 Censorship Branch, European T of Opns, APO 887, US Army, Inter-Racial Relations 16-31

August 1944, September 1, 1944, 1-2; Records to the Office of the Secretary of War, 1791-1948; Racial Situation in

the Army, 1940-46, Civilian Aide to the Secretary of War, Record Group 107, National Archives at College Park,

MD. England stands out as an important place for many interactions between foreign nationals and black soldiers

because of the nature of their time there. England was a staging area where American soldiers (black and white)

would spend extensive time and have the opportunity to form relationships. When American soldiers arrived on the

mainland many of them were in a relatively constant state of motion. 128

Report to the G-2 Censorship Branch, European T of Opns, APO 887, US Army, Inter-Racial Relations, 16-31

August 1944, September 1, 1944, 1-4; Report to the G-2 Censorship Branch, European T of Opns, APO 640, US

Army, Inter-Racial Relations, 16-31 August 1944, September 1, 1944, 1-4; Records to the Office of the Secretary of

War, 1791-1948; Racial Situation in the Army, 1940-46, Civilian Aide to the Secretary of War, Record Group 107,

National Archives at College Park, MD. 129 James McGill, interview by Lawrence Gordon, May 5, 1981, Samuel Proctor Oral History Program, University

of Florida, Gainesville, FL.

48

and black men both dancing with them."130

This particular soldier explained that he knew this

freedom of association would be a difficult concept to implement when they returned home.

During their tenure in places like Britain black soldiers even entered into protracted

relationships with local white women. Some even envisioned the relationship lasting past the

conflict. In one particular incident a black Private First Class wrote home:

Dot I have gotten myself into some trouble. After I came over hear I met a girl

her husband was kill in action. I have been going with her five months. Now she

say she is going to have a child and she is saying it's mine. Well it could be mine.

That’s how I am standing. We don't have any of our rave over hear. She is a

white girl and she want's to come back home with me after the war…This girl is

very nice to me and she is a very nice girl. She tells me she loves me and will

always stick to me. I would hate to leave her and the child over here after the

war.131

The importance of the anxiety underlying this letter cannot be overstated. Even before the Civil

War, the fear of black men having sexual relationships with white women was part of the fiery

rhetoric used to justify the oppression and emasculation of Southern black men. While black

soldiers had the opportunity to associate with European white women, the important aspect is

that they chose to do so, despite the overt concerns of many of their white counterparts. Having

sexual relations with white women is an indicator of an evolution of black masculinity that began

with the military indoctrination process. Where military training started to overturn previous

masculine restraints placed on African Americans by empowering them with basic language and

teaching them to defend themselves, black soldiers took this even further by associating with

130

Anonymous Private, Report to the G-2 Censorship Branch, European T of Opns, APO 887, US Army, Inter-

Racial Relations, 16-31 August 1944, September 1, 1944, 2; Records to the Office of the Secretary of War, 1791-

1948; Racial Situation in the Army, 1940-46, Civilian Aide to the Secretary of War, Record Group 107, National

Archives at College Park, MD. 131

Report to the G-2 Censorship Branch, European T of Opns, APO 640, US Army, Inter-Racial Relations, 16-31

August 1944, September 1, 1944, 2; Records to the Office of the Secretary of War, 1791-1948; Racial Situation in

the Army, 1940-46, Civilian Aide to the Secretary of War, Record Group 107, National Archives at College Park,

MD. There are several grammatical errors within the letter that have been left as that is the way the original

document reads.

49

European women. They no longer took into consideration what white men thought or approved

of, they simply acted on their own interest and desires.

Elcee Lucas, one of the key veterans in this study also explored the relationship options

available while oversees. While in England, Lucas entered into a relationship with a local white

woman. The relationship was obviously one of significance as Lucas debated staying in England

after the war or even relocating to the Northeast United States, a place he viewed as potentially

being friendlier to a black and white couple. Ultimately, when Lucas moved to the states, for

one reason or another, the trans-Atlantic relationship ended, and he devoted his endeavors to

activism in Jacksonville.132

Outside of new relationships between men and women, for the first time in many black

soldiers' lives, white men across all socio-economic levels treated them as equals. Two different

black soldiers made similar observations in reference to the English. The first noted, "These

people over here hate them [white American soldiers] and the people mix with us more than

them." The second recorded that "[p]eople here don't give a darn about your color, they are more

interested in the individual, other words they have class distinction."133

This was the first time

many black soldiers realized that white men were capable of accepting them.134

This level of

acceptance must have been very appealing because many African Americans chose to stay or

return to Europe at the end of the conflict. Elcee Lucas, to name a single instance, chose to

spend time in England after the war, attending Oxford University.135

132

Oral History Interview with Kim Lucas, conducted March 31, 2015. 133

Anonymous PFC, Report to the G-2 Censorship Branch, European T of Opns, APO 887, US Army, Inter-Racial

Relations, 16-31 August 1944, September 1, 1944, 1,2; Records to the Office of the Secretary of War, 1791-1948;

Racial Situation in the Army, 1940-46, Civilian Aide to the Secretary of War, Record Group 107, National Archives

at College Park, MD. 134

Morehouse, Fighting in the Jim Crow Army, 202. 135

Bartley, "Jacksonville: The Critical Years," 56.

50

The black soldiers' acceptance was not limited to England. As American forces advanced

across Europe, African American service members continued to have positive interactions with

foreign nationals. Mcgill, one of the black soldiers previously mentioned, spent a significant

amount of time in England and also passed through France, Belgium and Germany. During his

travels, he noted that several countries had markedly better race relations than home. When

asked about how French people treated African Americans, Mcgill responded, "Well, when I was

in France, they treated them alright." Mcgill also noted that the French were happy to associate

and trade with the black soldiers. In addition to selling things like extra boots and clothing,

Mcgill pointed out that "[y]ou could sell, soap, cigarettes, chewing gum, anything you had you

could sell it."136

Black soldiers were free to associate and communicate with local nationals at

any level they desired.

It is important to note, however, that many white soldiers did not simply acquiesce to

African American servicemen intermingling with white Europeans. In fact, many white soldiers

interfered in these relationships in any way they could while overseas, attempting to intimidate

black soldiers, and even trying to force local nationals to implement means of segregation.137

As

one black soldier wrote home, noting rather broadly that "our officers bar us from things that we

are entitled to do."138

This soldier recognized that this was not the local custom, and did not feel

his officer had any legitimate ground to enact such a rule. Another black soldier wrote home

about some of the measures white soldiers undertook to enforce racial segregation, "[T]he

136

James McGill, interview by Lawrence Gordon, May 5, 1981, Samuel Proctor Oral History Program, University

of Florida, Gainesville, FL. 137

Report to the G-2, APO 887, Inter-Racial Relations, 16-31 August 1944, 3; 1-4; Report to the G-2 APO 640,

Inter-Racial Relations, 16-31 August 1944, 1-4; Records to the Office of the Secretary of War, 1791-1948; Racial

Situation in the Army, 1940-46, Civilian Aide to the Secretary of War, Record Group 107, National Archives at

College Park, MD. 138

Anonymous soldier (no rank given), Report to the G-2 Censorship Branch, European T of Opns, APO 887, US

Army, Inter-Racial Relations, 16-31 August 1944, September 1, 1944, 2; Records to the Office of the Secretary of

War, 1791-1948; Racial Situation in the Army, 1940-46, Civilian Aide to the Secretary of War, Record Group 107,

National Archives at College Park, MD.

51

Americans white man has come and try to cause confusion with us and the English people…So

they tried to keep us from going to town by causing fights and riots…Tho its better now, well its

just one thing after another."139

When possible, white soldiers took it upon themselves to try to

enforce the racial status quo that they were used to.

Materials from the U.S. Censor’s office provide a fascinating look into soldiers' attitudes

about race and segregation. These letters are full of general reports, presumably from whites,

complaining about the overall ineffectiveness of African Americans as soldiers, citing the

stereotypical racist views of the time.140

For example a white lieutenant reported, "In general,

the colored soldier is lazy, dishonest, untrustworthy, and more animal than human."141

While the

racist mentality prevailed among many white service members, African American soldiers'

interactions with locals, especially civilian women, only exacerbated the situation. After his

return from European battlefields, one white officer submitted a report on the inefficiency of a

black transportation unit. The officer claimed the black soldiers intentionally stalled during their

duties in order to have relations with white French women.142

Whether this officer's report is

entirely accurate or not is difficult to tell; however, it is no surprise that the lieutenant linked

139

Anonymous Private, Report to the G-2 Censorship Branch, European T of Opns, APO 887, US Army, Inter-

Racial Relations, 16-31 August 1944, September 1, 1944, 1; Records to the Office of the Secretary of War, 1791-

1948; Racial Situation in the Army, 1940-46, Civilian Aide to the Secretary of War, Record Group 107, National

Archives at College Park, MD. 140

Report from anonymous Lieutenant, Technical and Tactical Information, Virginia, Army Service Forces Office

of Commanding General Washington, DC, January 10, 1945, 2; Captain Robert H. Hutchinson, Intelligence Report

to Colonel B.C. Jones, December 4, 1944; Records to the Office of the Secretary of War, 1791-1948; Racial

Situation in the Army, 1940-46, Civilian Aide to the Secretary of War, Record Group 107, National Archives at

College Park, MD. 141

Report from Lieutenant R.H. Fletcher, Technical Intelligence Report, "White Officer Comments on Colored

Troops," Army Service Forces Office of Commanding General Washington, DC, March 1, 1945, 2; Records to the

Office of the Secretary of War, 1791-1948; Racial Situation in the Army, 1940-46, Civilian Aide to the Secretary of

War, Record Group 107, National Archives at College Park, MD. 142

Report from Lieutenant Philip Winiman, Inefficiency of Colored Troops in Transportation Corps: Potential

Danger of IncidentsBetween White and Colored Soldiers, Virginia, Army Service Forces Office of Commanding

General Washington, DC, February 16, 1945, 1; Records to the Office of the Secretary of War, 1791-1948; Racial

Situation in the Army, 1940-46, Civilian Aide to the Secretary of War, Record Group 107, National Archives at

College Park, MD.

52

interracial mingling with a negative report. Serving in support positions in disproportionate

numbers provided the opportunity for some white service members to fall back on racial

stereotypes, using black soldiers as scapegoats for their problems.

Despite segregation and consistently racist attitudes championed by white officers,

African Americans nonetheless served with honor and distinction. While the incidents are few

and far between, some white officers actually praised the contributions of black service

members. One lieutenant provided an objective evaluation of some black troops from the 92nd

Infantry Division, an all black combat unit, during the Italian Campaign, "This is the first time

any of these men had been under fire; their reaction was quite favorable. They kept cool,

followed orders and instructions and there was no sign of panic among them."143

Coming under

fire for the first time is a traumatic experience for any soldier regardless of race, and such a

controlled and efficient response is rare even by today's standards. The 92nd Infantry Division

even earned praise from other branches of the armed force when they encountered them.144

Additionally, numerous soldiers from 92nd Infantry Division earned foreign awards and

decorations.145

143

Report from Lieutenant Roy H. Patterson, Negro Troops,Virginia, Army Service Forces Office of Commanding

General Washington, DC, February 13, 1945,1; Records to the Office of the Secretary of War, 1791-1948; Racial

Situation in the Army, 1940-46, Civilian Aide to the Secretary of War, Record Group 107, National Archives at

College Park, MD. 144

Report from Lieutenant Norton C. Gartenberg, 92nd (Negro) Division, Virginia, Army Service Forces Office of

Commanding General Washington, DC, January 11, 1945; Records to the Adjutant's Office 1905-1981; Adjutant

General Central Decimal File, 1940-45, Record Group 407, National Archives at College Park, MD. 145

Letter to Commanding General, MTOUSA APO 512, US Army, from Major W.A. Dobbs, Italian Decorations,

October 22, 1945, 1-4; Records to the Adjutant's Office 1905-1981; Adjutant General Central Decimal File, 1940-

45, Record Group 407, National Archives at College Park, MD; W.S. Paul, Major General, Proposed Award of

Italian " Croce al Merito di Guerra"to the 92nd Infantry Division, January 28, 1946,1-4; Records to the Adjutant's

Office 1905-1981; Adjutant General Central Decimal File, 1940-45, Record Group 407, National Archives at

College Park, MD One of the decorations was from the Italian government called the "Croce al Merito di Guerra,"

which the Italians gave to numerous members of the 92nd Infantry Division. Despite the honor and prestige of such

decorations, the United States Army was hesitant to allow the individuals to receive the awards. They cited several

reasons why the division should not accept the awards, among them was the fact that Italy and the United States

were not allies, that the division did not have an exceptional record, and the division was an all black unit. The only

legitimate concern was that the awards were coming from a government that the United States was not allied with,

and was classified as a belligerent party in the conflict. The other concerns about the award only show how racism

53

One of the most important aspects about African Americans' foreign interactions is that

they had a new way to judge their own culture and way of life. Black service members now had

something with which they could compare the American racial system, and many deemed it

inadequate.146

Previously, most of the African American soldiers only had an abstract concept of

what equality would be, but now they had experienced it firsthand. Once these men had a

concrete example of equality, the idea of achieving it became that much more feasible. This shift

in mindset was not only clear in retrospect. Records show that white soldiers were attuned to the

complications that these black soldiers would cause when they returned to the South. In a letter

home about a visit to a waterhole, one white lieutenant wrote, "The only thing that made it bad

was the fact a nigger was swimming…This nigger problem is going to be bad in the states when

they get all these 'English' jig-a-boos back in the states…The American army sure did make a

mistake by sending all these American Niggers over here."147

When these soldiers returned

home, they would no longer have the mindset that equality was not possible. Their experiences

taught them otherwise. The widespread acceptance of African Americans by Europeans was

instrumental in transforming their mindset to be more proactive.

Just like the city of Jacksonville, the mechanizing shift that the military was undergoing

played a major part in providing new opportunities and experiences for African American

servicemen. There were an increasing number of positions within the military that were not

combat arms. This technologically more complex mechanized military needed a lot more than

even permeated the upper echelons of the United States Military. Just like back home in America, racism was a

problem that existed in all levels of the military. 146

Morehouse, Fighting in the Jim Crow Army, 198-199. 147

Report to the G-2 APO 887, Inter-Racial Relations, 16-31 August 1944, 3; Records to the Office of the Secretary

of War, 1791-1948; Racial Situation in the Army, 1940-46, Civilian Aide to the Secretary of War, Record Group

107, National Archives at College Park, MD.

54

beans and bullets to keep it on the move. The increase in these positions provided a convenient

outlet for the United States to place African Americans who desired to serve their country.

While military training and positions may seem unique to the military war machine, many of

these positions had transferable skills that were relevant to civilian life.

Military training provided skills that were useful to African Americans at all levels when

they returned home. The base line combat training that soldiers received proved useful for

African Americans across the South who defended their communities against violent white

mobs. The job specific training that soldiers received helped them in their activist endeavors as

well. Different support positions helped individuals develop skills that were useful to

organizations like the NAACP. Aaron Henry and Robert Saunders are two individuals who

embodied the impact that this sort of training could have. Their organizational and

administrative skills would help these organizations grow and become more efficient, helping

them to direct their efforts. Direct support positions proved useful as well, as will be shown in

the case of Elcee Lucas and his Reconnaissance training. Furthermore, the general attributes that

the military cultivated helped black veterans in the postwar environment. Discipline, initiative,

adaptability, and leadership were qualities that the military constantly worked to develop.

Returning veterans would bring these traits with them into the realm of activism, acting as

leaders in the renewed civil rights push.

While their training would prove useful in their post war endeavors, another important

part of their transformation was their interactions with foreign nationals while overseas. For

many black soldiers it was the first time they experienced life outside of the United States, and

the level of acceptance they received was jarring. Many Europeans placed black American

soldiers and their white counterparts on equal footing. Additionally, back soldiers were free to

55

associate with local white women, which reinforced the masculinization that they were

undergoing through military training. Black soldiers would not easily forget or allow these

concepts of equality to be easily overturned when they returned home.

Much like the city of Jacksonville, World War II transformed the men fighting in it— a

process only possible by the unique circumstances of World War II. While black service

members were fighting their nation's enemies and mastering their military skills, they were also

exposed to foreign cultures. For many black soldiers this was the first time that they left their

state, let alone their country and it was an opportunity for them to experience cultures and values

that were different from those that they were used to. Furthermore, upon completion of their

service and returning home, the United States government extended all veterans a generous

benefits package that would help aid them in their postwar endeavors. For many African

Americans this included civil rights activism.

56

Chapter 4: Bringing it All Home

"In making yourself an efficient soldier you are helping to build a defense

for our country that nothing can destroy. You are repaying your

obligation to the United States for all the benefits of the past and are

declaring your faith in our future. If you will make a part of yourself the

following characteristics of the good soldier, you will be doing your part

in the glorious reputation of the Army of the United States."

Basic Field Manual: Soldier’s Handbook, 1941148

When the hundreds of thousands of black soldiers returned home they were armed with

new skills that helped them begin their challenges to the racial structure of postwar America.

Additionally, all veterans regardless of race received a generous package of benefits in the form

of "The Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944." The most important of the benefits within this

package was the financial resources it provided veterans for educational purposes. Access to

college and higher education would be instrumental for African Americans returning home.

Jacksonville's black veterans prove how instrumental their training and benefits were in

their postwar activist endeavors. Ernest Jackson pursued both his undergraduate and law degree

after the war, using his status as a lawyer to mount a series of legal challenges. These challenges

focused on disparity in sentencing, as well as segregation. Elcee Lucas' reconnaissance training

proved useful in his political efforts, both in organizing voters' registration drives and his work

as a campaign manager. These two men eventually pooled their abilities together into efforts for

political representation. The general attributes that the military works to develop ensured that

148 Basic Field Manual: Soldier's Handbook, FM 21-100 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing

Office, 1941),III. Some of the material within this chapter draws heavily from my undergraduate honors thesis,

"Jacksonville's Greatest Generation: The Contribution of African American Veterans to the Civil Rights Movement,

1945-1960." That original project was submitted to the UNF Digital Commons in August of 2012.

57

they would be leaders in their communities, and their efforts inspired other veterans, most

notably Samuel Bruce. Bruce was a leader in his community, and sought to take that influence

to the next level of political representation. These veterans were attractive as potential

candidates because of their status as veterans, especially for the leadership and experience that

they brought. These men were also instrumental in exposing the inherent inequities within

Jacksonville's racial dynamics. Their experiences in the military aided their efforts to right these

wrongs.

Returning soldiers, both black and white had access to a government-funded college

education in the form of the G.I. Bill. "The Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944" (the G.I.

Bill's official name) provided a multitude of benefits to all veterans including unemployment

compensation, educational funding, and aid in purchasing homes.149

As one scholar explains it,

this legislation "was indeed a landmark in the public policy of this nation. It grew out of a crisis

situation and provided an answer to the immediate challenge—demobilization, but it also

assisted the country in finding solutions to many other challenges, and its influence continues to

be felt today."150

The educational benefits extended to veterans after World War II were so

influential in the post war landscape that government officials continue to extend similar benefit

packages to current returning United States veterans.

Veterans flocked to receive their higher education in unprecedented numbers. By 1947,

nearly half of matriculating college students were World War II veterans.151

The education

benefits permitted many individuals to attend college who otherwise would have been unable,

149

Milton Greenberg, The GI Bill: The Law That Changed America (New York: Lickle Publishing, 1997), 9. 150

Theodore R. Mosch, The G.I Bill: A Breakthrough in Educational and Social Policy in the United States

(Hicksville, New York: Exposition Press, 1975), 2. 151

Altschuler and Blumin, A New Deal for Veterans, 86.

58

especially African Americans.152

The G.I. Bill provided a steady financial means for black

veterans to attend the universities and institutions that would admit them. In the South

specifically, by 1950 African American veterans brought black enrollment to twice the rate it

was in the prewar period.153

Access to college education was monumental in a society where

completing grammar or high school was an exception in itself.154

For those black veterans who

wished to pursue a higher education, the G.I. Bill provided the necessary means. In order to gain

the equality that they desired, African Americans worked to capitalize on any education

opportunities that they could.

Statistically a greater proportion of black veterans used their education benefits than their

white counterparts. Altshuler and Blumin point out that "[a]ccording to a survey conducted by

the Veterans Administration in 1950, 49 percent of nonwhites (compared to 43 percent of

whites) used education and training benefits at the college or subcollege level."155

While the

number of African Americans attending college greatly increased, it was still a small portion of

the population.156

The largest proportion of African Americans used their education benefits in

programs classified as below the college level.157

Black veterans frequently attended trade

schools, and basic education programs. Because the end of World War II was followed

relatively soon by a cold war with America’s former ally, the Soviet Union, the employment

demands of the growing military industrial complex continued to increase as the U.S.

government worked to arm and outfit an active military. Trade school educations in programs

like welding and engine mechanics were still in demand. The period following the Second

152

Greenberg, The Law that Changed America, 36. 153

Ibid., 98,102. 154

Ibid., 36. 155

Altschuler and Blumin, A New Deal for Veterans, 129. 156

Those who managed to find their way into universities were generally from the upper echelons of black society,

often thought of using W.E.B. Dubois’s label of “the talented tenth.” 157

Altschuler and Blumin, A New Deal for Veterans, 129.

59

World War was, generally speaking, one of monumental economic prosperity and growth for the

United States, with the American middle class growing through the 1960s.158

Education benefits

provided by the G.I. Bill ensured that returning veterans could compete in the domestic job

market, and even join the growing American middle class.159

The G.I. Bill helped provide opportunities to African Americans across the country,

simultaneously buttressing the careers of people central to the Civil Rights Movement, as

illustrated by the postwar experiences of Jacksonvillian Ernest D. Jackson. Jackson utilized his

education benefits to gain essential training that set him on his post-war path, utilizing his

education benefits to earn a law degree from the prestigious Howard University. Jackson

exhibited clear motivation and drive, earning his bachelor's degree in 1950, and his juris doctor

in 1953.160

After finishing his legal education, Jackson returned to Florida and was admitted to

the Florida bar the same year that he finished his degree.161

Almost immediately after his admission, Jackson started taking on civil rights cases,

seeking to expose the disparity in the treatment of blacks and whites by the local court system.

In order to do this, Jackson helped black men found guilty of rape appeal their convictions or

petition for a writ of habeas corpus.162

In the case of State ex rel. Johnson v. Mayo, Jackson

applied for a petition that "sought a writ of habeas corpus alleging the imposition of the death

sentence on him for the crime of first degree murder was excessive and discriminatory and

deprived him of the equal protection of the law."163

Later, Jackson asserted a similar idea when

158

David Kennedy, Freedom From Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929-1945 (New York;

Oxfowrd University Press, 1999), 856-858. 159

Altschuler and Blumin, A New Deal for Veterans, 129. 160

Tewodros Adebe, Howard University Archive assistant office, contacted May 31, 2012. 161

Florida Bar Association, Member Directory, www.floridabar.org, accessed May 25, 2012. 162

State of Florida v. Jimmie Lee Thomas 92 So. 2d 621 (Sup Ct Fla 1957); State of Florida ex rel. Johnson v. Mayo

69 So. 2d 307 (Sup Ct Fla 1954); State of Florida ex rel. Charlie Copeland Jr. v. Mayo 87 So. 2d 501 (Sup Ct Fla

1956). 163

State of Florida ex rel. Johnson v. Mayo 69 So. 2d 307 (Sup Ct Fla 1954).

60

he had the opportunity to appeal Jimmie Lee Thomas' rape conviction, focusing on procedural

issues as well as the issuance of the death penalty.164

However, Jackson's ultimate goal was never to overturn any of their specific convictions.

Through his arguments in front of the court, Jackson hoped to expose the fact that juries

discriminated against African Americans by consistently sentencing them with the harshest

penalty possible—the death penalty. Citing variations of the same statistics from year to year,

Jackson argued that over a twenty-year period, the state executed approximately twenty African

American males for rape, while only executing one white male in the same period for the same

crime.165

This disparity in sentencing showed that African Americans were not receiving equal

protection under the law.

Jackson pioneered the tactic of exposing biased sentencing and became a leader in the

national arena. As one legal historian, Eric Rise, explains "[e]qual protection challenges to

capital punishment persisted through the 1950s. The most comprehensive effort was undertaken

by Ernest D. Jackson, a Jacksonville lawyer and graduate of Howard law school who advanced

the argument twice before the Supreme Court of Florida and once in federal appeals court."166

Ernest Jackson's legal work transcended the entire country, acting as a leader and influencing

lawyers across the country. Unfortunately, the Florida courts failed to address the larger issue

and chose to make their decisions based on the individual cases' facts and merits, rather than a

more holistic remedy.167

Nonetheless, Jackson managed to create a united front that drew

attention to the judicial inadequacies in American society. While Jackson was illustrating the

164

State of Florida v. Jimmie Lee Thomas 92 So. 2d 621 (Sup Ct Fla 1957). 165

State of Florida v. Jimmie Lee Thomas 92 So. 2d 621 (Sup Ct Fla 1957); State of Florida ex rel. Johnson v. Mayo

69 So. 2d 307 (Sup Ct Fla 1954); State of Florida ex rel. Charlie Copeland Jr. v. Mayo 87 So. 2d 501 (Sup Ct Fla

1956). 166

Eric W. Rise, The Martinesville Seven: Race, Rape, and Capital Punishment (Charlottesville, VA: University

Press of Virginia, 1995), 156. 167

State of Florida v. Thomas; State of Florida ex rel. Johnson v. Mayo; State of Florida ex rel. Charlie Copeland Jr.

v. Mayo.

61

disparity in sentencing, he was also exposing the fact that working within the existing structures

proved difficult if not impossible to bring about change.

Additionally, Ernest Jackson not only sought to reveal the disparities in the judicial

system, but he also directly attacked segregation in Jacksonville. In 1958, black golfers were

only allowed to play on the municipal golf courses on designated days. When a group of African

Americans who were attempting to qualify for a tournament had their round cancelled due to

inclement weather they were denied access to the facilities on a subsequent day, meaning that

they were no longer eligible for the tournament.168

Jackson used this example of unequal

treatment to force the city to open the courses up to black golfers on a daily basis.169

In order to

avoid the issue and maintain the current status quo, the city sought an alternate course of action.

In essence, the city colluded with private individuals to purchase the entire golf course, thus

turning a public course private, and avoiding the issue of separate but equal access to

government owned facilities. When the city of Jacksonville started taking bids to sell the public

golf courses in order to avoid integration, Ernest Jackson threatened legal action.170

Jackson took the case to the appellate level where the court decided in his favor. As the

decision stated, "The inclusion of a restrictive covenant with a reversionary clause if the

properties were not continued as golf courses rendered the purchasers state agents and the

operation of the golf courses state action."171

Essentially, when the private individuals purchased

the golf courses, they did so under the condition that they had to operate them for the well-being

of the public. Thus, they became agents of the state and gave up certain privileges that private

business owners might have had, i.e. restrictive access based on race or any other factor.

168

"4 Negro Golfers Refused Tickets on Two Courses," Atlanta Daily World, June 25, 1958. 169

"Daily Golf Course Use Sought," Atlanta Daily World, July 5, 1958. 170

"Jacksonville May Get Suit Attacking Recreational Bias," Atlanta Daily World, September 24, 1959. 171

City of Jacksonville, Florida v. Frank Hampton et al. 304 F.2d 320 ( US App 1962).

62

Through Jackson's tenacious efforts, he not only opened up golf courses for African Americans

but also helped set a powerful precedent. This ruling ensured that Jacksonville's white

politicians could not simply privatize facilities in order to avoid integration. This victory against

segregation and his nationally recognized efforts to fight unequal treatment were all facilitated

by Jackson’s military service: in addition to the general qualities of leadership and initiative that

Jackson showed throughout his career, the G.I. Bill provided Jackson with fiscal support to earn

his degrees and jump directly into activism.

Access to education benefits and clear connections between other black veterans’

wartime experiences and the skills they gained while serving in Europe clearly shaped them into

local leaders. Like Jackson, Elcee Lucas capitalized on the G.I. Bill in order to finish his

education after exiting military service in January of 1946.172

He graduated from Florida A&M

in 1946, and later studied journalism at Oxford and Northwestern Universities.173

More central to

the thesis, Elcee Lucas harnessed his experience as a reconnaissance officer to aid him in his

civil rights pursuits.

The first example of the synergy between wartime experience in the military and later

civil rights efforts became evident in Lucas’ efforts to organize a large-scale voter registration

drive in 1950. Increasing voter registration was a vital strategy to increase African American

political action and representation. African Americans in Jacksonville had the opportunity to

utilize their demographic power and vote in order to facilitate substantial change. What made

convincing African Americans to vote difficult was the element of danger involved. Voting was

a very visible action, which required African Americans to be in a specific place at a specific

172

Elcee Lucas Final Payment Worksheet, War Department Form 372 A, January 13, 1946. National Personnel

Records Center. Military Personnel Records, St. Louis, MO. 173

Bartley, "Jacksonville: The Critical Years," 56.

63

time—a risky endeavor.174

The structured nature of voting provided the opportunity for the

extreme elements of white resistance to commit acts of intimidation as well as retaliation against

black voters. Nationally, the years between 1940 and 1950 saw monumental increases in African

American voter registration.175

In Jacksonville, Lucas "registered over 18,000 African-American

voters" in just a nine-month period.176

Considering the African American population in the city

was approximately 67,000 in 1945, that means Lucas registered over a quarter of the target

population, an amazing feat.177

Lucas was able to accomplish this fast paced, efficient registration drive because of his

training and experience as an Army reconnaissance officer in World War II.178

Running a

registration drive required Lucas to identify areas with substantial numbers of unregistered voters

who were likely to support his political goals. Additionally, Lucas would have to organize a

canvassing effort in order to cover the identified area.179

While deployed in Europe, Lucas

would have had to collect data like photographs of enemy encampments, and reports from

patrols. He would then have to assemble this information, and help determine the most

economical use of force to accomplish the mission. In the registration drive, Lucas had to collect

relevant information like census data and voter registration records. Once he obtained these

documents, Lucas could then analyze them and determine which neighborhoods would yield the

best results. From there he could formulate a strategy and disperse his manpower in the most

174

Parker, Fighting for Democracy, 182, 192. This is evidenced in Jacksonville by the bomb threats that were

mentioned in an earlier chapter. 175

Bartley, Keeping the Faith, 18; Parker, Fighting for Democracy, 179. 176

Bartley, Keeping the Faith, 36. This was part of an organized effort to aid in the election of Claude pepper to the

United States Senate in 1950. Claude Pepper was one of the first white politicians to openly campaign for black

votes. This effort in the early 1950s indicates that politicians were recognizing the potential political power that

African American communities contained. 177

Survey Committee of the Council of Social Agencies, Jacksonville Looks at its Negro Community, 1. 178

Bartley, Keeping the Faith, 37. 179

Daniel M. Gaby and Merle H. Treusch, Election Campaign Handbook (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall,

1976), 213-220.

64

efficient manner. Lucas was obviously successful in this task given that he managed to register

so many new voters in such a relatively short time. Without his military training and experience,

it is difficult to imagine Elcee Lucas accomplishing this task so proficiently and effectively. In

an interview with historian Abel Bartley, Lucas himself attributed the military for the

development of the relevant skills.180

Both Ernest Jackson and Elcee Lucas accomplished great things in their individual efforts

to foster equality in Jacksonville. However, these initial efforts were only the beginning. When

both men worked in concert they advanced the civil rights cause in Jacksonville to an

unprecedented level. Both Lucas and Jackson recognized the necessity of attaining political

representation for Jacksonville's African American community. Even prominent white

politicians in the region were starting to recognize the potential political power that black

communities contained. In fact, incumbent Senator Claude Pepper, a more liberal senator

"became the first White political leader on the state level to campaign openly for African-

American support."181

When faced with criticism from his opponents, Senator Pepper did not

dodge the issue of campaigning for black votes.182

Senator Pepper's views towards African

Americans and policies on veterans' benefits must have made him a very attractive candidate for

politically involved veterans like Lucas and Jackson. After all, the African American

community had earlier success aligning themselves with willing democrats, as had occurred in

the 1947 election when they chose a white democrat over a black candidate and received a

swimming pool for their efforts.

180

Bartley, Keeping the Faith, 37. 181 Bartley, Keeping the Faith, 35. It appears that occasionally involving African Americans at the political local

level was tolerable, but anything at the state level represented a concerted effort to advance African Americans'

rights and challenging the status quo. 182

Claude Denison Pepper and Hays Gorey, Pepper: Eyewitness to a Century (New York: Harcourt Brace

Jovanovich, 1987), 199-202. Interestingly, Senator Pepper was a big supporter of increased veterans' benefits.

65

Jacksonville's black population enthusiastically supported Senator Pepper. In fact,

Pepper's 1950 campaign was the event that prompted Elcee Lucas' massive voter registration

drive.183

Unfortunately, Senator Pepper was defeated in the 1950 election. One of the primary

reasons for Pepper's loss was his policy on race relations. His opposition labeled him a

communist because of his stance on integration and other issues, a common tactic at the time.184

Senator Pepper's eagerness to involve black communities in his state-level campaigning proved

too much for Florida's white population to handle. For Jacksonville, the Pepper campaign was

important because it provided the unity that the African American community needed in the

political arena. While the campaign did not win, it created a black political machine with

experience that was prepared to keep fighting. Activists were already looking towards the next

objective. Ultimately, Pepper's defeat did not deter Jacksonville's black activists; in fact, it only

seemed to invigorate them.

With a substantially larger voting base to back them, two African Americans ran for city

council in 1951.185

Unfortunately, in order to mitigate the strength of the new black voting

numbers, the city of Jacksonville switched from a ward-based voting system to an at large

system. Before the change individual wards elected their city council representatives, now the

entire city could vote for every city council position, eliminating the advantage of African

American majorities in certain districts.186

Jacksonville's entrenched ideas about race relations

proved so important to certain parties that they adapted the democratic structure to ensure they

remained intact. The most alarming fact is that they passed the new legislation at such a quick

183

Hugh Douglas Price, The Negro and Southern Politics: A Chapter of Florida History (Wesport, CT: Greenwood

Press, 1957), 60; Bartley, Keeping the Faith, 36. 184

Claude Denson Pepper and Hays Gorey, Pepper: Eyewitness to a Century (New York: Harcourt Brace

Jovanovich, Publishers, 1987), 197-214. 185

Bartley, Keeping the Faith, 36. These two candidates were Elcee Lucas and Porcher Taylor. 186

Bartley, "Jacksonville: The Critical Years," 60.

66

pace, altering the entire city's voting methods in less than a year. Jacksonville's political system

was obviously capable of instituting change, as long as it was something that maintained the

status quo. However, black veterans recognized that African Americans’ need for political

representation outweighed the possibility of defeat. Knowing that he had the image the African

American community would embrace, Elcee Lucas was one of the candidates that took up the

challenge of running for office in 1951.187

Lucas' instincts about being a candidate that the black community could get behind

proved correct. His education, military service, and political experience made him an attractive

prospect.188

This was clearly different from Wilson Armstrong who had failed to win the 1947

city council election because of his inability to secure the support of the affluent portion of the

African American community.189

Since Lucas had a quality higher education, he was someone

that the elite members of his community would listen to and could get behind. His education,

coupled with his military service helped solidify him as a leader that could transcend all levels of

the black community.

He did well enough in the primary to force a runoff with the incumbent. In fact, his

numbers suggest that Lucas managed to secure a portion of the white vote.190

In the initial vote

Lucas received the second most votes, 8,216 votes to James Peelers' 12,160. When these

numbers initiated a runoff, the supporters of the other candidates must have flocked to Peeler.

The final tally was Lucas 10,793 and Peeler 23,332.191

The qualities that Lucas thought made

187

Ibid., 56, 59. 188

Ibid. 189

Bartley, Keeping the Faith, 29-30. Elcee Lucas aided in Armstrong's political endeavors and noted the disparity

among the community. He recognized that for any future candidate to have a chance, they would have to palatable

to both the white and black community. 190

Bartley, Keeping the Faith, 38. 191

Michael Goldman, "Political Mastermind Seeks Candidates for Poor," Florida Times Union and Journal,

November 25, 1978.

67

him an attractive candidate to the black community were likely the ones that helped him garner

some white votes as well.

Despite his eventual loss, Lucas succeeded in providing a clear example that the African

American community was both willing and able to get behind a candidate of their own. After his

defeat, Lucas redirected his efforts, putting his military training to use once again, investigating

various elected government positions, and attempting to identify the most vulnerable to an

African American assault, just as he would seek out the weaknesses in the German lines on a

French battlefield.192

Elcee Lucas wanted to ensure that he was utilizing his abilities in the most

efficient and useful means possible. After all, advancing the civil rights cause was similar to that

of the military; it was not about individual achievement, but about the overall success of the unit.

As Lucas put it himself, he preferred to be “a kingmaker instead of a king.”193

Eventually, Lucas identified a position most likely to succumb to African American

efforts to seat one of their own in an elected position. Justice of the Peace was a less visible

position, and occupied by Sarah Bryan, a woman.194

Ernest Jackson was selected as the

strongest possible candidate and announced his candidacy for the 1956-second district Justice of

the Peace election.195

Jackson's status as a lawyer surely aided his marketability as a political

candidate because of his professionalism and knowledge of the legal system. However, Ernest

Jackson was not alone, "Lucas agreed to serve as Jackson's campaign manager and helped devise

strategy."196

Once again, Lucas' strategic and organizational skills proved instrumental in

Jacksonville's civil rights push.

192

Bartley, Keeping the Faith,46. 193

Elcee Lucas would have more opportunities to run for political office later in the '50s, but chose not to pursue

these opportunities. Bartley, Keeping the Faith, 49. 194

Bartley, "Jacksonville: The Critical Years," 108. 195

"Ernest D. Jackson in Race for Justice of the Peace Post," Florida Star insert of the Florida Times Union, March

31, 1956. 196

Bartley, Keeping the Faith, 49.

68

When these two veterans finally collaborated, they broke through a barrier that African

Americans had not been able to since the first decade of the twentieth century. Jackson won the

primary, securing his position as a democrat in the general election. The first person that he

thanked was his invaluable campaign manager—Elcee Lucas.197

They managed this victory

through a calculated and proven technique. Jackson's team borrowed a page from the Lucas

playbook, and pushed another voter registration drive, getting more African Americans involved.

Additionally, Lucas recognized that what Jackson's campaign needed was publicity, and more

importantly the capital necessary to pay for it. Taking the initiative, Lucas found a deficiency

and fixed it, securing funding from several local businessmen.198

Lucas ensured that they were

able to increase attention on his candidate and mobilize the community to vote.199

Unfortunately, even the justice of the peace position proved too valuable for the white

community to relinquish. Jacksonville's white democrat community used Jackson’s victory in

the primary to challenge the legality of the districts lines, despite the fact that they were

unaltered in Bryan's twenty-two year tenure of that position.200

The discrepancy worked its way

to the Florida Supreme Court, where the election results were discarded, leaving the Democratic

Party to choose the candidate.201

The party chose Sarah Bryan, and not Ernest Jackson. No

position was too small, and no cost was too high to prevent African Americans from securing

positions in local government.

There is no other way to describe this subterfuge of the democratic system as anything

other than a slap in the face to Jacksonville's black community. However, this did not deter

197

"Jackson is the First Negro Nominated in Forty Years," Florida Star insert of the Florida Times Union, May 12,

1956. 198

Bartley, "Jacksonville: The Critical Years," 111-112. 199

Jay Jay, "Chips Off the Blocks," Florida Star insert of the Florida Times Union, May 5, 1956. 200

Bartley, "Jacksonville: The Critical Years," 112-113. 201

Ibid., 112-114.

69

Jackson and Lucas, who continued their efforts. After a failed petition drive to have his name

added to the official ballot, Jackson ran as a write-in candidate in the general election.202

While

Jackson suffered defeat in the general election, his overall numbers were admirable. Historian

Abel Bartley notes, "Despite the difficulty in voting for write-in candidates Jackson garnered

significant support. Some Whites had voted for him as well, signifying they too realized that an

injustice had been perpetrated."203

Jackson's and Lucas' military mentality ensured they did not

accept defeat, but continued the fight by whatever means that they could.

After their defeat, Jackson and Lucas did not skip a beat, reorienting their sights on the

next target— the 1959 city council elections.204

However, Jackson and Lucas would not be the

only black veterans active in this election. Samuel Bruce, a marine veteran, entered into the city

council election in a different district.205

Lucas and Jackson had proven that African American

veterans had the image and experience necessary to earn not only the black vote, but also a

portion of the white as well. It was not until after Jackson's victory in the Justice of the Peace

primary that Bruce decided to throw his hat into the ring for a city council position.

Regarding his military service in World War II, Samuel Bruce was one of the Montford

Point Marines.206

Before World War II the Marine Corps excluded African Americans from

service, rather than simply segregating them like the other branches of the military. Executive

Order 8802 forced the Marine Corps to incorporate African Americans into their ranks, albeit on

202

"Jackson Will Run as 'Write in,'" Florida Star insert of the Florida Times Union, October 6, 1956. 203

Bartley, Keeping the Faith, 51. 204

Bartley, "Jacksonville: The Critical Years," 114-115. 205

"Vote for Fair Representation," Florida Star insert of the Florida Times Union, April 11, 1959. 206

Montford Point was the Marine base in North Carolina that all black marines were trained at during World War

II. The Marine records have proved more difficult to navigate than the Army records from World War II. The

Army enlistments record s have for the most part been digitized allowing to search for individuals and then request

their VA records from the information in their enlistment records. The Marine records are not organized this way,

and therefore it has been difficult to narrow down Samuel Bruce's specific MOS. However, being a black Marine,

he must have passed through Montford Point, as it was the only segregated training facility for African Americans

for that branch of service.

70

a segregated basis. This policy change was not without criticism; leadership at the highest levels

of the Corps opposed the inclusion of blacks into their ranks.207

African Americans who desired

to serve with the Marine Corps were treading in unknown waters. Just like their black

colleagues in the Army, African Americans who enlisted in the Corps found themselves over

represented in support positions, and withheld from combat whenever possible.208

Because of the recent inclusion of African Americans into their ranks, the Marine Corps

did not have the existing training apparatuses of the other branches. When the first few iterations

of African Americans arrived many of the white training staff members, "greeted the black

recruits with undisguised racial prejudice and open hostility."209

While racism was present

across all branches of the armed forces, African Americans who enlisted in the Corps had the

additional challenge of establishing their segregated units and training staff with a white

command structure that was against their very inclusion. Black Marines were up to the challenge

and by 1943 many enlistees displayed the leadership and ability to replace the white drill

instructors.210

Just as in the other branches, the Marine Corps drilled key attributes into its

members that resulted in capable leaders. As a Montford Point Marine, Samuel Bruce shared in

this training and tradition.211

Leadership was in Samuel Bruce's veins, and he had experience

dealing with racist power structures.

After returning from war, Bruce distinguished himself as a successful local businessman

that had been extremely active in city affairs. He was the president of the Eastside Civic Club,

207

Melton A McLaurin, The Marines of Montford Point: America's First Black Marines (Chapel Hill, NC:

University of North Carolina Press, 2007), 5-7. 208

McLaurin, The Marines of Montford Point, 8-9. 209

Ibid., 6. 210

Ibid., 6-7. 211

As mentioned earlier it has been difficult narrowing down specifics on Bruce's specific role in the military there

is some information that can deduced. Bruce must have been very young when he joined only 17, meaning he was

going through military training during some of the most formative years of his life, and serving in the final stages of

the conflict. Furthermore, as a Marine he more than likely served in the Pacific Theater, and given the practices of

the Marine Corps mentioned above, he more than likely served in some sort of support position.

71

and previous president of the Long Branch PTA, as well as a Scout Master for the local boy

scouts.212

Bruce was, therefore, already a proven leader in his community, making Lucas and

Jackson’s decision to back him an easy one. He also took a cordial and respectful tone toward

his opponent, the incumbent James Peeler. In one article, Bruce expresses his feelings towards

Peeler, saying, "I only hope I can do as good a job for all the people as he did…I think the people

owe it to Mr. Peeler to let him take a rest now after more than 20 years of service."213

Instead of

focusing on the issue of a need for African American representation, Bruce shifted the focus to a

desire to do the job well. Tactics like this helped him come across as less confrontational, and as

someone who was committed to civil service. Bruce was such an appealing option that, like

Jackson in the elections before, he managed to capture a portion of the white vote during the

primary.214

Bruce’s campaign also provided a symbiotic help to Ernest Jackson’s campaign. Bruce

resided in and was going to represent a different portion of the city than Jackson and his team.215

They were not in direct opposition, and Bruce brought another section of Jacksonville's African

Americans into the political arena. With the at large voting system, Bruce's introduction to

politics aided the black community by bringing more voters to the polls. With the at large voting

system, those who went to the polls to support Bruce could vote for Jackson and vice versa.

Now African Americans had unprecedented voting strength.216

The African American community was developing an invigorated political conscience,

and veterans were the leaders.217

Nothing illustrates this idea better than the 1959 election

212

"Samuel Bruce Gains Support for Council," Florida Star insert of the Florida Times Union, April 11, 1959. 213

Ibid. 214

"Samuel Bruce Pays Tribute to Peeler," Florida Star insert of the Florida Times Union, May 2, 1959. 215

"Samuel Bruce Gains Support for Council," Florida Star insert of the Florida Times Union, April 11, 1959. 216

"Fears of Negro Domination of City Government Sounded, " Florida Star insert of the Florida Times Union,

April 12, 1959. 217

Chuck Payne, "Black 'Bloc' White Worry," Florida Star insert of the Florida Times Union, May 2, 1959.

72

results. Both Jackson and Bruce did so well in the primary elections that they both necessitated

run-off elections.218

Once again, black veterans proved to be palatable and successful

candidates.

The political landscape in Jacksonville was changing rapidly after the end of World War

II. In 1947, Wilson Armstrong had unsuccessfully run for city council. However, in a little over

a decade the situation drastically changed. Now with veterans as the face of political campaigns,

not only were black candidates securing nearly the entire vote of the black community, but a

substantial portion of white votes as well. Unfortunately, the missed opportunity on Armstrong's

campaign keyed in white supporters of the status quo to a weakness within their system—

causing a change in electoral procedures. Despite this manipulation, African American veterans

eventually managed to secure a primary nomination.

The skills and benefits that military service provided were invaluable to the civil rights

endeavors of Jacksonville's black veterans. Access to higher education was instrumental for

African Americans to challenge the existing status quo as well as join in the expanding economic

opportunities in postwar America. Education proved a vital component to both Elcee Lucas and

Ernest Jackson's efforts in the postwar period. Ernest Jackson earned his legal degree from the

prestigious Howard University with the help of the GI Bill, and quickly acted to expose the

disparity in sentencing between African Americans and whites for similar crimes. This endeavor

reflected the inadequacies in the judicial system and subsequently caught on with other activist

lawyers across the country. He continued his legal attacks with an assault on segregation,

preventing the city from colluding with private individuals to avoid integration of the public golf

course, setting a powerful precedent.

218

Eric O. Simpson, "Politics as Usual," Florida Star insert of the Florida Times Union, May 2, 1959.

73

After pursuing his education at Florida A&M, Northwestern, and Oxford, Lucas utilized

his training in reconnaissance in multiple ways as well. The first was his incredibly successful

voters' registration drive, elevating the black community's political power to unprecedented

strength in Jacksonville. Additionally, Lucas' ability to identify vulnerable political positions

and formulate a strategy to capitalize on that was invaluable as a campaign manager.

Furthermore, his recognition of these valuable skills and his importance of using them in this

capacity led him to remain a campaign manager instead of running for political office himself

after his first foray into politics. Lucas' selfless mindset ensured that the political endeavors of

the black community were as efficient as possible.

The increased political activism of Lucas and Jackson drew the attention of other

veterans, specifically Samuel Bruce who threw his hat into the political ring. Like Jackson and

Lucas, Bruce embodied the core traits that the military works to develop, resulting in leadership.

This is reflected in the level of involvement that Bruce had in both the business community and

with the youth. Bruce was an important leader and sought to take that leadership to the next

level with political office.

All three of these men reflect the impact that broad military training has; it turns young

men and women into leaders. These veterans were all involved in assaulting the postwar power

structures in Jacksonville that were built upon race. While their efforts did not always produce

the most concrete results, they did expose the inherent flaws within the system. Whether it was

disparity in criminal sentencing, or the denial of political representation, their efforts conveyed

that they were aware of the inequality and were trying to do something about. Jacksonville's

black veterans were no longer going to tolerate the status quo.

74

Chapter 5: Conclusion

"You are now a member of the Army of the United States. That Army is

made up of free citizens chosen from among a free people. The American

people of their own will, and through the men they have elected to

represent them in Congress, have determined that the free institutions of

this country will continue to exist. They have declared that, if necessary,

we will defend our right to live in our own American way and continue to

enjoy the benefits and privileges which are granted to the citizens of no

other nation."

Basic Field Manual: Soldier’s Handbook, 1941219

Leading up to World War II, Jacksonville had a large population of African Americans,

spread out in thriving communities throughout the city. The high percentage of African

Americans and the economic success of some of its members permitted the black community to

enter into a complicated give and take relationship with white politicians. However, World War

II started to complicate this dynamic. The increased industrial production demands brought in

increasing numbers of African Americans from surrounding communities, and opened up

employment opportunities previously unavailable to them. Additionally, the dire need for

production necessitated that the federal government assume a more active role in ensuring that

production centers were operating at peak levels. Local workers in Jacksonville expressed their

grievances through the newly established channels with the federal government. Jacksonville's

black community was able to share in the growing economic opportunities that the war provided,

and they were expressing their discontent with the current racial dynamic.

219 Basic Field Manual: Soldier's Handbook, FM 21-100 (Washington, DC: United States Government Printing

Office, 1941), III.

75

For those Americans who joined the armed forces during World War II, every aspect of their

service left a lasting impact on those men and women who served in the armed forces. The

American experience in World War II was different from the conflicts before it for two key

reasons. The first is the sheer scale of the conflict. The numbers of Americans both black and

white was significantly larger than any before it. Second, the technological strides that were

happening in the interwar years caused a mechanized revolution throughout all branches of the

armed forces. The United States military utilized sophisticated vehicles and weapons that

required the creation of positions to support them.

In terms of the key individuals in this thesis, military training helped develop key skills in

all of its members, some extremely useful for black soldiers. The very language and training

process helped overturn some of the emasculation that many African Americans suffered.

Additionally, the military works to develop initiative, discipline, and adaptability, which all

culminated in the development of leadership. Hundreds of thousands of African Americans

returned home ready to assume the mantle of leadership.

When African Americans joined the armed forces they were placed into emerging

support roles in disproportionate numbers. Serving in more support oriented MOSs gave black

soldiers access to training and skills that they were unlikely to receive elsewhere. Black soldiers

were given training in specific job fields that they spent months, sometimes years perfecting.

Men like Aaron Henry and Robert Saunders were able to utilize the training they developed in

the military to help enhance the NAACP, becoming key state level and national leaders.

Furthermore, black service members' concept of race relations were forever changed

during the interactions in foreign cultures, especially in Europe. While the United States military

was segregated, local civilian societies were not. Foreign nationals treated black soldiers simply

76

as American, leaving of any racial distinction. Black soldiers were also free to associate with

local white women, for many African Americans this was drastically different from the social

norms back home.

When they returned home, African American veterans in Jacksonville provided a new

surge of civil rights activity that helped bring awareness to the inadequacies in the white

dominated system. Ernest Jackson, Elcee Lucas, and Samuel Bruce were all active leaders in

their communities. Elcee Lucas utilized his training in reconnaissance to help organize the black

community and expose the vulnerable political positions. This gave the black community the

strength it needed when men like Ernest Jackson and Samuel Bruce ran for political office.

Outside of politics, Ernest Jackson continued his endeavors through legal action, again exposing

judicial inadequacies in sentencing. When white professionals and government officials

attempted to avoid integrating the golf course, Ernest Jackson prepared and executed another

legal attack, preventing the city from selling the golf course to private interests in order to

prevent desegregation. Not only were black veterans exposing inadequacies in the system, they

were making progress in organizing the black communities and at times securing victories

against segregation.

When efforts by Lucas, Jackson, Bruce and others were ultimately unsuccessful, the

responses to their efforts by white authorities often exposed the dubious measures that the

existing power structures would utilize to maintain the status quo. The black community in

Jacksonville had unprecedented voting strength, and it was increasingly obvious that the existing

power structures were not going to play by the rules. This was clear when Jackson won a

primary election for Justice of the Peace and the democratic party responded by questioning the

preexisting voting boundaries and overturning the election. Jacksonville's white power

77

structures refused to allow the election results to stand. Through both their successes and their

failures African American veterans helped create and guide the black community's political

conscious in Jacksonville. These circumstances ultimately paved the way for future generations

of activists who would utilize new tactics.

Understanding where black World War II veterans fit into the larger narrative of the Civil

Rights Movement is extremely important. Black veterans spent their postwar lives challenging

the existing power structures through legal means and prescribed channels. Black veterans ran

for political offices and led legal challenges in an attempt to unravel segregation and achieve

equality. While some of these endeavors met limited success, more often than not the white

community found a way to nullify the results. In turn, these incidents of white backlash provided

the justification for the civil disobedience of the generation to follow. If the black community

could not find redress for their grievances through legal and accepted means then their

subsequent illegal activities—purposefully breaking Jim Crow laws that they deemed immoral

and unconstitutional—were justified. Black veterans provided over a decade of legitimacy for

the peaceful protesters to fall back on and showed unquestionably that different tactics were both

necessary and defensible.

However, while 1960 saw the Civil Rights Movement in Jacksonville move towards

more confrontational tactics with the rise of nonviolent protests (consistent with wider trends in

the South), it does not mean that black veterans simply faded away. While sit-in demonstrations

led to violent and highly publicized encounters like that of Axe Handle Saturday, black veterans

remained active in their endeavors. Elcee Lucas continued to act as a political compass for the

black community well into the late 1970s by researching, endorsing, and disseminating

information on candidates he thought were best for Jacksonville's black community. He

78

accomplished this by writing and publishing pamphlets and announcements to spread throughout

the black community. Lucas also continued to offer his aid to black political candidates. He was

instrumental in helping Mary Singleton and Sallye Mathis, both African American, gain election

to city council seats in 1967.220

Ernest Jackson also continued on his path of activism. Well through the 1960s, Jackson

was involved with the appeals process for individuals convicted of unlawful assembly, most

often peaceful protesters working for civil rights causes. Much like his fight against

disproportionate punishment for rape, Jackson did not focus on the issue of guilt, but constructed

his argument about issues with sentencing.221

Jackson remained an active lawyer in the

community, taking on a wide variety of cases well into the 1970s, including a case involving

access to abortion.222

Furthermore, when the new generation began to enlist young activists for

sit-ins and peaceful protests, they went to Ernest Jackson for leadership and legal advice.223

Like the other two veterans, Samuel Bruce's endeavors towards civil rights and equality

did not end in 1960. As the younger of the veterans, Bruce remained an important leader into the

1980s, running for city council in 1983 and 1987.224

Thirty years of civil rights struggles was

not enough to deter Samuel Bruce from running for office later in his life. Like the other

220 Michael Goldman, "Political Mastermind Seeks Candidates for Poor," Florida Times Union and Journal,

November 25, 1978;Francis X. Donnelly, "Old-time Black Politician has 'a Lot to Tell,'" Florida Times Union,

December 26, 1989; Randolph Pendleton, "Black Printer Explains 'The Ticket,'" Florida Times Union, May 7, 1977. 221

Herbert Calendar, Appellant v. State of Florida, Appellee. Leslie Smith, Apellant v. State of Florida, Appellee.

James O'Connor, Appellant v. State of Florida, Appellee, 181 So.2d 529 (Sup Ct Fla 1966). 222

Ernest Jackson remains very active in the legal record, however around 1960 the court cases stopped annotating

race, especially in opinions for his cases. However one case in particular sticks out as peculiar. Bernice Lucas

(while not conclusive, Elcee Lucas had a niece named Bernice Lucas) was arrested for illegally providing abortions.

The circumstances of the case insinuate that there was a racial component. A confession from Bernice was

improperly obtained, and prosecution introduced irrelevant testimony from other alleged "victims" (other women

who claimed to have received an abortion from Bernice). Ultimately, with Jackson as her attorney exposing these

irregularities, the court had to dismiss the ruling. Jackson's reputation and status gained him the opportunity to take

on important cases across state lines in Alabama. 223

Bartley, Keeping the Faith, 99. 224

Lynn Bronikowsi, "Two-man Race in District 9," Florida Times Union, April 6, 1983;"Election At a Glance,"

Florida Times Union, April 15, 1987.

79

veterans, Bruce refused to give up on the civil rights agenda until they felt that equality had been

secured.

The attributes and training that the military provided is not easily forgotten. The military

mindset is not a switch that can be turned on or off. Popular phrases like, "once a Marine always

Marine," stem from the idea that military service irrevocably changes individuals. Military

service is an educational process and unique set of experiences that individuals can continually

draw on, much like a college education. When returning home it is natural for veterans to lean

on what experiences, training, and skills they have. When soldiers return home, they do not

altogether cease being soldiers, they merely adapt to this new life incorporating their military

identity into their new civilian self. Because both civilian and military experiences remain a part

of the same person, there is an inherent connection between the experience of war and what

individuals choose to do with their life next.225

World War II veterans brought home a wide

variety of experiences from across the globe, as well as unique skills from their military training.

For many black World War II veterans their experience helped mold their views on race and the

existing power structures of the postwar environment. Those veterans who chose to act and

initiate challenges to the status quo could directly draw on their respective tenures of their

military service. For black veterans their service permeated every aspect of their lives.

During the research for this project, one interesting trend emerged that warrants mention:

serving in the military clearly had some kind of impact on ideas of black masculinity. While

225

Most psychological studies of soldiers and veterans focus on the effect of combat or factors that make soldiers

effective. In Contemporary Studies in Combat Psychiatry, a collection of essays, scholars examine different groups

of veterans, focusing on primarily on combat motivation and the psychological impact of combat. While their

studies vary greatly, there are subtle common threads among them. The first is that military service, specifically in

combat has a lasting effect on soldiers. Secondly, that soldiers undergo training and indoctrination that help them

endure and continue to operate in these stressful circumstances. If soldiers continue to carry their wartime

psychological experiences with them into their postwar lives, in is reasonable to assume that they other portions of

their service remain a part of them as well. Gregory Belenky, ed., Contemporary Studies in Combat Psychiatry

(New York: Greenwood Press, 1987). Many of the essay have some sort of purpose to identify or to help treat

combat stress to mitigate psychological damage.

80

overseas black men were free to associate with local white women, whether sexually or

platonically. For many black men their race and gender had prevented them from having any

sort of relationship like this, but while overseas, they were on equal terms with their white

counterparts on this regard. While it is difficult to measure the overall impact on these

individuals’ sense of masculinity, military service clearly had some sort of effect. The basic

language and structure of the military emboldened and strengthened the masculinity of black

service members.

This becomes even clearer when examining the actions of civil rights leaders who did not

serve in the military. Both Malcolm Little and Elijah Poole avoided military service with Poole

spending time in prison as a result. Both men underwent conversions to Islam, changing their

names to Malcolm X and Elijah Muhammad. Both became influential leaders in the Nation of

Islam. The Nation of Islam saw black men as having been emasculated by white society and

used rhetoric reinforcing traditional gender roles.226

While Bobby Seale was not a World War II

veteran, he did enlist in the United States Air Force around the time of the Korean War but found

himself removed from their ranks after numerous issues.227

Seale later went on to found the

Black Panthers with Huey Newton, another organization that adopted masculine rhetoric.228

It is

interesting to note that men who did not serve in combat gravitated towards an organization that

espoused ideas of masculinity.

Both of these organizations promoted rigid and traditional forms of masculinity. Seale

even went as far as to say that black men should not join the military in order to prove their

masculinity; they were already men.229

However, it is interesting to consider that maybe military

226

Estes, I Am a Man,88-100. 227

Bobby Seale, A Lonely Rage: The Autobiography of Bobby Seale (New York: Times Books, 1978), 77-99. 228

Estes, I Am a Man,155-156. 229

Ibid., 166-167.

81

service is not an issue of proving masculinity to one's self. It is possible that serving in the

military made it more difficult for white society to deny African American veterans their status

as a man. While these two examples are difficult to draw absolute conclusions from, they are

important to consider. These trends and indications warrant a more in depth exploration of the

impact of military service on black masculinity.

While the period between 1945 and 1960 did not see the end of segregation and

discrimination in Jacksonville, it did see important strides in allowing that time to come. The

events of World War II created a unique set of circumstances that catalyzed African Americans'

pursuits for equality. Leading up to the war, the Civil Rights Movement was not dead in

Jacksonville, or other cities across the United States for that matter, but it certainly did not have

significant momentum. Without the economic transformation that the war facilitated on the

home front and the influx of leaders it provided in the postwar period, it is difficult to imagine

any substantial change to the previous Civil Rights Movement trajectory.

Over a million returning black veterans were essential to the increased momentum in the

Civil Rights Movement across the United States. These men were part of the much broader Civil

Rights Movement. They were the leaders in the postwar period, providing a renewed assault on

segregation and inequality. These men brought attention to the inherent flaws within the system,

and remained active and influential components of the movement, even with the change in

tactics.

Without the transformation of Jacksonville during World War II or actions and

contributions of returning African American veterans it is difficult to imagine the explosive

results that followed in the 1960s and 1970s. While Jacksonville had a specific set of

circumstances during this era, it was by no means an anomaly. Black veterans were returning

82

home to communities across the country, transformed by their experiences and training. Black

veterans were likely having the same level of impact across the country acting as leaders in their

communities. World War II and the black veterans it produced were the most important factors

in revitalizing the Civil Rights Movement.

Understanding the full range of any historically significant event is a difficult task.

Continued investigation and interrogation of events is essential to have the most complete

understanding possible. Often it is easy for society to forget the more humble narratives, or

allow the titans of history to overshadow them. The veterans' stories are often in the category

that is eclipsed, sometimes even by their own military achievements. Wartime efforts are not the

end of the story for those involved, but only the beginning. Understanding and applying this

concept to any generation of soldiers is incredibly important to creating a complete historical

narrative. Furthermore, this comprehensive level of examination and understanding of the

veteran's experience could prove useful for the study of current and future generations of

America’s returning soldiers.

83

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Vita

Bryan Higham was born He was raised by his

parents – Wayne and Shirley. Bryan attended high school

After completing high school Bryan attended Paradise Valley Community

College for two semesters before joining the United States Army as an Infantryman. During his

time in the Army he deployed in support of Operation Iraq Freedom III and V, earning numerous

awards and decorations.

Bryan Higham earned a Bachelor of Art in History, with a minor in Classical

Civilizations at the University of North Florida. He graduated summa cum laude and with

department honors. After graduating with his undergraduate degree, Bryan pursued his Master

of Arts in American history at UNF. While there, Bryan has presented his research at many

forums including the Florida Conference of Historians, the Florida Historic Capitol Museum, the

UNF Board of Trustees, On the Record (UNF Radio Show), Jim Byard's Inside Jacksonville

radio show, and Melissa Ross' First Coast Connect radio show. While Bryan was in the graduate

program at UNF, he was a graduate teaching assistant for four semesters, working in both the

traditional and online environments. During his last year in the program, Bryan was awarded the

Outstanding Graduate Student Award. Additionally, Bryan and some of his colleagues started a

history tech company that he is currently developing and hopes to build a series of smartphone

application tours. Bryan hopes to continue work in education while building his history tech

company.