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SUCCESSFUL AFRICAN-AMERICAN MATHEMATICS STUDENTS IN ACADEMICALLY UNACCEPTABLE HIGH SCHOOLS PETER SHEPPARD, P H . D . Program Manager, Science/Math Teacher Preparation, Adjunct Professor Louisiana State University This study sought to determine the reasons why successful math- ematics students have been able to thrive in schools labeled academically unacceptable and why they have chosen to stay in these academically unacceptable schools despite having the option to leave. Qualitative methods including group interviews, individual interviews, and open-ended questionnaires were used to address the above issues. The study involved successful math- ematics students, and their mathematics teachers and principals from two high schools deemed academically unacceptable. Results indicate that students attribute their success in mathe- matics to good teachers, and personal character traits (ability to focus, desire to succeed, determination, curious/inquisitive nature, and overall belief in self). Participants chose not to attend better performing schools because they feel comfortable at their current school, and have developed a degree of trust at their current school. Moreover, the participants believe that graduating froin a school with problems such as those associat- ed with academically unacceptable schools will better prepare them for the "real world." Educators and those who aspire to improve low-performing schools must pay heed to the advice of those students who have experienced success in low-performing schools in order to avoid exacerbating mathematics ineptness in such schools. The current era of educational account- schools in the media. Steele (2004) asserts ability has been dubbed a dark period in that the consequences from failure to meet American education for a significant seg- accountability goals (specifically testing) ment of the minority population (Kohn, consistently contributes to dropout rates 2000). For African-American students among African Americans and puts their attending inner-city schools it has been lives on a course of restricted opportuni- particularly sinister. Spurred by the require- ty. Drug and alcohol abuse, high crime ments of the No Child Left Behind Act rates, incessant violence, and extreme (NCLB), state accountability systems have poverty are just a few of the negative envi- disproportionately subjected inner-city ronmental factors that create even more schools and its students (most of whom challenging educational circumstances for are African American) to its callous reper- inner-city schools and their surrounding cussions: repercussions which include communities (Dandridge, Edwards, and publicly identifying low-performing Pleasants 2000). While it is obvious that 609

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SUCCESSFUL AFRICAN-AMERICANMATHEMATICS STUDENTS IN ACADEMICALLY

UNACCEPTABLE HIGH SCHOOLS

PETER SHEPPARD, P H . D .

Program Manager, Science/Math Teacher Preparation, Adjunct ProfessorLouisiana State University

This study sought to determine the reasons why successful math-ematics students have been able to thrive in schools labeledacademically unacceptable and why they have chosen to stay inthese academically unacceptable schools despite having theoption to leave. Qualitative methods including group interviews,individual interviews, and open-ended questionnaires were usedto address the above issues. The study involved successful math-ematics students, and their mathematics teachers and principalsfrom two high schools deemed academically unacceptable.Results indicate that students attribute their success in mathe-matics to good teachers, and personal character traits (ability tofocus, desire to succeed, determination, curious/inquisitivenature, and overall belief in self). Participants chose not toattend better performing schools because they feel comfortableat their current school, and have developed a degree of trust attheir current school. Moreover, the participants believe thatgraduating froin a school with problems such as those associat-ed with academically unacceptable schools will better preparethem for the "real world." Educators and those who aspire toimprove low-performing schools must pay heed to the advice ofthose students who have experienced success in low-performingschools in order to avoid exacerbating mathematics ineptness insuch schools.

The current era of educational account- schools in the media. Steele (2004) assertsability has been dubbed a dark period in that the consequences from failure to meetAmerican education for a significant seg- accountability goals (specifically testing)ment of the minority population (Kohn, consistently contributes to dropout rates2000). For African-American students among African Americans and puts theirattending inner-city schools it has been lives on a course of restricted opportuni-particularly sinister. Spurred by the require- ty. Drug and alcohol abuse, high crimements of the No Child Left Behind Act rates, incessant violence, and extreme(NCLB), state accountability systems have poverty are just a few of the negative envi-disproportionately subjected inner-city ronmental factors that create even moreschools and its students (most of whom challenging educational circumstances forare African American) to its callous reper- inner-city schools and their surroundingcussions: repercussions which include communities (Dandridge, Edwards, andpublicly identifying low-performing Pleasants 2000). While it is obvious that

609

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"these schools need help desperately," pre-liminary evidence indicates states anddistricts are frequently slow to aggressivelyimprove or overhaul failing schools (Amer-ican Federation of Teachers, 1999; Brady,2003).

Nonetheless, there are pillars of suc-cess in low-performing schools that arefrequently overshadowed and perhapsunknown to the public. Most conspicu-ously unnoticed are high-achievingstudents in mathematics. Few would dis-agree with the conjecture that mathematicshas been the proverbial Achilles heel forstudents attending low-performing schools;therefore it seems appropriate to make thecentral focus of this study those studentswho stand out academically despite thedreadful conditions present in their schooland community. Accordingly, it is anobjective of this study to contribute to thelimited research associated with state-des-ignated poor schools and high-achievingAfrican-American mathematics studentsattending such schools. This study chron-icles such students'journeys by examiningthe following questions:

1. What are the reasons why suc-cessful mathematics students havebeen able to thrive in academicallyunacceptable schools?2. Why they have chosen to stayin these academically unacceptableschools despite having the option toleave for a better performing school?

NCLB and Louisiana'sAccountability System

By virtue of the Tenth Amendment tothe United States Constitution, the feder-

al government yielded jurisdiction overpublic schools to individual states. Thisformality notwithstanding, the U.S. feder-al government has flexed its financialmuscle over the years to dictate the man-ner in which states operate their publicschools. Rose (2004) indicates that"NCLB moved the federal effort to influ-ence schools to a new and higher level -more aggressive, focused, and directive (p.121)." This new legislation promises animportant shift in efforts at all levels toimprove the quality of public education(Rittner & Lucas, 2003). NCLB seeks toclose the persistent achievement gapthrough a multifaceted and comprehensiveapproach that is based on accountabilityfor results; an emphasis on doing whatworks based on scientific research; expand-ed parental options; and expanded localcontrol and flexibility (Thompson, 2002;US Department of Education, 2002).

In addition, NCLB requires states topublicly identify low-performing schools.Furthermore, those schools identified aspoor performing, are required to offer stu-dents the option of attending higherperforming schools through the schoolchoice mandate. School choice policieswere upheld by the US Supreme Court in2002 and hailed by the US Department ofEducation as "perhaps the most importanteducation decision (by the Supreme Court)since Brown v. Board of Education"(Thompson, 2002; US Department of Edu-cation, 2002a).

Even though the NCLB legislationrequires schools nationwide to have rig-orous systems of accountability, individualstates do have some autonomy in design-ing and implementing such systems. One

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of the most acclaimed states in the coun-try for its accountability system isLouisiana; yet the Annie Casey Founda-tion, which produces the annual KidsCount report, rated Louisiana 49th of 50states for child well-being as measured byeducation, health, and economic condi-tions (Associated Press, 2004). Thus, itseems appropriate to investigate success-ful students under Louisiana'saccountability system, which has high stan-dards for students despite the overall poorwelfare of its students.

The state of Louisiana, one of the poor-est states in the nation, has beenconsistently ranked near the bottom onalmost every national measure of academicperformance (Council of Chief StateSchool Officers, 2003). Nonetheless, itwas among the first states to comply withthe accountability requirements of NCLB.After making modifications to its originalplan to comply with NCLB, Louisiana hasbeen lauded for its accountability system.The state now ranks first in the country forits efforts to improve school and studentperformance, and first for its efforts toimprove teacher quality (Louisiana Depart-ment of Education, 2005; Education Week,2005).

A major component of Louisiana'saccountability program provides the pub-lic with annual School Report Cards andSchool Performance Scores (SPS). Highschool SPS are generated from student per-formance on criterion-referenced tests,norm-referenced tests, attendance, anddropout rates. The Graduate Exit Examfor the 21st century (GEE) a criterion-ref-erenced test, makes up sixty percent of theSPS. The Iowa Test of Educational Devel-

opment, a norm-referenced test, makes upthirty percent, while attendance anddropout rates account for five percent each.The GEE is considered "high stakes"because it makes up 60 percent of the SPS,and all students must pass it before receiv-ing a state endorsed high school diploma.In 2003, forty-nine percent of African-Americans taking the mathematics GEEfor the first time failed the test. In 2001 &2002, the failure rate exceeded fifty per-cent.

If a school's SPS is below 60.0 (effec-tive 2005, formerly 45.0) the school willbe labeled an academically unacceptableschool. If the school is labeled academi-cally unacceptable, students have theopportunity to leave the unacceptableschool for a better performing school. Inessence, the students will then have theoption of exercising their school choiceright. The US Department of Education(2002b) affirms, "the beneficiaries ofschool choice are overwhelmingly minor-ity, typically Black students."

Accountability also affects studentsindividually. Each student in Louisianareceives a report from the Louisiana StateDepartment of Education which labels theirperformance as Advanced, Mastery (for-merly Proficient), Basic, ApproachingBasic, or Unsatisfactory (this is in contrastto the pass/fail distinctions given to stu-dents who took the graduate proficiencyexams of the 199O's). A student receivingan Unsatisfactory score on the GEE mustretake the test until it is passed. If the stu-dent does not reach a passing score he/shewill not receive a state endorsed highschool diploma. Horn (2003) pointed outthat high stakes testing may increase the

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number of students leaving high schoolwithout a diploma.

At the time of this study, seventy-fiveschools statewide were labeled academi-cally unacceptable. Ironically, even atthese schools, which are primarily inner-city schools in large urban school districtswith majority African American popula-tion, there are some students who havebeen academically successful in mathe-matics. For the sake of this study,successful students will be defined as thosestudents who scored at the Advanced orMastery level in mathematics on the GEE.In 2003, only six percent of African-Amer-icans scored at the Advanced or Masterylevel in mathematics on the GEE(Louisiana Department of Education,2003).

Related LiteratureBeing African American in the United

States has been described as a major dis-advantage for an individual (Bankston &Caldas, 1996). It is also a common find-ing that schools and school districtsenrolling predominantly minority studentstend to score lower on standardized edu-cational achievement tests than thoseenrolling predominantly non-minority stu-dents (Sireci, Deleon, & Washington,2002).

Horn (2003) found that non-White, non-Asian students, as well as students withspecial needs and English as a Second Lan-guage (ESL) learners, are among thegroups that are adversely affected by statemandated high stakes tests. Furthermore,African Americans have been greatlyunderrepresented among the highest scor-

ers on standardized tests (Horn, 2003).Townsend (2002) states that at the heart ofmany standards-based school reform ini-tiatives are disastrous academic outcomesexperienced by African Americans, His-panics, and impoverished learners asmeasured by standardized tests. No mat-ter how mathematics achievement andpersistence is measured, African Ameri-cans seem to lag behind (Martin, 2000).

Milner (2002) suggests that African-American high-achieving students faceseveral challenges, including under-fund-ed schools with meager resources,emotional and psychological distress asbrought upon by peers and societal per-ceptions, exclusion and isolation, andpowerlessness. Likewise, Steele (2004)indicates that African-American studentsin inner city schools are more likely to: a)be taught by uncertified and poorly trainedteachers; b) experience corporal punish-ment and suspensions; c) encounter anespecially distracting peer culture in juniorhigh or high school; d) be tracked intolower academic and special educationclasses than other students; and e) go toschools with few or no Advanced Place-ment courses.

Furthermore, African Americans fromlow income families must also endure thecumulative effects of exposure to com-munity violence, poverty, racism,oppression, and other forms of abuse(Jipguep & Sanders-Phillips, 2003). Lad-son-Billings (1998) points out students ofcolor are often misrepresented as having"dangerous minds," instead of more aptlybeing associated with living and learningin "dangerous times."

Despite the presence of ominous cir-

Successful African-American .../ 613

cumstances, there exists a select cadre ofAfrican-American students who find waysto rise above the aforementioned adversi-ties. Maton, Hrabowski, and Grief (1998)found that high levels of parental academicengagement, strictness, nurturance, andcommunity connectedness collectivelyappeared to counteract the negative con-textual influences of neighborhood, peers,schools, and society. Martin (2000) hadsimilar findings pointing out that familyand teacher support, individual goals, andthe need to help others through communi-ty service were all contributors tomathematics success of African-Americanstudents. Tucker, Herman, Pederson, Vogel,and Reinke (2000) found that African-American students believe keys to theiracademic success include (1) academicpreparation and active participation inclass, (2) positive peer influences in pro-moting academic success, and (3) praiseand encouragement by teachers and par-ents.

The emergence of accountability sys-tems, which make unacceptable schoolsknown to the public and allows for schoolchoice, provides a strong incentive to re-investigate mathematics achievement ofAfrican-American students in low per-forming schools. Further, over a centuryago there existed considerable disparitiesin nearly every aspect of education fromachievement to facilities. Similarly, thepresent profile of educational opportunityfor a significant segment of African-Amer-ican children mirrors that of the early 20thcentury; predominantly Black and minor-ity schools are most often housed incrumbling facilities, suffer from starvedbudgets, and lack essential resources (Sul-

livan, 2004). W.E.B. Dubois, an early 20thcentury philosopher, proposed that acad-emically elite students ought to be centralfigures in overcoming such obstacles; heoften referred to this group as the Talent-ed Tenth. Dubois (1903) stated "TheTalented Tenth must be made leaders ofthought and missionaries of culture amongtheir people. No others can do this work...[This society] is going to be saved by itsexceptional men." DuBois' conjecture pro-vides a noteworthy justification for thisstudy to focus on successful mathematicsstudents who are conceivably amongtoday's Talented Tenth. Thus, they are like-ly to contribute to solving some of theenigmas associated with African-Ameri-can students' deficiencies in mathematics.Moody (2000) states "much can be learnedfrom those African-American students whohave been successful with school mathe-matics. Listening to success stories hasthe potential to create dialogue amongmathematics educators about particularfactors and schooling practices that con-tribute to the success of African-Americanmathematics students. [These success sto-ries] can help us explore ways to improvethe mathematics education and ultimatelythe mathematical experiences of African-American students (p. 51)."

MethodGiven that this investigation attempts

to 1) gain a descriptive understanding ofhow the participants triumph over the per-ceived obstacles embedded in lowperforming schools and 2) obtain percep-tive explanations as to why to they chosenot to attend better performing schools, a

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qualitative approach is appropriate. Twoschools from Urban Independent SchoolDistrict (UISD) were selected for thisstudy, Lake High School and River HighSchool (pseudonyms). The LouisianaDepartment of Education labeled thoseschools academically unacceptable basedon their SPS. In Fall 2004, Fifty-four ofthe seventy-five academically unaccept-able schools in the state were located inUISD. Lake High and River High wereamong the few high schools to enroll atleast five successful African-Americanmathematics students. Moreover, the abovehigh schools were idealistic for this studybecause they were lauded for exemplify-ing significant academic improvement eventhough the schools are considered acade-mically unacceptable. The state recognizedboth schools for their efforts to improveby bestowing upon them the "RecognizedAcademic Growth" label. This perhaps per-sonifies the baffling nature ofaccountability systems.

Finally, a total of sixteen students wereinvited to participate in the study. Sevenmales and three females were eligible fromLake High School, while three males andthree females were eligible from RiverHigh School. Of those sixteen students,eleven students returned the required par-ticipant assent forms - seven males andfour females. Thus, eleven successful stu-dents, two teachers, and two principalsfrom the selected schools were includedin the study. The researcher only soughtmathematics teachers students and princi-pals identified as considerably influentialin students' mathematics achievement. Insome cases, those teachers identified as

influential, were no longer employed withthe school. Issues of attrition at Lake Highand River High mirror national trendswhich indicate a large number of teacherstransfer out of the most difficult urbanschools to seek employment elsewhere inthe district or in suburban school districts(Jorissen, 2003).

Data CollectionThe researcher used a varied approach

to data collection including group and indi-vidual interviews, and open-ended surveys.However, all three sets of participants (stu-dents, teachers, and principals) weresubjected to tape-recorded interviews.

Each of the eleven students in the studycompleted a ten item open-ended surveyrelated to the objectives of this study. Thestudents then participated in one-hour tapedsmall group interview sessions as a fol-low-up to the survey results. The groupinterviews took place within a week of theparticipants completing the open-endedsurvey. The group interviews were notfocus groups but rather provided a groupsetting in each individual addressed allinterview questions (Maton et. al, 1998).

The researcher also conducted separateone hour audio-taped interviews with theprincipals and math teachers. Math teach-ers were interviewed individually in theirclassrooms for one hour each and princi-pals were interviewed individually in theiroffices for one hour each. To this extent,the study attempted to incorporate data tri-angulation, which is the use of a variety ofdata sources in a study (Denzin & Lincoln,1994). Marshall & Rossman (1995) point

Successful African-American ... / 615

out that studies in which more than onedata gathering method is used can strength-en the study's usefulness for other settings.

All interview questions were guided byMerriam's (1998) guidelines for interviewquestions designed to stimulate responses.These questions include: (1) hypotheticalquestions (e.g., suppose you were the prin-cipal of the school, what would you do toimprove the academic status of yourschool?); (2) devil's advocate questions(e.g., some people typify your school in alargely negative manner, what would yousay to them?); and (3) ideal position ques-tions (e.g., describe to me your idea of anideal school).

Additionally, all of the collected datahave been reduced, coded, clustered, andanalyzed for congruent themes (Miles &Huberman, 1994). Those processes wereguided by Siedman's (1998) suggestionsfor examining interview data whichinclude: recognizing and explaining con-nective threads among the experiences ofthe participants; confirming or rejectingprevious instincts; determining if partici-pant responses are consistent orinconsistent with the literature; and iden-tifying interview data that may go beyondthe findings of prior studies. Further, theresearcher submitted transcripts to the par-ticipants for their review and/or editing, ina process referred to as member checking.

ResultsOne of the aims of this study was to

highlight the often overlooked resilience ofsuccessful mathematics students in acad-emically unacceptable schools (Martin,2000). The results presented will providethe reader with a few exemplars of suc-

cessful students in academically unac-ceptable schools and it is hoped that theseresults will provide greater understandingof the issues discussed in this study (Pat-ton, 1986). Further, although this studyonly provided descriptions of students fromtwo low performing schools, it also cap-tured and perhaps reflected larger issuesassociated with low performing schools,high achieving mathematics students, andschool choice. In the aggregate the aboveissues in fact represent the building of the-ory related to "unacceptable" lowperforming schools and African-Americanhigh achievers (Yin, 1989).

Research Question #1The first major research question in this

study sought to determine the reasons whysuccessful mathematics students have beenable to thrive in academically unacceptableschools.

Student participants in this study pri-marily attribute their success to theirmathematics teachers, and their own per-sonal traits (ability to focus, desire tosucceed, determination, curious/inquisi-tive nature, and overall belief in self). Theparticipants mentioned that teachers' abil-ity to separate mathematics intocomprehensible chunks ultimately allowedthem to flourish in mathematics. Thisapproach to teaching led students to anincrease in student confidence in mathe-matics, an apparent decrease inmathematics anxiety, and an overall changein attitude towards school among the stu-dent participants (as mentioned by studentparticipants). The second most prevalentreason the participants feel they are sue-

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cessful is because of personal traits theypossess. The participants mentioned arange of personal traits which include theability to focus, desire to succeed, deter-mination, and curious/inquisitive nature.Collectively, it is also evident that thesestudents have a strong belief in self. Eachof the students circuitously or directlypointed out that believing they could suc-ceed contributed to their success inmathematics. Bauman (1998) points outthat African Americans who take a role intheir own advancement invest more timein their education and thus seek greatereconomic opportunities as a result of theirpersonal commitment to education.

"The fact that I am considered a suc-cessful mathematics student has alot to do with my math teacher, Mr.Greece because math was my worstsubject. There were times when Iwould want to just give up, maybeit's just not for me, but he told me'don't give up, it's not hard, you cando it.' From there it was all me. Ibegan studying harder. I began toget on top of everything. When I amdetermined to do something, I willdo it and I was determined to suc-ceed in math. I became even moreserious about my work once I tast-ed success. Plus I am motivated tograduate. It's like my biggest thingthat I have is that I want to graduate.That's my real motivation, gradua-tion." Sara, River High School.

"I have to give credit to my mathe-matics teachers because I believethat I am a success because of their

teaching. In addition I have been asuccessful mathematics student andwill continue to be successfulbecause I do not just rely on the edu-cation I get at this school. I readbooks beyond the school walls. Ihave a great interest in doing that. Iguess it is my inquisitive tempera-ment. I guess it is the way myparents raised me and what I learned- kind of through life. So if you wantto be successful don't rely solely onthe school. School is only a portionof what is required to be a success.I encourage them to read books,watch educational programs, and usethe Google search engine. I thinkthat kind of reflects my view of edu-cation." Zeke, Lake High School

"The reason why I am a strong stu-dent in math is because the teachersthat I had taught me well. I listenedand paid attention in class becauseI did not think I was that good inmath at one time. So I started attend-ing school tutorial programs afterschool, on Saturdays and during thesummer. All of the teachers in theprograms helped me be successful.Once I started doing well, all of thembecame very supportive of my suc-cess. They often compliment me ondoing well. It could be because theyreally took time with me. AnythingI didn't understand they alwaysexplained it to me, step by step.They kept going over it with me.Anything that could have helped meimprove, they offered it to me. So I

Successful African-American .../ 617

think they wanted the best for me.Pandora, River High School

"I think we have some good teach-ers here. I take advantage of that.Some kids do not. Like when I hadMs. Leavy, I would stop the classand make them be quiet. Ms. Leavyused to talk to me about how I amdoing in class, so then I started pay-ing attention and participating inclass. She tried to make it fun forme and I started catching on a littleat a time. Basically, that's why Ihave a lot of respect for her. Shedoesn't teach here any more, butevery time I see her I always speakto her and tell her how good shemade me. Without her, I would prob-ably have dropped out. Now mathis my favorite subject. I'm success-ful because I had people like MsLeavy who were forcing me to learn.That made me want to learn and Iwant to do well in my classes. Ireached a point when I felt I wasready to learn different things andthat turned into success." Titus,River High School

One of the student participants had apeculiar set of circumstances. Heexplained that he had poor mathematicsteachers in the past and a tumultuous, dis-mal home life. He attributes his success toa determination to be the best he can be and"be better than my family." His case is evenmore intriguing because it implies that hispersonal tenacity and self-confidence off-set the oppressive state of affairs presentin his home and school life.

"The thing that made me successfulis that I have never shied away frombeing focused on my education. Idon't think it really had anything todo with the teachers. I had two math-ematics teachers last year and bothof them were not that good. If Iwould have had a good teacher like,Mr. Egypt, who teaches me this year,I would have had an even betterscore on the GEE.My success also comes from mewanting to prove people wrongbecause when I get home I get called'stupid.' I tell them that I am notstupid and I am going to be betterthan you. Well, it really makes mewant to try harder because I know Iam going to be better than them andthat's going to be the final word onit. So, I have to do well because myhome is so horrible. I really want todo something better with my life."Vemon, Lake High School

Although parents and early school back-ground were mentioned by the studentparticipants, those responses were not per-vasive. Three of the students mentionedthat their parents were indeed contributorsto their success. They mentioned thatparental discipline, encouragement, andgeneral rearing were the main things par-ents have done to ensure their academicdevelopment. This, however, was not amajor thread in the interviews.

"One of the keys to my success isthat I am curious. 'Curiosity killedthe cat,' but in my case, curiositymade the cat a genius. Like if I do

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not know something and I am curi-ous about it, I am going to look it up.I think my curiosity started out whenI was a kid. I used to play with Legotoys and wonder how differentpieces can fit together and makesomething bigger. You start toyingwith that and everything else startsto get bigger and better. I have toadmit my family does contribute alot to my success. My dad is a pohceofficer, so I have a certain respectfor authority. You sort of listen towhat they have to say in differentways and it has that influence. Mymom raised me in church school formost of my elementary school yearsand then she put me in home schoolfor 7th and 8th grade. Since mybrother got into trouble when he wasmy age they needed to show mewhat not to do. They talk to meabout stuff. They rode me. Theysaid don't do this and you knowwhat's going to happen if you dothis. They make sure I'm using com-mon sense. Yann, Lake High School

"My parents have a big influence onme. My mom likes to brag to herfriends and family about how wellI'm doing. That inspires me to tryharder. She also expects a lot fromme. If I make all 'A's' and one 'B,'she will say why did you make the'B'? She says 'A's" are what I amsupposed to make. When I do wellI think I am doing it for both my par-ents. For me, I like doing well inmath because it's my favorite sub-

ject." Ulysses, Lake High School

Conversely, the adult participants(teachers and principals) felt that studentachievement was a direct result of parentalinfluence, prior educational foundation,and personal character traits. In referenceto personal traits, the principals and teach-ers seem to agree that strong personal traitsincrease the chances of being a successfulmathematics student. Aptitude, fortitude,and purposeful commitment were amongthe desirable traits mentioned.

"What separates high achievingmath students in my school fromother students is their aptitude formath and their fondness of the sub-ject. I think number one it's theirparents at home. They have parentswho really care about their educationand want them to do well academi-cally. Additionally, high achieversat my school overcome obstaclesbecause they have a support system.I think they need a lot of support.That is a big part of my role, to tryto give them the support they needat school. Even though I think theirsuccess is more about the founda-tion in earlier grades and from theirparents, I would like to attract andretain outstanding math teachers towork here because I think they canreally make a difference. Mr. Noah,Principal, Lake High School

Moreover, one of the teachers did men-tion that his work is less arduous if he hasa student who has a good parental support

Successful African-American .../ 619

system and solid academic foundation; onthe other hand the same teacher also saidthat if he encounters a student who has hadmultiple years of inept teaching, reversingthose influences is a monumental task andperhaps unalterable. The task becomeseven more problematic with the addedpressure of having the student prepared forstandardized high stakes test instead offocusing on foundational mathematicalskills the student may lack.

"You have to teach even harderbecause you teach at a {low per-forming school}. There is a lot thatgoes into it. You try to get the kidsto buy in, first of all. Then after youget them to believe that they can do,then you have to show them that theycan succeed. Of course, if the childis rooted at home and has values andthe parents have ingrained in himthe importance of an education, allI am doing is coming back cleaningand buffing it up. My work is not aslaborious with that particular stu-dent as it would be with someonewho did not have that type ofupbringing. I don't have to convincethat student that he is capable ofdoing. He knows that he can do."Mr. Greece, Mathematics Teacher,River High School

One teacher mentioned that disciplinewas a major problem in urban schools; thusinsinuating, that a cadre of self-disciplinedstudents would lead to more instructionaltime for teachers, which would likely leadto higher achievement.

Research Question #2The second major research question in

this study asks, why have successful math-ematics students chosen to stay inacademically unacceptable schools despitehaving the option to leave for a better per-forming school?

All of the student participants in thisstudy firmly believed that remaining attheir present school was the best choicefor them. The reasons cited all revolvearound the comfortable feeling they havewith their schools. Students' familiaritywith school rules, friends, teachers, andatmosphere in general convinced them tocontinue attending the academically unac-ceptable schools. Some even mentionedthat their schools have developed a fami-ly atmosphere. They also mentioned thata change would not be worth building newrelationships with teachers, students, anda new school culture. It is safe to assumethat these students trust their respectiveschools. Goddard et al., (2001) found thattrust makes schools better places for stu-dents to learn: the greater the trust thegreater the student achievement.

"I decided to stay at this schoolbecause I am athlete and I am a partof several extracurricular organiza-tions at the school. If I were to leave,I would have let down my team-mates. I also did not want to start allover again as far as getting to knowa new school and new people. In away since people feel this is a badschool I wanted to let them knowthat I can do something good here.There are some people at this schoolthat can do good things. However, Ido know some people will think that

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I cannot do much because I attend-ed River High, and think otherstudents can do more because theyattended better schools." Ruth,River High School

"No matter what the problems areat River High I would not leave itfor anything in the world. I love myschool. I wanted to get attend thisschool since I was in elementaryschool. I have always lived downthe street from the school. When Iwas going to elementary school, Iwould look from through the win-dow from the bus at River High andsay 'one day I am going there.'When the opportunity came tochoose another school, I said 'forgetit, I am where I want to be.' Omar,River High School

Adult participants believed that studentsshould stay at their present school because:a) the school does provide them with agood education; b) they could take on therole of humanitarians - helping the otherstudents in the school to improve; c) theycould stand out academically; and d) theycould continue to receive adequate sup-port from teachers (see Table 8). Only oneadult participant mentioned that parentswould have any impact on a student switch-ing schools and none of the studentparticipants did so. Perhaps since the stu-dent participants are in high school theyare given more liberty to make decisionsregarding their future.

"If I had the option to leave and Iwas a high-achiever in math student.

I guess I would stay simply becauseI would be the top of the line. Iwould be one of the top studentshere, and if I had this in my heart Icould help my fellow students. Icould certainly excel and be a bigfish in little waters as opposed togoing to a situation where everybodyexcels and might just be one in theline. So, if I were a high-achievingmath student, I would want to stay,first, because I had this ingrainedthing in my heart that I would liketo help my classmates. Secondly, Iwould be that big stick in little watersover here." Mr. Moses, PrincipalRiver High School

"If I were a high achiever in this dayand age I would want to stay at thisschool to help raise the level of aca-demic achievement of the ones thatare not as academically talented. Asa teacher, I have helped out highachievers so in turn I expect them tohelp the others. On the first day ofschool I tell them, 'I'm going to treatyou guys like bananas. They startlaughing. 'A banana?'Yes! I'mgoing to peel you undl I get to thegood part, and I peel them. It wouldbe great to have some of those highachievers helping me peel studentsin need of assistance." Mr. Egypt,Mathematics Teacher, Lake HighSchool

Conceivably the most stunning revela-fion from major research question number

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two is the predominant view that graduat-ing from either academically unacceptableschool would translate into future success- as an adult. The student and adult par-ticipants felt if all variables were the samestudents would fare better in life if theygraduated from their present school ratherthan a higher performing school. The par-ticipants believe that their experiences atLake High and River High mirror thosethat are common in the "real world." Thusit is assumed by the participants in thisstudy, that attending these socially chal-lenging schools will make them betterequipped for life's ups and downs. This isof particular importance in light of Bon-ner's (1997) study which found thatAfrican-American students emerge intothe adult world confused about their iden-tity, and have problems relating to Blackand non-Black populations. This particu-lar group of students may not have suchproblems because they may have observedor endured similar life lessons in highschool.

"I decided to stay at this schoolbecause I feel comfortable here. Apart of learning is opening yourmind. You can't accomplish that byfeeling uncomfortable. I think thatI will probably come out as a betterstudent than somebody who cameout of a better (performing) school,just because I had extra problems todeal with and if we made the samescore, and I went through a little bitmore, it will make me a better per-son overall." Warren, a River HighSchool

"One reason I decided to stay at this

school is that it does not matter whatI school go to I can still get a goodeducation if I stay focused and lis-ten to my teachers. I also feel verycomfortable here at Lake High. Iwant to also prove people wrongwho would say it's not a good school.I really feel that I will be more suc-cessful graduating from here becauseI am dealing with situations thatoccur in the real world and that willhelp prepare me for real life." Xana,River High School

ConclusionIt is unlikely that the designers of

accountability systems can fathom theheinous conditions present in academi-cally unacceptable schools. Participantsin this study mentioned an array of prob-lems from apathy and restlessness to angermanagement and violence. For the aver-age student, the above problems areinsurmountable and subsequently inhibittheir ability to achieve academically; espe-cially in a challenging subject area likemathematics.

Fortunately, the students in this studyare among a cadre of exceptional studentswho are able to persevere in spite of beingplaced in undesirable conditions. Theyexhibit an uncanny resilience that seems toimmunize them from the perils associatedwith academically unacceptable schools.Moreover, they collectively have a staunchcommitment to the school that cannot bealtered by the enticement of a perceivedbetter school. This study gave them the

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opportunity to share the tenets of their suc-cess, which turn out to be insightful andrelatively reasonable.

Educators and those who aspire toimprove low-performing schools must takeheed of the advice of those students whohave experienced success under the duressof attending an unacceptable school.Although it may seem a cliche, unaccept-able schools need good mathematicsteachers: yet it will take a monumentalshift in educational policy to attract goodmathematics teachers to poor performingschools. Moreover, such transformationcalls for a redistribution of funds that wouldprovide worthwhile incentives for teachersto work in low-performing schools, andprovide meaningful professional develop-ment (from universities, local/nationalconsultants etc.) to help teachers engage ininstructional practices that lead to highachievement and increased efficacy amonginner-city high school students. Are poli-cy makers, universities, businesses, andthe community at large willing to makeradical changes to the way we respond toacademically unacceptable schools, or willwe continue to rely on superficial solu-tions to an alarming problem? If wecontinue to be unresponsive, we can expectonly to exacerbate the problem, not solveit.

Further, school principals, teachers, andleaders must make a more concentratedeffort to exalt students who are high-achievers. In light of what successfulstudents have mentioned in this study,esteem is a function of success. Therefore,efforts to increase esteem and subsequentlyincrease achievement should be of the

utmost priority. Hence, stars of the math-ematics classroom should be higher on theproverbial totem pole, than stars of the bas-ketball court. Changes in school cultureof this kind can only be effectively initiat-ed by savvy administrators who trulyunderstand that in the age of accountabil-ity it is the academicians who are the crownjewels of the school, and not the athletes.

Metaphorically, remedies such as theabove would require an "act of Congress."Unfortunately, if you consider Congress'recent track record on educational reformthat may not even be a wise decision. Asa result of the Congressionally-approvedNo Child Left Behind Act, low-performingschools are bemoaned with defamatorylabels and thus have further stigmatizedtheir students. Judiciously, the act offersstudents the chance to switch schools andattend a better performing school. Eventhough the concept seems meritorious, pre-liminary results show that large numbersof students have an unwavering commit-ment to their schools. Furthermore, highschools have evolved into social phenom-ena that promote school pride: that sameschool pride evokes a sense of school cit-izenship that is unlikely to succumb to thelure of a better performing school - whichin many ways negates the concept of schoolchoice.

If current trends in accountability sys-tems continue, inner city schools will barethe brunt of the ramifications for not meet-ing academic standards. Most oftenmathematics ineptness is the major culpritfor not meeting such standards. Solutionsto this problem run the gamut, but it seemsthat assigning wretched labels (such as

Successful African-American .../ 623

academically unacceptable) is not theanswer. Who can possibly benefit fromsuch designation? Conceivably, the labelsmay have been designed to jumpstart list-less administrators, teachers, and students.Unfortunately, early outcomes indicate thatonce schools are tagged with low per-forming labels, they have a tendency tomaintain that undesirable status which mayimply that the listless remain listless.

Nonetheless, very few solutions includethe suggestions of students who actuallysucceed while enduring troubling circum-stances. If input from successfulmathematics students is consistentlyignored, it is likely that the current achieve-ment gap will persist. Consequently, ageneration of underserved African Amer-icans from inner-city schools may becomedisenfranchised with no high school diplo-ma and limited means to fulfill theAmerican Dream.

In conclusion, the findings from thisstudy should not be interpreted as anec-dotal. States have scurried to comply withNCLB and initial results reveal a bevy ofcircumstances similar to those discussed inthis study. As policymakers and educa-tors view the data from the lowestperforming schools, it is hoped that theylook beyond the statistical mean of eachschool when searching for solutions. Theoutcomes of this study show that it mayalso be wise for educators and policy-makers to consult high-achievers in lowperforming schools who outperform schoolmeans. These exceptional students havethe propensity to provide valuable input increating practical blueprints to improve thestatus of underachieving schools. This

approach is perhaps more viable thanexclusively encouraging a mass exodusfrom schools which were once the nucle-us of communities.

Further study is encouraged to: 1) bet-ter understand the experience of successfulmathematics students who attend low per-forming elementary and middle schools; 2)determine if students who exercise theirright of school choice demonstrate successat the new school; and 3) determine theinfluence of parents on success and schoolchoice in elementary, middle schools, andhigh schools that are considered low per-forming.

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