1/9/14 West Papua Report January 2014: Special Autonomy Plus, Danny Kogoya, TNI road building, education

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West Papua Report January 2014

This is the 117th in a series of monthly reports that focus on developments affecting Papuans. This seriesis produced by the non-profit West Papua Advocacy Team (WPAT) drawing on media accounts, otherNGO assessments, and analysis and reporting from sources within West Papua. This report is co-published by the East Timor and Indonesia Action Network (ETAN). Back issues are posted online athttp://www.etan.org/issues/wpapua/default.htm Questions regarding this report can be addressed toEdmund McWilliams at edmcw@msn.com. If you wish to receive the report directly via e-mail, send a noteto etan@etan.org. Link to this issue: http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/2013/1401wpap.htm

The Report leads with "Perspective," an opinion piece; followed by "Update," a summary of somedevelopments during the covered period; and then "Chronicle" which includes analyses, statements, newresources, appeals and action alerts related to West Papua. Anyone interested in contributing a"Perspective" or responding to one should write to edmcw@msn.com. The opinions expressed inPerspectives are the author's and not necessarily those of WPAT or ETAN. For additional news on WestPapua see the reg.westpapua listserv archive or on Twitter.

CONTENTS

This edition's PERSPECTIVE examines the Special Autonomy Plus plan under consideration

by Jakarta. It draws in part on comments made by an Indonesian delegation to the U.S. madeup of key planners associated with the concept.

This edition's UPDATE examines the mysterious death of a prominent Papuan, DannyKogoya. A Papua New Guinea court has said his death should be treated as murder. The

Indonesian media severely misrepresented the views of Jeremy Bally, a prominent campaigner

for Papuan human rights. We publish here his thus far unpublished letter to the Jakarta Postcorrecting the record. Indonesia plans to send additional military personnel to heavily

militarized West Papua. A prominent Papuan has criticized the role of the military in the

construction of 900 kms of road in West Papua. A local OPM commander denied Indonesianclaims of a mass surrender of guerrillas. A representative of the Catholic Church condemned

human rights violations in Wamena.

In CHRONICLE, we note an analysis which contends that the Indonesian state, and not local

Papuans, are responsible for the failure of education services in the Papuan highlands. Anarticle underscores the critical role to be played in Papuans' future by the Melanesian

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The official also noted thatthere was concern that thewhole project "may not get offthe ground before SBY leavesoffice."

article underscores the critical role to be played in Papuans' future by the Melanesian

Spearhead Group. A report describes the plight of Papuans who have returned to WestPapua from self-imposed exile in PNG only to face chronic unemployment. There was a

significant increase in violence against journalist in West Papua.

PERSPECTIVESpecial Autonomy Plus

by Ed McWilliams

Velix Wanggai, Special Staff to the President of the Republic of Indonesia on Regional

Development and Regional Autonomy, visited Washington, DC, and New York City early inDecember to describe progress on President Yudhoyono's Special Autonomy Plus (otonomi

khusus plus, also known as Enhanced Special Autonomy) plan. Wanggai was accompanied

by a retinue of officials from the central government and the office of the Papua provincialGovernor Lukas Enembe.

The following account is drawn from a

December 9 meeting between the author ofthis Perspective and Wanggai, and his

assistants, as well as from Wanggai's

presentation at a December 10 briefingorganized by the United States-Indonesia

Society (USINDO), Additional observationscome from a meeting in New York withWPAT and ETAN members.

Special Autonomy Plus is supposed to replace Special Autonomy (otonomi khusus,OTSUS), passed in 2001 and widely rejected in West Papua. The official Majelis RakyatPapua (Papuan People's Council, MRP) passed a broad resolution in June 2010 rejecting

Special Autonomy and calling for a referendum on Papuans' political future, among otherdemands.

Planning for Special Autonomy Plus is still very much a work in progress with principaldrafting organized by the Central Government, under Mr. Wanggai's leadership, but withPapuan input as well. The two provincial-level administrations of West Papua ("Papua" and

"West Papua") had been working independently of each other and made significantly differentrecommendations. The Papua province (Manokwari) draft appears to be more radical thanthe West Papua province (Jayapura) draft.

The staffs of the two governors are working to reconcile the two proposals and plan to send acombined draft to Jakarta in January. The central government will have the final say on the

content of any proposal.

At the USINDO briefing, a representative from the U.S. Agency for International

Development (AID) observed that some of the elements of the two Papuan drafts "have some

senior people in Jakarta very worried." The official also noted that there was concern that the

whole project "may not get off the ground before SBY leaves office."

Wanggai acknowledged the two competing Papuan drafts and spoke generally about some of

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Asked about the difficultyfaced by foreign journalists,human rights and humanitarianworkers and UN personnel invisiting and travelling withinWest Papua. Indonesianofficials argued that securityconcerns were the reason foraccess restrictions to WestPapua.

Wanggai acknowledged the two competing Papuan drafts and spoke generally about some ofthe differences including over the level of investment in indigenous communities, calls (from the

"Papua-Manokwari" administration) for "limited authority in the area of foreign affairs," and theright of Papuans to ownership shares in Freeport (the U.S. based Freeport McMoRan cooperand gold mine). He said without explanation that the "West Papua-Jayapura" administration

draft looks at "social cohesion issues."

Wanggai told the USINDO gathering that there were three timing scenarios for rolling out the

final plan: The first is before the parliamentary elections (scheduled for April); the second is onIndependence Day (August 17), and the last is during September-October, prior toYudhoyono relinquishing office. After Wanggai had finished his presentation, Francis Mote,

spokesperson for Governor Enembe, insisted on speaking. Enembe confided to the USINDOgathering that Governor Enembe was concerned that whoever succeeds SBY may ignore anyplan for Special Autonomy Plus.

Wanggai acknowledged one USINDO questioner's point that it was essential to have metricsby which any new autonomy plan could be judged. Wanggai said that currently money had

been transferred without long- or even medium-term planning. As a result, it had not beenpossible to measure performance. Wanggai claimed that both President Yudhoyono andGovernor Enembe were working on plans to address the problem of efficient use of funds.

Another questioner at USINDO observed

that Wanggai had spoken of the success ofSpecial Autonomy in Aceh and asked ifSpecial Autonomy Plus would allow local

Papuan parties as in Aceh. Wanggai said theconcept of local parties would not workbecause unlike in Aceh there is great culturaldiversity in Papua, so parties would not be

able to unite around one banner (as withGAM in Aceh). He added that many Papuanswere already committed to the national

parties.

Both in his December 9 discussion with author and his USINDO presentation, Wanggai

appeared unready to address key issues affecting Papuans. Refusing to engage with the authorabout Papuans right to self-determination, Wanggai said that President Yudhoyono supporteddialogue but that no dialogue agenda could include anything that violated the President'sconstitutional obligation to protect Indonesia's national integrity.

In both his December 9 and 10 presentations, Wanggai was asked about the difficulty facedby foreign journalists, human rights and humanitarian workers, and UN personnel in visitingand travelling within West Papua. Wanggai (with the support of an Indonesian Embassy

official) argued that security concerns justified access restrictions. Wanggai offered no

comment on questions related to Jakarta's failure thus far to follow-up on Jakarta's invitationto Melanesia Spearhead Group Foreign Ministers or various UN Special Rapporteurs to visitWest Papua.

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Responding to questions about political prisoners Wanggai said that "reconciliation" is anelement in Special Autonomy Plus that could have tangible reality in the release of politicalprisoners. Wanggai was not prepared to respond to a call for Indonesia to end criminalization

of "treason" and "subversion," aspects of the Indonesian criminal code that is used to curbpeaceful dissent, as during the Suharto dictatorship. Responding to author's questions about"transmigration," Wanggai said that one proposal in the drafting for Special Autonomy Pluswas to permit district heads to determine whether their districts should receive transmigrants.

Regarding the Indonesian military and the militarization of West Papua, Wanggai told this

author that the TNI in West Papua was no longer operating as under the era of the NewOrder of Suharto. "DOM is finished," he said. When this author questioned this assessment,pointing to continuing "sweeping operations" in the central highlands and the November 26arrests of KPNB supporters in Jayapura and the killing of at least one of those demonstrators,Wanggai stated that Special Autonomy Plus would attempt deal with "security issues." He saidthat consideration was being given to giving Papuan officials a voice in deciding deployment

levels for of TNI -- except on the border with Papua New Guinea.

Wanggai did acknowledge however, that the creation of new districts and possibly three newprovinces in West Papua would provide the basis for yet additional TNI deployments. ThePapuan officials expressed the hope that Special Autonomy Plus would emphasize the vetothat existing provinces in West Papua have over the establishment of new ones. That provision

in current law was violated when West Papua was divided in two in 2003.

WPAT Comment: One of the concerns Wanggai was unwilling to address was howefforts to develop Special Autonomy Plus appeared to be a tacit acknowledgement thatSpecial Autonomy, in force for over a decade, had failed, as proclaimed by manyleading Papuan figures and in repeated, large demonstrations by ordinary Papuans.The new version of Special Autonomy, if it materializes at all, will likely succeed or fail

on the basis of whether or not it addresses fundamental Papuan concerns aboutmilitarization of West Papua and the continued denial of Papuans right to selfdetermination. The original Special Autonomy approach foundered on its failure toaddress such basic Papuan concerns.

UPDATE

Apparent Murder of Prominent Papuan Tied to Indonesian State

Human rights activists, media and other

sources have reported on the suspiciousdeath in Vanimo, Papua New Guinea, of

1/9/14 West Papua Report January 2014: Special Autonomy Plus, Danny Kogoya, TNI road building, education

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Danny Kogoya. Photo: Liam Cochrane/ ABC.

death in Vanimo, Papua New Guinea, ofDanny Kogoya, a regional commander ofthe Free Papua Movement (OrganisasiPapua Merdeka, OPM). According tothese sources, the cause of death was liver

failure, believed caused by the presence ofunusual chemical substances in his body.A Vanimo court has classified his death asa possible murder and called for anautopsy. However, Indonesian authorities

intervened to prevent an autopsy from taking place, raising the suspicion of Indonesian state

involvement in Danny Kogoya's death.

Kogoya died on December, 15 2013, in the Vanimo General Hospital where he had beenseeking medical treatment for complications associated with the amputation of his right leg.Doctors at a police hospital in Bhayangkara Kotaraja, West Papua, had amputated the legwithout his consent, while treating him for gunshot wounds to the leg inflicted by Indonesian

security forces at the time of his arrest on September 2, 2012.

Kogoya was released from Indonesian custody when his detention period ran out. He hadstayed in Kamp Victoria at the border of Indonesia and Papua New Guinea initially, but hefled to Papua New Guinea out of fear of being re-arrested.

In addition to providing medical treatment for his amputated leg, the doctors in Vanimo

unsuccessfully sought to identify the cause of the swelling in some parts of Danny's body.Doctors described the results of four blood tests run on Kogoya as "complicated."

A Papua New Guinea court, after reviewing hospital medical records, concluded thatKogoya's death should be treated as a murder and called for an autopsy. A doctor at VanimoGeneral Hospital alleged that the chemical substances which likely caused the liver failure were

introduced into Kogoya's body when he was held at the hospital.

A relative of Kogoya who was present for the court-ordered autopsy has claimed that fourindividuals met with the management of the hospital and prevented the autopsy from takingplace. Two of the four were identified as staff of the Indonesian Consulate in Vanimo, one ofwhom was known as Bapak Hari.

The Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) issued an Urgent Appeal about this case. Thecommission noted allegations by Kogoya's lawyer of a forced confession regarding OPMattacks in 2011. The AHRC also observed that the Indonesian human rights activist Said

Munir Thalib was poisoned to death in a murder tied to the Indonesian Intelligence Agency(Badan Intelijen Negara, BIN).

Correcting The Record: What Jeremy Bally Really Told the Jakarta Post

Jeremy Bally, a Canadian activist who has cycled the world on behalf human rights in WestPapua, gave a press conference during his visit to West Papua in December. Bally'scomments, as reported in the Jakarta Post, were seriously distorted. Bally responsibly soughtto correct those distortions through a letter to the editor of the Jakarta Post. To date, the

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Jeremy Bally (holding paper) visits Papuan political prisoners.Photo from Pedalling for Papua.

to correct those distortions through a letter to the editor of the Jakarta Post. To date, thenewspaper has refused to publish his letter. With Bally's permission, we provide the text ofthat letter as submitted:

On

December16, 2013, IvisitedAbepuraPrison inWest Papua

to deliverpostcardsand videobearingmessages ofsupport andsolidarity to

WestPapuanpoliticalprisoners.The messages were collected throughout the Pedaling for Papua campaign,during which I rode my bicycle 12,000 kilometers through seven countries raising

awareness about human rights issues and political imprisonment in West Papua.

On December 16, Nethy Dharma Somba of the Jakarta Post wrote an article

about the action at Abepura prison. I was appalled to see how this articleexplicitly mis-characterizes both me and the action. I am critically misquoted ashaving said, regarding the political prisoners I met that day, "They are healthy andhave no problems. I'm sure that officers in the prison have treated them well."

While it was indeed the case that the prisoners I met that day, who includedKNPB General Secretary Victor Yeimo, Amnesty International Prisoner ofConscience Filep Karma, and President of the Federated Republic of WestPapua Forkorus Yaboisembut, were in good spirits, the situation of them and

their colleagues at this prison and other prisons is anything but "free fromproblems."

Victor Yeimo was severely beaten with rattan canes upon his arrest, and iscurrently serving a sentence 3 times longer than was originally reported by hislawyers. Filep Karma required a lengthy and difficult campaign by AmnestyInternational and other NGO's to receive critical medical care.

Forkorus Yaboisembut, at 57 years old, was kicked and beaten after being

arrested for peaceful actions in 2011.

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arrested for peaceful actions in 2011.

All of these men, along with the dozens of others at Abepura prison andelsewhere, are in jail for peaceful protest, raising flags, and speaking openlyabout their political beliefs. The article in question is an insult and offense to thesemen, as well as all those who risked arrest and deportation to make this actionhappen. It is also damaging to the efforts made by Papuans Behind Bars, thePedaling for Papua campaign, and many other organizations and individuals whostand in solidarity with West Papuans who have sacrificed their freedom in thefight for peace and justice in their homeland

Whether through political motivation or journalistic incompetence, this articlestands as an explicit example of Indonesian propaganda in national media.

Sincerely,Jeremy BallyPedaling for Papua CampaignWebsite: http://www.pedallingforpapua.com/December 17, 2013

see also Media misrepresents human rights campaign for West Papua, an interview withJeremy Bally

Indonesia to Send Additional Troops to West Papua

A media report claims that Indonesia plans to send 650 military personnel to the border areabetween West Papua and Papua New Guinea. The planned February 2014 deploymentapparently is not part of a regular rotation, but will augment the troops presence in the heavilymilitarized region. The deployment is reportedly scheduled to last for nine months. Accordingto the report, the troops will undergo training in ambush and other combat training. They alsowill be provided with photos of dozens of high ranking personnel of the Free West PapuaMovement (OPM).

Papuan Official Objects to Military Role in Road Construction

The Indonesian central government has assigned the Indonesian military (TNI) to construct 14

roads, amounting to more than 900 kilometers, in West Papua over the next six months.

Soldiers from the 10th/Ksatria Yudha Dharma (KYD) Combat Engineering Detachment(Denzipur) were officially deployed by Kodam chief Maj. Gen. Christian Zebua in earlyDecember. The project is to be managed by the Papua and West Papua DevelopmentAcceleration Unit (UP4B).

In September 2013, national parliament members raised questions about the appropriatenessof using the TNI for the road construction project in West Papua. Among other concerns,some lawmakers pointed out that the massive deployment of troops into West Papua's ruralarea would stoke tensions among local Papuans.

Papua Indigenous Entrepreneurs Chamber (KAPP) chairman John Haluk, opposing TNI

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Economic life has becomeincreasingly difficult, becauseof economic programs thatcreate dependence ongovernment. Traditionaleconomic life was destroyed asmany gardens wereabandoned.

Papua Indigenous Entrepreneurs Chamber (KAPP) chairman John Haluk, opposing TNIinvolvement in the construction, emphasized that KAPP was ready to provide contractors. "Itwould be better if the soldiers return to their barracks instead of getting involved in the roadprojects," he said. "Papuans are traumatized by the Army's presence and its involvement [hasthe effect of] intimidating Papuans." Haluk was also critical of the UP4B which he said hadnever involved native Papuan entrepreneurs in its policymaking.

WPAT Comment: The decision to resort to the Army for this project raises questionsabout the purpose of the roads. The military has been employed in previous road"development" schemes that have had as their principal intent, the facilitation ofmilitary movement and the opening of lands for exploitation, often by companies with

military ties. This was typical during the years of Indonesia's occupation of East Timoras well as in West Papua. Not addressed in the recent report is why the project, whichin March and again in September the Jakarta Post reported that the construction wouldconsist of 1500 kms of roads. This appears now to have been trimmed to 900 kms.

False Claim of Major OPM Surrender

Anton Tabuni, Secretary General of the armed wing of the Free Papua Organization (OPM) inPuncak Jaya, has strongly denied a claim by a local official that 100 fighters serving undercommander Goliat Tanumi had surrendered. Punjak Jaya District head Henock Ibo claimed inDecember that the 100 surrendering OPM personnel would be integrated into district service.

Catholic Church Decries 2013 Human Rights Abuse in West Papua

Father John Jonga, told the Tabloid Jubi thatthe Catholic Church had recorded manyviolations of human right in in Wamena,Jayawijaya, in 2013. Most of the violations

concerning involved loss of life, and that mostof these were the result of action by thearmed forces or the police.

Jonga also said "economic life has becomeincreasingly difficult, because of economic

programs that create dependence on government. Traditional economic life was destroyed asmany gardens were abandoned." He also called the conditions at hospitals in Wamena "verybad."

CHRONICLE

Article Points to Indonesian State as Responsible for Failures in Highlands

An Inside Indonesia article by Jenny Munro provides a detailed critique of a recent analysisby Bobby Anderson, that previously appeared in Inside Indonesia. Anderson, according toMunro, incorrectly placed blame for severely inadequate educational services in the Papuanhighlands on Papuans. Munro agrees with Anderson that Special Autonomy has been "a boonfor the powerful and a disaster for the majority, including school children." But Munro arguesthat Anderson's analysis ignores the "broader context of historical mistreatment, state

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that Anderson's analysis ignores the "broader context of historical mistreatment, staterepression, and power dynamics that implicate state and corporate actors" in the dearth ofadequate services in the highlands, especially in education.

Munro also challenges Anderson's perspective on pemekaran (the policy of breaking upadministrative districts into smaller units) and decentralization in the context of "SpecialAutonomy." She writes that "the reality of these policies show us that development is not really

aimed at improving the lives of Papuans in remote, rural spaces but rather at shifting them toregional centers and cities where they can be better managed by the state, leaving remoteareas open to resource exploitation."

Article Considers Role of MSG in Papuan Future

Inter Press Service has published a lengthy review of developments affecting West Papua witha detailed focus on the growing involvement of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG)members. The article points out that time is running out for the Jakarta to fulfill its pledge toinvite a delegation of MSG foreign ministers to Papua. The initial offer of an invitation wasmade at the MSG Summit in July 2013 and was to have been followed up with a specificinvitation within six months. The article also notes that poverty levels remain remarkably high inWest Papua, especially when compared with levels in East Java and Jakarta.

Papuans Return Home from PNG Face Unemployment

A December 5 report carried by IRIN describes the disillusionment of Papuans who in 2009were lured back to West Papua from self-imposed exile in Papua New Guinea, They nowlack jobs despite promises of employment. Papuans interviewed regret their decision to returnto West Papua.

Violence Against Journalists

The Jayapura branch of the Alliance of Independent Journalists ( AJI ) reported 20 cases ofintimidation and violence against journalists in West Papua in 2013. This was a "significant

increase" from the previous year's 12 cases.

Link to the is issue: http://etan.org/issues/wpapua/2013/1401wpap.htm

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