One of the most debated issues in biblical Hebrew (henceforth BH) grammar is the

representation of tense and aspect in the verbal system, particularly with respect to the main

finite verbal forms: qatal, yiqtol, weqatal, and wayyiqtol.1 The dispute revolves around one

fundamental question: do these verbal forms primarily express tense or aspect?2 The first part of

this paper will survey three proposed answers to this question.3 The second part of this paper will

present a case study of the function of weqatal in various passages from the book of Judges

(henceforth simply Judges) in order to determine which of the three proposals best accounts for

the data.4

Three Theories of the Hebrew Verbal System

Tal Goldfajn5 argues for a relative tense-based interpretation of the verbal system: “The

primary function of the BH verb forms is to establish the specific temporal relations which exist

between the sentences in the text, [and] the semantics of the Hebrew tenses depends largely on

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1 Most scholars restrict the debate to pre-exilic narrative prose (Genesis-Kings), excluding poetic sections. However, there is a growing acknowledgment that “poetry extends and plays on normal linguistic rules and forms” (R. S. Hendel, “Margins of the Hebrew Verbal System,” Zeitschrift für Althebraistik 9 [1996], 153). Regardless, for the purposes of this paper, the focus will be on the verbal system in prose.

2 More specifically, the question is whether tense or aspect (or both) is signaled morphologically in the verbal forms.

3 For the sake of this paper, I have chosen to survey the views of Tal Goldfajn, John Cook, and Randall Buth because they seem to represent three divergent viewpoints that on the whole are representative of other theories of the verbal system.

4 I recognize that there are a couple significant concerns with my methodology. First, it is likely possible to find a couple of examples or counterexamples to each of the theories presented. That seems to be one reason that no one theory has been universally accepted. Another perhaps more cogent criticism comes from John Cook who argues that such a methodology is based too much on the simple intuition of people whose native language is tense-based (and hence is from the beginning skewed toward a tense-based interpretation). He considers statistical studies to be nothing more than a statistical tallying of particular intuitive interpretations of the verb in its various contexts. In response, I would argue that any theory should be able to adequately explain the data available and make sense in language translation. Explanatory power is an acceptable criterion for the legitimacy of a theory, and the case study is an attempt to determine each theory’s explanatory power with respect to the data.

5 Word Order and Time in Biblical Hebrew Narrative, OTM (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998).

the changing context of the discourse in which they happen to occur.”6 The foundation of her

theory is a Reichenbachian understanding of relative time, in which there are three temporal

entities: “the speech time S, a deictic element which designates the moment of speech; the event

time E, the time of the event or the state; and the reference time R, the time that is being talked

about or the temporal standpoint from which the event is considered.”7 Using this notion of

reference time, Goldfajn postulates two temporal setups which govern the usage of verbs, an

overlapping of the initial reference time with an explicit moment of speech Ts (R/Ts), and a

context-specified initial reference time Tn with past time anchor point fixed by context (R<Tn).

Colloquially, these two temporal setups refer to direct speech and past narration, respectively. Of

the two, Goldfajn considers direct speech to be the default setup.

Based on her analysis of various biblical passages, Goldfajn concludes the following

concerning the temporal functions and word order of the various verbal forms:

1. Qatal’s primary function is the non-progression of reference time, including mainly

repetition, simultaneity, and anteriority. In direct speech, qatal locates events as anterior

to the moment of speech Ts and when preceded by ešer, it often locates the event before

the previous reference time, yielding a pluperfect temporal interpretation. In past

narration, sentences with qatal primarily introduce a discontinuity in the narrative, and a

situation is presented as being anterior to the previous event or as alternatively repeating,

elaborating, or expanding on the event just mentioned. Independent qatal sentences

mainly locate singular, unique events before the moment of speech Ts.

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6 Ibid., 105. Goldfajn acknowledges that there is an aspectual component to the verbal system, but she is not very clear or specific as to what this component entails. She includes aspectual interpretations of both stative verbs (imperfective aspect whenever R is relative to S) and wayyiqtol verbs (bounded, telic situations), but she does not attempt to show how aspect relates to her tense-based interpretation of the verbal system.

7 Ibid., 46.

2. Yiqtol is often deictic and indicates future time location. In past narration, yiqtol conveys

the idea of a single, non-sequential event posterior to some other even in the past,

although this usage is infrequent. In direct speech, yiqtol describes a single, non-

continuous event in immediate posterior relation to Ts.

3. Wayyiqtol has an anaphoric function of describing sequential, bounded events in the past

of both direct speech and narration, but it is found primarily in narration. In other words,

wayyiqtol advances the reference time. In direct speech, it must be preceded by a first

sentence with a different verbal form, mainly qatal.

4. Weqatal is used for sequential events in the future of Ts and mostly occurs in direct

speech. Like wayyiqtol, it represents bounded situations following each other in a

progressive sequence, but unlike wayyiqtol, it conveys posteriority in the future of Ts.

It should also be noted that methodologically Goldfajn favors a synchronic reading of the

biblical data, for she believes that while a diachronic, historical approach does have some value

(though it is not clear what value it has for Goldfajn), it cannot “lead us to determine the system

of rules and principles that are at the basis of the BH temporal structure.”8 Since her primary

concern is the temporal function of verbs, she is not concerned with why or how the BH verb

forms came to be.

In contrast to Goldfajn, John Cook9 utilizes a grammaticalization approach and argues for

an aspectual interpretation of the verbal system. In his understanding, grammaticalization

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8 Ibid., 29.

9 J. A. Cook, “The Finite Verbal Forms in Biblical Hebrew Do Express Aspect,” JANES (2006), 21-35; idem, “The Hebrew Verb: A Grammaticalization Approach,” ZAH 14.2 (2001): 117-43; idem, “The Semantics of Verbal Pragmatics: Clarifying the Roles of Wayyiqtol and Weqatal in Biblical Hebrew Prose,” JSS (2004): 247-73.

approach refers to “the application of several key principles of grammaticalization theory 10 about

the nature of language change to resolve the dilemmas confronting a study of the Hebrew verbal

system.”11 Grammaticalization theory is based upon the premise that language has the tendency

to increase grammaticality of items over time, either lexical > grammatical or grammatical >

more grammatical. As a by-product of this process, languages at any given moment are

composed of layers, and older layers coexist and interact with newer layers. Cook believes that

such a grammaticalization approach “has distinct advantages over other approaches in that the

diachronic perspective makes similarities among languages more transparent by allowing us to

compare cross-linguistic data12 from genetically and temporally diverse languages in terms of

these universal paths of development.”13

Because some linguists have argued based on cross-linguistic data that “aspect is a more

basic distinction in the world’s verbal systems, being more frequently expressed by bound verbal

morphology,”14 Cook believes that “a priori, the binary opposition between BH qatal and yiqtol,

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10 Cook, “The Hebrew Verb: A Grammaticalization Approach,” 119 notes that grammaticalization theory has no independent value but it has a “heuristic” value in that it informs typological studies concerning cross-linguistic phenomena and universal tendencies in language change.

11 Ibid.

12 Cook argues that cross-linguistic tendencies are the closest we can come to an objective basis for analyzing ancient verbal systems. It is important to note however that just as there is no consensus about the verbal system in BH, there is also no consensus among language studies outside of the BH corpus. See note 14 below.

13 Cook, “The Hebrew Verb: A Grammaticalization Approach,” 121.

14 Cook, “The Finite Verbal Forms in Biblical Hebrew Do Express Aspect,” 32. See Joan L. Bybee and Östen Dahl, “The Creation of Tense and Aspect Systems in the Languages of the World,” Studies in Language 13 (1989): 51-103. Bybee and Dahl make several arguments that aspect is more basic than tense in the world’s verbal systems and propose a branching model as representative of over half the languages in their data set. The model consists of a primary perfective / imperfective contrast and a secondary tense distinction for the imperfective. In contrast to this view, Jerzy Kurylowicz argues that tense is more basic than aspect in Semitic languages. He argues that languages must distinguish tense before aspect (logically and etymologically) in their verbal systems: “To regard aspect as the fundamental conjugational category of the Semitic verb means overlooking the fact that the relation of the action expressed by the verbal form to the moment of speaking is the natural basis of every verbal system. Hence aspect must be subordinate to the most elementary expression of tense referring to the moment of speaking.” See Jerzy Kurylowicz, Studies in Semitic Grammar and Metrics [Ossolinskich: Zaklad Narodowy, 1972], 70.

which stands at the center of the BH verbal system, is more likely to be an aspectual one than a

tensed one.”15 Aspect is commonly defined as the way of “viewing the internal temporal

constituency of a situation.”16 Although Cook argues that the verbal forms primarily express

aspect, he does not claim that BH is an aspect-only language. He concedes that the verbal forms

have the ability to express time based on the context but contends that the qatal-yiqtol

(perfective-imperfective) aspectual opposition is the core opposition of the verbal system.17 He

breaks down the verbal system in the following way:

1. Qatal in BH falls between the perfect stage and the perfective (simple past) stage. To

quote Cook, “originating in a resultative construction, qatal developed into a perfect,

evidenced in Amarna Canaanite; it has developed into a perfective by the biblical period,

although it retains its older perfect meaning.”18 Although qatal expresses perfective

aspect, prototypically perfective verbs have past time references. This is the reason that

most qatal verbs have a past time reference, to the extent that past temporal reference is a

“secondary feature” of perfective verb forms.19 Perfective aspect always accompanies the

use of qatal, whereas past temporal reference is typical but not exclusive of the form. A

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15 Cook, “The Finite Verbal Forms in Biblical Hebrew Do Express Aspect,” 32.

16 Bernard Comrie, Aspect: An Introduction to the Study of Verbal Aspect and Related Problems (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 7.

17 Cook, “The Hebrew Verb: A Grammaticalization Approach,” 137: “The ancient Hebrew verbal system is aspect-prominent, having a central perfective : imperfective opposition in qatal and yiqtol ... as an aspect-prominent language, the central opposition in Biblical Hebrew is aspectual; however, the system features a variety of verb forms, including tensed, aspectual, and modal forms (e.g., wayyiqtol is past tense, the participle is progressive aspect, and imperative/jussive are modal).”

18 Cook, “The Hebrew Verb: A Grammaticalization Approach,” 129-30.

19 Östen Dahl, Tense and Aspect Systems (Oxford: Blackwell, 1985), 79.

common exception is performative statements with present or future time references

expressed by qatal.20

2. Yiqtol is an imperfective verb, encompassing progressive (both past and present), habitual

and gnomic meanings. The general future meaning of yiqtol is contextually derived.

Verb-Subject ordered qatal and yiqtol (as well as the imperative) are irreal mood.

3. Wayyiqtol is past (narrative) tense. It likely developed from a Canaanite *yaqtul

conjugation and preserves its past tense value. As a past tense verb, wayyiqtol defaults for

perfective aspect in narrative discourse. Wayyiqtol typically signals temporal succession

and foregrounding, although there are numerous exceptions.21

4. Neither the grammaticalization nor the semantics of weqatal is analogous to those of

wayyiqtol. “Although weqatal regularly signals foreground in certain non-narrative

discourses ... the form also regularly operates in background constructions.”22 Weqatal is

the perfective qatal functioning modally.23 “Weqatal has a distinctive, dominant meaning

and discourse function in each of Longacre’s discourse types: in hortatory discourse,

weqatal mainly functions in backgrounded purpose or result clauses; in predictive

discourse it functions primarily in foregrounded temporal apodoses in reference to future

events; in procedural discourse it may appear in the introductory protasis-apodosis

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20 One of Cook’s strongest arguments in favor of an aspect-prominent understanding of the verbal system is the ability of qatal as a perfective verb to have a future meaning, i.e. the so-called “prophetic perfect.” This would be an impossibility or at least a glaring anomaly in a tense-based interpretation of the verbal system.

21 In Cook’s view, there is a only a general discourse correlation between wayyiqtol and temporal succession. Foregrounding, however, is a discourse-pragmatic feature of wayyiqtol. See Cook, “The Semantics of Verbal Pragmatics.”

22 Cook, “The Semantics of Verbal Pragmatics,” 265.

23 Cook, “The Hebrew Verb: A Grammaticalization Approach,” 134: “The common label weqatal refers to qatal’s distinctive shape with the waw conjunction when used modally and indicates that verb-subject word order restriction observed for the deontic modes by Hebraists applies to modal qatal as well.”

construction with a conditional-deontic sense, but then dominates the foregrounded

procedural steps with a simple deontic sense; finally, in instructional discourse, weqatal

has a simple deontic meaning throughout, introduced by a deontic imperative.”24

According to Randall Buth,25 it is a false dichotomy to choose either tense or aspect as

the primary function of the BH verb, for the verb expresses both. He argues that the BH finite

verbs have two basic tense-aspect distinctions, the past and the future. A tense-aspect is a “tense”

that can be used to mark more than just time; it “can sometimes be marking purely tense and

sometimes purely aspect, and often mixtures of the two.”26 The past tense qatal he calls definite-

tense aspect, and the future tense yiqtol he calls indefinite tense-aspect.

The definite tense-aspect is both past and perfective, but the default feature is past.27 In

general, the indefinite tense-aspect is the opposite, future28 and non-perfective.29 “The primary or

default feature is non-past/future and the aspectual feature is frequently masked or neutralized.

However, when the indefinite tense-aspect is used within a past context, the time feature is

neutralized and the non-perfective feature becomes primary.”30

In Buth’s system, both tense-aspects have a complementary sequential tense-aspect: the

past tense-aspect has a complementary sequential past tense-aspect [wayyiqtol], and the future

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24 Cook, “The Semantics of Verbal Pragmatics,” 269.

25 Randall Buth, Living Biblical Hebrew for Everyone (Jerusalem: Biblical Language Center, 2003), 337-60.

26 Ibid., 337.

27 Symbolically, definite tense-aspect = (+past [+perfective]). The square brackets [ ] mark features that are potentially masked or neutralized. A “+” means that the value exists. A “-” means that the opposite value exists.

28 Buth, Living Biblical Hebrew for Everyone, 338: “Originally, the time feature was non-past. However, the participle became the grammatical default form for an actual present tense in Biblical Hebrew, so that the non-past became future in terms of default time value.”

29 Symbolically, indefinite tense-aspect = ([+future] [-perfective]).

30 Buth, Living Biblical Hebrew for Everyone, 338.

tense-aspect has a complementary sequential future tense [weqatal]. “The main purpose of the

sequential tense system is to provide thematic cohesion to a series of events and to line them up

one after another. This provides a kind of structure and skeleton to a story or description.”31 Even

though the events are presented as a sequence using these sequential tense-aspects, the actual

time reference is not confined to temporally successive events.

Thus, the functions of the verbal forms can be described in the following way:

1. Qatal is the definite tense-aspect, which means that it has the ability to express perfective

aspect, but this ability is sometimes suppressed. In other words, it is the default past tense

and usually concurrently perfective, although it is sometimes aspect-neutral.

2. Yiqtol is the indefinite tense-aspect, which means that it has the ability to express

imperfective aspect, but this ability is sometimes suppressed. In other words, it

sometimes marks future tense (and is aspect-neutral)32 and sometimes aspect (e.g.

contexts dominated by narrative past tense wayyiqtols) and sometimes mood. Yiqtol is

generally aspect-neutral and future outside of past contexts. Unusually, and only in

poetry, yiqtol with or without an initial waw consecutive serves as a narrative past tense

(e.g., in Deut 32:10-18).

3. Wayyiqtol is the past sequential tense-aspect and expresses sequential past events and

sequential past events as main events when preceded by simple past events (qatal) and

imperfective events (yiqtol and weqatal).

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31 Ibid., 351.

32 Buth argues that yiqtol is the default future tense, corresponding to qatal as the default past tense. He makes the argument that yiqtol is the default future tense when he notes which [verb forms] are attested with a word like rjm (“tomorrow”, 52x in the Bible).” As he points out, yiqtol, consecutive weqatal, participles, and imperatives are all attested with this verb, but not qatal. Perfective futures in ancient Hebrew are not expressed by qatal. They are expressed by yiqtol or consecutive weqatal. Therefore, the yiqtol-qatal contrast is not aspectual in nature. See Ibid., 339.

4. Weqatal is the future sequential tense-aspect and expresses sequential future events,

sequential future events as main events, sequential future events with their own

imperfective tense-aspect, and sequential future events with their own future tense-aspect.

Therefore, weqatal may be used in various functions to express (purpose) volitionals, past

habituals, and futures.

The most notable aspect of Buth’s system is its fluidity. Buth acknowledges the

probability that a verb form in Semitic was “aspectual” at some proto-language stage because

aspect is theoretically the first parameter to be morphologized within a language. However, if

that morphology fixes itself at a binary stage — as in the case of BH — then that morphology

will be used for a whole TAM (Tense-Aspect-Mood) system within that language.33 Thus, Buth

does not draw rigid distinctions between tense and aspect and allows for the verbal forms to

express both based on the context.

Case Study: The Use of weqatal in the Book of Judges

The case study will focus on the function of weqatal in the book of Judges, since each of

theories has a substantially unique view of the function of weqatal. We will examine the use of

weqatal in Judges in order to evaluate the explanatory power of each of these theories. It is clear

from a study of the use of weqatal in Judges that it has a wide and varied usage. In its

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33 Buth seems to base his views (or at least find corroboration for his views) on the research of linguist Derek Bickerton, who studied Creole and TAM systems. Bickerton’s research into Creole and TAM revealed that Creoles tend to start to morphogrammatize “perfective,” but if the morpho-structure stops there, the verb system will then use those “aspects” for time as well as mood. The meaning of a system is determined to a large extent by how many pieces the cake is divided, and the cake includes time, aspect, and mood. Buth refers to this understanding as “Bickerton’s cake.” See Derek Bickerton, Roots of Language (Ann Arbor: Karoma Publishers, 1981), 90. In contrast to Cook, Buth favors first a synchronic reading before cross-linguistic analysis because he feels that cross-linguistic tendencies are sometimes proposed by people who ignore “Bickerton’s cake” and attempt to “fit all phenomena into the same conceptual straitjacket.” In Buth’s view, cross-linguistic analysis should occur only after we understand how biblical Hebrew works as a closed system. See Randall Buth, comment on “The Tense-Mood-Aspect System of Ancient Hebrew: A Debate,” Ancient Hebrew Poetry, comment posted February 8, 2008, http://ancienthebrewpoetry.typepad.com/ancient_hebrew_poetry/2008/02/the-yiqtolqatal.html.

approximately 70 occurrences in Judges,34 we find that weqatal is used to primarily express

deontic and irrealis modality and also infrequently habitual actions, future actions, and

imperfective aspect.

I. Deontic Modality

One of the primary functions of weqatal seems to be to express deontic modality, which

is “modality that connotes the speaker’s degree of requirement of, desire for, or commitment to

the realization of the proposition expressed by the utterance.”35 In particular, two kinds of

deontic modality—commissive modality and directive modality—seem to be commonly

expressed by weqatal.

I. A. Commissive Modality36

(1) Judg 7.7 ÔK®dÎyV;b NDy√dIm_tRa yI;tAtÎn◊w MRkVtRa AoyIvwøa

“I will save you and give the Midianites into your hand.”

In Judg 7.7, the emphasis of the weqatal verb yI;tAtÎn◊w is on the certainty that God will give

the Midianites into Gideon’s hand (cf. 6.16). In the eyes of the speaker, there is no possibility

that what he has spoken will not come to pass; the modal statement functions as a promise to the

hearer. In this case, the weqatal verb is preceded by a modal imperfect, but there does not seem

to be any regular syntax. In other cases, weqatal verbs expressing commissive modality are

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34 An Accordance search revealed 85 occurrences of weqatal (although there do seem to be errors in the Accordance tagging), and I removed all occurrences of hDyDh◊w (2.18, 19; 4.20; 6.3, 7.4, 17; 9.33; 11.31; 12.5; 16.7, 11; 19.30; 21.22) from the analysis, since the verb “to be” is unique in many languages, including BH.

35 Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL), “What is Deontic Modality?” Summer Institute of Linguistics, http://www.sil.org/linguistics/GlossaryOfLinguisticTerms/WhatIsDeonticModality.htm.

36 Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL), “What is Commissive Modality?” Summer Institute of Linguistics, http://www.sil.org/linguistics/GlossaryOfLinguisticTerms/WhatIsCommissiveModality.htm: “Commissive modality is a deontic modality that connotes the speaker’s expressed commitment, as a promise or threat, to bring about the proposition expressed by the utterance.” The focus of such a statement is on the resolve of the speaker to fulfill what he has spoken.

preceded by a formal imperative and cohortative (1.3), a formal imperative (1.24), another

weqatal verb (4.7; 7.18), a verbless clause (8.7; 20.10), a negated qatal verb (13.3), a formative

imperative and jussive (13.5, 7), and a negated yiqtol (19.12).

I. B. Directive Modality

Directive modality is “a deontic modality that connotes the speaker’s degree of

requirement of conformity to the proposition expressed by an utterance.”37 I have identified four

kinds of directive modality that weqatal expresses in Judges: imperative mood, deliberative

mood, permissive mood, and jussive mood.

I. B. 1. Imperative Mood

(2) Judg 6.14 h‰z ÔKSjOkV;b JKEl “Go in this might of yours

NDy√dIm PA;kIm lEa∂rVcˆy_tRa D;tVoAvwøh◊w

and save Israel from the hand of the Midianites.”

In Judg 6.14, the weqatal verb tVoAvwøh◊w is preceded by a formal imperative JKEl and

receives its imperatival force from this preceding imperative. According to E. J. Revell, this

sequence “typically represents an action to be taken as a consequence of carrying out the initial

command represented by the imperative.”38 In this example, the initial command that God gives

to Gideon is to go in might. As a consequence of going in might, Gideon is thus commanded to

save Israel from the hand of the Midianites. The weqatal verb is used rather than another

imperative in order to connect the actions of going and saving. This sequence of formal

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37 Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL), “What is Directive Modality?” Summer Institute of Linguistics, http://www.sil.org/linguistics/GlossaryOfLinguisticTerms/WhatIsDirectiveModality.htm.

38 E. J. Revell, “The System of the Verb in Standard Biblical Prose,” HUCA 60 (1989): 22.

imperative followed by weqatal seems to be the most common way to express imperative

modality through the use of weqatal in Judges (cf. 1.15; 4.6, 6.25; 21.10, 20, 21).

(3) Judg 9.33 ryIoDh_lAo D;tVfAvDp…w MyI;kVvA;t “rise early and raid the city”

In contrast to example (2) above, the weqatal verb tVfAvDp…w receives its imperatival force

not from a preceding formal imperative but from a preceding modal imperfect. The difference

between Judg 9.33 and Judg 6.14 in example (2) is likely that the “continuation of the command

[is] in a less forceful register.”39 In Judg 9.33, Zebul commands Abimelech to rise early and raid

the city of Shechem. In the view of the author, the commands to rise early and raid are not as

closely related as the commands to go and save in Judg 6.14. For another example of a modal

imperfect followed by a weqatal verb expressing imperatival mood, see Judg 6.26.

Two unique verbal sequences (at least in Judges) are a standalone command following a

question in Judg 9.2 and a command following a dependent verbless clause in Judg 9.33.40

I. B. 2. Deliberative Mood

Deliberative mood is “a directive mood which signals the speaker's request for instruction

from the addressee as to whether to do the proposition expressed in the utterance.”41 In simple

nomenclature, it is a question.

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39 Ibid.

40 It is also possible to argue that the weqatal in Judg 9.33 is an example of permissive mood (see below). It is oftentimes difficult to distinguish among imperative, jussive, and permissive moods. The usage is context-conditioned and lines are often blurred.

41 Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL), “What is Deliberative Mood?” Summer Institute of Linguistics, http://www.sil.org/linguistics/GlossaryOfLinguisticTerms/WhatIsDeliberativeMood.htm.

(4) Judg 9.9…wdV;bAk◊y yI;b_rRvSa yˆnVvî;d_tRa yI;tVlådFjRh

MyIvÎnSaÅw MyIhølTa

“Shall I give up my abundance, by which God and men are honored,

:MyIxEoDh_lAo Ao…wnDl yI;tVkAlDh◊w and go to shake the trees?”

Judg 9.9 is the first in a parallel series of questions (cf. 9.11, 13). The weqatal yI;tVkAlDh◊w

receives its deliberative mood from the preceding yiqtol, which is prefixed with the interrogative

particle. The weqatal is likely used once again to signal some connection between the two

actions. Another example is found in Judg 15.18. In all four occurrences in Judges, the weqatal

verb expressing deliberative mood follows a deliberative imperfect.

I. B. 3. Permissive Mood42

(5) Judg 19.9 ÔKRbDbVl bAfyˆy◊w hOÚp NyIl “Lodge here and let your heart be merry.

MRkV;k√rådVl rDjDm MR;tVmA;kVvIh ◊w

And you may rise early tomorrow for your journey,

ÔKRlDhOaVl D;tVkAlDh ◊w and you may go to your tent.”

As noted above, it is difficult to distinguish contextually what is imperatival and what is

permissive. I have chosen an imperatival interpretation here because the jussive verb KRbDbVl

seems to at least weaken the following commands. They are more expressed desires than

commands. Nevertheless, the weqatal verb has the ability to express each of these modal

gradations.

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42 Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL), “What is Permissive Mood?” Summer Institute of Linguistics, http://www.sil.org/linguistics/GlossaryOfLinguisticTerms/WhatIsPermissiveMood.htm: “Permissive mood is a directive mood that signals the speaker’s act of giving permission.”

I. B. 4. Jussive Mood43

(6) Judg 19.13 twømOqV;mAh dAjAaV;b hDb√rVqˆn◊w ÔKVl

“Come, let us draw near to one of the places

hDm∂rDb wøa hDoVbˆ…gAb …w…nAl ◊w

and let us lodge in Gibeah or in Ramah.”

Like example (5) above, the determination of jussive modality is contextually-based. The

weqatal form gives indication of a modal element, but it is up to the interpreter to decide what

that modal force is. I have chosen jussive mood for this example because of the preceding

cohortative hDb√rVqˆn◊w. …w…nAl◊w is also more likely to be jussive because it is in the first person.

II. Irrealis Modality

Irrealis modality is “a modality that connotes that the proposition with which it is

associated is nonactual or nonfactual”44 and includes both the subjunctive mood as well as

conditional statements.

II. A. Subjunctive Mood

(7) Judg 18.25 …wnD;mIo ÔKVlwøq oAmVvA;t_lAa

“Do not let your voice be heard among us,

vRp‰n yérDm MyIvÎnSa MRkDb …wo◊…gVpˆy_NRÚp lest men of bitter souls encounter you,

ÔKRtyE;b vRpRn◊w ÔKVvVpÅn hD;tVpAsDa ◊w

and lest you gather your soul and the souls of your house.”

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43 Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL), “What is Jussive Mood?” Summer Institute of Linguistics, http://www.sil.org/linguistics/GlossaryOfLinguisticTerms/WhatIsJussiveMood.htm: “Jussive mood is a directive mood that signal’s a speaker’s command, permission, or agreement that the proposition expressed by his or her utterance be brought about ... [it] is typically applicable in the first and third person.”

44 Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL), “What is Irrealis Modality?” Summer Institute of Linguistics, http://www.sil.org/linguistics/GlossaryOfLinguisticTerms/WhatIsIrrealisModality.htm.

The key to identifying this use of weqatal as subjunctive mood is the use of NRÚp, which

frequently connotes subjunctive mood. In this case, the people of Dan are speaking to Micah and

warning him of what might happen if he were to continue pursuing them after they had taken his

priest and household gods. At the point of their speaking, what the Danites were threatening was

still simply a non-actual possibility in the future.

II. A. 1. Purpose Volitionals

(8) Judg 11.8 ÔKyRlEa …wnVbAv hD;tAo NEkDl “Thus now we have turned to you,

…wnD;mIo D;tVkAlDh ◊w that you may go with us,

Nwø;mAo yEnVbI;b D;tVmAjVlˆn◊w

and that you may fight against the Ammonites

dDoVlˆg yEbVvOy lOkVl vaørVl …wnD;l DtyIyDh◊w

and that you may be to us a head over all the inhabitants of Gilead.”

! In Judg 11.8, the elders of Gilead come to Jephthah seeking his military leadership against

the Ammonites. The series of three weqatal verbs in the verse all express the purpose for which

they came to Jephthah. This is a fairly common usage of weqatal, and other examples can be

found in Judg 6.18; 7.11; 11.6, 37. It follows not only yiqtol verbs (11.6, 8, 37) but also jussive

verbs (6.18) and formal imperatives (7.11).

II. B. 1. Conditionals: Protasis

(9) Judg 11.9MEjD;lIhVl yItwøa MR;tAa MyIbyIvVm_MIa

Nwø;mAo yEnVbI;b

“If you bring me to fight the Ammonites

yIkOnDa yDnDpVl MDtwøa hDwh◊y NAtÎn ◊w

and Yahweh gives them over before me ...”

Weqatal verbs can also be found in the protasis of conditional statements (cf. Judg 14.12).

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II. B. 2. Conditionals: Apodosis

(10) Judg 4.8 yI;tVkDlDh◊w yI;mIo yIkVlE;t_MIa “If you will go with me, I will go.”

More commonly, however, weqatal verbs are found in the apodosis of conditional

statements with a yiqtol verb in the protasis. This is likely because the modal element is typically

emphasized in the apodosis of conditional statements (cf. Judg 4.20; 6.37; 14.12, 13; 16.7, 11,

17).

(11) Judg 6.17 ÔKyRnyEoV;b NEj yItaDxDm aDn_MIa “If I have found favor in your eyes,

twøa yI;l DtyIcDo◊w then show me a sign.”

Weqatal verbs with an imperatival force are also found in the apodosis of conditional

statements. In Judg 6.17, it follows a qatal verb in the protasis. In Judg 21.21, it follows a yiqtol

verb in the protasis.

III. Habitual

(12) Judg 6.3 lEa∂rVcˆy oårÎz_MIa hDyDh◊w “And it was that if the Israelites sowed

M®d®q_y´nVb…w qElDmSoÅw NDy√dIm hDlDo◊w

the Midianites and the Amalekites, and the sons of the East would come up,

:wyDlDo …wlDo◊w and they would come up against them.”

All of the examples thus far have occurred in direct speech. This is the first example of

the use of weqatal in past tense narration. Its usage in past tense narration seems to be similar to

that of yiqtol, in that it has the ability to convey habitual action. However, it is distinct from

yiqtol, in that whereas actions expressed by yiqtol are independent and solitary, action expressed

by weqatal are linked with the preceding action(s) (cf. Judg 6.5). In Judg 6.3, the action of the

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Midianites, Amalekites and the sons of the East coming up against the Israelites would occur

habitually after the Israelites planted their crops, which presumably itself was a habitual

occurrence.

IV. Future

(13) Judg 1.12 yI;tAtÎn◊w ;h∂dDkVl…w rRpEs_tÅy√rIq_tRa hR;kÅy_rRvSa

“whoever smites Kiriath-sepher and captures it”

Weqatal also has the ability to express the simple future. In the example of Judg 1.12,

there does not seem to be any prominent modal sense to the verb yI;tAtÎn◊w. It is essentially a

consequent action of the yiqtol hR;kÅy. Elsewhere in Judges, weqatal denotes a future action in

Judg 2.3 (following a yiqtol verb) and Judg 7.18 (following another weqatal verb).

V. Imperfective Aspect

(14) Judg 2.19 MDtwøbSaEm …wtyIjVvIh◊w …wbUvÎy

“They turned back and were more corrupt than their fathers.”

Lastly, weqatal has the ability, like yiqtol, to express imperfective aspect. Judg 2.19 is the

only other example of the use of weqatal in past tense narration besides Judg 6.3, 5.

Conclusion

From the preceding analysis, it is evident that the primary function of weqatal in Judges

is to communicate either deontic or irrealis modality. All but six of the occurrences of weqatal

have modal prominence, and if the three occurrences in past tense narration are eliminated, then

only three instances are non-modal. Even these three future tense examples (Judg 1.12; 2.3; 7.18)

are debatable however, since there is such a close relationship between modality and the future

tense, particularly in English. It can be concluded with some confidence that the function of

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weqatal in direct speech is to communicate a modal nuance. Furthermore, weqatal does not

usually occur independently; it usually follows another verb form and receives its force from that

preceding verb form, whether it be an imperative, modal imperfect, or another weqatal verb.

Thus, it can also be concluded that a weqatal verb is used (as opposed to a yiqtol verb) when the

author desires to link an action to a preceding action.

The following is a summary and and review of the various proposals of the use of

weqatal in BH advocated by Goldfajn, Cook, and Buth, respectively:

1. Goldfajn considers the function of weqatal is to express sequential events in the future of

Ts and mostly occurs in direct speech. Like wayyiqtol, it represents bounded situations

following each other in a progressive sequence, but unlike wayyiqtol, it conveys

posteriority in the future of Ts.

2. Cook argues that weqatal is the perfective qatal functioning modally. It appears in

backgrounded purpose or result clauses, foregrounded temporal apodoses in reference to

future events, introductory protasis-apodosis constructions with a conditional-deontic

sense, and with a simple deontic sense, depending on the type of discourse in which it

occurs.

3. Buth believes that weqatal is the future sequential tense-aspect and expresses sequential

future events, sequential future events as main events, sequential future events with their

own imperfective tense-aspect, and sequential future events with their own future tense-

aspect. Therefore, weqatal may be used in various functions to express (purpose)

volitionals, past habituals, and futures.

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How do each of these theories cohere with the biblical data? With respect to weqatal, the

weakness of Goldfajn’s system seems to be its incompleteness. Since her focus is the temporal

function of verbal forms, she does not present her perspective on the modal nuance of weqatal.

In my view, this is detrimental to her theory as a whole, since modality is such a primary

function of weqatal. In her defense, she might agree with a modal reading of weqatal and argue

that it is compatible with her system because weqatal still conveys posteriority in the future of

Ts, albeit with a modal nuance. Her understanding, however, places the emphasis on the temporal

quality rather than the modal quality. Additionally, it is uncertain how she would handle the

occurrences of weqatal which occur in past tense narration, particularly the example of Judg

2.19, in which a weqatal verb has an imperfective aspect rather than being a bounded situation as

Goldfajn describes.

Cook’s argument that weqatal is the perfective qatal functioning modally is best

supported by the biblical data. Since there is a close relationship between future tense and

modality in English, the modal element is somewhat obscured by the wide range of usage of the

English word “will.” However, as Cook notes, the modal nuance in each of the weqatal forms

needs to be emphasized. He correctly predicts the usage of weqatal in backgrounded purpose

clauses, foregrounded temporal apodoses in reference to future events, introductory protasis-

apodosis constructions with a conditional-deontic sense, and with a simple deontic sense.

Lastly, Buth does not emphasize the modal element of weqatal, but he does emphasize

the other important characteristic of weqatal: its ability to link actions and events in sequence.

Since his system is so flexible, it also has the ability to account for the wide range of usage of

weqatal in Judges. In particular, his system appropriately designates some weqatal verbs as

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having their own imperfective tense-aspect because of their presence in past-time contexts, e.g.

Judg 2.19, and other weqatal verbs as having their own future tense-aspect, e.g. Judg 1.12; 2.3;

7.18. The ability to explain these “outliers” (non-modal weqatal verbs) is one of the strengths of

Buth’s system.

It is important to note that these three views are not mutually exclusive. With respect to

weqatal, it is probably best to combine the views of Cook and Buth, while noting that modality

and future tense have a close relationship. In direct speech, weqatal is primarily a modal verb

form that links actions in sequence. In past tense narration, weqatal has the ability to express

imperfective aspect as well, although its sequential nature remains.

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