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The ecological footprint: an exhibit at an intergenerational trial? Gregory Ponthiere Received: 16 February 2007 / Accepted: 23 November 2007 / Published online: 6 December 2007 Ó Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2007 Abstract This paper aims at assessing the extent to which the ecological footprint indicator (EF) can be regarded as an exhibit allowing an intergenerational trial about the use of natural resources. For that purpose, we examine various criticisms questioning the relevancy of EF measures for the study of environmental justice between generations. We explore the difficulties raised by the physical—and highly aggregated—nature of EF measures, as well as problems related to the number, the possible non-existence, and the tastes of future generations. The extent to which postulates on nature’s regeneration and technological progress affect the significance of EF studies is also discussed. It is con- cluded that those criticisms, by identifying various weaknesses of EF measures for the study of intergenerational justice, point to several crucial refinements of existing EF-based analyses. Keywords Ecological footprint Á Future generations Á Intergenerational justice Á Natural resources 1 Introduction Introduced by Rees (1992) and Wackernagel and Rees (1996), the ecological footprint indicator (EF) measures the surface of land and water required by an economy to produce all goods consumed in that economy, and to absorb all wastes generated by their Readers should send their comments on this paper to: [email protected] within 3 months of publication of this issue. G. Ponthiere (&) FRS-FNRS, CREPP, HEC-ULg, University of Liege (Belgium), Boulevard du Rectorat, 9, Ba ˆtiment B31, Sart-Tilman, 4000 Liege, Belgium e-mail: [email protected] 123 Environ Dev Sustain (2009) 11:677–694 DOI 10.1007/s10668-007-9136-x

The ecological footprint: an exhibit at an intergenerational trial?

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Page 1: The ecological footprint: an exhibit at an intergenerational trial?

The ecological footprint: an exhibitat an intergenerational trial?

Gregory Ponthiere

Received: 16 February 2007 / Accepted: 23 November 2007 / Published online: 6 December 2007� Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2007

Abstract This paper aims at assessing the extent to which the ecological footprint

indicator (EF) can be regarded as an exhibit allowing an intergenerational trial about the

use of natural resources. For that purpose, we examine various criticisms questioning the

relevancy of EF measures for the study of environmental justice between generations. We

explore the difficulties raised by the physical—and highly aggregated—nature of EF

measures, as well as problems related to the number, the possible non-existence, and the

tastes of future generations. The extent to which postulates on nature’s regeneration and

technological progress affect the significance of EF studies is also discussed. It is con-

cluded that those criticisms, by identifying various weaknesses of EF measures for the

study of intergenerational justice, point to several crucial refinements of existing EF-based

analyses.

Keywords Ecological footprint � Future generations � Intergenerational justice �Natural resources

1 Introduction

Introduced by Rees (1992) and Wackernagel and Rees (1996), the ecological footprint

indicator (EF) measures the surface of land and water required by an economy to produce

all goods consumed in that economy, and to absorb all wastes generated by their

Readers should send their comments on this paper to: [email protected] within 3 months of publicationof this issue.

G. Ponthiere (&)FRS-FNRS, CREPP, HEC-ULg, University of Liege (Belgium), Boulevard du Rectorat,9, Batiment B31, Sart-Tilman, 4000 Liege, Belgiume-mail: [email protected]

123

Environ Dev Sustain (2009) 11:677–694DOI 10.1007/s10668-007-9136-x

Page 2: The ecological footprint: an exhibit at an intergenerational trial?

production.1 Thanks to its capacity to provide, by means of a single figure, a global picture

of human dependency on nature, the EF has become, during the last decade, increasingly

used by scientists studying the pressure put by human societies on the natural

environment.2

EF measures have been computed for various purposes, such as the comparison of the

dependencies of diverse regions on natural resources (see Bicknell et al. 1998; Wacker-

nagel et al. 2005). Other applications include the empirical estimation of the environmental

impact of various consumption goods (see Wiedmann et al. 2006), and the description of

possible future ecological scenarios (see van Vuuren and Bouwman 2005; Yue et al. 2006).

Besides those different applications, EF measures have been also computed to study

environmental justice between generations, that is, to make empirically grounded state-

ments about the fairness, with respect to future people, of the current depletion of natural

resources.

In order to evaluate the fairness of the current use of natural resources with respect to

future generations, EF measures are generally contrasted with bio-capacity estimates

(measuring the maximum supply of natural resources compatible with their reproduction).

That conventional use of EF measures is illustrated by Fig. 1, which compares, for the last

40 years, the evolutions of the world’s EF and the world’s bio-capacity.3

As shown by Fig. 1, the surface required by the production of the consumption basket of

the average citizen of the world has significantly grown over time, from about 1.6 global

hectares in 1961 to about 2.2 global hectares today. Moreover, given that bio-capacity has,

over the same period, fallen, a kind of ‘environmental deficit’ has appeared since the early

1980s, reflecting that the pressure put on nature exceeds the one allowing its reproduction.

Hence, if one adheres to a purely physical, resources-centred concept of sustainability, the

current use of natural resources appears to be unsustainable.

The EF, by allowing the comparison of the actual pressure put on nature with the

hypothetical pressure compatible with the reproduction of nature, can be used as an

‘exhibit’, making possible the existence, at least in theory, of an ‘intergenerational trial’.

Such a ‘trial’ would allow the defence of future generations’ rights, which seem, in the

light of EF figures, to be violated by the current use of nature. Hence, current generations

may be ‘condemned’ on the grounds of their excessive—and unfair—depletion of nature

revealed by EF figures.

However, although a priori well-founded, the above use of EF measures as a kind of

exhibit is not exempt from criticisms. Thus, it is far from obvious that EF figures can really

serve as a basis for the making of an intergenerational trial about the use of natural

resources.

The goal of this paper is to evaluate the capacity of the EF to serve as an exhibit at an

intergenerational trial, by examining the validity of the major arguments against such a use

of EF measures. In other words, the present study aims at investigating whether the EF

indicator can be regarded as having the ability to ground, on empirical facts, statements

about intergenerational justice as far as the use of natural resources is concerned.

1 The EF is measured in ‘global hectares’. A global hectare is an aggregated unit of measurement forsurface, in which all kinds of biologically productive areas are converted by means of equivalence factors(e.g. an hectare of pasture equals 0.5 global hectares; an hectare of forest equals 1.4 global hectares). SeeWackernagel et al. (2005).2 See, for instance, the Symposium on the Ecological Footprint in Ecological Economics (2000).3 Sources: Global Footprint Network, available online at http://www.footprintnetwork.org.

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For that purpose, we shall abstract from several criticisms against EF measures, such as

the difficulty, in (circular) economies where millions of goods are produced by means of

millions of goods, to compute the surface required by the production of each of those goods

(see Bicknell et al. 1998). Moreover, we shall also abstract from EF’s anthropocentric

nature (see Venetoulis and Talberth 2007), and from interpretational difficulties raised by

the comparison of EF figures across countries (see van den Berg and Verbruggen 1999;

Ferguson 1999). Hence, this study aims at complementing the existing literature on the EF,

by examining its foundations as an indicator of environmental justice between generations.

This paper is organized as follows. Sections ‘The ecological footprint and resources-

centred sustainability’ and ‘The ecological footprint and the aggregation criticism’ review

several criticisms against the EF as an informational basis for the study of intergenera-

tional justice. Then, Sections ‘The ecological footprint and the different number problem’,

‘The ecological footprint and the uncertainty about future generations’ existence’, and ‘The

ecological footprint and the non-identity problem’ explore some problems related to futuregenerations—their number, their possible non-existence, and their tastes—in the context of

EF-based analyses. Finally, Sections ‘The ecological footprint and the knowledge of

nature’s regeneration’ and ‘The ecological footprint and the knowledge of technological

progress’ assess the extent to which difficulties to make forecasts on nature’s reproduction

and technological progress affect the usefulness of EF calculations. Section ‘Concluding

remarks’ concludes.

2 The ecological footprint and resources-centred sustainability

The status of the ecological footprint as an exhibit making an intergenerational trial possible

can be questioned by arguing that the EF constitutes a purely physical index, which, as such,

has little relevance for assessing the fairness of the actual depletion of nature.

That criticism, which was made, among others, by van den Berg and Verbruggen

(1999), can be formulated as follows.4 The EF indicator is, by definition, a physical index,

Fig. 1 World’s ecological footprint and bio-capacity, 1961–2002 [sources: Global Footprint Network (2005)]

4 Criticisms against the purely physical nature of the EF were also made by Ayres (2000), Moffat (2000)and van Kooten and Bulte (2000). For a defence, see Wackernagel and Silverstein (2000).

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which aggregates goods by weighting these not by market prices (which have, under some

assumptions, a welfare significance), but, rather, by their costs in terms of natural

resources. However, as van den Berg and Verbruggen (1999) emphasized, physical weights

do not necessarily coincide with social weights. Hence, given that EF measures have no

obvious relation with social welfare, using EF measures as a basis for assessing the fairness

of nature’s depletion is inadequate. Knowing how many global hectares are used to pro-

duce current generations’ consumption is useless, as this informs us neither on the welfare

that current generations derive from these, nor on the damages undergone by future

generations.

That criticism tends also to question the relevancy, for intergenerational justice, of

comparing the pressure put on nature with bio-capacity. Actually, once it is acknowledged

that the EF has no relation with social welfare, it is not obvious to see why one should, as

we did in Section ‘Introduction’, compare the actual EF level with its hypothetical level

maintaining the stock of natural resources constant. Is the constancy of the stock of natural

resources the ethical standard that is relevant for assessing the fairness of the current use of

resources?

Thus, van den Berg and Verbruggen’s criticism of the welfare foundations of the EF

tends also to question the significance of the conventional uses of EF figures (see Wa-

ckernagel et al. 1999, 2005). By assuming that the ‘fair’ lifestyle consists of the one

allowing the reproduction of natural resources, those interpretations rely implicitly on a

resource-centred sustainability standard that has no obvious ethical support.

Nevertheless, although it casts some doubts on the relevancy of usual interpretations of

EF figures for intergenerational justice, that criticism does not question the validity of

other possible interpretations, which might be immunized against it. Actually, whereas

usual interpretations of EF figures are based on the resource-centred sustainability stan-

dard—whose significance is questionable—the reliance on that standard is not the unique

possible one.

To see the possibility of relying on other ethical standards of intergenerational justice, it

is crucial to notice that the EF indicator, although it aggregates goods by means of their

costs in terms of natural resources, can nonetheless, under some conditions, allow the

making of judgements about intergenerational justice in welfare terms. Hence, under some

conditions, the EF can be compatible with other—non-necessarily physical—ethical

standards of intergenerational justice. Let us now be more precise about what those

conditions are.

Clearly, EF measures do not, in their usual form, allow us to study intergenerational

justice in welfare terms, because EF measures depend on the general consumption level in

the society and on the effectiveness of the production technology in terms of natural

resources. Hence, the fact that a society exhibits a higher EF than another can be caused

either by a higher consumption in that society—so that its members are better off—or,

on the contrary, by a more wasteful production technology—so that its members are not

better off.5

Thus, if one wants to draw, on the basis of EF inter-temporal inequalities, some con-

clusions about the welfare of different generations, it is necessary to compute EF measures

under the assumption of a fixed technology of reference, that is, ‘net’ EF measures, as

suggested by Haberl et al. (2001). Net EF figures, by measuring the hypothetical pressure

put on nature by a society under a technology of reference, allow us to abstract from

5 That fact is acknowledged by Wackernagel and Yount (2000), when they argue that a reduction offootprint does not necessarily reduce human welfare.

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differences in production technologies, and to interpret inter-temporal inequalities in EF in

welfare terms.

To see this, let us suppose that economic welfare is additive over time, and increasing

and concave in consumption. Moreover, let us abstract from intra-period inequalities.

Under those assumptions, it is straightforward to see that, in an overlapping generations

one-good economy with stationary population size and age-structure, inequalities in net EF

figures are equivalent to inequalities in generational welfare. Actually, once the technology

is fixed, the EF becomes a consumption index, so that it is possible, under some

assumptions on welfare, to ‘jump’ from inequalities in net EF to inequalities in lifetime

welfare. Generations alive at periods where the net EF is higher must be characterized by

higher lifetime welfare levels.

Naturally, the interpretation of net EF measures as indexes of generational lifetime

(economic) welfare is heterodox, and requires some—non-weak—assumptions on welfare.

However, that interpretation has the virtue to cast a new light on existing interpretational

tensions raised by EF measures. Actually, the interpretation of conventional, ‘raw’ EF

figures is often made difficult by the fact that raw EF figures measure something that is

neither to be maximized (because societies with the highest EF are far from ‘models’), nor

to be minimized (because societies with the lowest EF are often the ones with the lowest

standards of living).

The heterodox interpretation of EF figures proposed here makes that confusion disap-

pear. Once net EF figures are computed and interpreted as indexes of generational

economic lifetime welfare, it appears that the reason why EF figures measure something

that is neither to be maximized, nor to be minimized, is that the EF indicator is not

concerned with the natural environment per se (unlike what usual interpretations suggest),

but with environmental justice between people. Hence, what has to be interpreted is not a

single EF figure, but, rather, the entire distribution of EF figures across time and space.

Furthermore, besides its virtue to make interpretational tensions vanish, the heterodox

interpretation of net EF measures as indexes of generational lifetime welfare makes also

appear that EF figures can be interpreted in various ways, and do not necessarily require

the use of a physical ethical standard, such as resources-centred sustainability. Once net EF

inequalities can be interpreted as welfare inequalities between generations, the fairness of

the actual use of nature can also be assessed in the light of other, welfare-based, ethical

standards.

More precisely, one can, under several assumptions about technology and about the

laws of reproduction of nature, compare the actual (net and raw) EF profiles with the fair

EF profiles recommended by distinct, welfare-based ethical standards. Such standards

could be, for instance, egalitarian welfarism, requiring the maximization of the welfare of

the worse-off generation, or, classical utilitarianism, defining the fair use of natural

resources as the one maximizing the total welfare of all existing generations.6 Egalitarian

welfarism would, under a fixed rate of regeneration of natural resources and a constant-

return-to-scale technology with a constant technological progress, imply a constant net EF

profile, and a decreasing raw EF profile (allowing early generations to deplete nature to a

larger extent, to compensate their worse technology). On the contrary, classical utilitari-

anism would, under such conditions, recommend increasing net and raw EF profiles. If the

future technology is more efficient than the current one, the depletion of natural resources

should be postponed to future generations, who will make a better use of these. A strong

6 Note that the solvability of the fair EF profile under classical utilitarianism requires, under no discounting,a finite number of generations.

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tendency of nature to reproduce itself supports also the postponement of the use of natural

resources, to let these accumulate themselves.7

One may question the validity of such descriptive analyses of environmental justice

between generations, on the grounds of the limited validity of the assumptions made on

technological progress and nature’s regeneration (see Sections ‘The ecological footprint

and the knowledge of nature’s regeneration’ and ‘The ecological footprint and the

knowledge of technological progress’). But those criticisms are different from the argu-

ment suggesting that the EF, being a physical indicator—and thus requiring a physical

interpretation—cannot help for the study of intergenerational justice.

Hence, the questioning, on the grounds of the purely physical nature of the EF, of the

status of the EF indicator as an exhibit at an intergenerational trial is not fully convincing.

Provided additional assumptions are made, it is possible to use EF measures to judge the

intergenerational fairness of the current use of natural resources without necessarily relying

on the usual—somewhat narrow—resources-centred sustainability standard.

3 The ecological footprint and the aggregation criticism

Another criticism consists of questioning the extra-value brought by the EF indicator in the

study of intergenerational justice on the grounds of its highly aggregated nature, which,

although pedagogically useful, may nonetheless be inadequate for the purpose at hand.

That criticism, which was made by, among others, van den Berg and Verbruggen

(1999), Ayres (2000), Opschoor (2000) and van Kooten and Bulte (2000), goes as follows.

EF figures, by measuring the total pressure put on nature at a particular point in time,

provide only a global view of the extent to which natural resources are used by current

generations. Although that global view, by summarizing a complex situation into a single

figure, has the virtue to make current generations aware of the actual depletion of nature, it

has also a non-negligible informational cost. EF statistics tends, by aggregating the pres-

sures put by current generations on different aspects of nature, to ‘hide’ the diverse pieces

of information on which it is based. Such pieces of information may be most relevant for

intergenerational justice, so that the computation of EF figures involves inevitably an

undesirable loss of information.

To illustrate this, let us consider the example of an economy with two natural resources

A and B, which are used in the production of various consumption goods. Those resources

differ by the rate at which these reproduce themselves over time, resource A reproducing

itself at a constant rate lower than the one at which resource B reproduces itself. Let us now

compute EF figures, by firstly converting the quantities of resources A and B required by

the production of consumed goods into surface, and, then, by aggregating these. It is not

difficult to see that a given EF figure may correspond to very different situations,

depending on the extent to which resources A and B are depleted. If the measured total

pressure put on nature is due to a large depletion of resource A, and to a low depletion of

resource B, this may have, given the lower regeneration rate of resource A, worse con-

sequences on future generations.8 However, the EF, by being highly aggregated, does not

7 Note that the extent to which postponing the use of resources is socially desirable depends on theconcavity of temporal welfare: the more concave welfare is in consumption, the lower the gains from savingresources are.8 The extent to which this is so depends on the degree of substitutability in the production process (seeinfra).

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discriminate between those situations, which differ significantly as far as environmental

justice between generations is concerned.

Thus, the highly aggregated nature of the EF should be regarded as both a strength and a

weakness of that indicator. On the one hand, it is true, as Wackernagel and Rees (1997)

argued, that the EF promotes the collective awareness of the global pressure put by current

generations on nature. As Costanza (2000) underlined, it is the mono-dimensionality of EF

measures that helps people visualizing the size of Man’s impact on nature. However, on the

other hand, the EF indicator does not tell us how each natural resource—taken sepa-rately—is used. Given that natural resources follow various reproduction laws, and are

subject to various depletion patterns, the EF may show us only one part of reality: the tip of

the iceberg.

Hence, the EF indicator, by aggregating—and thus hiding—pieces of information that

are relevant for intergenerational justice, does not exhaust the list of exhibits required for

an intergenerational trial. The EF cannot dispense us from studying the depletion of natural

resources individually, which matters also for environmental justice between generations.

Nevertheless, although the criticism of EF figures on the grounds of their highly

aggregated nature is well-founded, one could hardly use that criticism to question the

overall significance of EF calculations for the assessment of the fairness of the current use

of nature. Contrary to the conclusions drawn by Opschoor (2000), the aggregation criticism

does not question footprint analyses in general, but, rather, emphasizes the necessity to

complement global footprint assessments by the calculation of disaggregated footprint

measures. A synthetic indicator providing a global picture of the pressure put on the natural

environment remains useful. The aggregation criticism implies only that aggregated EF

measures should be complemented by more disaggregated footprint measures.9

4 The ecological footprint and the different number problem

The conventional use of EF measures in an intergenerational context can also be criticized

on the grounds that it mistakenly regards the number of future people as independent from

current actions. However, as Kavka (1978) emphasized, our current actions—including our

depletion of natural resources—will influence the number of future people. The situation

faced corresponds to what Parfit (1984) called a different number problem. Thus, EF-based

judgements postulating a fixed number of generations (or people) seem to be irrelevant: if

the number of future people depends on current decisions, why should current generations

worry about the natural resources available for—contingent—future generations?

Actually, even if the current EF is higher than the postulated ethical standard—e.g. bio-

capacity—one can argue that such an excessive use is not unfair with respect to future

people. The reason why this is not unfair is that future people will exist only if enough

natural resources are still available at that time. Hence, if the number of people tends to

adjust itself to our actions, it seems that we can deplete nature today without any con-

straint. Thus, while Ferguson (1999, p. 153) argued, on the basis of EF figures, that, in

order to live in a sustainable way, western European countries and the U.S. should reduce

significantly their populations, one may reply to this that there is no point living in a

sustainable way, because future people will not suffer from non-existing. It follows from

this that EF figures seem to be irrelevant for the issue of intergenerational justice. But is

that criticism really convincing?

9 For footprint analyses at various aggregated and disaggregated levels, see Wiedmann et al. (2006).

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True, the number of future people may depend on our current actions, and, thus, on the

precise extent to which we are depleting natural resources. But even if one adheres to that

statement, this does not suffice to make EF measures of the pressure put on nature irrel-

evant. The observation that the number of future people will depend on the current

depletion of nature implies that the number of future generations to be used in the deri-

vation of a fair EF profile under a particular ethical standard should be modelled as a

function of the EF itself. However, that corollary does not suffice to make the calculation

of EF measures useless.

To illustrate this, let us suppose that, in the current state of the world, we are facing a

choice between two ‘lifestyles’, imposing two distinct pressures on nature, and leading, infine, to two different (raw and net) EF levels, EFlow and EFhigh. Let us assume that, under

the low pressure on nature (i.e. EFlow), the number of future generations is high, and equal

to, let us say, 100,000 generations. However, under the high pressure on nature (i.e.

EFhigh), only 85,000 generations will exist. Does the dependency of the number of future

generations on the current EF level affect the significance of the EF for the study of

intergenerational justice?

The fairness of each ‘lifestyle’—whatever the population size is the same in each case

or not—can only be assessed by first computing net EF profiles over existing generations

under each scenario, and, then, by discussing the precise extent to which those profiles

depart from the fair EF profile under the chosen standard of intergenerational justice. Only

such an analysis can tell us which lifestyle is the most fair with respect to future gener-

ations. Hence, judging the fairness of each current lifestyle with respect to future

generations—whatever their number is—could hardly be made without comparing actual

EF profiles with the EF profile recommended by the selected ethical standard.

One should thus distinguish two stages in the making of an intergenerational trial: (1)

the selection of an ethical standard dealing with situations where the number of generations

is not fixed; (2) the use of EF figures as an empirical tool on the basis of which one can

evaluate the fairness of different scenarios in the light of the selected ethical standard.

There is no doubt that selecting an ethical standard of intergenerational justice when the

number of generations varies is a complex task, as shown by the population ethics liter-

ature.10 However, that difficult choice does not affect the relevancy of EF measures for the

comparison of the actual use of natural resources with the use recommended by the

(selected) ethical standard.

5 The ecological footprint and the uncertainty about future generations’ existence

Whereas the fact that current actions may influence the number of future people does not

disqualify EF measures, the relevancy of the EF for the study of intergenerational justice

may nonetheless be questioned on the grounds that the interpretation of EF measures relies

on strong assumptions on the mere existence of future people. Actually, although EF-based

analyses presuppose that some people will necessarily exist in the future, it might be the

case, as Dasgupta and Heal (1979) rightly emphasized, that future people will not exist at

all, because of an event having nothing to do with our actions (e.g. a meteor falling on the

Earth).

10 The complexity of the task is well illustrated by the recent treatise of Blackorby et al. (2005). The largestdifficulty consists of selecting what Broome (2004) calls a ‘welfare level neutral for existence’ (i.e. makingthe existence of a person neutral from a social point of view).

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In other words, one may question the relevancy, for intergenerational justice, of com-

paring actual EF figures, reflecting the current depletion of natural resources, with fair EF

levels recommended by particular ethical standards (whatever these are), on the grounds

that future people may simply not exist. Hence, investigating whether the current pressure

put on nature is fair or not—while taking the existence of some future people as given—is

irrelevant.

That criticism, based on the possible non-existence of future people (see Dasgupta and

Heal 1979), differs from the one discussed in the previous Section. The latter questioned

the significance of EF figures on the grounds that the number of future people will adapt to

our actions, so that we should not care about future people when depleting nature today. On

the contrary, the present criticism questions the relevancy of EF measures on the grounds

that the number of future people is not under our control, and is unknown. Hence, state-

ments on the fairness of the current depletion with respect to future people, by taking the

existence of those people as given—while it is not—are highly speculative and not far from

worthless.

Why should one worry about the natural resources available for future people, if the

existence of those temporally distant people is highly uncertain? Once we acknowledge

that future people may not exist, our duties towards them are no longer obvious, and the

value of judgements drawn from comparing EF figures with fair EF levels becomes

questionable.

However, it should be stressed here that acknowledging the uncertainty about the

number of future people questions the validity of some EF-based judgements, but not of all

of them. Whereas the uncertainty about the number of future people makes EF-based

judgements questionable if these rely on the postulate that future people will live for sure,

the uncertainty about the number of future generations on the Earth casts no doubt on the

validity of EF-based judgements taking the possibility of an exogenous extinction of

Mankind into account.

Actually, it is possible, when computing the fair EF level under a particular ethical

standard, to assume that there exists a strictly positive exogenous risk of extinction of

Humanity at all points in time, and to derive the fair EF profile accordingly. Then, in a

second stage, that fair EF profile could still be compared with the actual one, and judge-

ments could be drawn concerning the fairness of the current use of natural resources with

respect to possible—but not certain—future generations. Hence, the existence of a positive

probability of extinction of life on the Earth does not disqualify the use of EF measures as a

basis for the making of an intergenerational trial. On the contrary, it requires a modification

of the definition of the fair EF taken as a reference, in order to incorporate the risk of

extinction.

The possibility that life might cease to exist on the Earth at some point in the future is

thus not sufficient to question the use, in principle, of EF indicators. However, the

uncertainty about the length of Mankind raises two complex problems for the assessment

of the fairness of the depletion of natural resources, the first being theoretical, while the

second is practical.

The first problem consists of determining the precise form under which the uncertainty

about the existence of future generations should be incorporated into the ethical standard

used as a reference for the definition of a fair use of natural resources. That question can be

reformulated as the search for a set of axioms of choice under uncertainty, which would not

conflict with basic intuitions about intergenerational justice. A first problem is whether one

can reduce the situation of uncertainty about the length of existence of Humanity into a

situation of risk about the length of existence of Humanity (in which probabilities of

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Humanities of different lengths can be estimated). But even if that reduction can be made,

the selection of a framework modelling the risk about the length of Mankind is not trivial.

As illustrated by the debates raised by uncertainty-based ‘pure’ discounting under classical

utilitarianism, introducing risk in conventional ethical standards is far from

straightforward.11

The second problem raised by the uncertainty about future generations’ existence

concerns the calibration of the exogenous risk of extinction. Indeed, even if one can select

a plausible ethical standard taking uncertainty about the length of Humanity into account,

the making of judgements about the fairness of the current use of natural resources requires

to assign a particular value—or, at least, some interval of values—to the probability that

life on the Earth will cease. Otherwise, if it is not possible to calibrate that risk, the fair EF

level cannot be computed, so that actual EF figures cannot be contrasted with fair EF

levels, and no judgement can be made as far as the fairness of the current use of nature is

concerned.

Those two difficulties raised by the uncertainty about future people’s existence could be

overcome by arguing that, even if future people may not exist, current generations should

behave as if the existence of future generations was certain, even if it is not the case. Hence, if

one follows that ‘as if’ requirement, judgements on the fairness of the current depletion of

nature can still be made by comparing actual EF levels with fair EF levels under particular

ethical standards taking the existence of some number of future generations as given.

Naturally, one may regard that ‘as if’ requirement as an ad hoc solution allowing us to

escape from all theoretical and practical difficulties raised by uncertainty about future

people’s existence. Actually, it is hard to see why the lower likelihood of existence of very

distant future generations should not be taken into account when defining a fair EF level,

and when assessing the fairness of the current depletion of natural resources.

However, whatever one adheres to the ‘as if’ requirement or not, acknowledging the

uncertainty about future people’s existence does not question the significance of EF measures

for the assessment of the fairness of our actions with respect to future generations. Uncertainty

about future people’s existence can be incorporated into the ethical standard from which the

fair EF level is derived. Whatever the way by which that incorporation is made, one will

always have, in fine, to compare that resulting fair EF level with the actual, observed one.

Hence, uncertainty about the number of future people does not question the role played by EF

figures when discussing the fairness of the current use of natural resources.

6 The ecological footprint and the non-identity problem

Beyond the facts that current actions may influence the number of future people, and that

the existence of future people may also depend on uncontrollable events, there can be no

doubt that the lifestyle prevailing today is also likely to affect what future people will be.

Hence, we face here what Parfit (1984) named a non-identity problem. Actually, selecting a

specific lifestyle today—leading to a particular pressure put on nature, measured by the

EF—is likely to influence the identities of future people, and their preferences. The reason

why this is the case is that the identities and preferences of future people are not given to

them, but are learned by future individuals, as this was stressed by, among others,

Boulding (1969).

11 The seminal work on discounting on the grounds of the more uncertain existence of future people isDasgupta and Heal (1979). See also Bommier and Zuber (2006) for recent advances on that issue.

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However, acknowledging this dependency of future people’s identities and tastes on our

current actions is not without consequences on the possibility of an intergenerational trial,

especially if one would like that trial to be based on a welfarist ethical standard (Section

‘The ecological footprint and resources-centred sustainability’). Once the tastes of future

people depend on what we do, it becomes hard to assess the fairness of current actions.

Judging the fairness of current actions is especially difficult when individual tastes are

subject to an adaptation process of the kind studied in Elster (1983), where the availability

of resources tends to shape people’s preferences.

To see this, let us turn back to Fig. 1, according to which we are currently over-

exploiting natural resources, in such a way that is not compatible with the regeneration of

nature. Is such an excessive use of natural resources unfair with respect to future gener-

ations? If one adheres to resources-centred sustainability standard, and if one takes the

number of future people as certain and given, the answer is definitely yes. However, if one

relies on a welfarist ethical standard, one may argue, on the contrary, that such a depletion

is not unfair, on the grounds that future generations’ preferences will be ‘adapted’ to the

scarcity of natural resources prevailing at the time of their existence. Hence, the low

remaining stock of natural resources will not affect the welfare of those future people with

tastes different from ours.

But if people’s preferences tend to adapt to the available resources, does any com-

parison of the actual EF with the fair EF under fixed preferences make any sense? After all,

if over-depleting resources today is not unfair (because future people, by adapting their

tastes, will not suffer from our use of resources), judgements based on EF measures seem

to become hardly informative as far as intergenerational justice is concerned.

However, contrary to that severe conclusion, it is not obvious that the endogeneity of

tastes highlighted by Boulding (1969) and Elster (1983) casts some doubts on the relevancy

of the EF indicator for the study of intergenerational justice. Actually, the endogeneity of

tastes does not question the use of EF measures in general, but only the comparisons of

actual EF levels with fair EF levels defined under a welfarist ethical standard. Hence, the

endogeneity of tastes casts some doubts on the reliance on a welfarist standard, but not on

the general use of EF measures. The existence of psychological mechanisms adapting

tastes to the prevailing circumstances does not question the meaningfulness of comparing

EF with bio-capacity.

Moreover, one should also notice that individual preferences will not necessarily adapt

in the direction of accepting the prevailing scarcity of natural resources. It might be the

case that the preferences of future people differ from ours by valuing more—instead of

less—natural resources, as a reaction to their stronger scarcity. Hence, although future

people will not have the same preferences as ours—so that welfare comparisons relying on

fixed, common preferences constitute approximations—it is nonetheless hard to know how

tastes will evolve. The shift in preferences will not necessarily go in the direction of

preferring goods whose production requires the use of fewer—rather than more—natural

resources. Thus, taking preferences as fixed over time may lead to underestimate—rather

than overestimate—the unfairness of our depletion of nature with respect to future

generations.12

12 Another limitation of the adaptive tastes criticism arises from the fact that the amount of naturalresources consumed by humans depends not only on their tastes, but, also, on how the society is organized(which is something on which individuals have, in the short run, little control). Hence, EF-based analysesremain relevant, as the adaptation of future generations’ tastes cannot avoid a large welfare loss due tolimited natural resources.

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All this suggests that acknowledging the non-constancy of preferences does not suffice

to disqualify EF measures as a basis allowing empirically grounded judgements about the

fairness of the depletion of nature. On the contrary, the non-constancy of preferences

requires, when computing the fair EF level, to make not one, but several postulates on the

evolution of people’s preferences. A recent example of EF studies including such a multi-

scenario analysis for the evolution of tastes is provided by Senbel et al. (2003).13 In their

forecasting of EF for North America over 2000–2100, Senbel et al. used three scenarios:

‘simplicity’, ‘moderation’ and ‘luxury’, each of these involving different tastes and con-

sumption sets.

To conclude, the non-identity problem does not question the use of EF measures as a

basis for making judgements about the fairness, with respect to future generations, of the

current depletion of nature. That problem requires only, when making such judgements, a

particular attention to be paid to the issue of the evolution of preferences over time, and,

also, to the question of which preferences shifts should be regarded as morally relevant.

That latter point raises the well-known—but complex—problem of the optimal degree of

paternalism in normative economics.14 But those problems do not concern the EF in

particular, and can be discussed without questioning the role of the EF in the study of

intergenerational justice.

7 The ecological footprint and the knowledge of nature’s regeneration

When defining the fair EF level to be compared, in an intergenerational trial, with actual

EF figures, a central requirement, besides the choice of an ethical standard, is to make

plausible assumptions on the laws of reproduction of nature. Actually, the extent to which

the current depletion of resources is fair depends on its impact on the quantity of natural

resources available for future generations, which is determined by how nature reproduces

itself.

If, for instance, one assesses the fairness of current depletion by comparing the actual

EF with bio-capacity (see Section ‘Introduction’), the resulting judgement depends sig-

nificantly on how bio-capacity is computed. As this is discussed in Wackernagel et al.

(2005), the computation of bio-capacity requires the making of various assumptions on the

reproduction of natural resources. Alternatively, if one compares the actual EF with the fair

EF under a classical utilitarian standard, the same sensitivity to the laws of reproduction of

nature arises. Under a constant rate of regeneration of resources, a higher reproduction of

nature—taken here as a single input—leads to a more increasing fair net EF profile: a

higher ‘rate of return’ on natural ‘capital’ makes the saving of those resources more

desirable from a utilitarian perspective.

However, the dependency of the fair EF profile on the postulated laws of reproduction

of nature is not unproblematic for the making of an intergenerational trial. Actually, as this

was stressed by Ayres (2000), Deutsch et al. (2000) and Rapport (2000), the laws under

which natural resources reproduce themselves are not only diverse, but, also, highly

complex and largely unknown.15 Hence, drawing, on the basis of EF figures, conclusions

about the fairness of the current depletion of nature seems, given the lack of knowledge on

13 See also van Vuuren and Bouwman (2005).14 On paternalism, see Broome (1994).15 On the various laws of reproduction of natural resources, see Clark (1990).

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the concrete effects of our actions on the future stock of all those resources, highly

speculative and questionable.

That criticism is quite convincing, as it is obvious that our knowledge of the laws of

reproduction of nature is limited: there exist millions of distinct species and resources,

whose reproductions follow various laws, many of these being still unknown. Hence, any

statement on the fairness of current depletion—which has to be based on some assumptions

on the reproduction of nature—is necessarily fragile. All this tends thus to cast some

doubts on the comparison, carried out in Section ‘Introduction’, of the EF with bio-

capacity, on the grounds that the latter can only be a proxy of the EF allowing the exact

reproduction of nature as a whole. Similarly, our lack of knowledge on how nature

reproduces itself tends also to question the exactness of all EF-based judgements relying on

approximate assumptions for those laws.16

Nevertheless, one can hardly deduce from that criticism that EF measures are irrelevant

for the study of intergenerational justice. Actually, our lack of knowledge on the laws of

regeneration of natural resources does not suffice to disqualify EF measures. The reason for

this is that, even if we do not know the exact consequences of the current depletion of

natural resources on the quantity of those resources available for future generations, this

dispenses us neither from measuring the actual depletion of nature, nor from analysing the

extent to which that depletion is, in the light of the knowledge we have, fair with respect to

future generations.

Our lack of knowledge on nature’s reproduction can hardly be regarded as a good

reason for ignoring the consequences of our actions on future people, so that it makes

sense, even under an imperfect knowledge, to compute EF figures, and to contrast these

with what seems to be a fair EF level under plausible assumptions on nature’s laws. For

that purpose, one should rely not on a single, but on several plausible scenarios for the

reproduction of nature.

Hence, whereas our imperfect knowledge of nature’s reproduction makes the fair EF

level more difficult to define and compute, this does not, however, question the principle of

making an intergenerational trial through the comparison of actual depletion of natural

resources—as synthesized by EF figures—and a fair depletion of resources, even if this has

to be approximated by means of several sets of hypotheses on nature’s regeneration.

8 The ecological footprint and the knowledge of technological progress

Judgements about the fairness of the depletion of nature must rely also on some postulates

on the production technology, and on its evolution over time. As stressed by Roemer

(2005), postulates on technology—especially the assumed substitutability between

inputs—play a crucial role in the definition of a fair depletion of natural resources.

Actually, a sufficiently large substitutability between human-made capital and natural

capital can strongly weaken the constraints imposed by a given standard of intergenera-

tional justice.

Even if one abstracts from substitutability issues, and supposes that production involves

a natural resource (let us say ‘surface’) as a unique input, the extent to which current

actions will affect future generations depends on how efficient the technique used by future

16 Note that bio-capacity depends not only on natural laws, but, also, on human intervention into ecosys-tems, and, thus, on technologies. Their evolution in the future is, as discussed in Section ‘The ecologicalfootprint and the knowledge of technological progress’, also difficult to forecast.

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generations will be. For instance, under egalitarian welfarism, the higher technological

progress is, the more decreasing the fair raw EF profile is across generations. Actually, if

future people benefit from a more efficient technology (requiring a smaller quantity of

natural resources for the production of each unit of good), early generations should be

allowed to extract more resources, to ‘compensate’ these for having a less efficient

technique.

Given that judgements comparing actual EF profiles with fair EF profiles are generally

dependent on some postulates about the evolution of technology over time, it is tempting to

criticize those judgements on the grounds of the necessary approximate nature of postu-

lates on the evolution of technology. Indeed, if one cannot know precisely what production

technologies will prevail in one or two centuries, how could one know the consequences of

the current use of nature on the capacity of future generations to satisfy their needs?

That criticism was formulated against EF calculations by, among others, Costanza

(2000), Ayres (2000), and Moffat (2000), who criticized existing EF applications on the

grounds of their (general) reliance on a fixed technology postulate. It is not difficult to see

how the existence of technological progress can be used to question the validity of

EF-based judgements emphasizing the unfairness of the current depletion of nature. If

future people can produce things with much smaller quantities of natural resources than

today, current over-depletion is not a serious problem, and, thus, the actual depletion of

resources is not unfair.

However, the mere existence of technological progress does not suffice to question

EF-based judgements about the fairness of the current depletion of nature, because

assumptions on how technology evolves over time can be incorporated into such judge-

ments. Thus, if technology consists of a problem for EF-based discussions on

intergenerational justice, this must come from the inadequacy of the assumptions made,

that is, from some kind of impossibility to forecast the evolution of production technology

over long periods of time.

There can be no doubt that the forecast of the evolution of technology is a complex task.

One may think, like North (1981), that technological revolutions are the output of the

existing institutions (e.g. property rights, market structures, political systems). Institutions,

by providing incentives to act in one direction or in another, influence the entire course of

history, including production techniques. However, while the picture provided by North is

plausible, it has a quite undesirable corollary: if institutional frameworks evolve in a

discontinuous manner, incentives to innovate—and, in fine, innovations—tend also to

evolve in a discontinuous manner, so that, given the existence of structural breaks, usual

forecast methods based on mere extrapolations can say only few things about the long-run.

It follows from all this that EF-based statements about the fairness of the current

depletion of nature conditionally on some expectations about technological progress are

highly speculative, because we are unable to predict which exact quantities of natural

resources will be required by the production of goods and services consumed in the future.

Nevertheless, the difficulties raised by the forecast of production techniques over long

temporal horizons could hardly question the use of EF measures as a basis for judging the

fairness of the current depletion of nature with respect to future generations. Actually,

those difficulties invite more complete judgements about the fairness of the current use of

nature, taking into account not one, but several distinct scenarios about the evolution of

technology.17 For instance, Senbel et al. (2003), relied, in their EF forecasts for North-

America over 2000–2100, on four technological scenarios—‘intensified production’,

17 Examples of such analyses are provided by Ferng (2002) and Senbel et al. (2003).

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‘business-as-usual’, ‘conservation’ and ‘depletion’—and showed the sensitivity of future

EF to those scenarios.

Such a multi-scenario analysis could also be used to discuss the fairness of the current

depletion of natural resources. Thus, as it was the case with our imperfect knowledge of the

laws governing the regeneration of nature, our imperfect knowledge of the laws of the

material reproduction of a society by itself cannot constitute a sufficient motive to reject

any attempt to discuss, in the light of EF measures, how (un)fair the current depletion of

nature is.

9 Concluding remarks

This paper aimed at examining the extent to which EF measures constitute an empirical

basis—an exhibit—allowing an intergenerational trial on the depletion of natural resour-

ces. For that purpose, we reviewed major criticisms questioning the relevancy of EF

measures for the study of intergenerational justice. What can be concluded from the

present review?

The previous sections emphasized the various limitations of conventional EF-based

studies, which consist of comparing EF measures with bio-capacity estimates (see Wa-

ckernagel et al. 1999, 2005). The reasons why such comparisons can hardly inform us

about the fairness of the current depletion of nature are the following.

First of all, such applications rely on the—somewhat questionable—resources-centred

sustainability standard (Section ‘The ecological footprint and resources-centred sustain-

ability’). Moreover, the EF, being a synthetic indicator, tends to hide pieces of information

that may be most relevant for intergenerational justice (Section ‘The ecological footprint

and the aggregation criticism’). Conventional EF-based studies suffer also from the

dependency of the number of future people on current actions (Section ‘The ecological

footprint and the different number problem’), from the possible non-existence of future

generations (Section ‘The ecological footprint and the uncertainty about future genera-

tions’ existence’), and from the sensitivity of future people’s tastes to current decisions

(Section ‘The ecological footprint and the non-identity problem’). Finally, the interpre-

tation of EF measures in terms of intergenerational justice relies on fragile forecasts on

nature’s regeneration and technological progress (Sections ‘The ecological footprint and

the knowledge of nature’s regeneration’ and ‘The ecological footprint and the knowledge

of technological progress’).

Although those criticisms question conventional EF-based studies of intergenerational

justice, it should be stressed that various alternative uses of EF measures could, at least to

some extent, be immunized against those shortcomings. Hence, this paper suggests that

usual EF studies are quite imperfect ‘exhibits’, which should be complemented by alter-

native EF-based analyses of justice between generations. Recent studies have already

tackled some problems explored in this paper. For instance, Wiedmann et al. (2006)

produced footprint measures at various aggregation levels, while Ferng (2002) and Senbel

et al. (2003) dealt with the forecasting of future technology and lifestyles by means of

multi-scenario analyses.

Despite recent attempts to overcome some limitations of EF-based studies, the imper-

fect nature of the EF as an exhibit allowing an intergenerational trial raises the question of

the possible ‘domination’ of the EF by other indicators. Could other indicators of ‘strong’

sustainability, such as the biophysical pressure indicators discussed by Rennings

and Wiggering (1997), ‘dominate’ the EF? Alternatively, could ‘weak’ sustainability

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indicators, such as Jackson and Stymne’s (1996) index of sustainable economic welfare

(ISEW), or the genuine progress indicator (GPI) (Cobb et al. 2001), avoid the criticisms

raised in this paper?

While a study of those rival indicators would require an entire paper on its own, it is not

difficult to see that those indicators suffer from several criticisms developed against the EF.

Indicators of strong sustainability, if less aggregated than the EF, avoid the aggregation

criticism, but their biophysical nature makes these hard to be interpreted in terms of

intergenerational justice. Weak sustainability indicators have also some weaknesses. True,

the ISEW and the GPI, which consist of correcting consumption for (among other things)

environmental damages, are monetary indicators, and, thus, avoid the problems raised by

the physical nature of the EF. However, in order to use such indicators in an intergener-

ational trial, assumptions must be made to ‘jump’ from the metrics of money to the metrics

of welfare.18 Moreover, the ISEW and the GPI are highly aggregated indicators that may

also hide important information. Furthermore, all those indicators are, like the EF, subject

to the problems of numbers and identities discussed in Sections ‘The ecological footprint

and the different number problem’, ‘The ecological footprint and the uncertainty about

future generations’ existence’, and ‘The ecological footprint and the non-identity problem’,

and could hardly avoid making—somewhat fragile—assumptions on nature’s regeneration

and future technology.

Hence, neither the EF nor those other indicators could be regarded as a ‘perfect exhibit’,

which could allow us to make a certain judgement on the fairness of the current use of

natural resources. All environmental indicators—monetary or biophysical, aggregated or

not—rely on specific informational bases and on particular assumptions, and, as such,

should be regarded as distinct—necessarily imperfect—exhibits complementing each

others.

The imperfection of those exhibits—including the EF—should not hide that, without

exhibit, there could be no trial at all, that is, there could be no explicit assessment of

arguments suggesting that our current actions are unfair with respect to future generations.

Therefore, despite its imperfections, the EF indicator has the virtue to open the possibility,

for humans, to become the own judges of their actions, and, hence, to be able to act, on the

basis of their judgements, in a more fair way with respect to future generations. All this

might well be only a promise, but a promise of justice may be the first step towards justice

itself. Hence, the—most demanding—task of measuring our depletion of nature is worth

being pursued.

Acknowledgments The author would like to thank Paul-Marie Boulanger, Alexander Cappelen, PaulCobben, Axel Gosseries, Russell Keat, Jonathan Seglow and Jurgen de Wispelaere for their helpfulcomments.

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