The Effect of Children and Employment on the Mental Health of Married Men and Women

The Effect of Children and Employment on the Mental Health of Married Men and WomenAuthor(s): Walter R. Gove and Michael R. GeerkenSource: Social Forces, Vol. 56, No. 1 (Sep., 1977), pp. 66-76Published by: Oxford University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2577413 .

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The Effect of Children and

Employment on the Mental Health of

Married Men and Women*

WA L T E R R. G O V E, Vanderbilt University MICHAEL R. GEERKEN, Vanderbilt University

ABSTRACT Gove has proposed that sex differences in psychiatric illness among the

married might best be accounted for in terms of differences in the typical roles occupied by married men and married women. The effects of employment, number of children and age of youngest child on the feeling that one (a) con- fronts incessant demands from others, (b) desires to be alone, (c) feels lonely, and (d) manifests psychiatric symptoms support his sex role explanation.

In a recent article, Gove has shown that the evidence consistently indicates that married women tend to be in poorer mental health than married men in modern western industrial nations. As Gove indicates, a survey of the literature suggests a number of possible explanations for this relationship, but there is very little evidence linking these possible explanations to concrete measures of mental health. In the present paper we will be concerned with three factors which may relate to mental health among the married: employment and the presence and age of children. We will first look at three feelings which largely appear to be direct reactions to role situations: (1) a feeling that one is confronting too many demands from others, (2) a desire to withdraw (i.e., to be alone), and (3) a feeling of loneliness. We will then look at a more general measure of mental health, namely, the presence of psychiatric symptoms.

As Gove notes, married persons who hold a job are linked into two major social networks, one at home and one at work. These two networks serve as major sources of gratification for such persons, and as a conse- quence they have a broader structural base than housewives who remain at home. Such persons, if they find one of their roles unsatisfactory, can focus their interest and concerns on the other role. In contrast, unemployed housewives who find their roles unsatisfactory typically have no

*The research for this paper was supported by grans from NICHD No. 5-RO1-HD06911-02 and NSF No. 73-05455A01. We would like to thank Lisa Heinrich and Michael Hughes for their comments on an earlier draft of this paper.

66



Children, Employment, and Mental Health / 67

major alternative source of gratification. Furthermore, being a housewife does not require a great deal of skill and many of the tasks are repetitive and boring. The housewife also typically spends most of her day isolated from adult interaction. Housewives are likely to find that the tasks associated with a job provide a welcome change and they probably often find them intrinsically more interesting than those they perform at home. An important prediction follows from this analysis: married women who hold a job are apt to be in better mental health than married women who do not.

Most of the evidence (Bernard, a,b; Birnbaum; Cumming et al.; Feld; Langner; Lopata; Myrdal and Klein; Nye, b; Radloff; Rose), but not all (Pearlin; Sharp and Nye), indicates that married women who work are in somewhat better mental health than married women who do not work. Probably one of the reasons that the relationship is not sharper is that married women who work appear to be under greater time and energy demands than either their husbands or unemployed housewives for, in addition to their job, working wives typically perform most of the household chores. (For reviews of the evidence see Bahr; Gove.) Thus, it is likely that working husbands would be in the best mental health, that unemployed housewives would be in the worst, and that the mental health of the employed housewife would fall in between.

In American society rearing children is primarily the responsibility of the mother, particularly when children are young. We would thus expect children to have more effect on the mental health of wives than husbands and that this would be particularly true when the children were young. Although children have traditionally been viewed as a major source of gratification, in modern western industrial society children seem to confine their parents to a narrowly defined domestic role and there is at least some evidence that the presence of children has a negative effect on mental health (Campbell; Radloff; Rollins and Feldman). Furthermore, the evidence presented by Feld and by Nye (a) indicates that employed mothers are somewhat more positive in their attitudes toward children and describe parenthood as less restricting, burdensome and demanding than non- employed mothers. This is probably true, at least in part, because the unemployed mother is immersed in the world of children while the employed mother has meaningful adult contacts and other sources of gratification which enable her to view her children in a broader perspective.

The data for our analysis were drawn from a survey conducted in Chicago which focused on the effect of household overcrowding on behavior. The sample was comprised of randomly selected individuals re- siding in randomly sampled households in census tracts that were selected to maximize variation between socioeconomic variables and household crowding. If no one was contacted on the first call, three additional calls were made, for a total of four contact attempts. (For details of the sampling and methodology see Galle and Gove; Gove et al.) We know of no theo-



68 / Social Forces / vol. 56:1, september 1977

retical or pragmatic reason why this method of selection would affect the nature of the observed relationships; nevertheless, we should not generalize the specific values discovered to any population other than the census tracts selected. A second limitation of the sample is that consider- ably more married women than married men were interviewed. This is probably due to the difficulty of finding employed men at home. Since we treat men separately from women in our analysis, the undersampling of men should not affect the pattern of the observed relationships. However, because of these limitations, the results of our study should be treated as suggestive and not definitive.

Our analysis deals with only married respondents aged 18-60. We look at employed husbands, employed wives, and unemployed wives. Pri- marily because there are too few cases, unemployed husbands' (n = 24), husbands who are students (n = 5), and wives who are students (n = 9) are omitted. The dependent variables vary somewhat (but not greatly) among age groups, so percentages presented have been adjusted for age, using the multiple classification program, a dummy regression program developed by Andrew et al.

Demands

To determine whether or not the respondent felt he or she was constantly confronting demands from others, we developed an additive scale of five items dealing with demands. The five items were: (1) Does it seem as if others are always making demands on you? (2) Do you often feel it is impossible to finish anything? (3) At home does it seem as if you almost never have any peace and quiet? (4) At home does it seem as if you are always having to do something for someone else? and, (5) When you try to do something at home are you almost always interrupted?

As can be seen in Table 1, husbands report fewer demands than employed wives, who in turn report fewer demands than unemployed wives. In all three categories persons with no children report the fewest demands, the rate of demands increases monotonically with the number of children, and the increase is particularly marked among the wives. The number of children has a greater effect on wives than on husbands. Table 1 also presents the relationship between the demands scale and the age of the youngest child. Demands decrease monotonically for both the employed and unemployed housewives as the age of the youngest child increases. In contrast, the age of the youngest child appears to be largely unrelated to the experience of demands among husbands. Of particular interest is the comparison of married men and women who are employed but do not have children, for these men and women can be seen as having very similar roles. Table 1 shows that within this category the two sexes experience almost identical demands.




Table 1. THE EXPERIENCE OF INCESSANT DEMANDS (age adjusted)

Employed Employed Unemployed Significance Husbands Wives Wives Level

X* % Hight (n) X* % Hight (n) X* % Hight (n) X* % Hight

Number of Children 0 .75 23.1 (104) .80 18.8 (80) 1.08 32.2 (87) 1-2 1.27 37.4 (91) 1.68 52.2 (69) 1.76 50.3 (157) .001 .001 3+ 1.48 42.9 (49) 2.04 57.5 (47) 2.85 74.7 (95)

Age of youngest child

0-4 1.31 37.1 (67) 2.25 66.0 (47) 2.47 64.8 (141) 5-10 1.40 41.0 (39) 1.60 51.3 (39) 2.11 59.3 (59) .001 .001 11+ 1.11 41.2 (34) 1.37 40.0 (30) 1.61 45.3 (52)

Total 1.07 32.4 (244) 1.41 39.8 (196) 1.90 52.3 (339) .001 .001

*Mean number of demands reported. tPercent reporting two or more demands.

An analysis of the items in the demand scale shows that three of the items refer specifically to demands in the home and two of the items refer to demands in general. As non-working wives presumably spend more time in the house, it seemed plausible that their high score on the demand scale might be due to the three items referring to the home. Their high score might thus reflect the time they spend in the home and not a greater overall experience of demands (the reference to demands in the home would not account for the greater experience of demands of working wives as compared to working husbands). To check this possibility we created two subscales, one composed of the two general items and one composed of the three items that refer specifically to the home, and repli- cated the analysis presented in Table 1. Both scales showed a pattern virtually identical to that in Table 1 and all of the comparisons were statistically significant, indicating that the relationships presented reflect an overall experience of demands.

Desire to be alone

To measure the respondents' desire to be alone we developed an additive scale of four items which tapped different aspects of this feeling. The four items were: (1) Do you sometimes find yourself wishing you were all alone? (2) When you are by yourself are you usually glad to be alone? (3) Do you often wish you could get out of the house just to get away from it all? and, (4) At home does it seem as if you can never be by yourself?

As is shown in Table 2, employed husbands were the category least




likely to desire to be alone. Employed wives were somewhat more likely and unemployed housewives were much more likely to desire to be alone. Among the employed and unemployed wives, those with no children were the least likely to desire to be alone; the proportion increases monotonically with the number of children, and this increase is particularly large among unemployed wives. There was no clear relationship between desire to be alone and number of children among employed husbands. For both employed and unemployed wives there is a monotonic decrease in the desire to be alone as the age of the youngest child increases. In contrast, husbands are the most likely to desire to be alone when the youngest child is between 5 and 10 years old. Comparing again, employed husbands and wives without children shows that both sexes within this category tend to be very similar on this scale, with there being some tendency for the women to be even less concerned than the men about being alone. Overall, there is a very similar pattern between the desire to be alone and the feeling that incessant demands are made on one.

An analysis of the items in the desire to be alone scale shows that two of the items refer specifically to the home, whereas two do not refer to a specific setting. As with the demands scale we created two subscales, one composed of the two general items and one composed of the two items that specifically referred to the home to see if the unemployed housewives' high scores were due solely to the "at home" items. Both scales showed a pattern very similar to that of Table 2 and all of the comparisons were statistically significant, indicating that the relationships presented reflect an overall desire to be alone and not related specifically to the home.

Table 2. THE EXPERIENCE OF THE DESIRE TO BE ALONE (age adjusted)

Employed Employed Unemployed Significan( Husbands Wives Wives Level

X* % Hight (n) X* % Hight (n) X* % Hight (n) X* % Hig,

Number of Children 0 1.19 34.6 (104) 1.11 25.3 (80) 1.43 39.3 (86) 1-2 1.11 33.0 (91) 1.46 47.8 (69) 1.57 50.3 (157) .001 .001 3+ 1.59 34.0 (50) 1.64 51.1 (47) 2.03 63.2 (95)


0-4 1.11 31.3 (67) 1.86 52.4 (47) 2.05 62.0 (141) 5-10 1.42 40.6 (40) 1.42 48.7 (39) 1.68 55.9 (59) .001 .001 11 + 1.14 29.4 (34) 1.24 36.7 (30) 1.30 35.8 (52)

Total 1.20 33.9 (245) 1.36 39.5 (196) 1.67 51.0 (338) .001 .001

*Mean number of desire to be alone reported. tPercent reporting two or more desires to be alone.




Loneliness

To measure feelings of loneliness we asked the respondent "do you often feel lonely?" In Table 3 we have presented the proportion of persons who responded positively to this question. Employed husbands very rarely felt lonely, employed wives were somewhat more likely to feel lonely and unemployed wives were much more likely to feel lonely. There is no clear relationship between loneliness and the presence, number, and age of children. Feelings of loneliness increase slightly for husbands as the number of children increases. Employed wives are the least likely to feel lonely when there are one or two children present, whereas unemployed wives are the most likely to feel lonely when there are one or two children present. For husbands and employed housewives feelings of loneliness increase slightly as the age of the youngest child increases. For the unemployed housewife feelings of loneliness are greatest when there are old or very young children in the household.

In summary, on the measures of these three feelings, employed husbands tend to have the lowest scores and unemployed housewives the highest scores, while employed housewives score between the other two categories. In each case the employed wives' scores are closer to those of the husbands than to those of unemployed wives.

Table 3. PERCENT LONELY (age adjusted)

(1) Employed (2) Employed (3) Unemployed Significance Husbands Wives Wives Level

Number of Children 0 3.7 (104) 13.7 (80) 20.3 (86) 1-2 6.2 (91) 7.8 (69) 33.6 (157) .001 3+ 8.5 (50) 15.8 (47) 18.0 (95)


0-4 4.4 (67) 5.0 (47) 27.8 (141) 5-10 7.2 (40) 13.1 (47) 22.5 (59) .001 11+ 9.5 (34) 15.2 (30) 30.4 (30)

Total 5.7 (254) 12.1 (196) 25.8 (338) .001

Psychiatric Symptoms

Next we looked at a more global measure of mental health, psychiatric symptoms. To get a general measure of the respondents' mental health we asked them how often (often, sometimes, never) they had experienced four-




teen different psychiatric symptoms during the past few weeks. The symptoms were feeling (1) anxious about something or someone, (2) bothered by special fears, (3) that people were saying all kinds of things behind your back, (4) that it was safer to trust nobody, (5) that you couldn't take care of things because you couldn't get going, (6) so blue or depressed that it interfered with your daily activities, (7) bothered by nervousness, such as being irritable, fidgety or tense, (8) that you were in low spirits, (9) bothered by special thoughts, (10) so restless that you couldn't sit long in a chair, (11) as if nothing turned out the way you wanted it to, (12) somewhat apart or alone even among friends, (13) that personal worries were getting you down, that is, making you physically ill, and (14) that nothing was worth- while anymore.2 In making the scale the responses of "often" were as- signed a 3, those of "sometimes" a 2 and "never" a 1, and then these values were summed.

The relationships between psychiatric symptoms and the indepen- dent variables are presented in Table 4. In all comparisons husbands report the fewest psychiatric symptoms, employed housewives report somewhat more and unemployed housewives report the most. The data are thus consistent with the extensive literature which shows that married women manifest more psychiatric symptoms than men (Gove). Among employed wives, symptoms increase monotonically with an increase in the number of children, and with unemployed wives it is the simple presence of children that increases the rate. For employed husbands the pattern is less clear: the mean scores show a monotonic increase in symptoms occurs with an increase in the number of children, but the percent of respondents with a "high" score does not change with the number of children. Among

Table 4. THE MANIFESTATION OF PSYCHIATRIC SYMPTOMS (age adjusted)

Employed Employed Unemployed Significance Husbands Wives Wives Level

X* % Hight (n) X* % Hight (n) X* % Hight (n) X* % Hight

Number of Children 0 5.81 15.3 (102) 7.03 15.6 (77) 7.81 22.0 (86) 1-2 6.36 15.1 (90) 7.71 26.2 (66) 8.30 30.6 (153) .001 .001 3+ 6.40 15.2 (49) 7.80 29.3 (46) 8.12 30.6 (92)


0-4 5.95 9.7 (66) 8.48 29.7 (44) 8.53 29.5 (135) 5-10 6.74 15.1 (39) 7.18 22.3 (39) 7.83 26.2 (59) .001 .001 11+ 6.76 27.6 (34) 7.40 29.7 (30) 7.92 32.8 (51)

Total 6.13 14.9 (241) 7.46 22.8 (189) 8.12 28.7 (330) .001 .001

*Mean symptom score. tPercent of respondents with an arbitrarily chose high score.




husbands the manifestation of symptoms is associated with older children. This may be a reflection of husbands becoming more involved with the problems of their children as they grow older. Among employed and unemployed wives there is no clear pattern with age of children, although for both groups the highest mean scores are associated with children in the 0-4 age group, and the lowest scores on both indicators are associated with children in the 5-10 age group.

Discussion

To a large extent we view our first three dependent variables (demands, desire to be alone, and loneliness) as indicators of a person's direct reactions to an immediate situation. These feelings seem to be primarily caused by an immersion in the world of children with its incessant demands and the lack of time for oneself, lack of adult interaction, and lack of opportu- nity to use instrumental skills (such as are associated with a job). As one would expect there is a moderate to high association between these three variables (the gamma between demands and desires to be alone = .496, the gamma between demands and loneliness = .309, and the gamma between the desire to be alone and loneliness = .397). The fact that persons who desire to be alone are also lonely suggests these are not opposites but that one can wish to be alone and still feel lonely in the presence of others, presumably because one desires the company of a different set of individuals.

Feelings of too many demands, a desire to be alone, and loneliness, which we see as reactions to one's immediate situation, can be viewed to some extent as factors which may contribute to the development of psychiatric symptoms. The items in these scales reflect a fair amount of frustra- tion, alienation, and social isolation, factors which are generally,'considered to be causally linked to the development of psychiatric symptomis. Further- more, these feelings appear to be caused by a reaction to a situation (the environment produced by one's home and children) to which one usually has a high degree of normative and pragmatic commitment. The dilemma of a high commitment to a frustrating situation is likely to have a negative effect on one's mental health. (For a review of the evidence relevant to this hypothesis see Nye, b, 209-11.) As we would expect from this reasoning, these three variables have a moderate to high correlation with psychiatric symptoms (the gamma with demands = .308, the gamma with desire to be alone = .333 and the gamma with lonely = .502).

If feelings of too many demands, a desire to be alone, and loneliness are part of the causal link between one's situation and the manifestation of psychiatric symptoms, then controlling for these three variables should re- duce the relationship between one's situation and one's psychiatric symptoms. Table 5 presents the relationships between (1) employed husbands,




employed wives, and unemployed wives, and (2) psychiatric symptoms, controlling for these three variables. The data suggest that demands, desire to be alone, and loneliness do act as intervening variables; each accounts for some of the differences in the manifestation of psychiatric symptoms. Furthermore, when the three intervening variables are jointly controlled for, the relationship not only becomes statistically nonsignifi- cant but the relationship between employed wives and unemployed wives reverses, with employed wives now manifesting more psychiatric symptoms. This analysis thus suggests that feelings of incessant demands, desire to be alone, and loneliness, which appear to be largely produced by one's role, act as a major link between one's role and the manifestation of psychiatric symptoms. This analysis, however, should be viewed with some caution for it could be argued that the three intervening variables, besides being reactions to an immediate situation, are themselves direct measures of poor mental health.

Table 5. THE MANIFESTATION OF PSYCHIATRIC SYMPTOMS, CONTROLLING FOR DEMANDS, DESIRE TO BE ALONE AND LONELINESS (all age adjusted)

Employed Employed Unemployed Significance CONTROLS Husbands Wives Wives Level

None X 6.13 7.46 8.12 .001 % High 14.9 27.8 28.7 .001

Demands X~ 6.60 7.54 7.74 .001 % High 18.5 23.4 25.8 ns

Desire to be alone X 6.42 7.56 7.87 .001 % High 16.8 23.3 27.2 .05

Loneliness X 6.52 7.59 7.78 .01 % High 18.3 24.1 25.6 ns

Demands, alone and loneliness

X 6.89 7.70 7.46 ns % High 21.0 24.8 23.4 ns n 241 189 330

In conclusion, we have looked at the effect employment and the number and age of children have on married adults' feelings of facing incessant demands, desire to be alone, loneliness, and the manifestation of




psychiatric symptoms. The data indicate that married men who work are in the best mental health, that married women who are unemployed are in the worst mental health, and that the mental health of employed housewives falls in between. Having children in the household generally con- tributes to poor mental health.

Overall, the data provide fairly strong support for the view that the main reason married women tend to be in poorer mental health than men is because of the roles they typically occupy. However, one cautionary factor should be considered regarding our role explanation of the relationships presented. To some extent employed wives are a self-selected group and it is possible that there is a tendency for wives who seek employment to be in better mental health than those who do not. Of course, self- selection would not account for the overall differences between men and women. Since married women who are employed typically face much greater time and energy demands than their unemployed counterparts, these data, then, suggest that an overload of actual tasks is not the prime cause of the poorer mental health among women, although it may be a contributing factor, especially among employed wives. This indicates that it is the kind of demands found in the home and associated with children (e.g., see LeMasters) which produces a feeling of incessant demands and not simply the number of tasks that must be performed.

Notes

1. We would note that unemployed husbands manifest slightly more psychiatric symptoms than any other category. 2. As we are concerned with poor mental health and not specific forms of mental illness (there are simply too few cases of real mental illness to be picked up in a study such as ours) we have asked questions tapping a wide variety of symptoms (e.g., anxiety, depression, psychosis). In contrast to mental illness, which is viewed by some in terms of discrete "cases," mental health is probably best viewed as a continuum ranging from good to poor. In recent years the three most popular psychiatric symptoms scales have been the Langner Scale, the Health Opinion Survey (HOS) (MacMillan), and the Gurin et al. scale. By now there is very extensive literature on the validity of these scales and, as is indicated by the reviews by Seiler and by Tousignant et al., and the empirical analysis by Schwartz et al., the scales are not adequate as general measures of mental illness or psychiatric impairment. As is noted in detail in Gove and Geerken, considerable effort was put into choosing the items used in the present study and, as we demonstrate in that paper, the results presented are not affected by problems of response bias.

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The Effect of Children and Employment on the Mental Health of Married Men and Women