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The Fa1as-has--A Background Paper The Falashas, or Ethiopian Jews, have lived in Ethiopia for millenia, Judaism being widespread there before the conversion of the. Ethiopian Axum dynasty to Christianity in the fourth century. Estimates of the. current Falasha population are in the 25-30,000 range; and some 320 more live in Israel. Most of the Falashas--also known as Beta Israel—are to be found in the mountainous highlands of Gondar region, north of Lake Tana in Begemdir province, and in the Wollo and Tigre provinces. These areas have been hard hit both by internecine conflict in Ethiopia since the September, 1974 revolution there and as a result of the Ethiopian-Erit#rean struggle. Given existing condition, accurate figures are hard to come by, but a minimum of two-score Falashas are known to have been murdered. (Some counts go much ihgher.) Others have been sold into slavery; still others saw their possessions looted; and an indeterminate number have become refugees either in Ethiopia itself or in neighboring Sudan. Reforms instituted by the central government of Lt. Colonel Mengistu Haile Miriam brought land to some Falashas. It also brought the emnity and attacks of the former Ethiopian nobility and landowners who organi- zed the Ethiopian Democratic Union, which frequently has mounted raids into the Gondar region. The Falashas have been grateful to, and sup- portive of, the Mengistu regime. This has brought down on them the attacks of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party, which claims to be more Marxist and anti-Zionist than the regime. This last suffering of the Falashas worsened their already miserable plight, even by Ethiopian standards. Once a powerful and virtually independent kingdom with a population of some quarter of a million, the Falashas were conquered in the 17th century by the Negus Susenyos. Great numbers were massacred, others enslaved, their lands confiscated, conversion forced upon them and, even, Jewish observance forbidden for a time. Thereafter they lived in poverty and degradation, virtually as indentured labor. The Falashas first contact with the modern world came in the early 19th centurh, through Protestant missionaries who initiated a conversion process that further diminished this community. Withal , the Falashas have strongly maintained their Jewishness and always have considered themselves part of the Jewish people. Strong belief in eventual return to the Holy land was evidenced in various unsuccessful. Messianic move- ments such as an unsuccessful 1862 attempt to reach Jerusalem by foot, in which many died. Outside controversy about their Judaism was re- solved early in 1973, when Chief Rabbi Ovadia Yosef of Israel ruled they were Jews, as descendants of the son of Dan. The Hai'ie Selassie regime always opposed any emigration. Only about 170 Jews managed to reach Israel in various ways prior to the September, 1974 revolution. The Mengistu regime, too, does not permit emigration. It briefly closed the departure of 122 Jews in 1977, but then hardened its position. Just a handful have made their way to Israel since, pOus some thirty-two Falasha refugees from the Sudan. The overwhelming majority, it is know, would depart if they could. \ Various Jewish individuals and organizations have worked in Ethiopia to give Falashas some education and other assistance since the turn of this century. Such efforts were greatly expanded in 1976, when the Ethiopian authorities gave permission to ORT to undertake a general regional program of technical and education assistance, in the Gondar region, where the Falashas are concentrated. Support for this has come from several nations, with the U.S. Aid Program giving three quarter million dollars over two years. U.S. aid assistance now has stopped, but the program continues.

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Page 1: The Fa1as-has--A Background Paper The Falashas, or ...until early 1973 that Chief Rabbi Ovadia Yosef of Israel ruled they were Jews, as descendents of the tribe of Dan; and even then,

The Fa1as-has--A Background Paper

The Falashas, or Ethiopian Jews, have lived in Ethiopia for millenia,Judaism being widespread there before the conversion of the. EthiopianAxum dynasty to Christianity in the fourth century. Estimates of the.current Falasha population are in the 25-30,000 range; and some 320more live in Israel.

Most of the Falashas--also known as Beta Israel—are to be found in themountainous highlands of Gondar region, north of Lake Tana in Begemdirprovince, and in the Wollo and Tigre provinces. These areas have beenhard hit both by internecine conflict in Ethiopia since the September,1974 revolution there and as a result of the Ethiopian-Erit#reanstruggle.

Given existing condition, accurate figures are hard to come by, but aminimum of two-score Falashas are known to have been murdered. (Somecounts go much ihgher.) Others have been sold into slavery; stillothers saw their possessions looted; and an indeterminate number havebecome refugees either in Ethiopia itself or in neighboring Sudan.

Reforms instituted by the central government of Lt. Colonel MengistuHaile Miriam brought land to some Falashas. It also brought the emnityand attacks of the former Ethiopian nobility and landowners who organi-zed the Ethiopian Democratic Union, which frequently has mounted raidsinto the Gondar region. The Falashas have been grateful to, and sup-portive of, the Mengistu regime. This has brought down on them theattacks of the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party, which claimsto be more Marxist and anti-Zionist than the regime.

This last suffering of the Falashas worsened their already miserableplight, even by Ethiopian standards. Once a powerful and virtuallyindependent kingdom with a population of some quarter of a million,the Falashas were conquered in the 17th century by the Negus Susenyos.Great numbers were massacred, others enslaved, their lands confiscated,conversion forced upon them and, even, Jewish observance forbidden fora time. Thereafter they lived in poverty and degradation, virtually asindentured labor.

The Falashas first contact with the modern world came in the early 19thcenturh, through Protestant missionaries who initiated a conversionprocess that further diminished this community. Withal , the Falashashave strongly maintained their Jewishness and always have consideredthemselves part of the Jewish people. Strong belief in eventual returnto the Holy land was evidenced in various unsuccessful. Messianic move-ments such as an unsuccessful 1862 attempt to reach Jerusalem by foot,in which many died. Outside controversy about their Judaism was re-solved early in 1973, when Chief Rabbi Ovadia Yosef of Israel ruled theywere Jews, as descendants of the son of Dan.

The Hai'ie Selassie regime always opposed any emigration. Only about 170Jews managed to reach Israel in various ways prior to the September, 1974revolution. The Mengistu regime, too, does not permit emigration. Itbriefly closed the departure of 122 Jews in 1977, but then hardened itsposition. Just a handful have made their way to Israel since, pOus somethirty-two Falasha refugees from the Sudan. The overwhelming majority,it is know, would depart if they could. \

Various Jewish individuals and organizations have worked in Ethiopia togive Falashas some education and other assistance since the turn of thiscentury. Such efforts were greatly expanded in 1976, when the Ethiopianauthorities gave permission to ORT to undertake a general regional programof technical and education assistance, in the Gondar region, where theFalashas are concentrated. Support for this has come from several nations,with the U.S. Aid Program giving three quarter million dollars over twoyears. U.S. aid assistance now has stopped, but the program continues.

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The major objective, though, is to try and achieve Falasha emigration.Key questions are: Can the Mengistu regime be persuaded to permitsuch movement? What are the contacts, governmental or other, thatcan'be helpful in reaching the Mengistu regime? And what are thosefactors that might positively influence its judgment?

January 1980

Page 3: The Fa1as-has--A Background Paper The Falashas, or ...until early 1973 that Chief Rabbi Ovadia Yosef of Israel ruled they were Jews, as descendents of the tribe of Dan; and even then,

The Fa1ashas--A Background Paper

American Jewish CommitteeForeign Affairs Department

Introduction

T h e f a t e of the Falashas, the Jews of Ethiopia, has been thesubject of growing concern, and not a little controversy, inthe American Jewish community. Most recent estimates put thenumber of Fal ashas--al so known as Beta I s r a e l — i n the 25-30,000range; and there are about 320 more in Israel.

Long subject to dire poverty and degradation, their numbersteadily eroded by conversionary missionary efforts since theearly 19th century, the Falashas have particularly suffered inrecent y e a r s , as Ethiopia has been wracked by revolution andengaged in two murderous wars, since September 1974.

Estimates of the total of Falashas killed range from two-scoreto over two hundred; others were sold into slavery; still otherssaw their possessions looted, and an indeterminate number be-came refugees. The situation has improved somewhat as the cen-tral government headed by Lt. Colonel Mengistu Haile Miriam hadgradually spread and re-enforced its control in the past year.

The primary objective, in seeking to help Falashas, is to tryand achieve their emigration to Israel. The Mengistu regime--considered favorable to the Falashas in other respects and con-sidered favorably by them--does not permit emigration. There isalso an important, and growing, educational and technical programbeing carried on.in Ethiopia on behalf of Falashas. Controversyhas been sharp on whether efforts to help Falashas have been asadequate or appropriate as possible. Despite t h i s , adherents ofwidely different v i e w s — b r o u g h t together in an NJCRAC committeeheaded by Dan Shapiro--have been able to agree on several basicpoints of a program now on behalf of Falashas.

The Israel government and the Jewish Agency, long opposed toovert action on the Falasha issue, shifted position last Novemberand presently welcome more active Jewish communal support forpro-Falasha efforts. Also, an inter-ministerial committee wasestablished by the Israel government to coordinate pro-Falashaefforts.

The Historical Background Until the 1974 Revolution

The presence of Falashas in Ethiopia goes back m i l l e n i a , whetherone accepts Falasha tradition that they originated with notableswho came back with Menelik, son of King Solomon and the Queen ofSheba, or the theory that they were a local population convertedby Jews arriving from southern Arabia. Judaism was widespreadbefore the conversion of the Ethiopian Axum dynasty to Chris-tianity in the fourth century. The Falashas became a powerfuland independent kingdom allegedly numbering as much as a quarterof a million, oft engaged in wars with Moslems or the variousEthiopian neguses, and reputed for their bravery. In the 17thcentury, though, they were conquered by the negus S u s e n y o s , withmany massacred and others sold into slavery, conversion forcedupon them and Jewish observence forbidden for a t i m e . Theirlands were confiscated; and thereafter they lived in poverty anddegradation, virtually as indentured labor.

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The first more or less continuous contact of the Falashas withthe modern world came in the early 19th century through Prot-estant m i s s i o n a r i e s , who initiated a conversion process thathas continued strongly until the present. Jewish interest wasminimal." It was not until 1904 that the Falashas found a cham-.pion in Frenchman Jacques Faitlowitz, who worked on their behalfuntil his death in 1955. He set up pro-Falasha c o m m i t t e e s ,helped establish a boarding school in Addis Ababa in' the 1 9 2 0 s ,and brought a handful to Europe and Israel for m o d e r n education,including Yona Bogale, an acknowledged leader and spokesman ofEthiopian Jews who came to plead the Falasha case at the Montrealmeeting of the Council of Federations and Welfare Funds this pastNovember.

The Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1936 and then World War IIinterrupted pro-Falasha efforts. Renewed after the w a r , pri-marily by the British Falasha Welfare A s s o c i a t i o n , these metwith little real resonance and were quite limited in s c o p e .In 1954 Faitlowitz persuaded the Jewish Agency to bring someFalasha youth to Israel for study, at Kfar Batya. Some ofthese later returned to Ethiopia to work t h e r e , as did otherstrained in a seminary established in A s m a r a , E r i t r e a ; and asmall network of village schools and a couple of health centerswere provided thanks to outside aid, by the early 1 9 7 0 s . TheHaile Selassie government made some land available to theFalashas to establish a colony near the Sudan b o r d e r in 1 9 7 0 ,but miserable climactic conditions and raids by neighboringtribes claiming the land as theirs brought this e x p e r i m e n t tonought.

Despite some valiant individual efforts, t h e r e f o r e , connectionwith the Falashas has been desultory. Faitlowitz had estimatedthe Falasha numbers at about 50,000 at the turn of the century.Conversion and losses as young Jews quit the traditional high-land Falasha villages for larger towns and cities w e r e sub-stantially to reduce this number even before the d r a m a t i c eventsin Ethiopia of recent y e a r s , sorely affecting the n o r t h e r nEthiopian provinces of Begemdir (Gondar r e g i o n ) , T i g r e and Wollewhere the majority of Falashas are to be found.

A census by Jewish organizations working in Ethiopia done in 1976put their number at 28,189 comprising 6,092 families in 490 widelydistributed settlements, with about half being c h i l d r e n . Thelargest concentration is in the Gondar region, north of lake T a n a ,in the town of Ambober. Falashas traditionally live a l o n g s i d e ,but not together w i t h , their non-Jewish neighbors in the highlandv i l l a g e s , engaged in farming or crafts, the latter an activityspurned by other Ethiopians. An October 1979 c e n s u s found 24,557in the Gondar region, 1,718 in Wollo and 1,554 in T i g r e .

Emigration Prior to the Revolution

Falashas always considered themselves as part of the Jewish p e o -ple and have had strong belief in eventual return to the HolyLand, as evidenced by various unsuccessful Messianic m o v e m e n t ssuch as an 1862 attempt to reach Jerusalem by foot in which m a n ydied. But for many, however, Falashas were not J e w s . It was notuntil early 1973 that Chief Rabbi Ovadia Yosef of Israel ruledthey were J e w s , as descendents of the tribe of D a n ; and eventhen, for a w h i l e , the 170 or so Falashas in Israel could re-ceive no benefits until they underwent symbolic c o n v e r s i o n .Some were those brought originally by F a i t l o w i t z . Others hadmade their way out to Red Sea ports and then gotten up to Elath.Still others posed as Christian pilgrims to get Israeli visas inEthiopia and then come to Israel. There had been a plan spon-sored by British jurist Norman Bentwich to bring out 50 familiesin 1961, with Ethiopian government a p p r o v a l , but t h i s had fallenthrough. The miniscule trickle that reached Israel during thenext decade did so on its own and, once t h e r e , a d j u s t e d quitewell .

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After the 1974 Revolution

The deposition of Haile Selassie and abolition of the monarchyat first bloodless, developed into internecine Ethiopian war-fare following radical urban and rural land reforms in 1975An internal struggle brought Lieutenant Colonel Mengistu Haile 'M a n a m to power in February, 1977, after.a palace gun'battleamong the members of the nation's military council, known asthe Dergue. The months thereafter were to see sheer terror andmurder in the streets as Ethiopian students were m a s s a c r e d ,peasants' militias went on the rampage and various Marxistgroups and Mengistu supporters, also strongly M a r x i s t , killedeach other off. Within a year, further, came a widespread faminein the northern provinces.

Ethiopia, at the same time, was--and still is--fighting two w a r s .One in the southwest Ogaden region with guerrillas supported bySomalia, the other in the northwest against Eritreans seeking tobreak away from the sway imposed upon them by Selassie from 1950onward. Wars, famine and internal strife brought in their wakehundreds of thousands of refugees, many fleeing to neiqhborinqSudan.

There was also a wrenching of alliances as the new governmentcancelled the 25 year-old Ethiopian-U.S. defense pact and theSoviet Union, formerly a Somali ally, poured arms and aid intothe country to be used against Somalia; and the new regime gotdifferent kinds of assistance from Western states and South Koreaeven as Soviets, East Germans and Cuba brought in aid and, t o o ,personnel. The Israelis also were furnishing some military ad-visers and spare parts for American made weapons, it was reportedin August, 1977.

The upheavals severely affected the Falashas. The government'sreforms brought them land--and the enmity and attacks of formernobility and landlords who organized the Ethiopian DemocraticUnion, which mounted raids into Gondar from the S u d a n . TheFalashas were grateful to, and supportive of, the central gov-ernment, bringing down upon them attacks of the even more left-wing and anti-Zionist Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party.The Eritrean war is being fought on the doorstep of the Tigre,Wollo and Begemdir provinces in which most Falashas l i v e . Foryears, the central government's writ did not run too far fromvarious key fortified cities in these provinces. But more re-cently it has driven the Eritreans out of the major cities inthat area and has stabilized the Ogaden conflict; and has estab-lished wider and firmer--if not always continuous — control .After some relative calm a part of the Gondar area w a s markedby general insecurity and arrests in the first part of 1979,with conditions again improving thereafter.

Emigration

It was against this chaotic background that the first organizedefforts to bring Falashas out of Ethiopia occurred. In September1974, the Israel government instructed its embassies in othercountries to issue visas to Falashas without restriction shouldany arrive. The new regime, like Haile Selassie, also has madeemigration il ega. In 1975, seven Falashas were brought to Israelby Koor Industries for work purposes as the advance group of er73.^ Pub! cation about this move was denounced by the AbsorptionMinistry m Israel as "stupid and dangerous." At the same timethough, Israeli authorities were announcing that, henceforth, 'left Ethiopia 6ntltled t0 ful1 c itizenship. The other 73 neJer

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N o t until some m o n t h s a f t e r the Begin g o v e r n m e n t came to o f f i c ein 1977 w a s t h e r e f u r t h e r m o v e m e n t . Two g r o u p s t o t a l l i n g 121w e r e b r o u g h t to I s r a e l — h a l f in A u g u s t , half at the end of t h e 'y e a r - - d o u b t l e s s w i t h the t a c i t k n o w l e d g e of the M e n g i s t u r e g i m e .In F e b r u a r y , 1 9 7 8 , h o w e v e r , Foreign M i n i s t e r D a y a n , in responseto press q u e s t i o n i n g , c o n f i r m e d that Israel had indeed beenf u r n i s h i n g arms to E t h i o p i a . . Since no a v o w e d l y M a r x i s t and p u b - 'l i c l y a n t i - Z i o n i s t r e g i m e could allow i t s e l f to be c a s t openlyinto this p o s i t i o n there w a s u n d o u b t e d d a m a g e a n d , in.any e v e n t ,no f u r t h e r e x i t .

In the m e a n t i m e , h o w e v e r , F a l a s h a s in Israel w e r e r e c e i v i n g w o r dfrom E t h i o p i a of f r i e n d s and r e l a t i v e s being killed and sold i n t os l a v e r y , or s u f f e r i n g from a d v e r s i t y . T h e i r calls to a c t i o n , andt h o s e of the A m e r i c a n A s s o c i a t i o n for E t h i o p i a n J e w s , c u l m i n a t e din a d e m o n s t r a t i o n b e f o r e the K n e s s e t as 1 9 7 8 e n d e d . Some daysl a t e r a F a l a s h a d e l e g a t i o n was r e c e i v e d by P r e m i e r M e n a h e m B e g i n ,w h o s t r e s s e d the i m p o r t a n c e he laid to F a l a s h a m o v e m e n t .

W i t h a l , 1979 saw only 5 Falashas make their way to Israel fromE t h i o p i a . Increased attention was turned to Falasha refugees e l s e -w h e r e and t h i r t y - t w o were helped to reach Israel in 1 9 7 9 .

Aid Inside Ethiopia

Despite the r e v o l u t i o n a r y c h a o s , and p a r t i a l l y as a result of i t ,there was a small quantum jump in the aid given to Falashasthrough the Falasha Welfare A a s s o c i a t i o n . This engaged a full-time professional inside Ethiopia just about when the revolutionb r o k e . He was forced to flee in A p r i l , 1 9 7 5 , but was replaced.A n e w - s t y l e a p p r o a c h on a d i f f e r e n t scale was launched in 1976by O R T , with the c o o p e r a t i o n of the Joint D i s t r i b u t i o n C o m m i t t e e .0RT--as is largely unknown — suc c e s s f u l l y has worked with a numberof Third World c o u n t r i e s at their r e q u e s t . This background madeit persona grata to the new regime when it proposed a rural develop-ment program for the Gondar regime as a w h o l e that permitted it toaid F a l a s h a s . It has found support for this program from a numberof nations including H o l l a n d , C a n a d a , West Germany and S w e d e n ; andthe U . S . Aid Program has given t h r e e - q u a r t e r m i l l i o n dollars overtwo y e a r s .

The ORT program today comprises 22 s c h o o l s , 13 of them new, with astaff of 73 t e a c h e r s , public hygiene work and health care includingthe building of one new clinic and remodeling of a n o t h e r , diggingof w e l l s , agricultural technical a s s i s t a n c e , loans and poultryf a r m i n g , and even the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a road. Hebrew is among thes u b j e c t s t a u g h t .

Policies and Options

When queried about the Falasha issue in the p a s t , Israeli andJewish Agency o f f i c i a l s always had insisted that publicity or o u t -side i n t e r v e n t i o n would be c o u n t e r - p r o d u c t i v e and even d a n g e r o u s .Beginning in 1 9 7 5 , this approach became less and less acceptableto critics in the United States and to Falashas in Israel. In thefall of 1 9 7 9 , Falashas in Israel and American supporters again tookto public d e m o n s t r a t i o n . In a v o i t e - f a c e , the Jewish Agency calledfor a public campaign on behalf of the F a l a s h a s . The g o v e r n m e n t ,more m o d e r a t e , asked for a s s i s t a n c e in seeking to influence theEthiopian g o v e r n m e n t .

The Ethiopian r e g i m e , it must be r e m e m b e r e d , is a touchy one indeed,and o u t s i d e intervention is not always a p p r e c i a t e d . Ethiopia hasrejected human rights protests by Amnesty and various church g r o u p s .

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It denounced J a n u a r y , 1979 accounts appearing in the Israeli pressabout the Falashas p l i g h t , asserting in an Addis Ababa c o m m u n i q u ethat it was the Haile Selassie government that had oppressedF a l a s h a s , while it had helped them. The Ethiopian embassy inMexico attacked a broadcast about the Falashas by AJC's MarcT a n e n b a u m , reprinted in S p a n i s h , in much the same v e i n . The fact-of the matter i s , t o o , that--emigration apart--the attitude ofthe Mengistu regime and local Ethiopian a u t h o r i t i e s to Falashashas been a positive one.

The key question i s , then: Can the Mengistu regime be persuadedto permit Jewish movement and is there anything that might behelpful in getting it to agree? A corollary question i s : Maythe very intervention on this score cause any d i f f i c u l t i e s forthe Falashas in Ethiopia or on-going aid program in Ethiopia?

Ethiopian s e n s i t i v i t y a p a r t , one must recognize t h a t t h e r e islittle leverage one can bring to b e a r . Ethiopian M a r x i s t -style d e n u n c i a t i o n of the U . S . is r o u t i n e ; it v o t e d w i t h theS o v i e t s on A f g h a n i s t a n . U .S .-Ethiopian r e l a t i o n s , ' a s n o t e d ,are a l r e a d y low indeed. Nor can the Ethiopians b e very happywith the idea that the U . S . shortly may be e s t a b l i s h i n g am a j o r m i l i t a r y base in B e r e r a , in S o m a l i a , its e n e m y .

What kind of approach may be feasible? There is a g r e e m e n t

-- That there should be no attack of any kind on the Mengistur e g i m e , since this only could be d a n g e r o u s .

-- That any approach put forward be on the h u m a n i t a r i a ngrounds of family reunion: there may only be 300 Falashas in Is-r a e l , but the Falasha (and Ethiopian) concept of family is a verywide o n e . That another approach be to test whether there could begranting of visas by the Ethiopians for purposes of study byFalashas outside the country.

-- That the effort should be made to interest U . S . Congressmenand administration officials in the plight of the F a l a s h a s . Thereis some belief that the Ethiopian regime may be interested in g r a i n ,and the Congressmen would be sounded out whether they would be readyto support giving this.

-- That one should do all one could to seek out Falasha refugeesin neighboring l a n d s , so as to help bring them to Israel.

-- That a Jewish delegation go to Ethiopia, to bring back apicture of how Falashas live.

-- That there be an educational campaign concerning Falashasamong the Jewish community to make it better aware of the Falashaplight and in support of these o b j e c t i v e s .

January 1980

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The Falashas: Background and Options

The Issues

Few subjects have given rise to as much controversy in theAmerican Jewish community in the past few years as has thatof the Falashas., the Jews of Ethiopia, also known as BetaIsrael. Most recent estimates put their population in the25-30,000 range; and approximately three hundred are now inIsrael .

That Falashas presently are so much a subject for concern anddebate among American Jews, and in Israel, is in large measuredue to the efforts of a handful of persons such as GraenumBerger and Professor Howard Lenhoff, heads of the AmericanAssociation for Ethiopian Jews, working with some Falashas inIsrael and joined by student groups such as Network that havemade the Falasha plight their special cause.

i

Giving particular resonance to this cause is t h e i r claim andthe f e a r - - o n e to which American Jews are p a r t i c u l a r l y attunedsince the H o i o c a u s t - - t h a t this ancient Jewish c o m m u n i t y isdoomed to perish rapidly unless immediate a c t i o n is taken onits b e h a l f , and the Falashas enabled to e m i g r a t e to Israel.

For the Falashas have suffered severely in r e c e n t y e a r s withestimates of those killed ranging from 36 to 232, others soldinto s l a v e r y , still others seeing their p o s s e s s i o n s lootedand ah untold number becoming refugees as v a r i o u s armed fac-tions fought the central government headed by L t . ColonelMengistu Haile Miriam that came to power in the co n v u l s i o n safter the 1974 revolution against Emperor Haile S e l a s s i e .This situation has improved since the end of 1 9 7 8 , with thespread and re e n f o r c e m e n t of central government control overwider a r e a s .

In a welter of charges and cou n t e r - c h a r g e s c o n t r o v e r s y has ragedon such critical points a s :

-- Did the Israel government and the J e w i s h Agency do allthey could in the past to bring Falashas out of Ethiopia o r - -partly motivated by various political c o n s i d e r a t i o n s , p a r t l y ,even by racism — were they really opposed to t h i s ?

-- Is the on-going program of aid to Fa l a s h a s in Ethiopia--co-sponsored by the ORT and the Joint D i s t r i b u t i o n C o m m i t t e e aspart of a wider program reaching non-Jews as w e l l - - o n e that trulyhelps Falashas o r , r a t h e r , one that threatens F a l a s h a identityby throwing them into the kind of relationship with non-Jewsthey wish to avoid?

-- Is the nature of the campaign being w a g e d on behalf ofthe Falashas by their most ardent s u p p o r t e r s , t o g e t h e r withFalasha elements in Israel, one that may e n d a n g e r both quieta t t e m p t s to achieve Falasha emigration and the situation of theFalashas in Ethiopia rather than help them?

P r e s e n t l y , the underlying difference in a p p r o a c h a b o u t what todo concerning Falashas turns on the following a r g u m e n t .

On the one hand it is claimed that there are a substantial numberof Falashas who have taken refuge in the Sudan who could be

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located and brought to Israel if the proper effort were madeby the Israel government; and that, more fundamentally, Israelcould arrange with the Ethiopian government for a•substantialexodus of Falashas if only it so desired. Israel, in stasrt,is characterized as the true blocking point.

On the other hand the case is made that the number of refugeesin the Sudan constantly is exaggerated and that those few foundare moved when located. As to substantial exodus, to think thatIsrael could have arranged this in the light of existing con-ditions in Ethiopia these past few years is, it is asserted,completely to mis-read and mis-portray the situation in thatnation presently engaged in war on several fronts and seekingto consol idate its September, 1974 revolution. Ethiopia, andconditions there, thus, are presented as the real block to action

Both the Jewish Agency and the Israel government have shiftedstance since November, 1979. In place of their former hash-hushpolicies, both now advocate more active campaigns by Jewish com-munities and organizations on behalf of Falashas. How machthese shifts may have been prompted by the need to meet thegrowing pressures and criticism felt in the United State, Israeland elsewhere and how much they may result from perceived changesin the attitude of the Ethiopian authorities is a moot bmt criti-cal point requiring deeper investigation as one seeks to shapestrategy.

While adherents of these differing views recently have reachedsome tenuous agreement on avenues to be probed on the Falashas 1

behalf, underlying differences remain powerful.

The Historical Background Until the 1974 Revolution

The presence of Falashas in Ethiopia goes back millenia, whetherone accepts Falasha tradition that they originated with notableswho came back with Menelik, son of King Solomon and the Queen ofSheba, or the theory that they were a local population convertedby Jews arriving from southern Arabia. Judaism was widespreadbefore the conversion of the Ethiopian Axum dynasty to Chris-tianity in the fourth century. The Falashas became a powerfuland independent kingdom allegedly numbering as much as a quarterof a million, oft engaged in wars with Moslems or the variousEthiopian neguses, and reputed for their bravery. In the 17thcentury, though, they were conquered by the negus Susenyos, withmany massacred and others sold into slavery, conversion forcedupon them and Jewish observence forbidden for a time. Titeirlands were confiscated; and thereafter they lived in poverty anddegradation, virtually as indentured labor.

The first more or less continuous contact of the Falashas withthe modern world came in the early 19th century through Prot-estant missionaries, who initiated a conversion process thathas continued strongly until the present. Jewish interest wasminimal. It was not until 1904 that the Falashas found a cham-pion in Frenchman Jacques Faitlowitz, who worked on their behalfuntil his death in 1955. He set up pro-Falasha committees,helped establish a boarding school in Addis Ababa in the 1920s,and brought a handful to Europe and Israel for modern education,including Yona Bogale, an acknowledged leader and spokesman ofEthiopian Jews who came to plead the Falasha case at the Montrealmeeting of the Council of Federations and Welfare Funds this pastNovember.

The Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1936 and then World Mar IIinterrupted pro-Falasha efforts. Renewed after the war, pri-marily by the British Falasha Welfare Association, these met

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with little real r e s o n a n c e and were quite limited, in s c o p e .In 1954 F a i t l o w i t z persuaded the Jewish Agency to bring someFalasha youth to Israel for study', at Kfar B a t y a . Some ofthese later returned to Ethiopia to work t h e r e , as did other'strained in a s e m i n a r y e s t a b l i s h e d in A s m a r a , E r i t r e a ; and asmall network of village schools and a couple o f health c e n t e r sw e r e provided thanks to o u t s i d e a i d , by the e a r l y 1 9 7 0 s . T h eHaile S e l a s s i e g o v e r n m e n t m a d e some land a v a i l a b l e to theF a l a s h a s to e s t a b l i s h a colony near the Sudan b o r d e r in 1 9 7 0 ,but m i s e r a b l e c l i m a c t i c c o n d i t i o n s and raids by n e i g h b o r i n gtribes claiming the land as theirs b r o u g h t this e x p e r i m e n t ton o u g h t .

D e s p i t e some v a l i a n t individual e f f o r t s , t h e r e f o r e , c o n n e c t i o nwith the Falashas has been d e s u l t o r y . F a i t l o w i t z had estimatedthe Falasha numbers at about 50,000 at the t u r n of the c e n t u r y .C o n v e r s i o n and losses as young Jews quit the t r a d i t i o n a l h i g h -land Falasha v i l l a g e s for larger towns and c i t i e s w e r e s u b -s t a n t i a l l y to reduce this number even b e f o r e t h e d r a m a t i c e v e n t sin Ethiopia of recent y e a r s , sorely affecting the northernEthiopian p r o v i n c e s of Begemdir (Gondar r e g i o n ) , T igre and Wollew h e r e the m a j o r i t y of Falashas are to be f o u n d .

A census by Jewish o r g a n i z a t i o n s working in E t h i o p i a done in 1 9 7 6put their number at 28,189 comprising 6,092 f a m i l i e s in 490 w i d e l yd i s t r i b u t e d s e t t l e m e n t s , with about half being c h i l d r e n . Thel a r g e s t c o n c e n t r a t i o n is in the Gondar r e g i o n , north of lake T a n a ,in the town of A m b o b e r . Falashas t r a d i t i o n a l l y live a l o n g s i d e ,but not t o g e t h e r w i t h , their non-Jewish n e i g h b o r s in the h i g h l a n dv i l l a g e s , engaged in farming or c r a f t s , the l a t t e r an a c t i v i t yspurned by o t h e r E t h i o p i a n s . An October 1979 c e n s u s found 2 4 , 5 5 7in the Gondar r e g i o n , 1,718 in Wollo and 1,554 in T i g r e . *

E m i g r a t i o n Prior to the Revolution

F a l a s h a s always considered t h e m s e l v e s as part o f the Jewish p e o -ple and have had strong belief in eventual r e t u r n to the HolyL a n d , as e v i d e n c e d by various unsuccessful M e s s i a n i c m o v e m e n t ssuch as an 1862 attempt to reach Jerusalem by f o o t in which m a n yd i e d . But for m a n y , h o w e v e r , Fal ashas were not J e w s . It was notuntil early 1973 that Chief Rabbi Ovadia Yosef of Israel ruledthey were J e w s , as d e s c e n d e n t s of the tribe of D a n ; and event h e n , for a w h i l e , the 170 or so Falashas in Israel could r e -ceive no benefits until they underwent s y m b o l i c c o n v e r s i o n .Some w e r e those brought o r i g i n a l l y by F a i t l o w i t z . Others hadm a d e their way out to Red Sea ports and then g o t t e n up to E l a t h .Still others posed as Christian pilgrims to g e t Israeli visas inEthiopia and then come to Israel. There had been a plan s p o n -sored by British j u r i s t Norman Bentwich to bring out 50 f a m i l i e sin 1 9 6 1 , with Ethiopian g o v e r n m e n t a p p r o v a l , b u t this had f a l l e nt h r o u g h . The m i n i s c u l e trickle that reached Israel during thenext decade did so on its own and, once t h e r e , a d j u s t e d quitewel 1 .

W h e n , in 1 9 7 3 , Rabbi Yosef made his r u l i n g , the Israel ForeignM i n i s t r y refused to discuss it; and there were c h a r g e s at thetime that the Israeli embassy in Addis Ababa w a s r e l u c t a n t togive visas to Falashas and actively d i s c o u r a g e d r e q u e s t s . Israeland the Haile Selassie g o v e r n m e n t , it should be pointed o u t , hadclose and e x t e n s i v e 'relations, and emigration from Ethiopia wasillegal under the e m p e r o r . Like many other A f r i c a n n a t i o n s ,Ethiopia broke off d i p l o m a t i c relations with Israel following the•Six-Day w a r , but various commercial relations w e r e m a i n t a i n e d ,continued even t o d a y , despite this break and t h e 1974 r e v o -lution in E t h i o p i a .

* Tigre province estimates vary w i d e l y . When an ORT r e p r e -s e n t a t i v e visited there recently at g o v e r n m e n t invitation he wastold by the a u t h o r i t i e s their estimate was s o m e 4 , 0 0 0 ; and localFalashas spoke of as many as 2 0 , 0 0 0 !

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After the 1974 Revolution

The deposition of Haile Selassie and abolition of the monarchy,at first b l o o d l e s s , developed into internecine Ethiopian war-fare following radical urban and rural land reforms in 1975An internal struggle brought Lieutenant Colonel Mengistu HaileM a n a m to power in February, 1 9 7 7 , after a palace gun- battleamong the members of the nation's military c o u n c i l , known asthe D e r g u e . The months thereafter were to see sheer terror andmurder in the streets as Ethiopian students were massacred,p e a s a n t s ' militias went on the rampage and various Marxistgroups and Mengistu s u p p o r t e r s , also strongly M a r x i s t , killedeach other off. Within a y e a r , further, came a widespread faminein the northern provinces.

Ethiopia, at the same time, was--and still is--fighting two w a r s .One in the southwest Ogaden region with guerrillas supported bySoma l i a , the other in the northwest against Eritreans seeking tobreak away from the sway imposed upon them by Selassie from 1950onward. W a r s , famine and internal strife brought in their wakehundreds of thousands of re f u g e e s , many fleeing to neighboringSudan.

There was also a wrenching of alliances as the new governmentcancelled the 25 year-old Ethiopian-U.S. defense pact and theSoviet U n i o n , formerly a Somali ally, poured arms and aid intothe country to be used against Somalia; and the new regime gotdifferent kinds of assistance from Western states and South Koreaeven as So v i e t s , East Germans and Cuba brought in aid and, t o o ,personnel. The Israelis also were furnishing some military ad-visers and spare parts for American made w e a p o n s , it was reportedin A u g u s t , 1977.

The upheavals severely affected the Falashas. The government'sreforms brought them land--and the enmity and attacks of formernobility and landlords who organized the Ethiopian DemocraticUnion, which mounted raids into Gondar from the Sudan. TheFalashas were grateful to, and supportive o f , the central gov-e r n m e n t , bringing down upon them attacks of the even more left-wing and anti-Zionist Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party.The Eritrean war is being fought on the doorstep of the Tigre,Wollo and Begemdir provinces in which most Falashas live. Fory e a r s , the central government's writ did not run too far fromvarious key fortified cities in these provinces. But more re-cently it has driven the Eritreans out of the major cities inthat area and has stabilized the Ogaden conflict; and has estab-lished wider and firmer--if not always continuous — control .After some relative calm a part of the Gondar area was markedby general insecurity and arrests in the first part of 1979,with conditions again improving thereafter.

Emigration

It was against this chaotic background that the first organized? H ! ? r t S u t 0 bring Falashas out of Ethiopia occurred. In September,1 9 7 4 , the Israel government instructed its embassies in othercountries to issue visas to Falashas without restriction, shouldany arrive. There was a qu i e t , but abortive attempt by somescore Falashas to depart that resulted with some of them windingup in jail for a whi l e . The new regime, like Haile Selassie,also had made emigration illegal, it should be noted. In 1975seven Falashas were brought to Israel by Koor Industries for workpurposes as the advance group of another 73. Publication aboutthis move was denounced by the Absorption Ministry in Israel asstupid and d a n g e r o u s . " At the same time, though, Israeli auth-

orities were announcing that, henceforth, Falashas were entitledto full citizenship. The other 73 never left Ethiopia.

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Not until some monin 1977 was therewere brought to Isyear--doubtless wiIn February, 1978,to press questionifurnishing arms tolicly anti-Zionistinto this positionno further exit.

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ths after the Begin government came to officefurther movement. Two groups totalling 121'rael--half in August, half at the end of theth the tacit knowledge of the Mengistu regime.however, Foreign Minister Dayan, in response

ng, confirmed that Israel had indeed beenEthiopia. Since no avowedly Marxist and pub-regime could allow itself to be cast openlythere was undoubted damage and, in any event,

In the meantime, however, Falashas in Israel were receiving wordfrom Ethiopia of friends and relatives being killed and sold intoslavery, or suffering from adversity. Their calls to action, andthose of the American Association for Ethiopian Jews, culminatedin a demonstration before the Knesset as 1978 ended. Some dayslater a Falasha delegation was received by Premier Menahem Begin,who stressed the importance he laid to Falasha movement.

Withal, 1979 saw only 5 Falashas make their way to Israel fromEthiopia. Attention was turned to the Sudan. Critics of Israel,alleged that there were hundreds if not thousands of Falasha•refugees in that country, and that Israel--which has no relationswith the Sudan--nonetheless could find them if it would. Severaltrips were made into the Sudan by one of these critics who re-turned with lists of names that numbered not in the hundreds butin the dozens and which, with few exceptions, already were knownto Jewish organizations which had carried out their own investi-gation. Thirty-two of these persons were helped to depart toIsrael in 1979 and the promise made that all other legitimateFalashas (there are refugees who pretend to be) would likewise beassisted, when located. Searches that have been made have notbeen productive. To this, the critics now contend, but advanceno evidence, that such searches have concentrated on the refugeecamps, but that the Falashas are out of the camps.

Various schemes have been put forward for moving Falashas acrossfrontiers. Some Falashas in Israel insist that if they could goto Ethiopia and would be helped they could bring several hundreds,at least, across the borders. Other proposals would involve con-tact with elements hostile not only to the central regime but,also, on the basis of past experience, to the Falashas themselves.Terrain conditions in Ethiopia and the dangers involved in anysizeable journey, moreover, work to make illegal exit impracticalfor any but the hardiest, for all that the Sudan border is a sieveAnd certainly one must ask oneself what will be the reaction ofthe Mengistu regime, now favorable to the Falashas, if it catcheswind of any organized exist movement to which it has not agreed.

L~: . _

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Keren Co Mnssnouo

Asmara L

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Aid Inside Ethiopia

Despite the revolutionary chaos, and partially as a result of i t ,there was a small quantum jump in the aid given to Falashas ~through the Falasha Welfare Association. This engaged a full-time professional inside Ethiopia just about when the revolution-broke. He was forced to flee in A p r i l , 1975, but was replaced.A new-style approach on a different scale was launched in 1976by O R T , with the cooperation of the Joint Distribution Committee.ORT-'-as is largely unknown — successf ul ly has worked with a numberof Third World countries at their request. This background madeit persona grata to the new regime when it proposed a rural d e -velopment program for the Gondar region, a program for which ithas found support from a number of nations including Holland,Canada, West Germany and Sweden; and the U.S. Aid Program hasgiven three-quarter million dollars over two y e a r s .

This last sum alone was a far cry from the $150,000 or so budgetavailable to the FWA from Jewish resources alone prior to the ORTinitiative. The nature of the new project, however, made itessential to have the active approval and cooperation of theEthiopian government authorities as against their tacit acceptanceof the prior welfare operation. It meant, too, a program in whichFalashas might be the central element but which by definition wouldhave to be more general and would include Christian elements sinceplanned for a region in which Falashas make up but one percent ofthe population.

The shift in character and scope of the program sorely upset cer-tain of the old-time Falasha leadership. It also was to be chal-lenged and attacked, privately and later more publicly, by someORT employees. One of these wrote to a number of governmentsaiding the ORT project, charging that their funds were not beingused for the purposes allocated. This led a number of them toinvestigate the program (not without difficulty since even foreigndiplomats often are not allowed to move far from Addis A b a b a ) .ORT always got not just a clean bill of health but high commendationSuch commendation, came, too, from (London) Jewish Chronicle pub-lisher David Kessler, whose family long had been active in the workof the FWA and its predecessor group.

The ORT program today comprises 22 schools, 13 of them new, with astaff of 73 teachers, public hygiene work and health care includingthe building of one new clinic and remodeling of another, diggingof w e l l s , agricultural technical assistance, loans and poultryfarming, and even the construction of a road. Hebrew is among thesubjects taught.

Critics are not disarmed. They concede that buildings are goingup, wells are being dug and physical facilities improved. It isthe nature and Jewishness of the entire operation they call intoquestion, as contrary to Falasha character and tradition anddesires of the Falashas themselves, and its efficacy. The werymixing of Jew and non-Jew, some claim, is an abomination in theFalasha view. The operation will bring about an integrationmeaning the end of Falasha identity as it has existed to d a t e ,they say.

In the meantime, the ORT program in Gondar is steadily reaching outto more and more Falashas. The authorities have invited ORT, a l s o ,to consider working in Tigre province. How much ORT will be ableto extend its program is not clear. U.S. Aid Program financing isnow cut off. U .S.-Ethiopian relations have been deteriorating froman already low point. The Ethiopian government has refused to meetthe terms of the Hickenlooper amendment about restitution to the U.S.for assets it took, even though it stood to gain financially manytimes over by doing this; and this makes it ineligible for certainkinds of U.S. aid. The loss on the U.S. side is being made up bygrants from other nations, for this y e a r , but expansion is anothermatter.

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Policies and Options

When queried about the Falasha issue in the past, Israeli »dJewish Agency officials always had insisted that they wereacting behind the scenes and that publicity or outside infef-vention would be counter-productive and even dangerous. Ifin-ning in 1975, this approach became less and less acceptablttocritics in the United States and to Falashas in Israel. IfcfaTI,1979, there were hints of a change in the official Israel Jiti-tude: suggestions were made that cautious, non-publicizedinter-vention by Jewish groups might be helpful. Falashas in Issteland American supporters again took to public demonstratiorainOctober and November. In a volte-face, the Jewish Agency » l l e dfor a public campaign on behalf of the Falashas. The government,more moderate, asked for assistance in seeking to influencetheEthiopian government.

Premier Begin, it was known, already had sought to have a letteron Falashas delivered to Mengistu some months before. He lad re-fused to receive it, but it finally did get to his Foreigalh'ni ster'Now the Israelis have approached several governments with i n c h ithas relations, and which also have relations with Ethiopia, to asktheir intercession. The Ethiopian regime, it must be remembered,is a touchy one indeed, to put matters euphemistically, Cfctsideintervention is not always appreciated: on one occasion itbrought about the release of one European who had been jailed...and then his immediate murder. Ethiopia scornfully has reactedhuman rights protests by Amnesty and various church groups- Itdenounced January, 1979 accounts appearing in the Israeli jpressabout the Falashas plight, asserting in an Addis Ababa coasuniquethat it was the Haile Selassie government that had oppress&iFalashas, while it had helped them. The Ethiopian embassyinMexico attacked a broadcast about the Falashas by AJC's MarcTanenbaum, reprinted in Spanish, in much the same vein. "Be. factof the matter i s , too, t h a t — e m i g r a t i o n apart--the attitude ofthe Mengistu regime and local Ethiopian authorities to Falishashas been a positive one.

A source of much argument has been the fate of five Falasteteachers working in the ORT program, one of whom was killeland four others jailed by the authorities in December, 1971.According to one version, they and another teacher who fie!were denounced to the government authorities at the instiga-tion of a particularly resented Christian employee of ORT,asbeing anti-governmental and promoting aliya . According toanother version, the ORT teacher who fled did leave incrimina-ting anti-government documents behind, while the others hallists of persons getting aid which the authorities mistookforsomething more pernicious. The four--Gedalia Uria, YosefZebadia, Noah Reuven and Askenau (Yaacov) Sendekah )--recentlywere moved from jail to a re-education camp, and hopefullywillbe released in not too many months.

The record shows, at the same time, that the Mengistu regite wasready to let Falashas fly out to Israel when arms were flying in,prior to the Dayan statement of February, 1978. The key qsestionis, then: Can it again be persuaded to permit such movement andis there anything that might be helpful in getting it to afree?A corollary question is: May the very intervention on this scorecause any difficulties for the on-going aid program in Ethiopia?Falashas in Israel discount this last--the government alreadyknows Falasha messianic attitudes towards Israel, they sajf—butothers are less sanguine.

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Ethiopian sensitivity apart, one must recognize that there islittle leverage one can bring to bear. Ethiopian Marxist-style denunciation of the U.S. is routine; it voted, with theSoviets on Afghanistan. U .S.-Ethiopian relations, as noted,are already low indeed. Nor can the Ethiopians be very happywith the idea that the U.S. shortly may be establishing amajor military base in Berera, in Somalia, its enemy. Criticscontend that Israel could.swing a deal for emigration by usingits existing contacts in Ethiopia, an assertion more easilymade than demonstrable. However right they may be about oppor^tunities missed by Israel in the past, or past Israeli unwill-ingness to act, it does not follow that Israel is able, today,to bring about emigration.

The shift in the Israel position last November may not satisfycritics of its Falasha policy, but it has made possible some•cooperation. In Israel, a new inter-ministerial committee hasbeen set up including Foreign Office, Jewish Agency and otherkey persons, and there is also Falasha representation. In theUnited States, the NJCRAC established a committee headed byDan Shapiro, a former president of AJC's New York Chapter, inwhich all views are represented.

There has been, at this last, tentative agreement on the following

-- That there should be no attack of any kind on the Mengisturegime, since this only could be dangerous.

-- That without the consent of the Mengistu regime, therecould be no sizeable emigration. The number of those able to"walk out" to the Sudan or otherwise be helped to depart was put,at best, at two or three thousand, given conditions there. Oneshould therefore probe to see what approaches could be made tothe Mengistu regime, without any publicity.

-- That any approach put forward be on the humanitariangrounds of family reunion: there may only be 300 Falashas in Is-rael, but the Falasha (and Ethiopian) concept of family is a verywide one. That another approach be to test whether there could begranting of visas by the Ethiopians for purposes of study byFalashas outside the country.

-- That the effort should be made to interest U.S. Congress-men and administration officials in the plight of the Falashas.There is some belief that the Ethiopian regime may be interestedin grain, and the Congressmen would be sounded out whether theywould be ready to support giving this. (This may not contravenethe Hickenlooper amendment, since U.S. humanitarian action is notaffected by it. On the other hand, this suggestion was put for-ward before the Afghanistan crisis.)

-- Despite some reluctance, the critics of Israel now haveagreed to make available to the Israelis both their lists ofFalashas they assert are in the Sudan, for checking purposes,and names of their contacts who, they claim, can help bring peo-ple out.

-- That there be an educational campaign concerning Falashasamong the Jewish community by the Jewish establishment. This, itis recognized, will not be without problems. It is not easy toexplain that we are against Mengistu's policy on emigration, but

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do not wish to attack Mengistu;. Nor--as was pointed out by someparticipants in a meeting about Falashas at the NJCRAC meetingin Philadelphia — is there any clear sense of what Jewish com-munities are supposed to d o , once educated, unless it be tcbring continued pressure on Israel, as the critics would have it

-- That a Jewish delegation go to Ethiopia, but that thepurpose of this be to bring back a picture of how Falashas live.It was not thought wise that any prominent Jewish "political"figures be on this d e l e g a t i o n , which in any event could only goto Gondar in some welfare-aid context.

What Position for AJC?

** It is our sense t h a t , whatever the past r e c o r d , theIsraeli authorities have been seeking to do what they can aboutFalashas since the Begin government came to office. We shoulda c t i v e l y , and frequently, discuss with them (we have done sointermittently in the p a s t ) , but on the assumption of their

•good will rather than the contrary.

** We h a v e , until now, been helping the American Associ-ation for Ethiopian Jews transfer funds to Israel and our Israeloffice has given some logistical support to the Falashas in Is-rael seeking to make their point of view better known.(Present Tense magazine h a s , t o o , helped present their views.)Such assistance may not be consonant with a future AJC standshould we take issue with Israel's c r i t i c s , and thus have to bereconsidered.

** We are participating in the NJCRAC committee headed byDan S h a p i r o , and are cooperating in the efforts to see whetherthe U.S. administration or Congressmen can cautiously aid. Ameeting has been set up with Jewish c o n g r e s s m e n , to be held inRepresentative Stephen Solarz's office the end of January. AtP h i l a d e l p h i a , we participated in a meeting with NSC member DavidAaron (who dealt with Mengistu and other Ethiopian leaders someyears a g o ) . He expressed interest, and we shall be following upthrough AJC's Washington office.

** Reports we have had of ORT action in Ethiopia lead us tobelieve that the program is a useful and valuable o n e , and shouldbe supported and not attacked. We have been acting on this pre-mise in Jewish intra-communal discussions so far, and will con-tinue to do so should ORT be attacked.

** We shall do all we can to promote Falasha emigration.But action taken must be consonant with a double need: not todamage the favorable attitude of the Mengistu regime to theFalashas in Ethiopia; not to put at risk the one on-going programactually assisting Ethiopians.

If efforts to have the Mengistu regime adopt a more favorableattitude on emigration succeed, present tension inside the Jew-ish community on the Falasha problem will dissipate. If they don o t , we m a y , and probably w i l l , have to face the crunch of optingfor what many will condemn as a "do-nothing" stance, arising outof the j u d g m e n t — o b v i o u s l y discussable--that dire as the situationis , this is still the best way to protect the Falashas in Ethiopia

January 1980