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The Shona ReligionM. Gelfand

THE MEDIUMIn this article I would like to attempt an appraisal

of the Shona religion. This is a difficult taskbecause in the literature the subject of the Afri-can's religion is clouded by many diverse opinions.Carothers (1940), a much quoted authority on theAfrican mind, when speaking of the religion of theKenya African, refers to a lower form of belief:"In religion the Native is expected to jump fromanimism to an idealistic Christianity". Indeedmany people today still consider that the Shonahave no religion at all. But anyone who studies theShona religion sympathetically will soon discoverthat he is dealing with a deeply religious people. Socomplex and developed in fact is this cult that oneday the Shona religion may come to be acceptedas a form of monotheism.

The Shona admit a Creator, an omnipotentspirit whom they call Mwari, Chikare or Musi-kavanhu. The Christian faith, like that of the Shona,has its own great spirits like the angels and thedifferent saints who can be appealed to and fromwhom help and comfort can be sought. On theother hand, whereas the Christian approaches Goddirectly, this is not the case with the Shona. Theydo not pray to God himself but always contact thelesser spirits, who, living as they do in the spiritualworld, are in communication with all the otherspirits including God. Mwari has made them alland everything in this world, the good and thebad. God is responsible for the good ancestralspirits as well as those of the evil ones.

Therefore it Is much better to appeal and placeone's trust in the good spirits (the mhondoro andvadzlmu) in the first instance. An authority like

Hannan (personal communication) would notinterpret this as I do. He points out that in themost common oath taken Mwari is called on towitness the truth of what is said. In time of be-reavement the Shona show their belief in God andapproach Him directly by complaining to Him:"Mwari ndaita seil" ("God, what have I done todeserve this") they cry. Should one of his childrendie a Shona may exclaim, "Mwari akapa uye ndiyeatora" ("God has given and God has taken away".)

The Shona believe that their tutelary spirits(mhondoro) can prevent and facilitate the fall ofrain, that their vadzimu (family spirits) can causesickness and that they can protect them from harm,sickness and from a witch entering their homes.When they pray in order to ask for something theydo not address God directly but pray to the spirits.It is possible that on more close questioning theShona might admit that the mhondoro or vadzimurefer everything to Mwari but this is not the waythey usually explain the powers of the spiritsintermediary between man and Mwari. Let me herequote a prayer made by the head of a family to thesmall clan spirit (local mhondoro) which controlsthe area in which they have decided to start theirnew village. "We have entered your country. Weare asking you to forward our words to the ma-gombwe (the great tribal spirits). We thank youvery much for allowing us to come into your areaand to plant our crops. Keep our crops for us. Giveus good rain. We only tell you this because youare the owner of this area. But do not forget to takeour words to the magombwe."

One of the fundamental tenets of Shona religion

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is the belief in real communication with the worldof spirits through the medium or host of theparticular spirit whose help is sought. The Shonaaccepts revelation through their mediums in away that is not completely different from that inwhich a Christian accepts revelation from readinghis Bible. In the ancient Hebrew faith it is quitepossible that the possession of the prophetsoccurred, but it would be true to say today thatpossession of a living individual by a spirit, in theway that is characteristic of Shona ritual, is not afeature of orthodox Judeo-Christian practice.

The Shona finds the phenomenon of possessionparticularly satisfying for they claim that they hearthe "voice" of the spirit calling or addressing themthrough the medium, and see this as proof of theexistence of the spiritual world. It is notthe mediumwho is talking but the spirit who has made use ofthe body and voice of the host. This to the Shona isvery real and convinces them that their beliefs aretrue, whereas the Christian never claims to hearthe voice of God or the voice of Christ in the sameway. The Shona think that they make a real contactwith a spirit for once the medium becomes pos-sessed he is no longer the same as when he is notpossessed. When the spirit possesses him heacquires an altered personality. The medium is abridge between the present and the spiritualworlds in one being, he himself is drawn into thespiritual world in a prehypnotic state.

Music is an important element in the inducementof possession. Special tunes of a lively tempo areplayed to the medium. The most usual instrumentsemployed in Mashonaland are musical gourds(mbira) and drums (Figs. 1 and 2). The medium ormediums as well as the congregants join in thedancing which goes on for minutes or for severalhours until the possession takes place. Even anonlooker is carried away by the swift rhythm, thepatter of bare feet on the ground and the shrillcries of the women (Fig. 3). The whole ritual danceis very lively and the physical effort so hypnoticthat all who take part seem to be borne awaytowards the spiritual world. The living and thedeparted are all joined in unison.

Everyone knows the moment possession takesplace. First the medium sucks in air through anarrowed larynx with loud, high-pitched inspiratorysounds. The neck muscles become taut and standout and then after a succession of mighty shuddershe relaxes and assumes a normal position, yet

giving the onlooker the impression that he is notquite there (Fig. 4).

The ease with which possession takes placevaries greatly. In some cases it would seem thatthe more experienced the medium the more easilyhe falls possessed. On other occasions, even themore experienced might take hours or even daysto undergo possession. Mainly it is best achievedwhen the spirits' favourite tunes are played. On thewhole the description of possession of the mediumgiven by Field as she found it in Ghana is verysimilar to what I have observed (Field 1960).However, she suggests that this state of posses-sion may be induced by abstinence from food anddrink before and during the ceremony thus main-taining a state of hypoglycaemia.

There are five main categories of spirits in whomthe Shona believe (Table I). The mhondoro is thetutelary spirit of the whole clan or tribe whoseconcern is the good of the people as a whole. TheShona believe that they bring rain, are responsiblefor the production of good and bountiful crops,and in many areas, with the decision as to whoshall succeed to the chieftainship. In every areaunder the protection of a mhondoro a special daycalled chisi is set aside by the spirit when no workmay be done in the fields or gardens. It is a ritualday of rest and was formerly determined by thephase of the moon, but of recent years a certainday of each week, frequently Friday or Thursdayis fixed as chisi.

Then there are the vadzimu (ancestral spirits orspirit elders) which protect and help the individualfamily units of the clan. Each family looks to itsmudzimu (the spirit of the grandfather) for protec-tion although the spirits of the grandmother,father and mother too can protect it to a lesserdegree. When help is sought the head of the livingmembers of the family prays to its mudzimu(Fig. 5). Usually the pleas are not directed to thespirits beyond the grandfather stage although themore remote ones may be remembered merely inprayer. The moral needs of the Shona are satisfiedthrough these lesser spirits. The vadzimu and themhondoro insist that the strict moral values of thefamily are maintained and frown on incest, adulteryand despoiling of unmarried girls. Respect forelders is inculcated in the family by the belief thatan unkind act towards one's mother, for example,would be remembered after death by her angeredspirit which would descend as an ngozi on the

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TABLE I

THE FIVE MAIN CATEGORIES OF SPIRIT AND THEIR MEDIUMS

Tutelary spirit(MHONDORO)

SVIKIRO(medium)

MUDZIMU(family spirit)

Medium forfamily spirit

SVIKIRO or VATETE

THE CREATOR(Mwari)

SHAVE

Medium forSHAVE spirit

Healing spirit ofNGANGA

Medium(NGANGA)

Evil spirit ofwitch

Medium(MUROYI)

guilty child and so punish him or his children.Thematerial needs in Shona life are catered for by themhondoro (tribal spirits) which bring rain and thevadzimu (family spirits) which ensure the pros-perity of the family and their means of livelihoodand prevent witches from entering the home.

The shave is the third kind of spirit and it is saidto be that of a talented foreigner, a Matabele orSenna for example, who died many years ago, astranger in Mashonaland, and had not beenaccorded a proper burial. So the spirit was obligedto wander until it could find a medium or hostthrough whom it could reveal itself. When amedium accepts its particular shave spirit hebecomes endowed with the talent once possessedby the foreigner. Thus when he has agreed to bethe spirit host of a hunting spirit a man becomesable to kill many wild animals. All that the shaverequires is that the host remembers it from timeto time through prayer at a ritual ceremony whenhe wears special garments and decorations andthe shave "comes out" (Fig. 6).

The nganga is possessed by a special spirit ofhealing and of divining, that is said to have origi-nated from a person with these gifts, many genera-tions ago when the clan was founded. The originalperson whose spirit now possesses a ngangaknew how to treat disease and to discern itsspiritual cause. This special nganga spirit remainsin the family and whan a nganga dies his healingspirit selects one of his children who, in his turnbecomes a nganga. This spirit is a good one andcan contact the ancestral spirits of any family andand so discover what has annoyed them and whatis necessary to make amends.

In contrast to the spirit of goodness whichpossesses the nganga there is the spirit of evilwhich also originated from an evil person manyyears ago. This spirit, like that of the nganga,remains within a family and when its possessor

(muroyi) dies the evil spirit passes to his offspring(Table I).

In my book Shona Ritual (1959: p. 129), I gave thisdescription of how an evil Shave (in this case themuzirikasishave) operates:

"When a pregnant woman is possessed by thisspirit, her husband must not eat anything he findsin the woods without her permission. A hunter farfrom his home and very hungry may decide to eatsome of the meat of the animal he has killed. Hemay not be aware that his wife is possessed by thistype of shave. But even before he sits down to eatthe roasted meat, his wife at home becomespossessed with the muzirikazi shave. The shavedevours her baby, all except a leg which it leaveshanging in the hut. The spirit leaves the womanbefore her husband's return. When she looks upand sees the leg of her baby she becomesfrightened. Her other children tell her that they sawher eating the baby and she cries bitterly. Shelooks at her fingers and finds they are coveredwith blood and she sees a blood-stained knife.

"As he reaches home the husband hears thewailing of the people and is told that his wife ateher baby while she was possessed. He recogniseshis baby's leg and realises what has happened. Heis angry and distraught and tries to kill his wifebut is restrained by the people in the hut. At thisjuncture the wife becomes possessed again andher shave addresses him, 'look here, do not beharsh and let me explain my action. I told youbefore that whenever you kill anything in the woodsyou must never eat the meat without telling me.You did not believe me. Thus when you ate themeat of the animal you killed in the forest, I alsoate my meat here.' The friends and relationspersuade the husband to take no further actionuntil the wife is no longer possessed. He sends amessage to her father asking him to come andtake away his daughter. When the parents arrivethey are told of their daughter's terrible affliction.

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The husband demands the return of the pfuma(bridewealth) and refuses to have his wife anylonger." In a recent publication Mary Aquina (1968)confirms that the muroyi is possessed by an evilshave.

Recently I obtained an interesting account ofhow the spirit of a witch may first enter it host,from Sibanje, a Shona man employed at ChiefNyamakoho's dare in the Mtoko district. A marriedwoman becomes troubled by a shave calledzimbuye mukande, which she has inherited fromher great grandmother, who was a witch. Thespirit wants her to accept and attepts to enterher, but at first she refuses to come to terms withit. Each time she is pregnant this evil shave makesits presence felt by causing her to lose the foetus.Unless she can be cured her affliction will stoponly when she agrees to accept the spirit. As eachpregnancy ends in abortion, her husband becomesmore and more suspicious and begins to observehis wife closely. He may discover that during hersleep she leaves her bed, opens the door anddisappears into the night. When he realises thatthe zimbuya mukande shave wishes to possessher he takes her to her father who finds an ngangato drive away the evil spirit. This may proveimpossible if she is really prepared to accept theevil shave. Once she agrees she becomes a witchand the spirits of zimbuya mukande can enter herany time, making her a danger to other people. Butshe is now able to produce children without anytrouble.

Thus the spirits of each of these categoriesmust find a host or medium in which to establisha haven and through which to reveal its wants andadvice. Usually the selected medium becomes illand only gradually realises what has befallen him.He may only start to dream or the illness anddreams may be simultaneous. The nature of theillness is eventually recognised by a nganga andonce the medium accepts the spirit and agrees tocarry out the ritual requirements, such as thewearing of special clothes on ceremonial occa-sions, the host recovers. Thereafter the spiritenters him when called upon to do so or when itwants to reveal a message to others..

The usual Shona term to denote a medium issvikiro. Strictly speaking, this word refers to themedium of the mhondoro, but is commonlyemployed for the medium of the mudzimu (familyspirit). Among the Vakaranga the term mhondoro

is not used for a tutelary spirit, but instead theword svikiro, although it strictly refers to themedium and notthe spirit itself. Others sometimesuse the word mudzimu (family spirit) for the tribalspirit, whilst among the Vakaranga the svikiro ofthe mudzimu is referred to as vatete (paternalaunt). I have not often heard the term used in thisconnexion. As I have already mentioned, a ngangais the person who becomes endowed with thegood spirit of healing and divination and this, inmy eyes, is a medium. Similarly, I consider themuroyi the medium for an evil spirit which hashuman destruction or anti-social acts as its object.

Each of these mediums may become possessedwith their spirits at any moment even thoughpossession may occur rarely. The medium is theservant of its spirit and must always be ready toserve its purpose. In the case of the tribal medium(mhondoro) or family medium (mhondoro ormudzimu mudiki wapamusha) possession has aspecial reason such as incest or the misbehaviourof one member of the family towards another. Inthis instance the spirit often enters the medium inthe early hours of the morning. He is heard emittingnoises which waken others who hurry into the hutto see what is happening. Then the spirit speaksthrough its host and explains the reason for itsconcern.

Each of the mediums has its own favouredmethod of inducing possession and the speed andconstancy with which it occurs in the differentmediums vary greatly. For instance in the malenganga possession usually occurs as soon as hestarts throwing his hakata (divining bones). Thusit is the divining spirit which turns the hakata inthe air causing them to fall in such a way as toreveal the spirit's message. But in those ngangawho divine only through their spirits and not withthe aid of hahata. possession may take severalminutes and has to be induced by music.

Depossession of the medium usually takesplace as soon as there is no further need for thespirit to be consulted or for it to address thepeople. The loss of the spirit may be accompaniedby great physical effort and even exhaustion. Carehas to be taken when such efforts occur. It may benecessary for someone to stand by and pourwater on the convulsive muscles of the medium ashe becomes depossessed (Fig. 7). But in thenganga for instance, depossession may be instan-taneous and hardly noticeable. The more ex-

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1

* >

perienced the medium, the less is he disturbed asthe spirit leaves. One tribal medium whom Iobserved, started to wave his arms like a bird inflight whenever the spirit left him.

In conclusion I would like to call attention to avery significant element in Shona belief. As maybe seen from the account just given, there is astrange inter-dependence of the living on thespirits and of the spirits on the living. For those inthis world life is incomplete, unproductive anddangerous without contact with the spirits. Spiritlife, too, is incomplete without contact with theliving.

WITCHCRAFT BELIEFS AND THEIR PLACE INTHE RELIGION

Mary Douglas (1967), conscious of the manyterms and definitions relating to witchcraft,appeals to us not to be too closely tied to Westernterminology in our interpretation of the facts ofwitchcraft practices in Africa. This does notnecessarily mean that the better known hypothesesof the purpose or function of witchcraft beliefs inAfrica are not correct. Many of them are rationaland reasoned explanations of witchcraft andprobably apply to many territories in Africa. Theapplications of many of them may even extend toShona religious practices. For example, Fortes(1949), who worked amongst the Tallensi ofGhana, postulates that when women are broughtinto a patrilineal society as wives, they becomesuspect and the men are apt to find fault withthem, accusing them of being envious and wantingto disrupt their patrilineage with an evil power.Consequently in this form of society the power ofwitchcraft tends to be associated with a uterineline of descent (Fortes 1949).

On the other hand, Mitchell (1956) noticed thatamong the Yao, accusations of witchcraft practiceoften arose in traditional society from ambitiousmen who wanted to disrupt the existing authority,split the lineage and so oust their elders (Mitchell1956). Nadel (1952) is more inclined to regardwitchcraft beliefs as being related to the tensionswhich exist in any society. He draws specialattention to the fact that accusations of wizardryagainst an individual are usually made by someonewho is intimately connected or concerned with thevictim in a network of social relationships.

Marwick (1952 and 1965) shows that witchcraftaccusations are likely to develop between peoplewho are competing with each other, but since

tribesmen live in a society in which tensions areconcealed their accusations of witchcraft find anoutlet for their pent-up feelings. Mitchell hasrecently pointed out that hostility and jealousy arelikely to occur, especially in the economic field.In contrast to the tribal areas where lineageopposition often precipitates accusations ofwitchcraft, conditions are different in the townswhere an alternative explanation must be soughtbecause of the economic stresses which haveoccurred. Since in town the victim is unable totake direct action against the rival he suspects, he(or rather the nganga) prefers to attribute the ill-ness to the vadzimu whose protection is removedthus allowing witches to enter. By this little twistin thought, an open accusation is avoided, and theimmediate problem is to placate the offendedancestral spirit (Mitchell 1965).

It was largely Evans-Pritchard's researchesamongst the Azande which stimulated interest inwitchcraft practices in Africa, and his deductionswere accepted by social anthropologists. Much ofwhat he had to say about the Azande has beenapplied by researchers to the rest of Negro andBantu Africa (Evans-Pritchard 1937). Even MaryAquina (1968) seems to have accepted the Azandepattern for the Vakaranga of Mashonaland.

Evans-Pritchard insists on a distinction betweensorcery and witchcraft. A sorcerer is one whopractises evil against an enemy by the use ofmedicines and the casting of spells. His art is notinherited but an acquired or inherent skill. Witch-craft, on the other hand, is a mystical or spiritualpower used for the same ends as sorcery. Butwitchcraft requires no instruments. The merethought of the witch is enough to achieve itsobject though the spirit can travel at night on herhyena or despatch her snakes or owl to the homeof the victim. The witch, moreover, passes on herpower to her children, or at least to one of them.

Marwick, who worked among the Cewa ofMalawi, clearly accepts the fundamental con-ception of the Evans-Pritchard classification, butprefers the term sorcery to witchcraft. He definesmagic as a ritual which involves the manipulationof material substances and the use of verbal spellsas well as the despatching of hyenas and wild catsto devour the livestock of the victim in the same wayas the witch of other tribes sends her familiars.Such an individual is said to depend on materialmagic for his evil deeds. The Cewa sorcerer (nfiti)

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also belongs to the nephrophagous guild. Heoften uses threatening language. I am interested inMarwick's description of the Cewa sorcererbecause of its resemblance to the Shona muroyi(witch). But like Mary Douglas, I regret thatMarwich has described the nfiti's art as sorcery,and I feel that he has over-extended Evans-Pritchard's pattern by applying it to Central Africa.

I find that a good deal of what is written aboutmagic, witch, sorcerer and magician is difficult toapply to the Shona context for witchcraft is part ofthe Shona religion and integrated into theirreligious concepts. In the eyes of the Shona, allevents in their lives, and in nature, depend onsupernatural forces, everything that exists, everysuccess or failure originates in the spiritual world.The Creator is responsible, too, for the entirespiritual world but he is too far removed, powerfuland indifferent to be contacted by man. Just as ason would not dare approach his father directly onany important matter, the Shona does not pray orask help from Mwari. They believe that just asMwari made the good spirits to help and heal man,so also he made the evil ones. Consequently thereis a link between the muroyi (the evil witch) andthe nganga (the good one). Both are mediums ofan ancestral spirit. Both knew medicines. Thenganga even knows the poisonous ones, but willnever use them for other than a good purpose.Both know their antidotes and both know other

mediums who can help them. Both dream how toadminister their medicines and how to practicetheir respective arts. In their dreams they learn offuture events and are so able to warn and advisetheir clients (Table II).

A nganga can harm, but only where punishmentis deserved. For instance, the nganga who has achikwambo spirit can bring suffering, ruin anddeath to the man who refuses to honour his debtsor steals another man's wife. But such retributionis said to be good. In contrast to the nganga, orwhite witch, is the true muroyi, or hereditary witch.

The Shona believe that the muroyi can onlypractise evil, and In their eyes anyone who prac-tises evil is a muroyi. So amongst the Shona thereis no word applicable to Evans-Pritchard's sorcereror witch. A Shona simply refers to him as muroyi,no matter how he practises his witchcraft. In fact,in conversation he may even refer to the one whooperates by poisoning as being a nganga butimplies that he practises evil and not good. Thereis no doubt that in his own mind the distinctionbetween the two is very clear. This concept ofwitchcraft in Mashonaland may not necessarilyapply to the rest of Africa, since all witchcraftbeliefs do not always conform to the same pattern.But the effects of belief in witchcraft are the samethroughout the Continent. Those who are accusedof being witches (varoyi) are very liable to be man-handled, injured and even, on occasions, beaten

VADZIMUSpirits of family or clan

MHONDOROTribal or clan spirits

TABLE II

THE SPIRITUAL HIERARCHY OF THE SHONAMWARI

(the Creator)(indifferent, all-powerful)

MASHAVE(alien spirits conferring various

talents on the host)Within this square are the suggestedinfluences which constitute witchcraftbeliefs among the Shona.

VADZIMU(family spirits)

NGOZI(angered mudzimu)

VAROYIevil spirits

VAROYI WEDZINZA(hereditary witch)

VAROYI WAMASIKATI(day-witch including thecategory of the witch-doctor who practises

evil)healing spirit of

NGANGAW I T C H C R A F T

It is suggested that the term witchcraft in the Shonamind includes uroyi which is evil and also its goodfeatures for which the vadzimu and the nganga areresponsible

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to death, just as they were in other parts of theworld.THE ATTRACTION OF THE RELIGION

It takes time, often many years, before an outsideobserver can assess certain phenomena in asociety, particularly those concerning religion. Itis also often impossible to exclude one's own biasor preconceived ideas. In most fields the observerbegins to form an opinion long before his ac-quaintance with his subject has attained any depth.When I first attended religious services of theShona I believed that they were heathens andpagans. Even if this concept can still be argued, Iconsider these words bear a connotation that isderogatory and impugns the dignity of the people.But at first my concern was not so much with theShona's religion, but with the nganga, my collea-que in Shona society. This led to his role in thereligious practices of his people. Many yearspassed before I was able to crystallize my observa-tions on his religion and its structure.

The main elements of a Shona religious cere-mony is union with the spiritual world through themedium (svikiro) who, when possessed, affordsimmediate contact with a spirit of the Shonacelestial hierarchy. This spirit is honoured withprayer and is propitiated for man's trespasses bygifts or animal sacrifice. Through the medium thespirit advises and warns its worshippers.

The rituals are always prompted by certain vitalbasic problems of the family or the clan, such assickness, death, drought and famine. Whatstands out so strongly is that the ceremony ismostly a family affair, in which the family groupgathers to communicate with its vadzimu or atribal affair in which the tribal group meets in orderto communicate with its tribal spirit. Details of anafter-life, as well as of the life led by the vadzimu,are remarkably vague. We are told that the spiritslive and at times are pleased to receive beer andtobacco from their kin on earth. The family spiritshover round the village of their families, but themhondoro live in the forest in special lions, per-haps in the sacred muhacha tree, or even in theheavens above. The Shona show no concern overretribution in the world to come. Punishment forritual offences is meted out in this world. Once aperson dies, no matter what his record on earth,his spirit does not suffer in the next world, exceptby being forgotten by the living.

Shona ceremonies are not complicated; they

are easy to follow. The minister of the family ritualis the senior male member of the family or themuzukuru (son of the father's sister). I am sur-prised at the ease with which the muzukuruconducts the ritual prayers. For instance, a typicalexample of a prayer to an ancestral spirit to whichan animal has been sacrificed is as follows:"Grandfather, we have gathered today to give youyour beast so that your grandchild can becomebetter. We have roasted the meat for you—keep uswell and happy and do not forget us." Such prayersare said with great decorum. While he prays, theminister's head and shoulders are wrapped in ablack cloth (jira) not unlike the praying shawl wornby the Jew. He half kneels and claps his hands asa token of respect. Women kneel fully with theirheads bent forwards touching the ground. This isan impressive scene and one that shows genuinehumility. The nganga who has detected the sourceof the upset in the spirit world takes no part in theprayers. All worship of the vadzimu takes placewithin the family group and this intensifies thefeeling of kinship. A minister from outside thefamily group is not only unnecessary, but would beunwelcome to the vadzimu. There is little distinc-tion between male and female in the rites. Bothtake part in the ceremonies and both have theirduties. Though the actual prayers are generallysaid by the male muzukuru, the ritual beer, soimportant to the ceremony is the responsibility ofthe women. Women, too, come forward in front ofthe musicians and dance as often as the men(Fig. 8). As a rule, 10 to 30 people dance In thesmall arena. The medium joins in too, and all thedancers mingle, but do not hold each other. Thereare also female mediums (masvikiro) and femalenganga. Some of the mediums of the greatestmhondoro are women and many of the shavemediums are of this sex. When possessed themedium is given the same attention, whether maleor female, but the possessing spirit is male andthe female medium is given male greetings whenpossessed.

No elaborate setting is required for services. Nochurch or ornate building is required. If prayers areto be made to the family spirit (mudzimu) these aresaid before the rukuva (potshelf) In the main hut(imba) of the family. They are very much a familyaffair with the family spirits close at hand in thehome. Even their graves are just outside the familyvillage. No special day is set aside for prayers to

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the ancestral spirits of the famiiy. They generallytake place only when required by the untowardevents already referred to or by the departure of amember of the family on a long journey. Thisperson does not pray to the vadzimu himself, butthis is done on his behalf by the head male in thefamily.

Ceremonies for the tutelary spirits, mhondoro,are held in an enclosure (ruchanga) surroundingthe sacred muchacha tree (Fig. 9) or in a speciallymade wooden structure which resembles a hut(dendemaro) (Fig. 10). Such gatherings emphasizethe proximity of the worshippers to nature and tothe trees, the grass, the soil and the rocks. Theirenvironment forms a background to their religion.

Offerings have a prominent place in the cere-mony. The Shona has no doubt that he has tomake a real effort to obtain forgiveness for histransgressions. He must do something tangible toappease the offended spirit. But he knows that hecan reconciliate and live in peace and equilibriumagain with the spiritual world (Fig. 11).

Most Shona who have had experience of westernteachings maintain that it is more comforting andreal to pray to their ancestral spirits than to aremote Creator. Only those who really loved themin this world can be relied upon to take an interestin their problems and intercede on their behalfwith the mightier spirits.

As I have already mentioned the principal effectof ancestral worship is domestic harmony andrespect. "Honour thy father and thy mother" is aprimary Shona commandment. Failure to observeit will turn a beneficient mudzimu into an angryngozi. Inculcated too, is the interdependence ofall the members of the family and their ritual knitsthe family closer. The importance of such a solidunit in a harsh menacing world need hardly beemphasised. Even the modern Shona has ex-perienced the advantage in a difficult economicworld of knowing that he can rely on his family. Sodeep and close is the attachment of the Shona tothe spirit of his dead grandfather (sekuru) that hefollows in his footsteps throughout his life, believ-ing it will please his ancestors to live just as theydid in the same village, growing the same crops,wearing the same clothes and living in the samehuts, never changing or acquiring more than hisancestors before him. The result is a compulsoryuniformity, a philosophy which tends to encouragenormality.

In the past I have ventured to query the survivalof the Shona religion in urbanised society. I havealways regarded it, with its ritual sacrifices, as thereligion of a rural environment, and so far, it seemsto me, no serious attempt has been made to adaptit to town life. Is it adaptable? Is it such that anymodification of its structure would essentiallychange or even destroy it? That it has not lost itshold even on the urbanised world may well bebecause of one of its striking features. It is areligion that engenders a profound satisfactionand even of joy. As the men and women dance andsing to the accompaniment of mbira and drumstheir animation and pleasure is obvious (Figs. 12,13, and 14). The human spirit seems to emergefrom the tawdriness of its human routine to beabsorbed by the spiritual principles of life and ofthe earth. The music and songs are not enough forthis satisfaction and joy. There must always be theritual beer to help the worshippers lose theirinhibitions and attune their minds to the atmo-sphere of spiritual possession (Fig. 15). Howdifferent is such worship from that of the ordinaryChristian prayer meeting or the normal service inan orthodix Jewish synagogue! And yet it is notso different from certain liturgical manifestationsof the Christian and Jewish bodies. In the north ofSpain, for example, Christian processions of theBlessed Sacrament include the admirable dancesof the Basque athletes as part of the worship aswell as the lively music of the people's bands. Norare the ritual gestures and music of the Shona afar cry from the philosopher, Martin Buber'sdescription of the Torah—in his hands. And inorder to promote animation and spiritual upliftthe Hassid takes alcoholic drink as a means ofbringing about union between himself and God:he goes out of himself in order to find and meet hisGod. Some of the rabbis—the Zadick of themovement—even claim to enter into spiritualcontact with God almost as if possessed by Him(Cohen 1957; Friedman 1955).

In the Shona religion it would hardly be exactto speak of an encounter similar to the "I-Thou"relationship of Buber, for, as I have said, it is areligion not of the person, but of the group inwhich the encounter is between the living groupand the dead. Nevertheless, I thinkthatthe domes-tic or tribal entity with its spirits has analogieswith the Buberian experience.

44

REFERENCES

AQUINA, M. (1958) NADA, 9, 47.CAROTHERS, J. C. D, (1940) E. Afr. Med. J., 17, 90.COHEN, A. A. (1957) Martin Buber, Clay, London.DOUGLAS, M. (1967) Africa, 37, 72.EVANS-PRITCHARD, E. E. (1937) Witchcraft, Oracles & Magic Among the Azande, Clarendon Press, Oxford.FIELD, M. J. (1960) Search for Security, Faber, London.FORTES, M. (1949) The Web of Kinship Among the Tallensi, , London.FRIEDMAN, M. S. (1955) Martin Buber. The Life of Dialogue. Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., London.GELFAND, M. (1959) Shona Ritual, Juta & Co., Cape Town.MARWICK, M. G. (1952) Africa, 22, 120 and 215.WARWICK, M. G. (1965) Sorcery in its Social Setting, Manchester University.MITCHELL, J. C. (1956) The Yao Village, Manchester.MITCHELL, J. C. (1965) African Systems of Thought, edited by Fortes, M. and Deiterlen, G. Oxford Univ. Press., p. 193.NADEL, S, F. (1952) American Anthropologist, 58, 18.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

I am deeply grateful to both the Rev. Fr. M. Hannan, SJ. and the Rev. Fr. P. Moloney, SJ., for their invaluable aid andcriticisms.

45

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Fig. 1. The musical instruments commonly employed at a ceremony held for amhondoro.

Fig. 2. Musicians playing at a ceremony held for the tribal mediums in the Rusape district

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•-/g. 4. A female medium possessed by the mhondoro spirit. Note the tightened neck muscles

Fig. 5, An nganga praying before the rukuva (potshelf and offering beer to his ancestral spirits).

Fig. 6, A Baboon shave ceremony (bveni shave). Note the medium appropriately clothed has fallen on theground before the musicians

f-iq 7. Aner the shave medium has become depossessed he washes himselfdown with water.

Fig. 8, Musicians playing at annual ceremony, at which the witchdoctor thanks his healing spirit. Note the womankneeling fully before the musicians.

. - • - ^

f/g. 9, A tribal medium possessed and in a state of ecstasy dancing outside the sanctuary.

Fig, 10. Woman in a crouched position beating the ground in honour of the tribal spiritbefore the sanctuary (dendemoro).

I •*••

><FF/g. 77. A bull about to be sacrificed to the spirit of the grandfather.

•2 Dancing at a witchdoctor's annual party. Note the excitementbeating his drum. on the face of the witchdoctor who

Fig, 13. Woman ululating at a ceremony for the tribal spirits in the Rusawe district. An expressionof excitement and pleasure can be seen on the face of the woman in the right foreground.

Fig. 14. A ritual service at Mrewa. Consecrated beer is placed in the sanctuary for the mhondoro. People gatherround the sanctuary for the ceremony. Note the elation of the woman in the foreground.

Fig. 15. The acolyte offering beer to the tribal spirit. Musicians are seen in thebackground playing their "pianos".