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L. Andaya The trans-Sumatra trade and the ethnicization of the Batak In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 158 (2002), no: 3, Leiden, 367-409 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl

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Page 1: The Trans-Sumatra Trade and the Ethnicization of the Batak

L. AndayaThe trans-Sumatra trade and the ethnicization of the Batak In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 158 (2002), no: 3, Leiden, 367-409

This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl

Page 2: The Trans-Sumatra Trade and the Ethnicization of the Batak

LEONARD Y. ANDAYA

The Trans-Sumatra Trade and theEthnicization of the 'Batak'

Considerations of historiography and ethnicity1

Early visitors to Southeast Asia were fascinated by rumours of a cannibal tribecalled the Batak in the interior of Sumatra. When John Anderson travelledalong the east coast and its interior areas in the early part of the nineteenthcentury, he met a Batak who told him of having eaten human flesh seventimes, even mentioning his preference for particular parts of the body. Twoother Batak confirmed having also participated in this practice and 'expressedtheir anxiety to enjoy a similar feast upon some of the enemy, pointing tothe other side of the river. This they said was their principal inducementfor engaging in the service of the sultan.'2 Such reports simply reinforcedmyths and partial truths which had circulated about these people sinceMarco Polo's oft-quoted story of a Sumatran people (presumably the Batak)who consumed their ill (Latham 1978:255). European perceptions were alsoinfluenced by stories commonly told in east coast Sumatra by 'downstream'(hilir) people that those 'upstream' {hulu), that is, in the interior, were hostileand grotesque. A Portuguese chronicler even repeated downriver stories ofan inland group possessing tails 'like unto sheep' (B. Andaya 1995:542).

It has been suggested that lurid details of cannibalistic practices mayhave been provided by the Batak themselves in an effort to prevent outsidersfrom penetrating into their lands. From early times, therefore, cannibalismbecame associated with Batak identity and had the desired effect of limitingthe intrusion of Europeans until the nineteenth century. But perhaps a more

1 My thanks to Barbara Watson Andaya, John Miksic, and Uli Kozok for reading earlier draftsof this essay and for their most useful comments. I would also like to express my gratitude to BobBlust and Sander Adelaar for their helpful advice regarding linguistic evidence.2 J. Anderson 1971:34. The 'sultan' was the Malayu ruler of Deli, who claimed many of Deli'shinterland Batak as his subjects.

LEONARD Y. ANDAYA obtained his PhD at Cornell University and is Professor of History atthe University of Hawaii at Manoa. A specialist in the history of Southeast Asia, in particularMalaysia and Indonesia, he has published, among other titles, The heritage of Arung Palakka; Ahistory of South Sulawesi (Celebes) in the seventeenth century, The Hague: Nijhoff, 1982, and Theworld of Maluku; Eastern Indonesia in the early modern period, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press,1993. Professor Andaya may be contacted at the Department of History, University of Hawaii atManoa, Honolulu, Hawaii, USA 96822. E-mail address: [email protected].

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368 Leonard Y. Andaya

important reason for the late entry of Europeans in Batak lands was the factthat, from the beginning of sustained European involvement in the area inthe sixteenth century until the establishment of plantation and other exportindustries in the nineteenth century, European orientation was toward thesea and the coastal polities. With hindsight it is easy for historians to see thatthe Batak were fortunate in avoiding the Europeans in these early centuries.Yet European involvement often resulted in the keeping of records and theaccumulation of written materials which have been crucial in the reconstruc-tion of the history of many Southeast Asian societies.3 The lack of a Europeanpresence in the Batak lands until the nineteenth century has meant that his-torians have had very limited or no access to any contemporary Europeanaccounts of the Batak in the pre-modern period.

The ethnonym 'Batak' is very likely an ancient name, but no one has beenable to give a satisfactory meaning of the term.4 Perhaps the very first timethat the name appears in written sources is in the Zhufan zhi, written by ZhaoRugua, Inspector of Foreign Trade in Fujian, sometime in the mid-thirteenthcentury. It mentions a dependency of San-fo-tsi (Srivijaya) called Ba-ta, whichmay be a reference to 'Batak' (Hirth and Rockhill 1966:35,62,66).5 The next def-inite identification of Batak comes from Tome Pires' Suma Oriental, which waswritten in Melaka sometime between 1512 and 1515. It mentions the kingdomof Bata, bordered on one side by the kingdom of Pasai and the other by thekingdom of Aru (Cortesao 1990, 1:145). From the sixteenth century onward,references to the Batak as inhabitants of the interior of north Sumatra, and also

3 For the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the official records of the Portuguese andSpanish overseas enterprise, plus the many accounts found in the collections of the CatholicOrders in Portugal, Spain, France, and the Vatican, have been valuable for historians. For the sev-enteenth and eighteenth centuries, the archives of the European trading companies have proveduseful. The most valuable are the voluminous records of the Dutch East India Company (VOC)housed in the National Archives in The Hague. They date from the seventeenth and eighteenthcenturies and have been used by historians to reconstruct the early modern history of many partsof Southeast Asia.4 In the literature on the Batak, one of the most common explanations for this ethnonym isthat Muslims used it to refer to 'pig-eaters'. Rita Kipp cites other possible derivations providedby her informants: from the Sanskrit bhata or bhrta, meaning 'mercenary, soldier, warrior, hire-ling, servant', because of their functions in the past; and 'savage' or 'bumpkin' (Kipp 1996:27).It is tempting to define 'Batak' as 'human beings', which is a common definition of ethnonymsof many indigenous groups around the world. The Batek on the Malay Peninsula, for example,gloss their name as 'human beings'. Despite the lexical similarity, unfortunately there is nolink between the two terms, because 'Batek' is from an Austro-Asiatic language, while 'Batak'is Austronesian. There is an Austronesian-speaking group called 'Batak' in Palawan in thePhilippines, but no meaning is known for the term.5 Travellers, including Marco Polo at the end of the thirteenth century, refer to certain groupswho are cannibals in Sumatra without providing the names of such people. One should never-theless exercise caution in believing stories of 'cannibalism' because of the practice in medievalEurope for travellers' tales to depict 'monstrous races' in lands beyond their known world.

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The Trans-Sumatra Trade and the Ethnicization of the 'Batak' 369

of certain kingdoms along the northeast coast, become more frequent.Today, the Batak groups are listed as the Karo, the Simalungun, the Pakpak-

Dairi, the Toba, and the Angkola-Mandailing. It was the Europeans who firstplaced these clusters of communities in and around Lake Toba who spoke asimilar dialect and shared customs under one rubric, the Toba. Following thisusage, I will apply the term 'Toba' in this essay to the communities living onSamosir and the lands surrounding Lake Toba, including those of Silindung.There is a growing tendency to use the word 'Batak' to refer solely to theToba, since many of the other groups prefer to be regarded as non-Batakand as Mandailing, Karo, Simalungun, and so on, in the ongoing process ofredefinition of ethnic groups. In the nineteenth century, however, the term'Batak' appears to have been applied to all these different groups.

In writing this essay, I have been very much aware of the uneven distribu-tion of source materials. Any systematic study of the Batak began with thearrival of European missionaries in the nineteenth century. With the penetra-tion of the area by the Dutch colonial administration later in the century, morestudies were commissioned and travel reports published in governmentaland scholarly journals. The continuing presence of German and Dutch mis-sionaries and teachers in north Sumatra has assured an ongoing literature onvarious aspects of Batak society, particularly its religious beliefs. In addition,Indonesian government encouragement of local culture in the 1970s and eth-nic chauvinism and pride since the 1990s have fostered Indonesian and localscholarship on Batak society. For the period before the nineteenth century,there have been a few archaeological studies, particularly by E. EdwardsMcKinnon and John Miksic, which have considerably advanced our under-standing of early settlements in the Batak areas. Nevertheless, much stillneeds to be done to gain a more comprehensive understanding of northernSumatran communities for the first 1800 years AD.

With the unevenness of the sources in terms of both period and content,I was confronted with a historiographical problem. Would it be possible toreconstruct the history of an area on the basis of sources which pre- andpost-date the events themselves? Should a historian undertake such a taskas a legitimate historical enterprise? Both questions I have answered in theaffirmative, but with certain reservations. In the following pages I attempt toprovide a historical overview of economic and political events in the regionof the Straits of Melaka as a basis for suggesting a Batak response to suchevents. This reconstruction is based on archaeological findings, as well asnineteenth- and twentieth-century compilations of origin tales of the variousBatak marga.6 I have also drawn on a knowledge of the better-documented

6 In Batak social organization the marga is one of the basic kinship units and traces descentto a single male ancestor. Membership of a marga is determined patrilineally, with children of

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370 Leonard Y. Andaya

neighbouring communities of the Malayu7 (Malay), Minangkabau, andAcehnese, as well as groups in the region confronted with similar conditionsas the Batak, in order to discuss the Batak situation. The result is a histori-cal reconstruction that combines available documentary evidence, historicalimagination, and thirty years' experience in researching and writing aboutsocieties in the region. I have tried to proceed with caution, and some ofthe reconstructed scenarios may eventually prove wrong. Nevertheless, Ibelieve that this essay has advanced certain ideas that may be worth investi-gating further, if new materials come to light, or if historiographical methodsbecome further refined in the future. In short, I hope that scholars will viewthis venture as a genuine attempt to advance the study of a society whosepre-modern history has been shrouded in mystery for far too long.

One of the analytical tools that I use is ethnicity. There has been a consid-erable amount of literature written on ethnicity, principally by sociologistsand anthropologists. The aim of most of these studies has been to determinethe factors which contribute to the formation of ethnic identity. In the pastthere were those who argued that each group recognized certain 'primordial'elements as the core of their identity, while others claimed that each ethniccommunity is the outcome of specific historical circumstances and situa-tions. More and more, however, studies have taken the middle ground andacknowledged the importance of 'primordial' sentiments, but argue that suchsentiments are in fact constantly undergoing change in response to specificcircumstances.8

A factor noted in the formation of ethnic identity is the desire to maximizethe advantages of the group. Many have focused on the economic benefits to

both sexes belonging to the marga of their father. The marga can represent an ancient grouping,as well as groups that have developed from the original unit. There is evidence that some of themarga are of mixed origin and have been formed by in-migrants joining with the local popula-tion. Gonda is not totally convinced of Van der Tuuk's derivation of the term marga from theSanskrit varga, meaning 'company, party, group1. In the Old Malayu inscription at Talang Tuwo inPalembang from the seventh century, the Sanskrit term marga is used to mean 'way' (Gonda 1973:129-30, 205). This derivation appears to have been retained in later centuries. In the Palembang-Jambi area the term marga was used for a lineage group. When the Dutch in the early nineteenthcentury asked a Palembang man what 'marga' meant, he replied: 'One road, people of one incli-nation, one relationship and the same origin1 (B. Andaya 1993:17). It is likely, therefore, that theBatak marga stems from the Sanskrit term marga, meaning 'way, road, path'.7 Throughout this essay I have decided to use the alternative spelling 'Malayu', rather thanthe current 'Melayu', in order to be consistent with archaeologists' rendering of the name ofthe earliest Sumatran kingdom as 'Malayu'. The people of this kingdom would have thus beenorang Malayu, or the people of Malayu. Even after the demise of Malayu, the people who spokethe Malayu language and adhered to a culture developed during the Srivijaya/Malayu periodwould have been regarded as 'Malayu'.8 For a good introduction to the study of ethnicity, see Eriksen 1993. A clear discussion of thedifferent positions in the debate on ethnicity can be found in Cornell and Hartmann 1998. A use-ful and thoughtful synthesis of the issues raised in the study of ethnicity can be found in Kipp

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The Trans-Sumatra Trade and the Ethnicization of the 'Batak' 371

be gained from creating a particular ethnic unity. A view with less emphasison the material and more on the psychological advantages is Horowitz's ideaof 'group entitlement'. According to Horowitz, a group's enhancement of sta-tus and prestige in the eyes of others serves to bolster the individual's ownsense of pride and self-worth (Horowitz 1985:185, 226-7). Basic to the notionof ethnic identity is the fact that ethnic consciousness arises through contactwith others who are different. As Eriksen explains, 'ethnicity is essentially anaspect of a relationship, not a property of a group' (Eriksen 1993:11-2). Oncedifference is established, it is necessary to exploit this difference through theestablishment of ethnic markers or boundaries. Barth suggests that one focuson 'boundaries', rather than the 'cultural elements' contained within suchboundaries (Barth 1969:11). In other words, how a group defines and con-tinues to maintain itself against another can be far more revealing of ethnicidentity than obvious outward signs such as dress, food, or even language.9

An ethnic group then creates legitimacy and group loyalty through the pro-cess of 'inventing traditions' and 'imagining communities'.10

While social scientists have been at the forefront of such studies, histo-rians are still to be convinced of the value of 'ethnicity' as a useful or evenvalid historical pursuit. They may share the Comaroffs' concern at the lackof agreement on whether ethnicity is an analytic object, a conceptual subject,or both (Comaroff and Comaroff 1992:49). The reluctance of historians toengage the concept of ethnicity in their studies has resulted in an unreflec-tive acceptance of ethnic communities as somehow fixed forever in time. Yetanthropological studies have demonstrated the fluidity and complexity ofethnic identities, particularly in Southeast Asia. Edmund Leach's classic 1954study of the Kachin in Burma reveals the ease with which a Kachin couldbecome Shan and a Shan Kachin through a preference for one over anotherform of social system (Leach 1954). Viewing the ethnic problem from a differ-ent perspective, O'Connor argues that ecological adaptation, language, andagricultural techniques are significant shifts which can explain the so-called'rise' and 'fall' of ethnic groups (O'Connor 1995:987).

Among the insights of particular relevance for this essay are: (1) contact

1996:17-24. As mentioned, the literature on ethnicity is vast and the approaches greatly varied.Historians have yet to contribute much to this literature, with the one major exception of Smith1986 and Smith and Hutchinson 1996, both excellent sources for historians interested in ethnicity.9 Nevertheless, Rita Kipp rightfully points out that the outsider still has the task of determin-ing which of the 'differences' - for example, language, dress, religion, or other - would be thesignificant ethnic marker or 'boundary' (Kipp 1996:19).10 The term 'invention of traditions' comes from Hobsbawm and Ranger 1983. Equally well-known is Benedict Anderson's term 'imagined communities' from his book of the same name (B.Anderson 1983). These scholars focused on the manner in which new, or even not particularlynew, nations invented traditions or found commonalities in order to emphasize their sharedidentity and hence unity.

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Benzoin

Camphor

60 km

Map 1. Location of camphor and benzoin forests (from Perret 1995)

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The Trans-Sumatra Trade and the Ethnicization of the 'Batak' 373

with another group is essential to ethnic consciousness; (2) the group is cre-ated to promote its advantage; and (3) certain ethnic markers are emphasized,'invented', and 'imagined' to provide the primordial sentiments for groupsolidarity. These insights are useful in assessing historical inter-group relationswithin Sumatra, where borderlands provide the opportunity for individuals tomove in and out of ethnicities. Evidence of ethnic shifts from Batak to Malayuand vice versa has been noted by both Milner (1982) and Perret (1995); lesswell documented but equally revealing have been the historical ethnic shiftsbetween the Batak and the Minangkabau, and the Batak and the Acehnese.

Before examining these ethnic shifts, a significant question that must beasked is why there should have been a need for a larger ethnic identity in thefirst place (Kahn 1993:15). In an effort to seek an answer, I have attempted todescribe the process of 'ethnicization' of the Batak. I use this term to indicatea deliberate decision by the Batak to emphasize their ethnicity for a particularadvantage. On the basis of origin tales and linguistic evidence, I have assumedthat the Batak occupied the area around Lake Toba in the interior of north-ern Sumatra in the first millennium AD (Bellwood 1997:122).n Internationaltrade, I argue, was a major catalyst in the movement of Batak from the Tobahighlands towards both coasts, though personal and environmental reasonsalso contributed to the out-migration. The interior redistribution centresand the international marketplaces on the coasts exposed the Batak to newpeoples, new ideas, and new products. In searching for economic advantagein the highly competitive market environment, they sought support amongtheir kinfolk, both real and fictive, by ethnicizing their Batak identity. Thelast part of the essay then suggests which boundaries were erected by theethnicized 'Batak' as part of a strategy to maximize economic advantage andemphasize their unique self-worth.

The camphor and benzoin trade

The camphor (Dryobalanops aromatica Gaetn.f.) and benzoin {Styrax benzoin,Dryander) trade provided the first, though indirect, evidence of Batak parti-

11 There is no archaeological evidence to reconstruct early habitation of this area, and so Iam basing my assumption on linguistic evidence. According to linguists, much of the spread ofWestern Malayo-Polynesian languages occurred after 1500-1000 BC and included the Malayicspeakers. There was an earlier spread of Western Malayo-Polynesian languages which includedthose of the Batak and the Gayo of northern Sumatra. Linguists rightfully warn against equatinglanguage with language speakers, since an earlier population could adopt the language of a new-comer. Unless more conclusive evidence is presented on the ethnicity of the group that occupiedthe Toba highlands, I will assume that the inhabitants were ancestors of the group that came to beidentified in later centuries as the Batak. I am grateful to K.A. Adelaar for his informed commentson this subject.

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374 Leonard Y. Andaya

cipation in international commerce. These forest resins were among the prod-ucts in greatest demand at the major port-cities in the Straits of Melaka fromthe early fifth century, and in Srivijaya between the seventh and eleventhcentury. Camphor and benzoin trees grow in the areas of northern Sumatranow occupied by the Batak (Wolters 1969:111-2,124-5,230-1).12 Camphor wasa highly prized luxury item and so valued in China that it was placed ona par with gold (Donkin 1999:127).13 Benzoin was regarded as a substitutefor myrrh (Commiphora tnukul Engl.) in southern China by the sixth century,and later came to replace it as a permanent, valuable commodity in China,Western Asia, and Europe (Wolters 1969:111). In addition to their much-vaunted medical qualities as a cure for a host of illnesses and complaints14,camphor and benzoin were difficult to obtain, which further contributed tothe high prices they could command in the marketplace.

The camphor tree is one of the largest of the dipterocarps in westernIndonesia, reaching a height of between sixty and seventy metres. It growsat altitudes of 60 to more than 365 metres above sea level on well-drainedsoils and often on steep ridges. These conditions are met in the Batak landsbetween Singkel and Air Bangis in northwest Sumatra. Benzoin trees grow inthe same areas and under similar conditions. They are found in clumps fromthe north of Padang Sidempuan to the area around Tarutung, as well as inthree locations from the mountain valley of the Lai Cinendang, a tributary ofthe Singkil River, northward to Sidikalang (see map 1). Camphor crystallizesin the wood of the tree from an oleoresin present in the tree itself and accumu-lates irregularly in the cavities of the trunk. Only after twelve years does the

12 The resin comes from a variety of species. The Styrax paralleloneurum produces a better-quality benzoin, but the most frequently mentioned in pharmaceutical and botanical literature isthe Styrax benzoin (Katz 1998:243-5).13 Though no comparative prices are available for this period, a nineteenth-century reportestimates that between a half and 15 kati (280 grams to 8.38 kilograms) could be collected pertree, and one picul (56 kilograms) of camphor would cost 4000 guilders, a considerable sum inthe nineteenth century (Zeijlstra 1913:826).14 Among the Chinese, camphor was used against all types of pain and against typhoid, intes-tinal discomfort, nasal polyps, rheumatism, eye disease, and so on (Ptak 1998:138). According toa ninth-century Nestorian physician to six caliphs, in the Arab lands camphor was regarded asone of the five basic aromatics. It was also used in medicines for gum and eye infections, as anastringent, and as a prophylactic against the disease-bearing warm winds'. Among the Persiansit was used as a cure for headaches, colds, and bulimia, and was an important ingredient, withrosewater and sandalwood, in a solution washed on walls during plagues or epidemics (Stephan1998:234-9). The Sumatrans and Europeans treated camphor as a medicine, using it for 'strains,swellings, and rheumatic pains' (Marsden 1966:153). Benzoin was used in China as an incense toexpel demons and attract benevolent spirits. There is an extensive description of its value fromthe tenth century, where it is prescribed as a remedy for a variety of conditions, from 'warding offpoisonous cholera' to preventing involuntary emissions by males' (Wolters 1969:118-9). In Arabia,Persia, and parts of India it was used as an incense 'to expel troublesome insects, and obviate thepernicious effects of unwholesome air or noxious exhalations [...]' (Marsden 1966:155).

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The Trans-Sumatra Trade and the Ethnicization of the 'Batak' 375

tree produce the camphor, with the oldest trees supplying the greatest quan-tity and others yielding nothing at all (Burkill 1966, 1:876-81). Camphor waspresumably collected by Batak men under a special leader known in later cen-turies as pawang, whose spiritual prowess was employed in locating the elu-sive commodity. Nevertheless, even with the aid of religious practitioners andadherence to strict taboos, including the use of a special camphor language,expeditions were not always successful. Writing in the late eighteenth century,William Marsden claimed that not even 10% of all trees cut down yieldedany crystallized resin or camphor oil (Marsden 1966:150). Benzoin trees weretapped for their resin after seven years, but stopped producing after aboutten to twelve years. While it may have been easier to collect, the finest qualitycould only be obtained in the first three years of tapping. After that the qualitydeteriorated, hence its market value lowered (Marsden 1966:154-5,184).

O.W. Wolters has shown that camphor and benzoin were appearing inChina, India and the Middle East by the early sixth century, though not in anysizeable quantities. But by the eighth century camphor was being includedin the tribute to the Chinese emperor from non-Indonesian rulers, indicatingthe growing value of the product in China. It also implies that there was verylikely an increase in the export of camphor from Indonesia (Wolters 1969:230-1, 233, 235-7). The export of benzoin to China may have begun as early as thefifth century, though some believe that it began as late as the eighth or eventhe ninth century (Katz 1998:259). The increased demand for camphor andbenzoin was met by Srivijaya, a kingdom founded in the late seventh centuryon the Musi River in Palembang (Wolters 1969:246-9; Coedes and Damais1992). Through a series of campaigns Srivijaya overcame its competitors andbecame the dominant entrepot in the area.

A Srivijayan inscription placed at Ligor (Nakhon Si Thammarat) in AD775 indicates an expansion of Srivijayan power across the Straits of Melaka.A consequence of, and perhaps even an important motivation for, this expan-sion would have been the control of camphor supplies from the Isthmus andthe Malay Peninsula. In the annals of the Liang dynasty, which ruled Chinafrom 502 to 556, there is a reference to camphor coming from both Funan andLangyaxiu. It is believed that the latter is somewhere on the eastern side ofthe Malay Peninsula, while the civilization of Funan was centred in the southof modern Cambodia. Funan must have imported and redistributed the cam-phor, since it did not produce the Dryobalanops aromatica variety brought intoChina (Ptak 1998:137). Srivijaya's incursion into the Malay Peninsula wouldhave prevented the further export of camphor to ports on the Mekong Delta.By the latter part of the eighth century, therefore, Srivijaya may have suc-ceeded in monopolizing the sale of camphor and benzoin in the region.

A major source of Srivijayan camphor and benzoin was the forests innorthwest Sumatra. The supply route from these forests to Srivijaya went

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MELAKA

STRAIT

: TOBA PADANG LAWASSILINDUNG '

• Tarutun

Panyabungan

MAKhOAILING

H u t a n°Pa n >V_1> Muara Sipong

vZ^ PsPariamanjf Q U w Singkamk

V

INDIAN

OCE/AN

Map 2. Areas to the south of Lake Toba

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The Trans-Sumatra Trade and the Ethnicization of the 'Batak' 377

to Padang Lawas via Sipirok and the valley of the Batang Toru (see map 2).Padang Lawas appears to have been a collecting centre. From here there wasa route leading directly to Barus, as well as two alternative routes southward.One of the southern routes went via Padang Sidempuan to the valley of theBatang Angkola, while the other passed near Sibuhuan in Padang Lawasacross the mountains into the Angkola valley near Si Abu. From the Angkolavalley the route continued southward through Bonan Dolok to Penyabunganand Hutanopari in the Batang Gadis valley. It then crossed the mountains atMuara Sipongi to Rao.

From Rao one could go directly to Muara Takus in the valley of the BatangMahat, a tributary of the Kampar Kanan. But the more frequently used routepassed through the valley of the Batang Sumpur, a tributary of the SungeiRokan Kiri, and then through Tanjung Medan and Lubuk Sikaping via Bonjolinto Minangkabau territory. The Batak most likely transferred the productsto the Minangkabau, who then completed the journey through their ownlands downriver to the Malayu in Srivijaya. There were again two alternativeroutes leading from Bonjol to Buo, from which place it was possible to reachthe headwaters of the Batang Hari, which is the major river through Jambi(Edwards McKinnon 1984, 2:340-2). From the Batang Hari the goods couldbe sold to the Malayu downriver and then transported by sea to Srivijaya.Another possibility was to use the tributaries linked by land routes lead-ing from the Jambi River to the Musi River in Palembang. One such routefollowed the tributary Tembesi River, which flowed down along the Jambi-Palembang border. From Ulu (upriver) Tembesi it was only eight days' travelto Palembang and about twelve to Jambi (B. Andaya 1993:102).

The method used to transport the camphor and benzoin in earlier cen-turies is not mentioned explicitly in the sources. From available evidence itappears that cargo was carried by men on their backs travelling on foot alongnarrow footpaths. Miksic describes a series of footpaths which ran from theinterior along the hills to both the east and west coasts. Such trails were foundon the summits of the Batak highlands, as well as along the upper reachesof rivers such as the Panai and Bila (Miksic 1979:97,106). Even as late as themid-nineteenth century the Dutch linguist Van der Tuuk recalled an eveningwhen he hosted half a dozen Toba Batak in Barus who had transported theircargo of benzoin on their backs (Nieuwenhuys 1962:46). Though horses arementioned as an item of trade, it is difficult to find evidence of horses beingused to transport export products. Marsden writes that there were numeroushorses in the Batak lands and that the Batak supplied many to Bengkulen.Nevertheless, they kept their finest for ritual purposes and apparently asspecial delicacies for their festivals: 'Horse-flesh', according to Marsden, 'theyesteem their most exquisite meat, and for this purpose feed them upon grain,and pay great attention to their keep' (Marsden 1966:381). Such precious ani-

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378 Leonard Y. Andaya

mals would most likely not have been used as beasts of burden.For nearly four centuries Srivijaya controlled the trade in forest products

in the region. Its success as a major entrepot to traders from around the worldaroused the envy of other major kingdoms seeking economic dominance inthe area. In 1025 the southern Indian kingdom of the Colas launched an attackand subdued Srivijaya and its dependencies along the Straits of Melaka.15

Although Srivijaya recovered and reconstituted the kingdom on the BatangHari River in Jambi, the name Srivijaya disappeared from the records andwas replaced in the eleventh century by that of an entity known as 'Malayu'.Following the Cola invasion, the temporary weakness of Srivijaya and itsJambi successor, Malayu, as well as the increasing volume of Indian Oceantrade, enabled several polities to emerge as suppliers of camphor and ben-zoin. Nevertheless, Srivijaya continued to maintain its overlordship intothe thirteenth century. Although its secondary centres and feeder ports hadalways had some direct trade with foreign merchants, after the late eleventhcentury this privilege emerged as a regular pattern. This development wastolerated as long as the vassal areas did not challenge Srivijaya's orienta-tion away from the trans-shipment trade to the direct export trade in IndianOcean commodities (Soo 1998:306-8). Two of the most important of thesealternative ports were Barus and Kota Cina.

Barus and Kota Cina

The location of the Tamil inscription dated 1088 from Lobu Tua near Barusis the strongest evidence so far for Barus' return to prominence after thelate seventh century. The inscription was erected by a Tamil merchantguild, the Ayyavole-500 (The Five Hundred of the Thousand Directions'),which enjoyed the patronage of the Cola dynasty in Tamil Nadu, the Tamilhomeland in southern India. By the end of the eleventh century the guild inIndia had begun to include several ethnolinguistic groups among its ranksand had become established in a number of coastal towns. The Lobu Tuainscription refers to the guild 'having met at the velapuram in Varocu, alsocalled the [...] pattinam [...]'. 'Varocu' is the name for Barus, but there is adifference of opinion about the meaning of the terms velapuram and pattinam.Subbarayalu (1998:30-3) believes that the former refers to the harbour, whilethe latter describes the town itself. Christie (1998:257), on the other hand,interprets 'pattinam' as designating Barus as a commercial centre of the first

15 Edwards McKinnon (1996:88) suggests that the Tamil merchant guild may have been theinstigator of Cola intervention in Srivijaya territories, with a view to gaining economic advantagein the increasingly profitable international trade flowing through the Straits of Melaka.

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rank, and 'velapurarrC as referring to the enclave of Lobu Tua as a trading set-tlement of secondary rank.16 Permission was required for admission to thecity, and prices in the trade in aromatics (kasturi) were calculated in gold.17

As an international port, Barus would have had a mixed population, thoughits core inhabitants may have been Batak. Direct overland routes from thenearby camphor forests directly to Barus helped assure the city's reputationas a reliable supplier of that prized commodity. Camphor from Barus couldcommand such high prices that Batak collectors working on the right bankof the Singkel River in the sixteenth century did not sell their product at thenearby port of Singkel, but took it to the more distant port of Barus (Miksic1979:94).

Ptak (1998:139-40) believes that, though Barus was frequented by Indiansand other traders from the west, it was not a major port for the export ofcamphor to China. Song and Yuan texts, that is, information from the tenthto the fourteenth century, do not indicate a regular trade contact betweenwest-coast Sumatra and the southern Chinese ports of Guangdong, Fujianand Zhejiang.18 The strong Chinese trade in camphor and benzoin wasmost likely focused on another port located on the northeast coast bearingthe revealing name Kota Cina ('Chinese Stockade').19 Chinese traders weremore familiar with Sumatra's northeast coast and the Straits of Melaka20 andwould presumably have gone to Kota Cina, rather than to Barus itself, to

16 Joustra explains that 'lobu' means 'abandoned settlement' (Joustra 1910:28). 'Lobu Tua',meaning 'the old abandoned settlement', could have been the name of an earlier centre whichlater moved to the town of Barus.17 In Sanskrit the word 'kasturi' refers to musk. Since musk does not occur in the Barus area,Subbarayalu has suggested that the term may have been used to refer symbolically to aromaticsin general (Subbarayalu 1998:31-2; Edwards McKinnon 1996:91).18 This may account for Edwards McKinnon's speculation, based on Chinese ceramic evi-dence at Lobu Tua, that the site was abandoned at about the time of the foundation of Kota Cina(Edwards McKinnon 1996:89).19 The name originates from a common practice among'the Chinese to create a fortifiedenclosure to protect themselves and their goods while awaiting a shift in monsoon winds beforeresuming their journey to India (Miksic 1996:292).20 Pulau Kompei on Aru Bay is another important place on the northeast Sumatran coastwhich produced trade ceramics in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. This is probably the site ofthe Kompei mentioned in Chinese sources as having sent a mission to China in AD 662. Woltershas suggested that 'P'o-lo', which sent a mission to China in the seventh century, was locatedin northeast Sumatra. On the same coast flourished Panai between the tenth and fourteenthcenturies, and Aru from the late thirteenth to the early seventeenth century. Milner et al. sug-gest that Aru and Deli were different names for the same place. According to Tengku Luckman,the kingdom of Serdang then split off from the from the old Deli kingdom in the seventeenthcentury. Between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries Asahan, on the same coast, becamea prominent kingdom and an outlet for products from the Batak interior (Nik Hassan Shuhaimi1984:110; Wolters 1969:187, 193, 220; Milner, Edwards McKinnon, and Tengku Luckman 1978:18-9; Tengku Luckman 1986:39; Hirosue 1988:40-1).

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obtain forest resins. The existence of Song and Yuan sherds in interior sitesin Kota Bangun and Deli Tua appears to support this contention. Moreover,there would have been the added attraction of gold from the nearby minesin such areas as the Bohorok and Pengkuruan Rivers, some fifty kilometreswest of present-day Medan (Nik Hassan Shuhaimi 1984:109-10).

Although Miksic stresses the Chinese component of the settlement,Edwards McKinnon argues that Kota Cina was predominantly a Tamiltrading settlement established by merchants like those responsible for theLobu Tua inscription in Barus. The existence of permanent religious struc-tures, including a Siva sanctuary and a Buddhist vihara, is indicative of theeconomic importance of the Tamil community for whom they were built(Edwards McKinnon 1987:86-7). Nevertheless, the Chinese were also a majorpresence in the city, judging by the 'tens of thousands of Chinese porcelainsherds' from between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries found on the site(Miksic 2000:111). Kota Cina was inhabited between the late eleventh andthe fourteenth century, and grew from a small village into a large settlementof some 10,000 inhabitants by the middle of the twelfth century (EdwardsMcKinnon 1996:89; Miksic 1996:292). The ruined site was mentioned by JohnAnderson on his trip to east-coast Sumatra in the early nineteenth centuryand was only 'rediscovered' in 1972 (J. Anderson 1971:294). Located somethree to four miles from the port of Belawan Deli, near the confluence of theBelawan River (known also as Hamparan Perak or Buluh Cina) and the DeliRiver, it was once accessible to sea-going ships (Edwards McKinnon 1984,1:9).

The rise of Kota Cina should be viewed in the context of Tamil tradingactivity in Sumatra in this period. So far there are three known Tamil set-tlements in Kota Cina, Lhok Cut (Aceh), and Lobu Tua, and possible settle-ments at Neusu (Aceh, thirteenth century), Bahal 1 (Tapanuli Selatan in thePadang Lawas area), Buo (West Sumatra), and Kota Kandis on the BatangHari in Jambi (Edwards McKinnon 1996:87). It is noteworthy that the Tamil-inspired Buo inscription, the bronze imagery, and a possible temple founda-tion at Kota Kandis on the Batang Hari are located on a major route betweenthe resin forests in the Batak lands and Srivijaya/Malayu. Other Tamilinscriptions reinforce the view of a fairly extensive Tamil trade involvementin Sumatra. A provisional reading of the Tamil inscription found at Neusuappears to refer to trade regulations, while, the nearby site of Lhok Cut isbelieved to be the remains of an eleventh-century port. Two further Tamilinscriptions dating from the second half of the thirteenth century have beenfound. The first is a late thirteenth-century inscription found at Batu (orBandar) Bapahat, near Suruaso, in the Minangkabau highlands. Though notranscription or translation has been made, nor any archaeological contextprovided, the inscription may relate to the Minangkabau trade in camphor

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and gold.21 The second inscription is from Porlak Dolok near Paringginan inthe Padang Lawas area and dates from either 1258 or 1265. From what can beinferred from a very damaged text, the inscription commemorates an offer-ing made by the ruler as a meritorious act (Christie 1998:259-63). The sus-tained Tamil economic activity in north and west Sumatra from the eleventhto the fourteenth century provided the economic stimulus for the increasingparticipation of the Batak communities in the camphor and benzoin trade.These products continued to be transported southward to the entrepots inMalayu, but by the late eleventh century most of the supplies were going toBarus and Kota Cina.

The founding of Kota Cina was not an isolated event but was part of thehistorical oscillation in the Straits between a single dominant entrepot and anumber of smaller dispersed ports exporting the products of their immedi-ate interior. Based on recent archaeological explorations in Singapore, Miksicbelieves that Kota Cina may have been simply one of a number of similar-type settlements along the Straits of Melaka, which came to include Singapore(circa 1300) and Melaka (beginning of the fifteenth century) (Miksic 2000:111-2). Contemporary with Kota Cina was a similar port at Pengkalan Bujang,across the Straits in Kedah, to the north of the Merbok River. The area ofSouth Kedah was a site for two important centres based at Kampung SungaiMas from the ninth century and at Pengkalan Bujang from the end of theeleventh century to approximately the beginning of the fourteenth century0acq-Hergoualc'h 1992:300). Though Jacq-Hergoualc'h considers these twosites to have been entrepot ports, Leong believes they were mainly a place forloading and offloading ships, whose cargoes were then redistributed on thePeninsula (Leong 1990:29). It is apparent that Kota Cina, too, served princi-pally as a depot for the supply of fresh water and Sumatran forest products.Though Kota Cina may have been the dominant port on the northeast coast,there were other possible outlets for Batak goods in this period.22

The economic opportunities offered by Barus and Kota Cina as alternativesources of camphor and benzoin encouraged the Batak to move toward boththe east and west coasts in order to profit more directly from internationaltrade. A trans-insular route, though difficult because of the rough and broken

21 The main Minangkabau gold-producing areas are located in Tanah Datar. According toDobbin, the main route to the east coast from the valley of the Sinamar around Buo and theSumpur around Sumpur Kudus was by water or land to the headwaters of the Indragiri Riverand then overland to the headwaters of a tributary of the Kampar Kiri (Dobbin 1983:60-1).Satyawati (1977:9) suggests that Adityavarman moved his centre to the Minangkabau highlandsin order to control the gold and camphor trade via the Kampar and Batang Hari Rivers.2 2 Soo (1998:296) men t ions K a m p a r a n d Lamur i , b u t o ther possible po r t s were Pu lau Kompe i ,

on Aru Bay, and Panai. Nevertheless, archaeological evidence seems to support the belief thatKota Cina was the dominant port during its existence.

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terrain, provided a safer alternative to the sea voyage from the west coastaround Aceh into the Straits. There was therefore an increase in the numbersof Batak beginning to settle along the new trade routes.

Expansion of the Batak world

The Toba area is said to have been populated by people migrating fromthe legendary first Batak village, Sianjur Mulamula, situated on the slopesof the sacred Pusuk Buhit on the western shore of Lake Toba. Pusuk Buhitis considered to be the birthplace of their common ancestor, Si Raja Batak,and the home of the most powerful deities. From here groups left and set-tled the series of valleys along the west coast of Lake Toba and then thesouthern shores of the lake (Toba-Holbung) in search of rice-growing landssimilar to those found in their homeland. They later fanned out to the islandof Samosir, to the highlands west of the lake (Humbang), to the Silindungvalley, and then westward to the coast (see map 2) (Situmorang 1993:41-2).In subsequent periods emigration from the Toba lands continued to occurin response to economic conditions. The process is known among the TobaBatak as marserak, which originally denoted migration within the territoriesof one's marga or into lands not yet occupied by other marga.23

According to marga origin tales, the point of dispersal was in the Tobahomeland (specifically the island of Samosir and the areas to the west andsouth of Lake Toba) and the Pakpak region west of the lake (see map 3).24

Perret points out, however, that most European commentators place the ori-gin of the Batak peoples somewhere south of the Lake, where the Germanmission was strongest (Perret 1995:56, 60). Their reports, Perret infers, mayhave influenced later marga origin tales which acknowledge the Toba landsas the point of origin of their group. As I hope to show, however, the circum-stantial evidence suggests that the Toba area may indeed have been a majorcentre for later out-migrating Batak to both coasts and southward to thepresent-day Minangkabau homeland.

As a result of the economic opportunities provided by Kota Cina andother east-coast Sumatran ports between the eleventh and fourteenth centu-

23 The m e a n i n g of marserak h a s n o w e x p a n d e d to refer to economic a n d social mobility. O the rw o r d s are current ly in u se to descr ibe different types of migra t ion (Purba a n d Purba 1997:22-5).It mus t be emphas ized here that reasons for emigrat ion of individuals and groups vary consid-erably. Economic opportunit ies , such as n e w trade possibilities, have a lways been a major pullfactor in migration.24 This s tatement is based on genealogical stories contained in a n u m b e r of sources, includingSangti 1977; Hoetagaloeng 1926; De Boer 1922; Keuning 1953/54; Wilier 1846; Van Dijk 1895; andJ.H. N e u m a n n 1926.

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ries, Batak groups moved eastward from the Lake Toba and Pakpak regionsusing a number of routes. Perret has drawn a useful map showing the spreadof various Karo marga from their homeland in the current Pakpak districts tothe present-day Karo region (see map 4). What is noteworthy is that the areaof the Karo homeland in the Pakpak districts is in close proximity to the cam-phor and benzoin forests.25 The thriving trade in forest products encouragedthe establishment of settlements along the major routes which led from thecamphor and benzoin forests through passes in trie Bukit Barisan mountainsand finally down the rivers to Kota Cina. The shortest route from the Karohighlands to Kota Cina was via the Cingkem pass and then either down theSerdang River (known in Karo as Lau Tawang) or the Deli River (in Karo, LauPetani) to the coast (see map 5). But the easiest route from the highlands wasvia the Buaya pass, which followed the upper course of the Ular River (in Karo,Lau Buaya) to the area of Seribudolok on the border between the present-dayKaro and Simalungun lands. In the nineteenth century the most importantmarket for the Karo and Simalungun continued to be on this well-frequentedtrade route (Westenberg 1905:603). A focus of many of these routes, as wellas the paths leading to the Alas and Gayo lands, was the village of Seberaya,strategically located within a network of trails leading from the camphor- andbenzoin-producing forests, across the Karo plateau, down to Kota Cina andthe east coast (Edwards McKinnon 1996:69,1987:11, 22-4; Miksic 1979:254).

South of Lake Toba one of the earliest trans-insular routes led from Sibolgaon the west coast, through a low pass in the mountains, to Gunung Tua andPortibi in the Padang Lawas region. Many of the sites from the eleventh tothe fourteenth centuries are located inland, their main function involvingtrade with the highland groups (Bronson et al. 1973:77). Miksic points outthat ceremonial sites, such as those at Padang Lawas and Muara Takus (onthe upper Kampar River), were often located near the border between thehighlands and the coastal plains and 'may reflect some function in regulatingintercourse between highland and lowland groups' (Miksic 1979:97, 103).26

From Padang Lawas the major route southward passed through a number ofvalleys and towns to Rao. From Rao it was possible to go directly to MuaraTakus via a tributary of the Kampar River, but the more used route seems tohave been to Buo and then out to the Batang Hari River. These routes encour-

25 See Perret 1995:37, m a p 'Karo migrat ions according to tradition'. Sinaga also cites evidencethat the Karo trace their roots to the Pakpak area, which in turn acknowledges an origin in Toba(Sinaga 1996:46-7).26 In suppo r t of this claim, Ed ward s McKinnon suggests that the n a m e of the village Portibi '(Batak for 'region or q u a r t e r ) m a y der ive from the Sanskrit pertiwi, referring to a centre of power.In the P a d a n g Lawas area there are two villages n a m e d Portibi: Portibi Jae (Downriver Portibi)and Portibi Julu (Upriver Portibi), which m a y have been associated wi th g roups represent ing theup lands and the lowlands (Edwards McKinnon 1984,1:30-1).

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Aceh

PgmatangsiantarTanjungbalai

60 km

Map 3. Early Toba migrations according to traditions collected by Vergouwen(from Perret 1995)

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Binjei Medan

y Kutacane

SembiringTariganPeranginanginGintingSinurajaBarusSitepuLingga

Bangunpurba

'/ j ^Gunungrintih

, ^ v , - • Barusjahe

Pematangsiantar

INDIANOCEAN 15 km

Map 4. Karo migrations according to tradition (from Perret 1995)

aged the migration of peoples from the area of Lake Toba southward into theregion that later came to be associated with the Angkola-Mandailing groups(J.B. Neumann 1885, 2:17-8).

Migration from the Toba highlands to areas south of Lake Toba extendedinto regions of the Malayu and the Minangkabau. It may have begun some-time in the eighth century, with increased Srivijayan demand for camphor andbenzoin. According to some Malayu traditions from Kampar, the area of Raowas once Batak but was later seized by certain Minangkabau chieftains. Inaddition, the lands directly east of Rao were regarded as Batak. There is alsoa story of an attack in the past on Muara Takus by Batak based in Kuamang,which today is occupied by Malayu. In the nineteenth century a Dutchmanreported seeing in the neighbourhood of Kota Gelugur, on the Kampar River,a stone inscribed in Batak characters. He explained that the inscribed stonewas intended as a commemorative tablet in honour of the first village heads,assumed to be Batak in origin. Certain unique traits suggest that the peopleof the area may have originated from Mandailing. J.B. Neumann believes thatuntil the middle of the thirteenth century the Batak occupied the northernhalf of the Pasaman Mountains (known in Batak as Dolok Pasoman), which

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MELAKA

STRAITS

INDIAN

OCEAN

Map 5. Areas to the north and east of Lake Toba

were the source of the Rokan, Siak, and the Kampar Rivers. These mountains,he argues, marked the southernmost border of the Batak lands. In support ofthis argument, he explains in a footnote that the word 'Pasoman' indicates 'theend of a world' (J.B. Neumann 1885, 2:17-8). The fourteenth-century LubukLayang inscription found on the border of South Tapanuli, near PadangLawas, dates from the time of the Minangkabau ruler Adityavarman and isbelieved to have marked a frontier post set up to guard against attacks fromthe presumably Batak kingdom of Panai (Satyawati 1977:6).

Ideas of a single Batak ethnicity were strengthened by the fact that manyof those who moved into new lands had a common origin. On the basis ofgenealogies collected in Portibi and Mandailing in the early nineteenth cen-tury, Wilier concluded that these areas were settled by migrants from theToba homeland. Only after they had been in the area for a long time did anew noble lineage arrive claiming to be linked to the legendary rulers ofMinangkabau (Wilier 1846:262, 344-5, 400-2, 405). Other origin tales collectedby Batara Sangti indicate that the Lubis and the Nasution, two of the largest

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marga in Angkola-Mandailing, stem from ancestors in the Lake Toba region(Sangti 1977:129-30).27 The Lubis marga itself acknowledges that its foundingancestor, Namora Pande Bosi, 'the great iron-smith', originally came fromToba. Also claiming an origin in Toba is the Rangkuti, one of the oldest margain Mandailing. They believe that their ancestors were from the marga Parapat,part of the Borbor group, whose datu are particularly feared for the potencyof their black magic. This may account for the Rangkuti's fame as the homeof powerful datu (Ypes 1944:141-2). Smaller marga in Mandailing, such as thePulungan, Parinduri, Rangkuti, and Borotan, all acknowledge a Toba origin.According to J. Keuning, two of the largest marga, the Mandailing Godangand Mandailing Julu, trace their ancestors to Toba lands (Keuning 1953/54:160-1; Vergouwen 1964:12).28

This movement of Batak people may have occurred at the time of themost intensive use of the camphor-benzoin routes to Srivijaya/Malayu andKota Cina between the eighth and fourteenth centuries.29 Once these groupsbecame established in their new lands, others were encouraged to join themin response to economic conditions that rose and fell in accordance with therhythm of international trade in the Straits of Melaka.30 The rise of pepperas an export commodity proved to be a new factor contributing to Batakemigration from the well-populated areas around Lake Toba. In about thefifteenth century black pepper (Piper nigrum, Linn.) found a mass market inChina, where it was used in the preparation and preservation of food, andby the seventeenth century China may have been importing between ten

27 In the current climate of s trong ethnic identification and pr ide in ethnic difference, somemay take issue with these findings, since Batara Sangti himself is a Toba Batak.28 Mhd. Arbain Lubis, a mode rn local historian, rejects any idea of a Toba origin for theNasut ion marga, bu t argues that the ancestral figure, Si Beroar, was indigenous to Mandai l ing(Lubis 1993:193-6). This view represents a common trend among various g roups w h o stresstheir difference wi th the Toba as a way of emphasiz ing their non-Batak identity. Batara Sangti,a Toba Batak, cites genealogies to show that the Lubis and Nasution, two of the largest margain Angkola-Mandail ing, originated from the Toba area (Sangti 1977:129-30). There will be thosew h o reject such claims because they represent views of a partial source.29 After the Cola invasion of Srivijaya in 1025, the centre of activity shifted nor thward toJambi, to the old sett lement k n o w n as Malayu. While the Srivijayan site on the Musi continuedto exist, it was the Malayu kingdom, with capitals both on the coast and in the interior, whichattracted the attention of foreign merchants . In the late thir teenth century, the Javanese k ingdomof Singosari unde r King Kertanagara a t tempted to assert its overlordship in the uppe r reachesof the Batang Hari . The rivalry be tween the rulers of Java and Sumatra eventually led to themovemen t of the interior Malayu k ingdom even further inland to the mounta ins of the BukitBarisan. This then gave rise to the Malayu k ingdom in the highlands of Minangkabau unde rAdi tyavarman in the fourteenth century (L. Andaya 2001b).30 A similar response to economic opportunities is recorded among the Iban groups ofSarawak. Iban migration is a well-known phenomenon which continues to the present day. They,like the Batak, moved into empty lands or into sparsely populated areas, quickly absorbing ordominating the local inhabitants (Pringle 1970:249-51).

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and twelve thousand picul (1 picul = 60.5 kg) of pepper annually. Europe alsobecame a major market for pepper, and by 1500 was importing about twelvehundred tonnes yearly. To meet this burgeoning demand the Sumatran king-doms of Aceh, Palembang, and Jambi increased their pepper production.Some of the Batak may have been enticed to move to the hinterland of thesekingdoms to participate in pepper planting.31 Aceh, at the northern tip ofthe island, began to transform some of its interior areas into pepper lands,and Sultan Iskandar Muda (1607-36) expanded pepper cultivation downboth coasts. He conquered other pepper-producing areas across the Straits,in Kedah and Perak, to monopolize their production (B. Andaya 1993:43-6;Lombard 1967:66).

The cultivation of pepper was labour-intensive and required almost con-tinual attention. Once the men had cleared the forests and planted the pep-per, the women and children were responsible for putting in support plants,training the pepper vines around them, and weeding the root areas of thepepper vine. The first pepper harvest came after the fourth year, with a largeand a minor harvest annually thereafter. The pepper-growers were thereforekept busy picking, cleaning, drying, and bagging the fruit for much of theyear. It was estimated that it took a woman an entire day to sift a picul of pep-per berries. Because of the labour involved in growing pepper, most familiescould not plant rice at the same time (B. Andaya 1993:70).

As the powerful rulers of Aceh, Palembang, and Jambi required moreand more of their subjects to plant pepper, rice production in these areasdeclined. Rice had to be imported to feed the families now occupied full-time in the pepper fields. The surplus rice from the extensive wet-rice(sawah) fields of the Minangkabau and the Batak in the interior of centraland north Sumatra became the favoured source of supply. Rice, which wasordinarily scarce in Aceh, was available in great abundance under SultanIskandar Muda (Lombard 1967:73). A major source of Aceh's supply was theeast-coast polities of Tamiang, Deli, and Asahan, which he seized in order togain control of the rice grown in their hinterlands mainly by Batak. By themid-seventeenth century, Aceh was importing about 400 tonnes of rice fromDeli alone (Hirosue 1994:21). In the late seventeenth century a Chinese wholived for ten years among the Batak in the hinterland of Deli described theover-abundance of rice which the numerous inhabitants enjoyed annually (F.

31 Bugis slaves were used to plant pepper in Jambi and Palembang in the seventeenth centurybecause many local people refused to remain involved in the strenuous task of pepper cultivation(B. Andaya 1993:96-7). Batak migrants willing to plant pepper would have been welcome in theseSumatran kingdoms. Even in the early nineteenth century, when the peak of the pepper trade hadalready passed, Anderson noted large numbers of Batak engaged in pepper production in theinterior of Deli. He observed that in the pepper season the river at the ford in Sunggal 'is almostimpassable for the multitudes of people who flock there with produce' 0- Anderson 1971:258).

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de Haan 1877:647-8).The lands in the Lake Toba region were well known as a major source of

food, in particular rice and various types of root crops. When the missionar-ies Burton and Ward visited the Silindung valley in 1824, they remarked thatrice and sweet potatoes were widely grown: 'The former is produced both onthe hills and in the vallies in great abundance, and forms a principal article oftheir barter with the bay. On the hills it is grown by the dry process, accord-ing to the common practice with mountain rice; in the valleys irrigation isemployed with some ingenuity. The sweet potatoe grows luxuriantly inevery part of the country, but occupies chiefly the sides of the hills.' (Burtonand Ward 1827:510.) In the Karo lands sawah fields irrigated by small streamswere laid out mainly in the dusun (the Karo plains from the foothills to theeast coast); whereas in the highlands they were located in the ravines. Dry-rice (ladang) cultivation was more typical in the highlands. The Simalungunareas grew ladang east of the Karei River, and sawah in the ravines. The Purbadistrict and some pockets adjoining Lake Toba were planted in sawah, butladang cultivation was more common (Westenberg 1905:579-80). In the landssouth of Lake Toba, rice surpluses arose as a result of the extensive cultiva-tion of sawah in the fertile valleys of the lowlands of Mandailing Godang(Groot Mandailing), and ladang in the highlands of Mandailing Julu (KleinMandailing) (Wilier 1846:370, 373). The sawah fields in the Padang Lawasregion, particularly those in Ulu Barumun, were also noted for their pro-ductivity (Joustra 1910:286, 293, 302-3). Much of the extra labour required tobring these new lands under cultivation would have come from the popu-lous areas in the Lake Toba region with their experienced food producers,thus giving rise to another movement of people from the Lake area to landsin Karo, Simalungun, and Angkola-Mandailing.

While the international demand for camphor, benzoin, and pepper pro-vided a major stimulus for Batak migration (marserak), other factors contrib-uted to the process. They were status enhancement through the founding ofnew villages, desire for land, family disputes, the desire for safety from ene-mies, and the need to find new land for a growing population (Vergouwen1964).32 Other more cultural motives for continuing Toba Batak migrationsmentioned by modern scholars are the desire for a long life and numerousdescendants (hagabeon); prosperity and well-being (hamoraon); social status(hasangapon); ability to exercise authority {sahala harajaon); and skill in gainingrespect (sahala hasangapon) (Purba and Purba 1997:21).

As a result of the extension of the Batak world into new areas, modifica-tions in the existing marga system occurred. Individuals became members

32 See also 'Nota over de Landsgroten van Deli' (unpublished manuscript owned by TengkuSinar Luckman, with no indication of original source), p. 15.

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of new marga through migration, adoption, and birth from 'incestuous' rela-tionships (that is, marriage between members of the same marga) (Ypes 1932:v). The lands now occupied by the Karo, the Simalungun, and the Angkola-Mandailing offer more examples of newly formed marga than the Toba areas.The Toba have extensive genealogies tracing groups to the primeval ances-tor, Si Raja Batak, whereas Simalungung genealogies, for example, rarely gobeyond three generations (Clauss 1982:44). When Van der Tuuk was trans-lating the Old Testament into Toba Batak in the mid-nineteenth century, hefound that what interested the Toba most were the long biblical genealogies(Nieuwenhuys 1962:47). In the following century Keuning (1948:15-6) alsonoted the great Toba interest in and knowledge of the links among the marga.People would explain how the marga came to form a main marga, which werethe oldest, middle, and youngest, and how marga came to give rise to evenlarger marga, culminating in the moieties of the Lonrung and the Sumba.The tendency for the Batak, other than the Toba, to downplay genealogicaldepth may reflect the relative newness of their marga and therefore the needto emphasize other more useful linkages than that of an ancestral lineage.

The Karo today usually characterize their society by and base theiridentity on the idea of the Merga Silima, or 'the Five Marga'.33 They are themarga Karo-Karo, Peranginangin, Ginting, Tarigan, and Sembiring, which allclaim an origin from lands to the west. J.H. Neumann (1926:2-3) suggestedthat the 'original' inhabitants were a small marga, Karo Sekali, on the basisof their name, which he translated as 'genuine or true Karo' (echte Karo), butthat idea has been challenged.34 Unlike the Toba, with their extended patri-lineally based genealogies going back to a common mythical ancestor, theKaro emphasize the matrimonial bonds among the five major clans and thealliances created in the formation of new marga under a local mother marga(Kipp 1996:34; Singarimbun 1975:71-6; Sinaga 1996:283).35 Equally strikingis Singarimbun's claim that the 'Karo do not possess any myth of the originof their own society', nor a 'ritual center'. The Karo clans, he argues, are notdescent groups, 'have no history of common origin', and 'do not regard them-selves as agnatically related to one another' (Singarimbun 1975:70, 72).

Simalungun society is very much like that of the Karo in stressing theequality of the four basic marga of the Saragih, Purba, Damanik and Sinaga,and ignoring the importance of long genealogical links to the founder of

33 Merga is the Karo term, bu t I have used marga t h roughou t this essay to avoid confusion.34 Rita Kipp first raised doub t s about N e u m a n n ' s interpretat ion, which identified this margaas the first or original Karo, because it w a s found in only one w a r d in a village (Kipp 1996:44).Neumann's views, however, seem to have been adopted by Batak authors themselves; see, forexample, Sangti 1977:129-30.35 See also Sinaga 1996:284-7 for a descript ion of h o w immigran t s from the Toba and Pakpakareas became par t of newly formed Karo marga.

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the marga. The marga do not play a very important role in Simalungun, andthere is an absence of any tradition of common marga territory, property, orceremonies (Tarigan 1972:47; Joustra 1910:184). These features of Karo andSimalungun society appear to be much more in keeping with the nature ofrapidly evolving frontier societies where long-standing traditions have lessrelevance than developments in the more recent past. With less venerabletraditions to consider, such societies were more likely to experiment and toadopt new forms and ideas. A continuing important source for such innova-tion among the Batak, particularly in the newly settled communities, was theIndian subcontinent.

Indian influence and Batak identity

The Tamils were a formative influence on Batak society. Although a ninth-century inscription on the Malay Peninsula mentions the presence at Takuapaof members of the Manikkiramam, a Tamil merchant guild, it was only afterthe successful Cola invasion of Srivijayan territories in 1024-5, perhaps at thebehest of Tamil traders, that there was a noticeable increase in Tamil economicactivity in the region (Nilakanta Sastri 1949:25-30; Miksic 1998:120-1). In the1088 Lobu Tua inscription described above, mention is made of local armedmen, oarsmen, agents, and merchants serving the Tamil guild. Through dailyintercourse between the Tamils and the local inhabitants in this thriving set-tlement, ideas would have been exchanged (Subbarayalu 1998:31-3). Anotherdirect consequence of the Cola invasion was the emergence of Kota Cina.Edwards McKinnon, the foremost expert on this historical site, has statedunequivocally: 'I now see Kota Cina as a predominantly Tamil trading set-tlement established by a community of merchants such as the Ainnurruvar[also known as the Ayyavole] who left an inscription at Lobu Tua' (EdwardsMcKinnon 1987:87).

In response to the rise of Kota Cina, there was a movement of some ofthe Tamil population from Barus towards the east coast. Edwards McKinnonfound that the Sembiring marga of the Karo established itself at strategicpoints along the routes leading from the west to the east coasts, and thattwo of the villages, Deli Tua and Hamparan Perak, were located within easyreach of Kota Cina (Edwards McKinnon 1987:90-1). The Sembiring marga isbelieved to have had direct ties with Tamil traders. The name 'Sembiring',meaning 'the black one', is often cited as a major clue. The names of certainsub-marga - Colia, Berahmana, Pandia, Meliala, Depari, Muham, Pelawi andTekan - are clearly of south Indian origin (Edwards McKinnon 1987:85-6;Parkin 1978:82, 94 fn 47; Singarimbun 1975:78-80; J.H. Neumann 1926:16-7).In further support of a southern Indian origin of the Sembiring marga, some

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scholars have cited a mode of disposing of the dead believed to have beenborrowed from the Tamils. This practice involves secondary cremation andsetting the ashes adrift (the pekualuh ceremony) and is found only in the Dairilands in the west and among the Karo (N. Siahaan 1964:114-5; Parkin 1978:94,fn 47; Singarimbun 1975:75). There may also have been some Tamil influenceon Karo ideas on village structure. Urung, the Karo term for a village federa-tion, is believed to refer to a form of organization found in medieval Tamilsociety (Edwards McKinnon 1996:93).

Another source of Indian ideas, particularly in the realm of magic andreligion, were the Indianized Malayu communities. Their influence is espe-cially evident in the Padang Lawas complex, perhaps the second-largestarchaeological site in Indonesia, encompassing an area with a radius of fif-teen kilometres. Judging from inscriptions found here, Padang Lawas playedan important role in the region from the mid-eleventh to the end of the fif-teenth century. Between 1935 and 1938 Schnitger found some twenty templeshere, as well as a Heruka figure. From the inscriptions and an analysis of thestatuary, he concluded that the devotees were adherents of Vajrayana TantricBuddhism, Sivaism, and a syncretic Siva-Buddhism. In one of the templesfound at Parmutung, Schnitger identified what he believed to be an imageof a queen of Panai who founded the temple and who was consecrated as aBhairavi (Schnitger 1964:93-4; Parkin 1978:84).

Many authors believe that the presence of Tantrism in the Padang Lawascomplex was due to Indian influence from Malayu/Minangkabau36 via eastJava. In support of this argument, they cite the famous fourteenth-centuryAdityavarman statue in the form of the god Bhairava, one of the importantdeities in Kalacakra or Left-Handed Tantric Buddhism, found at Rambahanon the Batang Hari. The inspiration for this statue can be traced directly tothe Singasari court of east Java, where Adityavarman spent some years andleft an inscription in 1343. The model was a similar statue dated 1292 of theBhairava seated on a dais surrounded by skulls and wearing a crown, ear-rings, and a necklace of skulls (Parkin 1978:254-64; Heine-Geldern 1972:326;De Casparis 1985:246; Fontein 1990:162-3). Tantric influence appears to havecontinued under Adityavarman's son, Anangavarman, who identified him-self as Heruka, a demon figure. At Kampung Lubuk Layang in Rao, in thePasaman district, a headless weatherworn statue broken in two was founddisplaying Hindu, possibly Tantric, elements similar to the guardian statues

36 Although Adityavarman is generally regarded as the first Minangkabau ruler, he began hiscareer as ruler of Malayu. Once he established his base in the Minangkabau homeland, he calledhimself Kanakamedinindra, or 'Lord of the Gold Land' - a reference to the island of Sumatra.This shows that he sought to be remembered as the heir of the Srivijayan rulers who firstreigned in Palembang and later moved to Jambi, where the kingdom became known as Malayu.Adityavarman never mentions the name 'Minangkabau' in his inscriptions (Satyawati 1977:9).

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in Padang Lawas (Satyawati 1977:2, 6; Bronson et al. 1973:19).There is also support for the argument that Indian influence may have

reached Padang Lawas from the north. Parkin, for example, argues thatmany Sivaite ideas were brought by Indians themselves through commun-ities such as those found in Lobu Tua and Kota Cina.37 A team of archaeolo-gists visiting the site in 1973 concluded that it had no clear relationship withJava (Bronson et al. 1973:19, 61, 64, 77; Satyawati 1977:2). Their preliminaryfindings would suggest that the Padang Lawas complex was a result ofIndian influence coming from the port cities in northern Sumatra rather thanfrom Java and southern Sumatra. A third possibility is that Padang Lawasreceived Indianized ideas from both directions and formed a cultural frontierbetween the Minangkabau and the Batak.

Religion and the high priests in the service of trade

Whatever the ultimate source of Indian religious inspiration in PadangLawas, the evidence suggests that Indian magico-religious ideas wereeagerly sought by the Batak in order to strengthen their belief systems inthe ongoing struggle to improve their spiritual and material well-being. Theindigenous Batak religion, known as Perbegu or Pemena38, was not sup-planted by religious concepts from India, but came to co-exist with them.It was therefore possible for the Batak to retain their own beliefs while alsoadopting Mahayana Buddhist, Sivaite, and Tantric rituals.

Parkin explains that Perbegu can be viewed as 'a cult of the human soul,which in a living person is known as "tondi" and for a dead person is gener-ally called "begu"' (Parkin 1978:6).39 Tondi is sometimes translated as 'soul stuffand is found in smaller quantities in animals and plants. It is present in everypart of the human being, including the hair, fingernails, sweat, tears, urine,excrement, shadow, and even in the name of a person. The most powerfultondi resides in the placenta and the amniotic fluid at birth, and hence greatcare is taken to dispose of these with the utmost secrecy. Ritual cannibalism

37 Three more recent works which include a detailed discussion of the impact of Indian ideason Batak ind igenous religion are Parkin 1978, Pedersen 1967, and Rae 1994. In the present essayI have s imply focused on Tantrism as an impor tan t par t of Indian religious ideas that appearsto have been part icularly relevant in the sou thward expansion of Batak society towards theMinangkabau lands .38 The old religion is referred to by Christ ian Batak as Perbegu, or worsh ip of ancestral spirits.Because of the perceived derogatory nature of this name, adherents prefer the te rm Pemena,mean ing ' the First [Religion]'.39 The word varies from one Batak language to the other. For example, tondi is Toba, tendiKaro, and tenduy S imalungun. In the following discussion the Toba terms are used.

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provided the opportunity to strengthen one's tondi at the expense of the victimby consuming those parts of the body that are potent with tondi, such as theblood, heart, palms of the hands, and soles of the feet.40 When a person dies,the tondi becomes begu (ancestral spirit).41 The most powerful begu, and hencethe one subject to the most frequent appeals, is the sombaon, the spirit of anancestor who founded great communities and had at least seven generationsof descendants (Pedersen 1967:19-26; Rae 1994:18-20).42 Through public feastsat which homage is paid, a begu is transformed into a sumangot, then a sombaon(Sherman 1990:82).43 The ultimate test of potency was the possession of sahala,which can be succinctly translated as 'manifestation of supernatural power'.44

Sahala is manifested in successful economic and other ventures, numerousprogeny, influential relatives, skill in oratory, or bravery in battle. Respect{hasangapon) accompanies one possessed of sahala, while to refuse to obey andvenerate such a person is to court disaster (Castles 1972:13-4).

From early times religion was closely linked to trade among the Batak.Religious edifices were erected along trade routes to protect the trader fromadverse human and natural forces and thus assure the economic success ofhis venture. Edwards McKinnon observed that from Padang Lawas south-ward was a line of candi or temples marking a route from Tapanuli down tothe Minangkabau lands. More candi were found along rivers that were usedto gain access to the east coast. The Padang Lawas or Panai complex arosedue to its strategic location at the crossroads of several riverine and overlandroutes.45 The ancient kingdom of Panai, sufficiently important to have war-ranted an attack by Cola forces in 1025, benefited from its links to the inte-rior areas through the important trans-insular portage in the Panai-Barumunriver valley (Edwards McKinnon 1984,1:31-3, 330; Miksic 1979:97).

40 Early Western observers wi th little or no knowledge of Batak beliefs at tr ibuted the prefer-ence for these part icular par ts of the h u m a n body simply to a mat ter of individual taste.41 Joustra, however, subscribed to the view of others, w h o argue that the last breath of a per-son becomes the begu. This is based on the belief that the breath cannot be destroyed, that wha tis spoken is immortal because it is the wind (Joustra 1902:416).42 Warneck (1906) describes sombaon as the highest stage that the spirit of the dead canattain.43 Sombaon is a general term for earth spirits or deities; Ypes believed that it referred also tothe dwelling-places of these beings (Ypes 1932:196).44 Sahala is in essence the same as the idea of mana in Pacific Island societies. These com-munit ies share a common Austronesian past, and the concept is one which can be traced to theAustronesian language. For a discussion of mana, see Shore 1989:137-43.45 Jacq-Hergoualc'h also noted the n u m e r o u s temples in South Kedah, an area long associ-ated with Indian traders. These religious edifices were located at the por ts and along the riversleading to the ports . He believes they were erected by a merchant or g roup of merchants seekingthe favour of the gods. He also noted the similarity in architectural styles be tween the templesin South Kedah and those of Padang Lawas, which he attr ibutes to the use of an Indian model(Jacq-Hergoualc'h 1992:299, 304-5, 309).

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At the Padang Lawas site, as well as in the Tamil settlements at Lobu Tuaand Kota Cina, temples were prominent. With the withdrawal of the Tamilpopulation and/or its absorption into the Batak community, perhaps afterthe demise of Kota Cina in the fourteenth century, the candi were replaced bytombs erected in honour of important Batak ancestors (sombaon). Westenbergnoted in 1891 that 'Malay' (most likely Batak, who moved easily between twoworlds; perhaps more properly called 'Malayu Batak') horse traders weregoing to the Karo plateau from the east coast to make offerings at the tombsof the Sibayak [lords] of Kabanjahe and Barusjahe. On the outward journeybetel was offered, but on the homebound journey, after successful transac-tions, a goat or a white chicken was sacrificed (Westenberg 1892:227). Theseancestral tombs proved popular sites of spiritual power.

The religious institution that had the greatest economic impact on theBatak was that of the high priests.46 Though it originated in the Toba lands, itspread rapidly to the new areas where Toba migrants had settled. Situmorangsuggests that the Toba Batak believed in a sahala-harajaon, or 'spiritual powerof governing', which derived from the gods and was transmitted patriline-ally through the original founders of the three major Toba marga - the Borbor,the Lontung, and the Sumba.47 It was this sahala-hamjaon which legitimizedthe rule of high priests bearing the title Jongi Manaor among the Borbor,Ompu Palti Raja among the Lontung, and Sisingamangaraja (preceded bySorimangaraja) among the Sumba (Situmorang 1987:221-4).48 Although theywere equal in stature within their respective marga, the Sisingamangarajawas the best known to Europeans. The Ompu Palti Raja, unlike theSisingamangaraja, did not claim a divine origin, or authority beyond his ownjurisdiction among the Lontung. The Jongi Manaor's pretensions were alsofar more modest than those of the Sisingamangaraja; he claimed to have hisown areas, independent of either of the other two high priests (Situmorang

46 I have opted for the term 'high priest', rather than the more commonly used 'priest-king'.'High priest1 appears more appropr ia te to the function of these figures in Batak society andaccords with Kozok's belief that only the last Singamangaraja, the twelfth (1875-1907), referredto himself as king. In his letters he claimed to be 'Ruler of the Batak Clans' and even 'Ruler ofSumatra ' (Kozok 2000b:274-6).47 According to Keuning, Borbor initially formed part of Lontung. As a result of expansioninto areas both of the Lontung and the Sumba, the Borbor came to be regarded as a separate,major marga (Keuning 1948:16).48 In a more recent work, Situmorang asserts that Sorimangaraja was the title of the highpriests prior to the creation of the Sisingamangaraja institution in the sixteenth century (Situ-morang 1993:218). This date, which is widely cited in the literature, has been arrived at by thequestionable method of counting backward assuming a certain number of years per sundut orgeneration. Oral traditions (including those surrounding the origins of the Sisingamangaraja)tend to telescope years and often refer to events which occurred far earlier. The Sorimangarajamay have preceded the Sisingamangaraja, but when that occurred cannot be determined withany certainty.

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1993:77-8). The high priests' success in promoting trade and agriculture wasan important measure of their sahala.

There is a fair amount of literature on the Sisingamangaraja, but little onthe Jongi Manaor or the Ompu Palti Raja. One can assume, however, thatmany of the distinctive features attributed to the Sisingamangaraja wouldhave been ascribed to the other two categories of high priest. One of the mostextensive accounts of the origins of the first Sisingamangaraja comes from aBatak text collected by CM. Pleyte. In this legend the deity Batara Guru causesa jambu fruit to fall to the ground. It is found and eaten by the wife of the chiefof the village of Bakkara, and she becomes pregnant. After three years passwith the baby still unborn, a spirit informs the mother that another four yearswill elapse before the birth can occur. She will know when it is time becausethere will be earthquakes, lightning and a heavy rainstorm, spirits will fill thevillage square, and tigers and panthers will tear at one another. These thingsoccur, and the Sisingamangaraja is born with a black, hairy tongue. The after-birth is buried under the house, but lightning strikes at that very spot andtransports the afterbirth to heaven.49 Batara Guru's messenger then bringsto the child manuscripts with astrological charts for augury purposes andmatters concerning planting and weaving, the calendar, the laws, and a hand-book of spells. The Sisingamangaraja confirms his supernatural origins byopenly declaring, 'I am a descendant of the gods' (Pleyte 1903:3, 6-7,15,17).50

Other legends were later added to reaffirm the Sisingamangaraja's supernatu-ral attributes. In 1870 C. de Haan was told that the Sisingamangaraja could goseven months without food and three months without sleep because the godssupplied his every need (C. de Haan 1875:30).

The divine origins of the Sisingamangaraja made him an ideal inter-mediary between the gods and the human community. He could makepeace, create laws, and expose both truth and lies - qualities that madehim unsurpassed in settling disputes. If a war continued unabated, he senta staff as a sign that a ceasefire should be declared and the parties submitto his mediation (Tideman 1936:25-6; Meerwaldt 1899:530). He intervenedin disputes not only among the Batak, but also between the Batak and theoutside world (Cummings 1994:63-4). Early European observers believedthat these high priests exercised very little authority because there were novisible signs of political power. Heine-Geldern, for example, acknowledgedthat the Sisingamangaraja was effective in settling quarrels and mediating

49 As ment ioned previously, the afterbirth is regarded as one of the most impor tant sourcesof a person's tondi. The story of the removal of the afterbirth to the heavens emphas izes theSisingamangaraja's divine origins.50 There are variations on the story, bu t the general outl ine is the same. For a very detailedaccount of the miraculous birth and life of the first Sisingamangaraja, see Tobing 1967:23-47.

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peace between warring parties, but concluded, 'otherwise his political powerwas weak' (Heine-Geldern 1953:376). What he failed to realize was that theSisingamangaraja and the other high priest figures exercised effective controlnot so much through the use of force as through the threat of supernaturalsanctions implied in their words, letters, and widely recognized spiritualpowers (Drakard 1999; L. Andaya 2000).51

Although precolonial Batak society has been characterized by Castles asbeing 'stateless', there was a hierarchy of institutions under these high priestswhich provided a form of supra-village unity. The basic social unit was thehuta, or village, with a varying number of huta forming a horja, and a numberof horja constituting a bins.52 Religious leadership was provided by the par-baringin, with the chief official of the bius (known variously as raja bius, rajaoloan, or raja na ualu) being chosen by the heads of the horja.53 At the apex ofthis hierarchy stood the Sisingamangaraja, who instituted bius markets andlegitimized officials through letters of appointment. Among the responsibili-ties of the bius was the hosting of the 'large market' {onan na godang or onanbius), where the 'great council' (rapot bolon) mediated disputes and madebinding decisions on important public issues (Kubitscheck 1997:193; Sangti1977:303; N. Siahaan 1964:112; Castles 1975:74; Tobing 1967:17-8; Situmorang1993:40-4, 100-2).54

Situmorang traces the origins of the bius to the need for management of theirrigation system, and hence the organization of agriculture and the imple-mentation of laws. The bius is usually described as a 'sacrifice community'because the culmination of its activities is the annual agricultural ritual andsacrifice, at which the parbaringin officiated. In addition to ensuring the fertil-ity of the crops, this sacrifice provides an occasion for community integrationand renewal of commitment to its customs and traditions. Perhaps the mostimportant agricultural function of the bius was the promotion through the

51 Heine-Geldern points out, however, that the Sisingamangarajas had employed force in thepast. The first had led a war against the Lotung marga, another against the Padris, and a thirdagainst the Dutch (Heine-Geldern 1953:374). However, these rulers were obeyed not so much fortheir military as for their spiritual prowess.52 Sangti says tha t s o m e twen ty huta w o u l d then form a horja, a n d seven horja w o u l d m a k e u pa bius (Sangti 1977:293-4). However , mos t o ther c o m m e n t a t o r s give va ry ing figures.53 S i tumorang further divides the bius into three categories, wi th the most developed beingthe bius unde r the parbaringin. He characterizes the others as 'developing' and 'backward' bius(Situmorang 1993:42-3).54 So great was the reverence for the Sisingamangaraja institution that even after the lastSisingamangaraja had disappeared in the nineteenth century, the Batak cont inued to respondto rumours of his cont inued presence. In the 1920s a m a n emerged in Karoland w h o claimedthat the Sisingamangaraja had commanded everyone to slaughter a whi te chicken. The responsewas immedia te and widespread, causing an unprecedented rise in the price of whi te chick-ens. In Angkola, people began to eat a certain type of fish because it was rumoured that theSisingamangaraja had ordered it to ward off evil (Castles 1975:74).

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year of feasts and rituals devoted to the rice-growing cycle and the appease-ment of spirits (Korn 1953:36,126; Sherman 1990:80-5).55 The network of binsorganizations throughout the land provided a supra-village structure basedon a blend of economic, political and religious authority.

The Sisingamangaraja was revered for his powers in ensuring the mate-rial welfare of the people through the promotion of agriculture, creatingharmony among the Batak groups through mediation, and maintenanceof the marketplace. In agriculture he was credited with the ability to bringrains, locate wells, maintain the irrigation system, enforce the acceptanceof his allocation of rice lands, and ensure the efficacy of agricultural rituals(Tideman 1936:25-6; Meerwaldt 1899:530; Situmorang 1993:42-3). The youngSisingamangaraja was said to have been capable of causing rice plants togrow with their stalks in the ground and their roots in the air. His controlover the growth of rice and various types of ubi or root crops and his abil-ity to cause rain and to locate well water were attributes expected of onewith direct links to the agricultural deities. Before the rice-planting seasonbegan, the Sisingamangaraja conducted rituals invoking the ancestral spiritsto ensure a good harvest and hence prosperity for their descendants. In Tobaproper - though apparently not in Silindung56 - his appointed officials, theparbaringin, presided over the sacrifices in the important agricultural rites.Although there is very little information about the other two high priests,the Ompu Palti Raja and the Jonggi Manaor, nineteenth- and twentieth-cen-tury sources indicate that they continued to be highly revered for their abilityto summon rain and control rice growth (Hirosue 1994:20, 22; James 1902:137; Van Dijk 1895:300-1). Conducting the agricultural ritual was consideredan essential task of the parbaringin to assure the ongoing prosperity of theinhabitants, the animals, and the crops. As late as 1938 the Dutch receiveddelegations of parbaringin seeking the revocation of a colonial measure intro-duced earlier in the century which forbade the performance of this ritual. Itwas this prohibition, they asserted, which had resulted in problems in theircommunity (Korn 1953:32-3).

The esteem and respect for high priests among the Batak may haveincreased even further when rice became an important Batak export com-modity. The rise of the pepper trade in the fifteenth century led to anincreasing demand for rice by communities engaged in pepper productionin Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula. It may have been around this time thatthe Batak intensified rice planting in existing fields to meet this need. Rice is

55 Sherman, studying the ritual functions of the bius, concluded that it might be compared toancestral cults of the earth found elsewhere in Southeast Asia (Sherman 1990:82).5 6 The Si l indung const i tute one of the major marga in the Toba area, wh ich m a y account for their

ability to remain outs ide the Sisingamangaraja sphere of influence (Gint ing forthcoming:291).

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a fragile plant requiring intensive preparation and great care. Moreover, dur-ing its growth it is vulnerable to unexpected weather changes, diseases, andpests, which may destroy the entire crop. As a result, traditional rice-grow-ing societies everywhere have resorted to appeals to supernatural forces toprevent the loss of a crop and to ensure a bountiful harvest. The Batak wereno different, and Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles commented on their belief thatthe Sisingamangaraja could 'blight the paddy, or restore the luxuriance of afaded crop' (Raffles 1991:436).

A second important function of the Sisingamangaraja was promoting har-mony among the Batak groups through his mediation. In this role he was ableto effect wide agreement on standard rice measures, as well as the assurancethat the sanctity of the marketplace would be observed. When the mission-aries Burton and Ward travelled to the Toba lands, they commented on theinfluence of the Sisingamangaraja, who was considered by the inhabitantsto be 'bertuati, or 'invested with supernatural power'. His representatives,whom Burton and Ward believed to be village chiefs from the surround-ing districts (Burton and Ward 1827:514), were known as parbaringin in theSumba districts. They were appointed by the Sisingamangaraja and had theimportant responsibility of maintaining the viability of the markets (Castles1972:18-9,1975:74).

By the nineteenth century it was possible to distinguish a heartland andan extended network of communities forming a single Batak cultural unity,promoted and strengthened by the activities of the high priests. Althoughthe latter had arisen among the Toba, their influence extended to the otherareas where the Batak had settled. The Ompu Palti Raja was the high priestwith the greatest influence among those in the Simalungun lands involvedin the trade between Lake Toba and the east coast, while the Jonggi Manaor'sarea of jurisdiction was in the lands between the interior and Barus. Of thesethree, the Sisingamangaraja exercised the greatest influence among the Batakcommunities in general. Representatives bore their insignia and exercisedauthority on their behalf because of the awe and veneration with which theBatak regarded these high priests (Hirosue 1994:22). As the Batak becameincreasingly involved in international trade, these magico-religious figuresbecame the foci and the facilitators of the production and delivery of riceand forest products from the interior to the coasts. The expansion of theirfunctions contributed to the evolution of a supra-village authority and to agrowing sense among the people of belonging to a single ethnic group underthe leadership of the high priests.

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Ethnicization of the Batak

As the Batak moved toward both coasts and southward from Lake Toba inresponse to economic opportunities, they came into direct competition withthe Malayu, the Minangkabau, and the Acehnese. In face of this develop-ment, the institution of the high priests was invoked to promote ethnic unity.The acknowledgement of the Sisingamangaraja as the overarching spiritualauthority over all Batak may have been a deliberate economic decision by theBatak in order to compete effectively against the newly ethnicized Malayu,Minangkabau and Acehnese.57 With the appointment of parbaringin, a hierar-chy was created whose major responsibility was the maintenance of agricul-ture and the marketplace. If not the threat of supernatural sanctions then thepromise of economic advantage made the institution of the Sisingamangarajaappealing to the Batak.

A European report from the early nineteenth century confirms the elevat-ed status and veneration enjoyed by the Si Singamangaraja among the Batak.In a letter to Marsden dated 27 February 1820, Raffles wrote that among theBatak he was 'something like an ecclesiastical Emperor or Chief, who is uni-versally acknowledged, and referred to in all case of public calamity, etc. Histitle is Si Singah Maha Rajah, and he resides at Bakara in the Toba district. Heis descended from the Menangkabau race, and is of an antiquity which nonedisputes. My informants say certainly above thirty descents, or 900 years. Hedoes not live in any very great state, but is particular in his observances; heneither eats hog nor drinks tuah [palm-wine]. They believe him possessedof supernatural powers.' (Raffles 1991:435-6.) In this letter Raffles claimsthat the Sisingamangaraja was 'universally' acknowledged. Although it ismore likely that he had direct influence only over the Sumba group of margaamong the Toba Batak, stories of his supernatural powers would have beensufficient to convince many other Batak to heed his words or those of the per-sons delegated to represent him. In this way the Batak in the southern LakeToba region, who were the Sisingamangaraja's principal adherents, wouldhave been joined by Batak elsewhere in forming a group responsive to hiswishes. While he did not possess any means for physical coercion, he had areputation for magico-spiritual powers which in earlier centuries proved far

57 I argue in other essays that there was a conscious decision by the Malayu rulers of Melakaand Johor, the Minangkabau rulers of Pagaruyung, and the Acehnese rulers to appeal to a politi-cized ethnic identity for economic reasons in the period between the sixteenth and eighteenthcenturies. Between the sixteenth and the late seventeenth century, Aceh saw itself as a Malayukingdom and was the dominant economic, political, and cultural entity in the Malayu world.Only from the eighteenth century did a separate Acehnese identity emerge in recognition of thesuccess of Johor in becoming acknowledged as the centre of Malayu culture. See L. Andaya 2000,2001a, and 2001b.

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more intimidating. Instead of a political structure with the accoutrementsof state power, the Sisingamangaraja and other high priests created a unityamong many Batak groups on the basis of their sacred reputation, system ofmarketplaces, and coterie of magico-religious officials operating in a border-less world.

Batak ethnic consciousness was reinforced by the creation of pustaha, orbark books. Written in a language and a script unlike anything possessed bytheir neighbours, the pustaha were regarded as distinctly 'Batak'. Althoughemploying an old Indian Pallava-derived script, there is no record of whenpustaha first began to be written. Kozok has shown that the Batak script con-tinues to display an affinity with the Pallava and Old Javanese (Kawi) scripts,whereas modern Javanese has diverged quite significantly from the originalPallava (Kozok 1999:65). Batak writing may have originated with the creationof the pustaha, but remained relatively unchanged over the centuries, perhapsbecause of the sacred contents. The pustaha contained astrological tables andmagic formulae and were intended for magico-religious purposes.58

The survival of a Batak language using a modified Pallava script totransmit sacred and other tribal knowledge is noteworthy. From the seventhuntil at least the fourteenth century, the dominant intellectual and politicallanguages in Sumatra were Sanskrit and Malayu. Their influence was par-ticularly strong, and evidence of their presence has been noted in the discus-sion of the archaeological finds at Padang Lawas. Yet despite these culturalincursions, the Batak were not overwhelmed by the expansion of the Malayulanguage and culture into northern Sumatra (Teeuw 1959:148-51; Collins1996:9). The survival and persistence of the pustaha tradition may havebeen the result of a deliberate political choice at a time when the Batak werebecoming increasingly involved in economic rivalry with neighbouring com-munities. As Pollock so succinctly explained, 'Vernacular literary languagesdo not "emerge" like buds or butterflies, they are made' (Pollock 1998:7).59 ABatak world was thus inscribed and circumscribed by the pustaha, which notonly played a magico-religious role but also became an important marker ofBatak identity.

Often in the introduction to pustaha, a chain of transmission of know-ledge from the legendary founder to the current writer is listed. Teachers

58 In add i t i on to the pustaha, there w e r e o ther fo rms of wr i t ing , such as letters, pulas (a t ype ofthreatening letter), and laments, though the latter two forms tended also to have a strong magico-religious intent (Kozok 2000a:43-4).59 I have based my arguments on Pollock's stimulating discussion of the process of vernacu-larization in India. Of particular value and relevance for the Batak situation is his argument thatthere is a division of labour in languages, in which Sanskrit retains its position as 'the publicliterary expression of political will', while the vernacular is restricted to 'business' or practicalaspects. He terms this language division 'hyperglossia' (Pollock 1998:11-2).

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and pupils from different regions travelled together through the Batak areasbecause their services were sought everywhere (Voorhoeve 1927:10, 13).When the intrepid Italian traveller Elio Modigliani journeyed through theToba Batak area in 1890, he befriended the great datu, Guru Somalaing, fromwhom he obtained a text by the 'wandering datu' of the Simanjuntak margaintended for his pupils belonging to the Siagian marga. The itinerant charac-ter of these datu is emphasized in another text collected by Modigliani, whereone of the great masters is called 'Singa Mortandang', or 'wandering lion'(Voorhoeve 1979/80:62, 78, 82). It was also commonplace for pupils to travellong distances to study with famous datu (Kozok 1999:17).

Through long and intensive study, the datu acquired an incomparableknowledge of the future, the characteristics of plants, and the wisdom con-tained in the writings of the ancestors. The wandering datu was described asnot simply a religious practitioner, but also 'a man of science who embodiesall current available historical, medical, theological and economic know-ledge' (J.H. Neumann 1910:2). Through his knowledge of the contents of thepustaha, he became the primary source of the old tales, legends, and tradi-tions from which the Batak gained an understanding of their rituals 0.H.Neumann 1910:2, 10).60 This latter function still survives among the Bataktoday. Ginting describes a Karo guru, the Karo equivalent of a datu, who can'recite in a sing-song tone the old legends and myths which are importantin the performance of a ritual so that the participants understand its back-ground and can therefore experience the ritual more intensely' (Ginting 1991:86-7). The datu also used his knowledge of plants and the spirit world toconcoct the various medicines for treating and preventing illnesses, conductspecial rituals to ward off evil or recall a spirit which had wandered awayfrom a body, and prescribe potions to assist in affairs of the heart and giveself-confidence (Wilier 1846:295-6; Ginting 1991:86-7).

Because of the datu's ability to assure the well-being of the community inso many different ways, he gained the confidence and support of the people.He thus became an influential advocate and an ideal conduit for informationand directives of the high priest. His wandering life-style and the practice ofaccepting pupils from all over the Batak lands contributed to a network thattranscended territorial and marga divisions. Also strengthening the sense ofa unified Batak world was the pustaha tradition. Voorhoeve, in his intensivestudy of pustaha, concluded that the sacred language of the texts derivesfrom a sub-Toba dialect spread by wandering datu, who were immune tointer-marga and inter-village conflicts in precolonial times (Voorhoeve 1973:

60 Ginting reminds us, however, that not all guru [or datu] achieved the same level of compe-tence. Those with exceptional skill won a reputation as guru mbelin, or 'great guru' (Ginting 1991:94, 96).

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39). The spread of the pustaha tradition helped create a shared sacred lan-guage and a common store of magico-religious lore. Prior to the twentiethcentury, Perbegu/Pemena, or the old Batak religion, was a core element ofBatak identity. The key to the ethnicization of the Batak was provided by thecomponents of Perbegu/Pemena: the high priests, the datu, and the pustaha.

Conclusion

The people who are collectively known as Batak today were historicallynever isolated from the developments occurring in the region. From veryearly times they were incorporated into regional trade networks becausethey were major suppliers of camphor and benzoin - two of the most highlyvalued Southeast Asian commodities in the international trade from at leastthe eighth up to the nineteenth century (Burkill 1966, 1:878-9). The involve-ment of the Batak in international trade made them responsive to politicaland economic shifts that had a direct impact on their livelihood. WhenSrivijaya was conquered by the rival Cola dynasty in 1025, the Batak soughtother outlets for their products. The rise of Kota Cina on the east coast andthe re-emergence of Barus on the west coast as ports for the export of cam-phor and benzoin drew the Batak towards both coasts. Though Kota Cinaitself disappeared sometime in the fourteenth century, other east-coast king-doms came to provide an outlet for the export of Batak forest products andrice in later centuries.

While Srivijaya was still the dominant entrepot in the Straits, the Batakused routes from the camphor and benzoin forests located to the northwestand southeast of Lake Toba southward to Padang Lawas, then on to theBatang Hari, and eventually to Srivijaya on the Musi River in Palembang.After 1025 Kota Cina and Barus joined Srivijaya and Malayu as exportingcentres for these resins, and much of the camphor and benzoin supplies wasdiverted eastward and westward towards the coasts. From the eighth to thefourteenth centuries, Batak groups sought to profit from international tradeby following these routes and settling in proximity of these export centres.Another major economic stimulus to Batak migrations was the growingdemand for rice among pepper growers in Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula,beginning in the fifteenth century. To meet this new demand, there weremigrations from the Toba region to new lands south and east of Lake Tobain search of rice lands.

Crucial to the success of Batak involvement in international trade weretheir religious institutions. Candi and ancestral tombs were judiciouslyplaced along major trade routes to assure spiritual protection and successfor Batak traders. With the increasing tempo of trade and the dispersal of

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Batak communities from the Lake Toba region, a need arose for some form ofsupra-village control. This was provided by the institution of the high priest,which originated in the Toba lands but gained support in the other Batakareas. Through their claims of supernatural power, access to agricultural dei-ties, and creation of a network of officials and markets, the high priests wereinstrumental in the promotion of Batak trade until their demise in the earlytwentieth century. The activities of the datu helped to ensure continued sup-port for the high priests among the Batak in the pre-modern period.

As different ethnic groups became increasingly competitive in interna-tional trade, particularly in the period between the fifteenth and eighteenthcenturies, every avenue was explored to gain an advantage over the others.One response was the ethnicization of identity, or in other words, a consciousdecision to emphasize ethnicity to maximize their advantage. The Batakbecame 'ethnicized' by stressing commonality in their acknowledged originsin the Toba highlands, their recognition of the authority of the high priests,and their reliance on the knowledge and spiritual powers of the datu andtheir pustaha. In the early modern period being 'Batak' became both a politicaland an economic option, resulting in the removal of huta and marga barriersin the formation of a common Batak ethnicity.

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