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The Transition to Kindergarten: How Families fromLower-Income Backgrounds Experienced the First Year
Kyle Miller
� Springer Science+Business Media New York 2014
Abstract The transition to kindergarten is regarded as a
critical time for both children and families, especially for
families with low incomes who are at greatest risk for
educational challenges. Most studies focus on the school
perspective as children enter classrooms, and less schol-
arship focuses on the family perspective. This paper shifts
the conversation to the context of the family and how
families understand and experience kindergarten entry. As
part of a larger qualitative study on the transition to school,
24 parents participated in semi-structured interviews where
they described the process of preparing children for kin-
dergarten before school entry, and then reflected on the
actual process 1 year later. Based on a thematic analysis of
interview data, four main themes emerged: (1) The tran-
sition is still going, (2) Logistics were the toughest part, (3)
I told you this would happen, and (4) The first time is the
hardest. Findings from this study generate new knowledge
related to the lived experiences of families from lower-
income backgrounds, as well as many of the challenges
they encounter with the educational system. Supporting the
transition to school requires the building of relationships
with families and examining the family context in addition
to the school context. Implications for early childhood
personnel and schools are discussed.
Keywords Low-income � Families �Transition to school � Academic socialization �Siblings � Home–school relationships
Background
The transition to kindergarten is described as a critical
point in students’ educational trajectories, which may point
students towards success or failure in formal education
(Pianta et al. 1999a; Pianta 2007). As stated in the National
Educational Goals Panel (Shore 1998), families play an
important role in their children’s educational development
and deeply inform the process of child development
(Morrison-Gutman and McLoyd 2000; Machida et al.
2002). The transition to school is not merely a transition for
children; it requires the whole family to make adjustments
and change (DeCaro and Worthman 2011). However,
limited research inductively focuses on ways in which
families choose to prepare their children for kindergarten,
and the experience of transitioning children to school
(Dockett and Perry 2013). As the managers of children’s
home environments, how parents socialize their children
for school is an essential piece to understanding children’s
school readiness (Doucet and Tudge 2007; Kraft-Sayre and
Pianta 2000), especially for families from lower-income
backgrounds who are at greatest risk for compromised
school beginnings Piotrkowski et al. (2000).
Securing that children start school ready to succeed
requires the attention of scholars and practitioners to sup-
port one of the first normative and complex processes in
education—the transition to school (Pianta 2007; Dockett
and Perry 2013). Transitions may consist of a one-time, set
event provided by schools or reflect ongoing efforts to link
children’s home environments to the school (Dockett and
A preliminary version of this paper was presented at the annual
conference of the American Educational Research Association.
K. Miller (&)
School of Teaching and Learning, Illinois State University, 237
DeGarmo Campus Box 5330, Normal, IL 61790, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
K. Miller
Department of Human Development and Family Studies,
University of Wisconsin-Madison, Madison, WI, USA
123
Early Childhood Educ J
DOI 10.1007/s10643-014-0650-9
Perry 2003). Further, transitions may involve creating
continuity between preschool and kindergarten settings
related to curricular decisions and pedagogical delivery.
However communities choose to define and approach this
period of change, the transition to kindergarten should be
understood in terms of the influence of contexts. This study
aimed to better understand the transition to school within
the family context, how parents understood the process of
preparing children for kindergarten, and how children
experienced their first year of formal education.
Several Australian studies investigated the perspectives
of parents on the transition to school (e.g., Dockett and
Perry 2001). Such studies documented parental attention to
and desire to help children adjust to formal education.
Participants identified supporting the development of aca-
demic, social, and health-related skills for kindergarten
entry. Overall, parents in these studies felt their needs and
concerns were overlooked as their children entered school,
and that schools judged their parenting practices and efforts
(Dockett and Perry 2007). Other studies suggest that par-
ents’ school readiness concerns extend beyond academic
and social competencies, and some families from lower-
income backgrounds question whether, and to what extent,
the schools are ready for their children, their specific cul-
tural backgrounds, and their individual needs (McAllister
et al. 2005).
Many children and families consider the transition to
public school a major event for which they feel underpre-
pared (Wildenger and McIntyre 2011). It can be an exciting
time for children and families, but also can yield some
stress and discomfort when placed in an unfamiliar setting
(Kennedy et al. 2012; Bell-Booth et al. 2014) or with new
service providers (Podvey et al. 2013). Parental worry
about the transition to school is common, often leading
parents to take preventive action and engage in activities to
better prepare their children for school (Ramey et al. 1998).
Studies and mainstream discourses suggest that the tran-
sition process may be more complex for families from
lower-income backgrounds, due to how families are
viewed or encouraged to be involved in pre-kindergarten
education or early learning centers. Growing up in poverty
can limit children’s connections to resources and enrich-
ment experiences (Magnuson and Shager 2010); however,
it is important to recognize that many children living in
poverty can and do achieve success at kindergarten
entrance and beyond (Dockett et al. 2012). This present
study was an investigation of parental perspectives on and
experiences with children’s transition into formal educa-
tion, to better understand the process for families from
lower-income backgrounds. This study addresses a gap in
research and in current practice, which often neglects to
inductively consider the family approach to children’s
readiness for school and ongoing efforts to support the
transition (Doucet and Tudge 2007; Dockett and Perry
2007). Additionally, it incorporates the perspectives of
fathers, with are often ignored in parental studies (Downer
2007).
Theoretical Perspective
The transition to kindergarten is a complex process and
should be understood in terms of multiple and intersecting
influences (Pianta et al. 1999b; Bronfenbrenner 1986). It is
a concept that goes beyond the assessed competencies of a
child at any given time and acknowledges the ecology of a
child’s life-such as the family context, early childhood
education, and resources provided within the community to
support lower income children and families (Daily et al.
2012). Kraft-Sayre and Pianta (2000) acknowledge the
shared responsibilities of many individuals and institutions
during the transition to elementary school. These scholars
suggest that the transition is a dynamic process experienced
by children, family, teachers and communities rather than
an event that happens independently to a child. Through
this ecological perspective, the transition to school is rec-
ognized as a normative process these stakeholders con-
tribute to and support. A transition to school framework
that incorporates these multi-level and intersecting influ-
ences, is now viewed as a more accurate portrayal of how
children become ready to learn and successfully enter
kindergarten (Pianta and La Paro 2003). This approach
provides greater appreciation for the collaborations and
relationships of adults, and less emphasis on the individual
characteristics and skills of the child (Villeneuve et al.
2013). Guided by this perspective, our study investigates
the transition process over the course of a year and focuses
on the family side of schooling and parents’ relationships
with the school, resources of the community, and policies.
Methods
This qualitative study draws on interviews conducted with
16 families (24 parents) prior to kindergarten entry and
again after children entered school. Three main questions
guided the investigation: (1) How do families report their
experience with the transition to kindergarten? (2) Based
on themes expressed in parents’ original interviews before
kindergarten entry, did the transition unfold as parents
anticipated? and (3) Were there differences across families
in how the transition was experienced? To be eligible for
inclusion in the study, participants’ household income
could not exceed 200 % of the Federal Poverty Threshold,
which made families eligible for the state’s child care
subsidy (Wisconsin Department of Children and Families
Early Childhood Educ J
123
2012). All participants had a child entering kindergarten in
the fall of 2011, requiring that children turn 5 years old by
September first. This was an ideal age, because partici-
pants’ children were already registered for kindergarten,
which is a clear marker of the transition to school in par-
ents’ minds (Pianta 2007). The sample included African-
American and White mothers (N = 16) and fathers
(N = 8) who qualify for the state’s child care subsidy and
have enrolled their children in kindergarten for the fol-
lowing fall. Initial interviews included all 24 participants
and follow-up interviews included 20 participants. Attrition
was the result of several participants moving from the area
or inaccessibility due to incarceration. A description of
participant characteristics is provided in Table 1.
Data Collection
Mothers and fathers were asked to participate in two semi-
structured interviews that explored their current practices
and beliefs on preparing their children for school and the
actual transition into the kindergarten setting. The first set
of interviews took place in the participant’s home or a
neutral location of their choice the summer before kin-
dergarten entry. The second interview was administered
approximately 1 year later in the same location. Follow-up
interviews asked participants to review the content of their
original interviews and then explored the adjustment pro-
cess for the child and family.
Data Analysis
Data analysis began immediately following the first
interview, and continued throughout the data collection
process. The analysis began with the transcription of the
data and was accompanied with the creation of memos.
The data analysis of both sets of interviews followed
similar analysis procedures and will be presented together,
starting with the coding process. We followed Boyatzis’
(1998) process for developing codes and thematically
analyzing data. The process involved five prescribed steps
to inductively developing a code: (1) reducing the raw
information, (2) identifying themes within subsamples, (3)
comparing themes across subsamples, (4) creating a code,
and (5) determining the reliability of the code. We used
NVivo9 to assist data management, coding and analysis of
interviews.
Reliability was achieved by determining our degree of
consistency of full transcripts between coders, by com-
paring independent coding of transcripts. We followed
Bazeley’s (2007) approach to lumping data for coding
purposes. During this process, the research team met
periodically to discuss any issues or questions with the
application of codes. Based on the ongoing process of
coding and interrogating data with software assistance, the
team began to identify the most frequent and meaningful
themes to report in the findings. Frequency was one of the
most important indicators for the strength of a theme.
However, frequency was coupled with the significance of
the theme for participants.
Results
The thematic analysis identified four salient themes pre-
sented across interviews. First, the transition for students
and families was still in progress, and many parents did not
feel their children were fully adjusted to school. Second,
parents reported that the logistics of registering and getting
their child to the correct school was more challenging than
originally considered. Third, parents confirmed that their
original ideas about preparing for school were fairly
accurate. Fourth, inexperienced parents encountered the
most surprises during the process. Table 2 provides a
description of themes and additional interview quotes as
evidence.
Table 1 Sample characteristics (N = 24)
Variable Frequency Percentage
(%)
Mean Range
Age (years) 31.57 23–46
Annual household income
\10,000 9 37.5
10,001–15,000 6 25
15,001–20,000 0 0
20,001–25,000 5 20.8
Over 25,001 3 12.5
Education
Some high school 4 16.7
High School/GED 4 16.7
Trade/Vocational
School
3 12.5
Some College 11 45.8
BA/BS 1 4.2
Graduate Degree 1 4.2
Race/ethnicity
Black/African American 14 58.3
White/European
American
9 37.5
Bi-racial/Multi-racial 1 4.2
Marital status
Single/Never married 9 37.5
Married 9 37.5
Living with a partner 3 12.5
Separated 3 12.5
Early Childhood Educ J
123
Theme One: The Transition is Still Going
Overall, parents reported positive feelings about their
child’s new life in kindergarten, but did not necessarily
describe the transition as an easy process or that the tran-
sition was complete. In fact, after almost a full school year,
many families were still working on their child’s adjust-
ment—as well as their own. One mother said:
Table 2 Themes and descriptions
Theme Description Examples
The transition
is still going
Participants described the child’s, or their own, ongoing
adjustment to the kindergarten setting. Although the child or
parent may be adjusted in some areas, they are still working on
a full sense of belonging and adjustment to school
‘‘We are still working on stuff. He still has some issues
with his interactions with the other students and
controlling his emotions. You’d think we’d have it fixed
by now, but the teacher says he’s making progress. We’ll
get there. I’m just glad he’s still excited about school’’
‘‘So, the problem is he’s a mama’s boy. Really, that’s what
the issue is. He always has to be with me, and that’s not
how school works. I’ve been told I need to stop babying
him so he can get used to the full day. I mean, that’s not
exactly what they [the teachers] said, but I can read
between the lines. So I try to spend more time away from
him’’
‘‘They say she’s doing okay, but something still feels off.
She was different in Head Start. She seemed more at
home there. I don’t see that yet. Maybe next year it will
all fall into place for her’’
Logistics were
the toughest
part
Participants described challenges or issues associated with the
process of enrolling their child in kindergarten, school zoning,
and transportation. Participants comment on difficulties or
surprises associated with school policies or procedures related
to beginning school
‘‘We moved over the summer. I had done all of my
homework and made sure I had everything she needed to
start. But, I don’t think their information was all up-to-
date online, because they kept asking for more stuff. It
became really frustrating and stressful’’
‘‘We had someone from the school come talk to us at a
family meeting about what to expect and how to plan for
kindergarten. I think I told you about that last year. But
then apparently things changed and there were like
budget cuts, so some of the orientation stuff that was
supposed to happen, didn’t. It was all just really
confusing at the beginning. But, we got her there on the
first day, so I guess that’s what matters’’
I told you this
would
happen
Participants reflected on their initial concerns or aspirations for
their children’s entrance into kindergarten. Participants
acknowledged that their original concerns or expectations
actually transpired during the transition
‘‘You know how I told you that I had issues with the school
and his older brother? I knew that it would probably
mean bad things for him, since they share a last name. I
just don’t think they treat him fairly– and I know they are
sick of seeing me up there’’
‘‘She really picked things up in preschool, and we worked
on a lot at home. She knew her letters and numbers and
really was ahead of most of the kids in her class. I knew
the teachers would be impressed, and they were. There
was one test that the state gave at the beginning of the
year that she only did okay on, but the rest is great’’
The first time
is the
hardest
Novice parents acknowledged their naivete or frustrations in
navigating the transition process for the first time. Veteran
parents acknowledged that transitioning their first child was the
most difficult, and they gained knowledge and comfort with
additional children
‘‘Now that I’m on child number 8, I think I’ve finally
figured it out. I had no idea what I was doing the first
time, and I wasn’t much better with the second. Each
time it is a little bit easier’’
‘‘I was so much older when I had my third kid. With age
comes experience with kids and with the school. I look at
some of these really young parents around me, and they
seem so lost. I was there, I get it’’
‘‘This is not my first rodeo. I was clueless with the first one.
When it’s your first time, you make mistakes, and then
you learn how it all works’’
Early Childhood Educ J
123
I guess I just figured because his older sister was fine
after like a week that he would be okay. But he is just
different and it’s taken a while. There are still things
we struggle with and he likes going to school, but I
am working with the teachers on helping him adjust.
This mother explained that her son’s academics
appeared to be adequate, but she believed something was
still ‘‘off’’. For that reason, the transition was still in
motion.
Scholars may explain this lengthy adjustment through
the lens of culture shock, and the challenges associated
with differences between the home and school cultures
(Kennedy et al. 2012). However, the participants in this
study did not cite cultural differences between the home
and school, but rather differences between the culture of
the early childhood center and kindergarten classroom that
challenged a sense of immediate belonging. The shock and
ongoing adjustment was about the transition between these
two settings. However, this could, in fact, be linked to
home cultures, since many of the children’s early child-
hood centers focused on creating culturally relevant set-
tings for the families they served, which may not be true of
the kindergarten setting (Kossak 2005).
As part of this theme, mothers also commented on
working with teachers to assist this adjustment. One mother
recalled attending a beginning of the year orientation
breakfast, but also ongoing attempts throughout the year to
assist the son’s adjustment. She described this initial con-
tact as beneficial, but that it was too early to fully under-
stand how the year would go. She then relied on a daily
notebook that was transported from the school to the home,
to learn about her son’s progress and voice concerns to the
teacher:
We still have a notebook of communication back and
forth, so I write you know when I woke up and he is
in a bad mood or isn’t feeling good. He still has a
really hard time with mornings, and I don’t want it to
keep him from doing his work and getting ahead. We
are working on that.
Working with a teacher who encouraged and maintained
ongoing communication comforted this mother in sup-
porting her son’s transition, and is linked to student success
during the first year of school (Hindman et al. 2013).
Another mother said, ‘‘It’s weird and embarrassing. I’m a
lot less worried about her [the daughter] now, but I’m still
not there.’’ After a full school year, the child was
approaching adjustment, but the mother was still
struggling.
As reported above, although schools may consider this
transition a short-term event (Dockett and Perry 2003),
transitions may extend throughout the school year, until the
child and family feel a sense of belonging and adjustment
in the school setting. In fact, the majority of participants
recognized that the transition was still in progress for the
child or family. Schools can choose to build relationships
in a number of ways both pre and post-entry (Noel 2011);
and the level and intensity of transition efforts are usually
driven by the school. Most parents named one formal ori-
entation event or tour of the school as helpful, and the
remainder of the transition process relied on informal
connections with the school. It appears, the kindergarten
transition may be more complicated and acquire more
attention for families from lower-income backgrounds that
may not share the same norms of the school (Doucet and
Tudge 2007) or have complex needs (Dockett et al. 2011).
Theme Two: Logistics Were the Toughest Part
As parents primed their children for kindergarten, they did
not realize the complexities associated with physically
getting their child to the kindergarten classroom. This
theme captured parents’ original underestimation of the
influence of the school districts’ policies and procedures on
the transition for families. Even though many participants
feared unnecessary transitions or moves for their children
based on their own school histories, they were unable to
shield children from these disruptions during the summer
prior to kindergarten entry or during the school year. One
mother expressed a great deal of anger related to the first
several months of school:
We went out of our way to make sure everything was
in order before our move. The school promised me
that my son could still attend the school and we made
up his IEP and everything. Then to find out that they
wouldn’t allow it cause of transportation issues and
we had to start from scratch. My son ended up
missing the first two and a half weeks of school. And
for a son like mine, missing that much school is a big
deal. And it turns out the first school could have let
him stay, but the new principal didn’t want him.
During this interview, the father shared a notebook that
they maintained throughout the year related to their son’s
schooling. He displayed the long list of names and numbers
they collected and called during the first few weeks of
school. The mother said, ‘‘I just kept calling. They were
sick of me, but I couldn’t get a straight answer.’’ Other
participants also described the ‘‘telephone game’’ of calling
a variety of individuals to work through registration and
transportation issues.
One mother discussed the family’s summer move before
starting kindergarten. She hoped to find one school that
would work for her children, so that her kindergarten-
bound son would be with his older siblings:
Early Childhood Educ J
123
I didn’t want to move again, but we knew about the
move. I was really trying to get them to the same
school – but that wasn’t going to work. I went to one
school and then I went to the other before school
started – they gave us the whole run around. I was
like ‘I’ve got to get in there and see somebody’, and it
was hectic trying to get him in school.
Earlier, this mother had described the family’s long
history of moves, which has been linked to a number of
educational challenges for children and families (Kerbow
et al. 2003; Miller et al. 2011). This mother was very
grateful for the assistance they received from various
organizations, but that many of their policies and housing
availability created a lot of disruptions in her children’s
schooling. Her attempts to keep her son close to his peers
from Head Start were unsuccessful, but she hoped this
school would be a permanent placement.
Parents reported a great deal of frustration with the
general ‘‘system’’ that stifled many of their efforts to make
the transition as seamless as possible. This theme demon-
strates the need to not only facilitate, but maintain con-
nections among a variety of stakeholders throughout the
transition process (Noel 2011). Lack of summer program-
ming made the logistics more challenging and cumbersome
for families, because participants felt cut-off from important
early childhood personnel who that helped parents navigate
the school system during the year. Participants felt a loss of
support during the months leading to the first day of kin-
dergarten, which is often a byproduct of losing the eligi-
bility for services at their former early childhood centers
(Dockett and Perry 2007). Although participants did not
report experiencing any bias or discrimination related to
their socioeconomic status or ethnicity, some of their
descriptions hinted at inequitable practices on the part of the
school. The unanticipated obstacles that families described
may be related to schools’ conscious or unconscious mis-
treatment of families from lower-income backgrounds
(Miller et al. 2014; Hughes and MacNaughton 2000).
Theme Three: I Told You This Would Happen
As parents described the first year of kindergarten, they
revisited some of their initial concerns named before kin-
dergarten entry. They regularly referred to their first
interview and pointed out their original hopes or fears that
did transpire upon school entrance. During pre-entry
interviews participants identified a number of domains that
were important for a successful entrance into kindergarten
(i.e., knowing basic academic skills, having a positive
disposition, following rules, working well with other stu-
dents). In the pre-entry interviews, they not only identified
these specific areas but also had a general sense of which
areas were strengths or weaknesses for their child. Those
initial feelings seemed to hold true once the children
actually entered the school. One mother said:
Remember, when I told you my boys were going to
tear up the school. Well, they did. It is still an issue. I
get lots of calls from the school. I just gotta go up
there and pick them up and bring them home. I don’t
know what we’re going to do about them. They don’t
seem to have any other thing than me just coming to
get them. I guess they’re that bad.
Since all but two of participants’ children were involved
in some form of early childhood program, they felt primed
by teachers on where their children might excel or struggle
in the kindergarten setting. In most cases, the identified
areas did reach fruition.
Conversely, another mother predicted her son’s aca-
demic success prior to school entry; and, at the follow up
interview, she and her husband proudly displayed his
award for excellence, which was given to the top student in
each grade. However, most participants did not share this
family’s success story and instead continued to struggle
with literacy or behavior problems that were apparent
before beginning kindergarten. Decades of research pro-
vide evidence that early center-based experiences contrib-
ute to children’s academic and social gains as they begin
school education (Camilli et al. 2010; Abbott-Shim et al.
2003). Based on participant responses, early childhood
experiences also provided parents with a general awareness
of what to expect when entering kindergarten, related to
academic or social areas of concern. However, that
awareness did not necessarily yield extra support or inter-
vention services for the child’s areas of weakness.
Theme Four: The First Time is the Hardest
Three of the 16 families were sending children to kinder-
garten for the first time, the remainder of families had
experienced between one to seven kindergarten entrances.
Based on follow-up interviews, first-time parents faced
more surprises during the transition process. One mother
discussed literacy problems her daughter was facing in
kindergarten:
So, I thought things would be fine. But her teacher
called me like early on, and said she [the daughter]
was really behind in reading. They had me come up
to the school. I was so nervous and I felt like I did
something wrong. But really, it’s just stuff I need to
work on with her and her teacher put her in a special
program. So now at least I know what I need to do,
but it was really stressful. I didn’t want her to start
like this.
Early Childhood Educ J
123
Just as children need to adjust to new teacher pedagogies
and goal-focused teaching methods (Skouteris et al. 2012),
so must parents. This shift could contribute to surprises for
parents, if their child’s preparedness does not match the
expectations of kindergarten teachers. This mother’s quote
also demonstrates the fear attached to re-entering a public
elementary school for the first time since her school days.
Parents are often aware of the power teachers hold, and
may feel as if they are going back to school themselves
(Miller et al. 2014; Dockett et al. 2012).
Other participants discussed the ongoing journey of
preparing children for school and how much their first time
differed from subsequent transitions. Parents who had older
children and had already gone through this process also
recognized that the first time was the most surprising. One
father said, ‘‘We were clueless the first time,’’ suggesting a
certain level of blindness or naivety to the situation and
expectations. One mother said:
You go in just not knowing anything. Everything is
new. They [new parents] don’t know what the right
questions are or they don’t know how that teacher
would react if they asked for that support or help. So
they don’t say anything.
She recalled feeling the same way. Now that she is
entering kindergarten with her third child, she feels much
more confident and knows what to expect. However, her
first time, she described herself as young and feeling very
alone in the process:
You know, if you had asked me these questions with
my oldest son, this would have been a different
conversation. I didn’t know what he would do in
kindergarten. I didn’t know I should be reading to
him. I didn’t know what he needed. That is something
you get with experience and doing it.
There was a marked difference between first-time and
veteran parents in the transition process. Veteran parents
were familiar with the system and kindergarten expecta-
tions. Even if the adjustment was not going well, they were
more aware of potential problems and were not as shocked
when issues surfaced. However, first time parents of children
entering kindergarten reported being more overwhelmed by
the actual process and learning how the school worked.
Discussion
A family’s transition to school presents a critical time and
opportunity to lay the groundwork for children’s long-term
academic and social success. Findings from this study
generate new knowledge related to the lived experience of
families from lower-income backgrounds, as well as many
of the challenges they encounter as their child entered
kindergarten. The ongoing process of transitioning to for-
mal education may last far beyond the first few days of
school. The participants in this study were still struggling
to find a sense of belonging in the school at the end of the
school year and some families did not believe their children
were fully adjusted to school. In one case, the mother said
her daughter was more adjusted than her. Based on prior
involvement with early childhood programs, parents felt
knowledgeable about what skills were necessary for their
children to start school, but that awareness did not neces-
sarily translate to a successful transition for their children
or themselves.
Experience with the school system appeared to make a
big difference in the transition process for children and
families. There were strong differences in what parents
‘‘believed’’ was expected for kindergarten readiness versus
what they ‘‘knew’’ was expected—as well as who was the
most surprised by the actual process. This was related to
the experience acquired from already having a child in
formal education. For parents who are transitioning their
first child to school, it may be their first contact with the
elementary school since their own school days (Meredith
et al. 1999). Only three participants in the study were
transitioning their first child to school, while all others had
at least one child in formal education. Participants who that
had already experienced the process reported less anxiety
and felt much more knowledgeable with the current child,
confirming that first-time parents should be targeted for
extra support and early intervention during this transition
period (Noel 2011). One father even stated, ‘‘This is not my
first rodeo. I think I’ve finally got it down.’’ Parents
reported an advantage with having prior experience with
schools and knowing what to expect. However, they still
acknowledged that each child was a bit different, which
also guided the process.
Research suggests that when their first child enters
kindergarten, parents establish a connection with the school
and teachers (Meredith et al. 1999). By the time the second
or third child starts school, this connection is well estab-
lished and may lead to a sense of partnership between the
school and home environment or a stronger understanding
of curricular expectations (Compton-Lilly 2003). There-
fore, later children benefit from this already established
relationship (Arthur et al. 1996). However, this was not
necessarily true for the participants in this study. Previous
scholarship assumes that these established relationships are
positive and that all of the children attend the same school.
Based on some friction parents were already reporting with
older children’s teachers and frequent housing mobility
that led to school transfers, parents did not report this
advantage. However, they did identify the benefit of
exposing the younger children to older siblings’ school
Early Childhood Educ J
123
setting and becoming familiar, themselves, with the school
environment and larger education system as helpful. Such
benefits match the literature by suggesting that older sib-
lings help increase the confidence and comfort of parents
for the adjustment to the school as an institution and its
expectations (Arthur et al. 1996; Meredith et al. 1999). It
also calls for the reform of early childhood centers to
tighten the link between preschool and elementary schools,
so that families and children experience a less turbulent
change between the two settings.
All but two of the families’ kindergarten-bound children
were in some form of early childhood center. However, all of
the parents recognized that early childhood programs greatly
assisted the process of preparing children for school, espe-
cially through the development of important academic and
social skills. One father kept repeating throughout his
interview, ‘‘I can’t say enough about his Head Start program.
They have done so much.’’ The experience prepared his son
academically and socially, as well as his readiness as a
father. Similar accolades were expressed across mother and
father interviews. Much like the mainstream discourse on
school readiness, ‘‘early childhood education’’ and ‘‘readi-
ness’’ are practically synonymous and serve as a primary
source for preparing children for school (Brooks-Gunn
2003; Kagan and Kaurez 2007).
A finding of concern was that many participants knew
exactly how their child would struggle in kindergarten;
and, in fact, they were correct. The fruition of anticipated
problems may be a self-fulfilling prophecy for parents, or it
may be a symptom of unready schools. More recent
research on the transition to school focuses on not only the
child’s readiness for school, but also the school’s readiness.
Unfortunately, knowing children’s areas of weakness did
not translate into the necessary supports or early inter-
vention efforts aimed at helping children adjust to kinder-
garten for the participants in this study. If a school focuses
less on changing contexts and more on expecting the child
to change, the transition may be unsuccessful (Kennedy
et al. 2012). While some services and supports are offered
for families and young children or families facing specific
challenges, fewer services were available for families
experiencing multiple problems, which is common in
lower-income homes (Dockett et al. 2011). There is a
general lack of coordination to support individual and
family needs (Villeneuve et al. 2013), which may explain
why many of the issues are still a problem, even though the
families preemptively identified the concerns.
Conclusion
The current definitions of what it means to be ready for
school emerge from and primarily cater to families that
identify as White and middle-class (Gill et al. 2006), which
shape how we view and support the transition to school for
children and families. Children from lower-income house-
holds who do not meet these criteria are deemed to be
lacking in skills. However, children living in low-income
homes make up 45 % of the population in the United States
and this number continues to grow (National Center for
Children in Poverty 2012), making it a top priority for
school personnel and service providers. The early childhood
field needs to consider the views and experiences of fami-
lies from lower-income backgrounds and explore the
investments and needs of families in order to support a
positive school start for all children. Supporting the tran-
sition to school requires the building of relationships with a
new set of school personnel (Dockett et al. 2012); espe-
cially, in higher-need communities, where families are
rarely considered as equal partners or decision-makers in
educational endeavors (Barton et al. 2004). It requires a
recommitment to further acknowledgment that the transi-
tion is an ecological process involving a number of stake-
holders and influences that guides the process for children
and families (Dockett and Perry 2003; Pianta et al. 1999b).
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