Versión traducida de Lectura McLeod.pdfPage 1Diario lmernational de Investigación Urbana y Regional Volumen 12 2001 25.4 Nuevo Regionalismo Reconsidered: La globalización y la reconfiguración del * Política del Espacio Económico GORDON MACLEOD El cambio de uso intensivo de conocimientos capitalismo va más allá del negocio en particular y estrategias de gestión de las empresas, .. involv [ing) el desarrollo de nuevos insumos y una infraestructura más amplia a nivel regional ... La naturaleza de esta transformación económica hace regiones económicas unidades clave en la economía global. En esencia, la globalización y el regionalismo son parte del mismo proceso de transformación económica (Richard Florida, 1995a: 531). El dogma de que "las regiones están resurgiendo" como resultado de las transformaciones globales que implica el crecimiento de las economías de información "casi se ha llegado al punto de una ortodoxia, sino como la de moda para el posfordismo que le precedieron, lo que representa el triunfo de la moda y la en! 1uence de las figuras de autoridad académica en las ciencias sociales. El tratamiento de estas afirmaciones como las cuentas de la influencia causal clave en el desarrollo regional real en general ha llevado a los regionalistas Nueva pasar por alto las influencias más importantes sobre la dinámica económica de muchos, y probablemente más, las regiones del mundo real (John Lovering, 1999: 386). La introducción del renacimiento urbano-regional Si bien estas dos citas pueden tener puntos de vista contrastantes, también reflejan una incipiente axioma de que bas comenzado a permear el discurso académico en la investigación urbana y regional: en medio de la larga lucha para configurar un régimen post-fordista, muchas de las avanzadas los países industriales están experimentando un renacimiento de las ciudades y regiones. Por lo tanto, al igual que inversión, los viajes y las comunicaciones son cada vez más globalizado, y como la Estado nacional configurado el bienestar se pretende que han renunciado a su papel como naturales " zona económica "(Ohmae, 1995), por lo que una serie de alto perfil de las economías regionales y urbanas

metrópolis parecen estar avanzando en el mercado en la carrera para ser los principales motores de creación de riqueza (Ef Castells, 1996; Scott, 1996; Soja, 2000). De hecho, una visión que prevalece es que, lejos de señalando el "fin de la geografía", la territorialidad de la globalización conduce capital, personas, * Las versiones anteriores de este artículo se han presentado en los potenciales regionales de la Asociación de Estudios Regionales "en una Conferencia de la integración de Europa, de la Universidad del País Vasco, Bilbao, España, septiembre de 1999 y en el Instituto de Geógrafos británicos Conferencia Anual de la Universidad de Sussex, Brighton, Inglaterra, enero 2000. Yo quisiera (0 agradecer a los presentes en estas reuniones de información útil. También estoy muy agradecido a dos árbitros anónimos y de Ash Amin, Neil Brenner, Cameron Angus, Alan Harding, Holden Adán, Ray Hudson, Martin Jones, Patrick Le vendavales y Danny MacKinnon por darme algunos muy instructivo comentarios sobre los primeros borradores. Sólo puedo pedir disculpas por el hecho de que yo era incapaz de responder a todas sus sugerencias y, por supuesto, al hacerlo, les libera de la responsabilidad última de contenido final del artículo. (L;) Editores conjunta y Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001. Publicado por la editorial Blackwell, J08 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 UF, Reino Unido y 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, EE.UU.,

Página 2Nuevo Regionalismo reconsiderada 805 instituciones y tecnologías para ser cada vez más intensamente motivada y estimulada a través de la aglomeración geográfica localizada y agrupamiento espacial (Porter, 1990; Krugman, 1997; Leadbeater, 2000). Uno de los estudiosos más perspicaces de la persistencia de este resurgimiento regional ha sido Michael Storper. Un investigador de la llamada Escuela de Los Angeles de la geografía y la planificación urbana, Storper demuestra que, durante gran parte del medio a finales del siglo XX, la región se convertiría en una categoría residual, más que un resultado "de la política más profunda-

los procesos económicos "(Stolper, 1997: 3). Este ha de ser contrastada con el presente fin-de- siecle, en la región, y en particular la región urbanizada, está asumiendo un papel como: (1) una base fundamental de la vida económica y social, (2) un activo vital de relación para la destilación aprendizaje basado en ventajas competitivas, y (3) un significado ontológico más profundo como un nivel intermedio de análisis en el que examinar la nueva era del capitalismo reflexivo (Storper, 1995, 1997). Otro cIitic de esta escuela illustIious, Allen Scott, hace un reclamación relacionada con que las regiones se están convirtiendo en "el marco básico para las nuevas clases de sociales la comunidad y de nuevos enfoques a los problemas prácticos de la ciudadanía y la democracia " (Scott, 1998: 11). Estos temas resuenan con (1993) influyente trabajo de Robert Putnam en el "capital social" y las tradiciones cívicas undelpinning el modelo italiano de desarrollo, (1997) Paul Hirst de proposiciones sobre "democracia asociativa", y las investigaciones recientes sobre la movilización política y territorial del gobierno {Harvie, 1994; Smith et al, 1996.; Keating, 1997; Le vendavales y Lequesne, 1998) .1 Una consecuencia de este interés se intensifica en el actual des-y re- territorialización de la actividad económica política 2 ve a la escala regional como ser canonizado un "espacio funcional" de la planificación económica y la gobernanza política (Keating, 1998). Todos estos eventos y debates han llevado a una serie de comentaristas para anunciar una nueva El regionalismo en la investigación académica y discurso político (Keating, 1998; New Statesman, 1998; Amin, 1999; Jones y MacLeod, 1999; Allmendinger y Tewdwr-Jones, 2000; Deas y Ward, 2000; Lagendijk, 2000). Sin embargo, en lo que ya está demostrando ser un ensayo muy provocativa e influyentes, John Lovering (1999) considera que esta surgiendo la ortodoxia que se unctuated por varias insuficiencias teóricas y prácticas (véase también Markusen, 1999): Entre ellas se encuentran: (1) la renuencia a abordar los dilemas conceptuales de 'la región', (2) una tendencia hacia la abstracción en mal salto estudiosos de ser ideal- típico de las categorías teóricas que se supone en el mundo real las categorías empíricas, y de ahí a recomendaciones de política "(Lovering, 1999: 385), (3) un enfoque de una sola pista sobre los actores que participan las exportaciones de manufacturas en detrimento de las personas involucradas en los servicios y los sectores del Estado; y (4) la renuencia a cabo el cambio regional en una economía política más amplia que se cada vez más caracterizado por la austeridad fiscal y la reducción del bienestar.

En su ensayo imaginativo y entusiasta, si muy discutible, por lo tanto ofrece una Lovering sabor breve de cómo podemos comenzar a reformular la agenda predominante de crítica regional los estudios. Es sugerente el comentario Lovering que pide mi propio artículo para establecer dos objetivos principales. En primer lugar, y mientras que simpatizan con el tenor general de su crítica, que transferencias de una réplica a Lovering a través de algún ret1ections aleccionador sobre lo que podría ser recuperado de los diversos puntos de vista regionalista Nueva. Es en este espíritu que la segunda sección Algunos países como Canadá, España y el Reino Unido también ha habido una política de identidad sobre la base de los movimientos separatistas, a menudo expresada junto a las demandas de constitucional y administrativo cambio (Keating y Loughlin, 1998). Dentro de la Unión Europea, como las reformas institucionales han sido dado un acuerdo añadido por la invocación de la Comisión Europea de una "Europa de las Regiones (Himmel, , 1997). 2 En la toma de este punto, sin embargo, vale la pena el seguimiento de las rutas diferentes a través del cual muchas ramas dentro de las ciencias sociales han venido a presenciar un vibrante enormemente "a su vez transdisciplinario espacial" (Giddens, 1984; Soja, 2000). 3 Lo Es interesante notar que Lovering habitualmente ofrece una mordaz réplica a cualquier perspectiva que pudiera parecen estar asumiendo la presunción de una ortodoxia: compara sus críticas de post-fordista industrial nuevo espacios (Lovering, 1990) y el modo de "localista" una nueva forma de gobernanza (Lovering, 1995). © coeditores y Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001

Página 3806 Gordon MacLeod se enfrenta a algunas de las principales críticas Lovering es al mismo tiempo que presenta una síntesis resumen de la gama de nuevos discursos regionalistas que actualmente compiten por la atención en el campo de los estudios de desarrollo regional (Cf.

MacKinnon et al. 2001) .4 En la tercera sección entonces reconoce el enigma perenne que rodean a cualquier definición de la región antes de lo que sugiere que ciertas contribuciones a partir de una "nueva geografía regional" podría ofrecer una gramática teórica acorde con la interpretación de los complejos de regionalización las sociedades contemporáneas. En la cuarta sección, el artículo se vuelve hacia un objetivo sustantivo segundo: ofrecer algunas futuras orientaciones teóricas para una agenda de investigación geopolíticamente sensibles regional (Soja, 2000), prestando especial atención a la reestructuración del Estado. Para estar seguros, la procesos múltiples que se entrelazan con la globalización económica y la supuesta resurgimiento de las ciudades y regiones parecen estar arrojando algunos fundamentales desafíos a la razón de ser tradicional y convencional de las asignaciones nacionales del Estado oUhe (Mayer, 1994; Giddens, 1998; Keil, 1998; Le vendavales, 1998b; Brenner, 1999, 2000; Cameron y Palan, 1999; Jessop, 1999; Kelly, 1999; MacLeod y Goodwin, 1999; Sassen, 2000; Swyngedouw, 2000). Sin embargo, como señala acertadamente Lovering, salvo una Salvo contadas excepciones (Storper y Salais, 1997; Scott, 1998), tanto la investigación Regionalista Nueva o bien ha ignorado el papel cambiante del Estado o implícita de que, en medio de la corriente ronda de globalización-regionalización, lo es, inevitablemente, en fase terminal (Cf Jones, 2001). Esto es a la vez profundamente problemática y no guardan si vamos a explorar a fondo las Anatomía del mundo contemporáneo regional, en particular, ya que parece estar desarrollándose junto a una disolución de trituración del Estado de bienestar keynesiano y las medidas asociadas de apoyo fiscal (MacLeod, 2000). Lo Es en este contexto que el cambio funcional y contorno territorial del Estado - y sus intrincadas conexiones a la globalización- dialéctica de regionalización - requieren con urgencia que se establezca como un objeto definitivo de la Mientras que un inquiry.5 fácilmente podría basarse en una amplia gama de perspectivas, como la de Lefebvre teorizaciones sobre la espacialidad del Estado (Brenner, 2000) y los enfoques sociológicos de

"Poder infraestructural" (Mann, 1984), se argumenta que estos procesos también pueden ser provechosamente analizaron por medio de una información neogramscianas institucional-relacional aproximación a la Estado y la política. Esto tiene como objetivo descubrir el estado de "materialidad institucional" (Poulantzas, 1978) junto a su embeddness en una geometría irregular sedimentado de los derechos económicos y toda la sociedad las fuerzas (Cf Polanyi, 1944; Jessop, 1990). Además, en este marco de desarrollo del estado se analiza como un relacionales 6 conjunto de formas institucionales - funcional y territorial - y por lo tanto no debe ser necesariamente objetivado con la fijeza ontológica a menudo asociada con la westfaliana entre Estado y sociedad 4 5 6 La trayectoria inicial de mi respuesta está determinada por el hecho de que se trata de esta subdisciplina, que ocupa la mayor parte espacio en la crítica de Lovering. Los lectores también pueden estar al tanto de otros nuevos regionalismos. Una versión notable emerge de la economía política internacional (IPE) y preguntas de análisis "realista" de los estados como aislados entidades e, igualmente, las llamadas a cuenta de la lógica supuesta de un solo mercado global. En cambio, IPE nuevo regionalismo - a menudo centrándose en "vías de desarrollo" - se trata de explorar el "regional" (en este caso supra-nacional) el impacto de "doméstico" las decisiones económicas (Mittelman. 1996; Thompson, 2000). Otro versión ha surgido de la ciencia política para examinar las luchas territoriales que podrían dar lugar a la re-emergencia de las regiones como unidades económicas importantes políticos (Keating, 1998; Le vendavales, 1998a). Todos de los cuales también plantea una pregunta clave sobre la forma en que puede ser que desee para definir el concepto de región: un tema que Me dirijo en la tercera sección. Al hacer esta afirmación, soy plenamente consciente de que las preocupaciones sobre el cambio forma territorial del Estado son central en los escritos del Nuevo Regionalista de los científicos políticos como Michael Keating (1997, 1998, y ver la cuarta sección). Sin embargo, y sin dejar de reconocer sus puntos de vista muy valioso. la política

los propios científicos no llegan a ofrecer las herramientas teóricas necesarias para la conceptualización de la relaciones dialécticas entre las relaciones sociales del Estado y la regionalización de la sociedad. La idea de pensamiento relacional - que considera no sólo el establecimiento "/ reconocimiento de los vínculos preeonstitllted entre "cosas", sino [también] la concepción relacional de las propias entidades "(Massey et en., 1999: 12) - ha penetrado cada vez más el tono filosófico y las estrategias de investigación de lo social ciencias (véase también Storper, 1997; Amin y Thrift, 2001). © coeditores y Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001

Página 4Nuevo Regionalismo reconsiderada 807 tradición (Brenner, 2001). Destreza metodológicos, podría ayudarnos a activar a los investigadores a descifrar el 'radicalmente nuevas formas de iniciativa política regional "a que se refiere por Scott (1998: 114), mientras que respondiendo al llamado de Lovering para una exploración más profunda de los grupos regionales de reciente interés poderosos. La quinta sección se ofrecen algunas observaciones sobre los desafíos sociales y políticos que enfrentan los ciudadanos y las instituciones en medio de la actual imprescindible para las economías en el espacio a nivel mundial la competencia y la reorganización de los asociados territorialidades políticas económicas. Un argumento que se plantea que la regulación enfoque - sobre todo a la luz de algunas reformulaciones recientes de su método - puede nos conceda cierta penetración adicional conceptual en la descodificación de estas transformaciones. Breve conclusiones. El nuevo regionalismo: una evaluación comprensiva y una réplica a Lovering El seguimiento de la Ref. Nuevo} / onalism en el desarrollo económico El nuevo regionalismo ha ganado rápidamente la moneda como una abreviatura para describir el trabajo de varios estudiosos, principalmente pero no exclusivamente, con sede en América del Norte y Europa occidental, que han puesto de relieve la importancia de la región como un espacio eficaz para situar la las instituciones de la post-fordista, la gobernanza económica. Algunos candidatos obvios son: (1996, 1998) de Scott evaluación de las regiones como indispensable 'motores' en los mercados emergentes

orden económico mundial; Storrer (1995, 1997) la decodificación de la región como "un nexo de interdependencias no negociadas ", Cooke y (1998) de Morgan examen de una red, De asociación de la economía "en algunas regiones europeas (Cooke, 1997; Morgan, 1997); (1994) Saxenian de la comparación de las ventajas regionales en la Ruta 128 en Massachusetts distrito de California y Silicon Valley, Florida (1995a, 1995b, 1996), con sede en EE.UU. argumentos acerca de la innovación mediada por la inversión extranjera directa, transferencia de tecnología y un aumento concomitante de las "regiones de aprendizaje"; análisis escandinavo de "proximidad" en la promulgación ofleaming dentro de las empresas (Malmberg y Maskell, 1999) y Amin y Thrift (1994) el marco general que abarca a la medición del grosor institucional, 9 de ciudades y regiones (para una discusión más amplia, véase MacLeod, 1999). Aunque se inspira en una diversidad de fundamentos teóricos - la economía institucional, la sociología económica y la economía política evolutiva (Amin, 1999, MacKinnon et al, 2001;. MacLeod, 2001) - estas perspectivas aparecen unidos en en por lo menos uno de los frentes: el dinamismo permanente de ciertos grupos de alto perfil de las aglomeraciones regionales no se puede explicar por las ideas de Ricardo de la ventaja comparativa y, ciertamente, no en términos de "la dotación de materias primas naturales" (Scott, 1998). Tampoco puede explicarse exclusivamente por las fuerzas puras del mercado o por las políticas dirigistas y espacial de keynesianismo "que caracterizado a gran parte del capitalismo del bienestar de la posguerra (Martin y Sunley, 1997). Por el contrario, los métodos cualitativos descritos anteriormente informados tomar en serio las Polanyi (1957) axioma de "la economía como un proceso instituido" para afirmar que una de las principales fuentes de 7 Aunque, obviamente, de pie a ser corregido en esta materia, la primera referencia explícita me encontré en el Nuevo Regionalismo fue reflexiones Robin Murray en profundidad el contexto cambiante de la región el desarrollo en Europa (Murray, 1992). 8 Estos surgen de las acciones de organizaciones como agencias públicas, el matcrialization de mano de obra local mercados, así como las normas locales derivados de la acción, convenciones, costumbres, concepciones y valores (Storper, 1995). 9 Este concepto se refiere al hecho de que el crecimiento económico depende más de los "duros" económica o

activos físicos, pero también depende de la infrastfllcture más suave de información. Más específicamente, Amin y Thrift (1994) ver un espesor institucional como la habilitación a través de una plétora de organizaciones participan en el desarrollo económico, una inmersión adecuada de "débil" y "fuertes" los lazos entre organizaciones (Cf. Granovetler, 1985), la representación colectiva de intereses potencialmente pícaro, y un conocimiento mutuo de su lugar para que los actores regionales llegado a percibir de una "agenda común". © Editores conjunta lind Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001

Página 5808 Gordon MacLeod ventaja competitiva de la región se inserta en el funcionamiento de sus locales civiles societylO se manifiesta a menudo en un "capital social" (Putnam, 1993). Esto se relaciona con una serie de históricamente cultivado socio-institucional de las infraestructuras como redes, normas, conven- ciones, basadas en la confianza (a menudo cara a cara) las interacciones y las relaciones horizontales de reciprocidad, que se consideran para mejorar los beneficios de las inversiones en capital físico y humano (Sabel, 1993; Hirst, 1997; Amin, 1999; Leadbeater, 2000) .1 Sin embargo, nuevos discursos regionalista también se remontan a principios de los debates documentar el impacto de la alta tecnología en el desarrollo regional y un post-fordista el modo de la especialización flexible (Piore y Sabel, 1984; Markusen et al, 1986;. Storper, , 1995). Esta última tesis fue para generar entusiasmo particular por una camarilla diversos de sociólogos, historiadores de la economía y la geografía económica de diversas anunció un re- ofindustrial aparición de otros distritos como Emilia-Romagna en Italia y Baden-Württemberg en Alemania, y el surgimiento de nuevos espacios industriales como Rhône-Alpes en Francia y Silicon Valle de los Estados Unidos (Piore y Sabel, 1984; Scott, 1988a; Hirst y Zeitlin, 1989; Sabel, 1989; Brusco, 1990). Estas regiones continúan siendo aclamado como post-fordista ejemplos de éxito económico cuyas rutas hacia la prosperidad se basa en aglomeraciones de empresas pequeñas y medianas empresas de alta tecnología (Silicon Valley), ingeniería (Baden-Württemberg) y el diseño de los sectores intensivos en artesanía tradicional (la Distritos italianos). Pero, a su vez, es esta fijación prolongado con éxito estilizados historias que Lovering considera que limitar tanto el alcance geográfico y la

el rigor analítico de la actual ola de análisis regionalista Nueva. Al menos no en que, para un Desde hace algunos años, algunas de estas regiones prototipo se han enfrentado a problemas económicos y las rigideces institucionales. Heterogéneos espacios industriales, nuevas sutilezas analíticas Lovering punto está bien tomado, como es su presentación devastadores de la "real" económica bajo rendimiento de Gales: una antigua región industrial que regularmente se invoca como precursor de la capacidad de innovación renovadas (Cooke y Morgan, 1998). Pero en la respuesta a éste y otros reclamos que se hace en relación con una nueva ortodoxia, vale la pena una breve la documentación de algunos resultados de la investigación relativamente reciente y las sutilezas conceptuales. Para ejemplo, como los debates se han desarrollado desde mediados de la década de 1990, ha sido posible detectar un investigación más circunspecto en la variedad de experiencias en otros menos, de moda regiones (Grabher, 1993; Hudson, 1994, 1999, Cooke, 1997; Gertler, 1997; MacLeod, 2000). Más instructivo a este respecto es (l995b, 1996), Richard Florida, el estudio del papel desempeñado por los fabricantes de trasplante en el extranjero (principalmente Japón) en la difusión de nuevas sistemas de producción y "vendaval de destrucción creativa" en el Medio Oeste de EE.UU. industrial. Ann Markusen (1996), también ha establecido una muy perspicaz tipología de los industriales los distritos para que las estrategias de investigación en toda una diversidad de espacios económicos: nuevas, viejas y en transición. Además, como el discurso de la post-fordismo se ha cansado y se convierten, al menos hasta cierto punto eclipsado por uno de la globalización (Peck, 2000), por lo que la mirada analítica de Anglo-American la escritura se ha extendido más allá de Europa occidental y América del Norte para considerar un mundial " mosaico ofregional economías (Cf Scott, 1988a, 1998, Yeung, 2000). También se pueden detectar una mayor voluntad de centrarse más firmemente en las regiones cuyo crecimiento se basa en la 10 A raíz de puntos de vista originales de Gramsci (1971), de la sociedad civil en general se refiere a las prácticas dentro de un la sociedad capitalista, que, al menos para fines de análisis, se puede ver que están fuera de la esfera de la producción y el estado, aunque en términos prácticos que implican a menudo múltiples y superpuestas esferas de influencia

(Urry, 1981). II Sin embargo, estos compromisos de un análisis evolutivo y sociológico es menos evidente en la enorme influyentes 'grupos' análisis de Michael Porter (1990) y el igualmente influyentes autodenominado "nuevo geografía económica "de Paul Krugman, el último a menudo se derivan de sus argumentos cuantitativos modelos (por ejemplo Krugman, 1997). © Editores conjunta y Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001

Página 6Nuevo Regionalismo reconsiderada 809 sector financiero, multimedia y culturales (Allen et al, 1998;. Markusen, 1999; Scott, 1999), y las relaciones de clase y de género a través del cual tales espacios económicos son inscrito (McDowell, 1997). Otros también están explorando la dinámica cultural entre empresas y las regiones (Schoenberger, 1999) y la construcción discursiva de la tecnología la innovación, en particular, los distritos industriales (Pinch y Henry, 1999). Lo También vale la pena subrayar algunas sutilezas analíticas de interés en los mercados emergentes cuerpo de los escritos del Nuevo regionalista. Por ejemplo, como se indica por Allen Scott (1998: 47), en medio de una "extensión mundial de la urbanización a gran escala metropolitana, muchas dinámicas las economías regionales parecen estar gravitando en torno a los principales sitios metropolitana, como en los casos de Milán, Lombardía y Boston Ruta- 128. Y estas aglomeraciones se pueden ingredientes activos en la formación de nuevos "megalópolis" regiones como Boston y Nueva York-Philadelphia, Milán-Turín-Génova, y Tokio-Nagoya-Osaka (Scott, 1998). Estos poco menos que los procesos diametralmente opuestas - la aglomeración y la urbanización hacia el interior de las fuerzas económicas al lado de una regionalización se extiende hacia el exterior de tales zonas urbanas metrópolis - y sus geometrías económico, político y cultural, debe proporcionar una tenain más fértil para los estudiosos urbano-regional para arar en los primeros años de la en el siglo XXI (Soja, 2000). De hecho, es en este contexto, no menos importante que Edward Soja epistemológicamente difícil excursión de todo el Exopolis, 12 de Los Angeles podría resultar muy instructivo (Soja, 1996, 2000, Brenner, 1999). Finalmente, como en las ciudades globales como Londres, París, Los Ángeles y Nueva York, un selecto número de motores regionales, como Milán, Lombardía, Barcelona y Cataluña en París, Ile-de-France, se celebró centros

de la alta costura y los ricos en la producción cultural y el capital cultural (Scott, 1996; 2000). Un rápido vistazo a estos escritos, entonces, parece indicar que el depósito de la investigación económica regional puede ser más amplio y más profundo que Lovering está dispuesto a admitir. No, por supuesto, que más necesariamente significa mejor. Y aquí Lovering (1999) es de hecho justificado para pedir un riguroso método de abstracción teórica y separar contingente de las relaciones necesarias como en el caso de cualquier supuesta relación entre exportaciones de productos manufacturados y la prosperidad regional. Sin embargo, una apreciación de la amplitud y la duración global de la investigación en curso, y de algunas de las formas innovadoras en que se llevando a cabo, podría ayudarnos a examinar la particularidad de ciertas regiones dentro de procesos más generales del cambio global: algo que considero que es un axioma fundamental de realista investigación informado (Sayer, 2000). La política de la cola que menea al perro de análisis: uno regionalista necesario ofNew mal la investigación? Lo es de extrañar que muchas coaliciones de crecimiento de las ciudades y regiones que han soportado en gran escala la desindustrialización o marginalización económica han tratado de aprender de las experiencias de célebres espacios prototípicos inteligente como Silicon Valle y Emilia-Romaña. Sin embargo, también es lógico que la política recetas elaborado a los efectos de la renovación de las regiones pesimista, pero que son derivado de las investigaciones teóricas sobre la base de las experiencias selectiva de típico-ideal hotspots, están equivocados. Y es en este contexto, teniendo en cuenta que muy Lovering (1999: 383-4) unbundles el nuevo paquete regionalista. Se establece una distinción entre un "Sofisticados" la versión, que se centra en las posibilidades hipotéticas, y un "vulgar" variante. Este último está cubierto por: (1) un sesgo de política normativa, y (2) una relación tendencia a la ligereza recomendaciones guión de la política de la más sofisticada 12 Soja despliega "Exopolis el término para captar la creciente complejidad de los Los Angeles urbana metropolitana región. En particular, sostiene que el mosaico de "ciudades exterior", "edge cities", "paisajes de silicio, "Tecnópolis" y "postsuburbias '- ex-ciudades en sí mismas, y en órbita fuera de lo que se normalmente se conciben como un centro urbano tradicional - están sirviendo para tum de Los Angeles de ciudad-región

'De dentro hacia fuera "y" fuera-de-al mismo tiempo (Soja, 1996: 238-79). © Editores conjunta y Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001

Página 7810 Gordon MacLeod perspectivas: un deslizamiento conceptual que es la representación regional teoría mucho de ser "dirigido por política " 0.13 Una vez más, yo simpatizo con los principios rudimentarios de advertencia sobre Lovering la posible difusión de un nuevo paradigma de política cruda y, también, su desconfianza sobre académicos a participar en la elección de la promoción de políticas. De hecho, un erudito notable que continúa puente de las comunidades académicas y la política se ve obligado a admitir lo "La promoción puede ser un sustituto para el análisis" (Morgan, 1999: 666). También hay mucho que dio la bienvenida en la llamada Lovering para un examen más detenido de la "real" las condiciones socioeconómicas de determinadas regiones como tratar de establecer sus respectivos motores (Ver también Markusen, 1999). Al aceptar todo esto, sin embargo, vale la pena criar a dos puntos en la respuesta Lovering a la línea de ataque. En primer lugar, a pesar de que sirve un poco de pistas (Lovering, 1999: 385, 387, 390), en ninguna parte de su artículo es que el lector da una indicación clara de que en particular los escritores regionalistas Nueva pertenecen a cada campamento respectivos - vulgar o sofisticadas - y por qué realmente pueden hacerlo. El segundo punto y mucho más significativo es que, lejos de actuar necesariamente como un Caballo de Troya de soluciones políticas de reparación rápida de una lectura atenta de los regionalistas Nueva ciertas análisis en realidad puede ayudar a alertarnos sobre los peligros muy de dicha transferencia de políticas crudo. Esto se ejemplifica en la Storper (1995, 1997) advierte que las infraestructuras blandas como interdependencias no negociadas y las convenciones suelen ser activos relacionales locales específicos, en efecto, no codificable y por lo tanto, extremadamente difícil de transferencia a través de geoeconómica el espacio, las fronteras geopolíticas y oceánicas se divide. En términos prácticos, entonces, en contraste con

infraestructuras públicas tradicionales, pero más visible, tales como carreteras y escuelas de formación, las suaves formas institucionales relacionados con la economía de aprendizaje son mucho más difíciles inducir a través de políticas públicas (véase Storper, 1997: capítulo 10). Es también digno de mención que algunos informes recientes de la historia económica y el punto de la sociología a la atenuada la naturaleza evolutiva de vital importancia local y regional y las prácticas institucionales, en el proceso de tener, llegado a rechazar los análisis que se ciernen sobre paradigmático ruptura industrial (Sabel y Zeitlin, 1997; cf Piore y Sabel, 1984). Amin (1999) plantea temas análogos en su argumento de que un axioma fundamental de la nueva ' investigación institucionalista "es que las soluciones actuales políticas deben basarse en el contexto y sensibles a la ruta local de dependencias: un punto que se hace eco (1990) Becattini los comentarios sobre el arraigo territorial y la contingencia histórica de los distritos industriales de Italia. Además, un enfoque institucionalista nos informa de cómo los aspectos de un pmticular incrustado medio local en última instancia, podría dar lugar a una institucional "lock-in 'de las rutinas y convenciones que son disfuncionales para los nuevos entornos económicos (Grabher, 1993; Glasmeier, 1994, Hudson, 1994; Scott, 1998). En vista de todo esto, entonces, sacar la conclusión de la empresa que en la obra regionalista Nueva 'la cola es la política que mueve al perro de análisis "(Lovering, 1999: 390) hace algo de justicia a la serie de intentos de perspicaces teóricos que lidiar con las condiciones contemporáneas de la complejidad económica regional. La nueva ideología regional, la ofausterity la cultura y la construcción social de la conocimiento En la perspectiva de Lovering, la fascinación por los últimos académicos con urbano-regional gobierno, aliado con un discurso relativamente acrítica referencia a la "innovación" y "Competitividad", se puede remontar a la sociología de cambio del mercado de trabajo académico (Véase también Lagendijk y Comford, 2000). Estos incluyen la política de reducción de gastos 13 Este enigma es más crudamente ilustrada por brietly teniendo en cuenta el trabajo de Kenichi Ohmae (1995). que afirma que algunos estados la región - que, curiosamente, van desde Silicon Valley de California / San Francisco Bay Area a Gales en el Reino Unido - representan en la actualidad las zonas económicas más natural. Esto es en gran

debido a que son liberados de la "bagaje acumulado" de la cultura que complican los estados-nación, y por lo tanto son capaces de poner una lógica económica mundial por delante de la memoria política. Sin embargo, esta cuenta es, en clave sentido, diametralmente a los enfoques que consideran que ciertas regiones específicas políticos, culturales y ambientes institucionales - no como equipaje -, sino como factores indispensables para permitir que la prosperidad económica. 1 [, Editores conjunta y Blackwell Publishers Ltd 20tll

Página 8Nuevo Regionalismo reconsiderada 811 que ahora bordear la financiación pública de la investigación, la creciente competencia entre los académicos para obtener dicha financiación, y el asombroso ascenso en la última década del agencias de desarrollo económico y su papel como reservorios alternativos a través del cual la dijo que los académicos pueden subvenciones saqueo de investigación. Sin embargo, para Lovering, esta cultura nueva investigación tiene graves costos intelectual. No al menos en lo que ha ayudado a promover una serie de redes interconectadas a través del cual los principales investigadores son constantemente inscritos (Calion et ai., 1986) como parte de la «clase de servicio" algunos regionales nuevas y por lo tanto intensamente a presión en la generación de up-beat narrativas acerca de la prosperidad económica futura. La otra cara de esta significa que para los académicos como para participar en una auténtica crítica - una que sinceramente expone declive económico regional y la "mala administración" por parte de los muy instituciones que proporcionan el dinero en efectivo - pueda perjudicar seriamente las posibilidades futuras de financiación y, a su vez, las perspectivas de promoción profesional decente. Todos los cuales solicita Lovering a la conclusión de que "la creciente influencia de la Nueva El regionalismo puede pagar menos a sus méritos genuinos explicativo y normativo que a su utilidad instrumental al poderoso estado industrial, y los grupos sociales "(1999: 389). Estos argumentos sobre el papel de una ideología nueva regionales son, en efecto persuasivo, aunque, como reconoce el propio Lovering, con necesidad urgente de más análisis en profundidad a través de una variedad de contextos nacionales, regionales. Moreover, there is every reason to be profoundly concerned about the possibility of academic integrity being jeopardized by the

political imperatives of certain funding regimes and the extent to which intellectual critique is itself being compromised by a growing 'culture of austerity' (Willis, 1998). Nonetheless, the very fact that the putative New Regionalist orthodoxy is in some sense reflective of a specific set of ideological imperatives should maybe not surprise us. Ni should it be considered a remarkably new phenomenon in the social construction of scientific knowledge (Mulkay, 1979). Postwar Britain, for example, experienced notable connections between political representation, an ideological faith in state-regional planning, modelling approaches to industrial location and a positivist philosophical paradigm: conditions that hardly guaranteed an environment conducive to 'pure' research (Parsons, , 1988). In this sense, then, the New Regionalism represents only the latest - if perhaps the most openly market-oriented - round of research that has been shaped by wider political and ideological forces. None of which is to take anything away from the valid substantive concerns raised by Lovering, only to add a small caveat about their current novelty. En what sense a regional study?14 One of the most intriguing criticisms Lovering charges against the recent wave of New Regionalist research relates to a fairly widespread conceptual vagueness in terms of how the foundational term itself is being deployed. This is difficult to dispute as the region undoubtedly continues to remain an 'elusive concept' (Keating, 1998). Sin embargo, parece to me that in social scientific analysis, any quest to establish an overarching definition represents a misnomer and that regions become definable only through the posing of particular research questions. Such dilemmas are usefully highlighted in a recent study of the United Kingdom's only genuine growth region, England's South East, where the authors acknowledge that: [regional] studies are always done for a purpose, with a specific aim in view. Si theoretical, political, cultural or whatever, there is always a specific focus. One cannot study everything, and there are always multiple ways of seeing a place: there is no complete 'portrait of a region'. Moreover, 'regions' only exist in relation to particular criteria. They are not 'out there' waiting to be discovered; they are our (and others') constructions (Allen et al. 1998: 2). 14 The title of this section is an adaptation of Doreen Massey's (1979) classic article, 'In what sense a regional problem'!'. © Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001

Página 9812 Gordon MacLeod Such claims become clearly evident when we inspect the approaches of various academic subdisciplines (see footnote 4). For example, in international relations, the region is habitually deployed to describe a multinational politically contested landscape like the Oriente Medio. This can be contrasted with the neo-Gramscian inspired global political economy of scholars like Robert Cox (1993), who envisage a triad of 'macro-regions' anchored around North America, Europe and the East-Asian Pacific belt. And both these

differ from political science, where regions tend to represent subnational administrative units (Le Gales, 1998a) or with economic geography where they tend to be conceptualized as urban-metropolitan agglomerations formed out of political economic interdependence (Scott, 1988b; Smith, 1988).15 Of course, it is also possible to highlight the differing boundaries of politically-relevant regions constructed out of sets of social relations and 'real' power networks: compare the regional boundaries of some European Union member states with the various NUTS boundaries deployed by the European Commission (Keating, 1998). In principle, there should be little to fear about this variety of definitions. Nonetheless, the potential confusion that Lovering rightly warns of should be indicative of a growing requirement for researchers and political pragmatists alike to be ruthlessly unambiguous when defining the scales and contexts of their own inquiries. One useful entry point is found in the work of Anssi Paasi (1996), who identifies three main typologies of the regional concept. First, it can be considered as a practical taken-as-read or 'unreflected choice' by the researcher, as in the case of a legitimate or aspirant political unit. Second, there are discipline-centered interpretations where the region represents an instrument of formal or functional classfication or a 'perceptual unit' constructed by the researcher. And third, Paasi points to critical approaches associated with a 'new regional geography' (Gilbert, 1988) where the region is variously understood as: (1) an integral feature of capital accumulation; (2) collective interpretations in identity-formation; or (3) a setting for social interaction and practice (Cf Giddens, 1984; Thrift, 1996). It seems to me that Paasi's insights could prove most instructive in clarifying the ways in which industrial spaces like Silicon Valley and urbanized regions like Los Angeles have variously been demarcated as 'perceptual units' in the exploration of recent tendencies towards industrial agglomeration and the uneven geography of capital accumulation. It might also enable scholars to distinguish between 'prescientific' analyses of political regions like Baden-Wiirttemberg and those that take a social constructivist approach, as in Allen et al. 's (1998) study of England's South East as a 'neo-liberal heartland'. At a more general level, the work of Paasi, Allen et al, and other proponents of a new regional geography could further enlighten liS about the political and cultural construction of region-specific untraded interdependencies, moments of institutional thickness and the spatialization of justice (Pudup, 2000; MacLeod and Jones, 2001). Certainly, it would appear that most New Regionalist analysis offers little sense of the interpretative structures of feeling and envisioning practices that endow particular industrial spaces or learning regional economies with a geographical imaginary or a community of political-

cultural interests. Moreover, a constructivist perspective could insulate researchers from reifying the region and encourage them to highlight the wider network of political, 15 Edward Soja (2000), in an impressive and wide-ranging book, invokes Storper's (1997) regionalist theorizing to call for a deconstmction of the long-standing conceptual division between city and region. For Soja, the current 'resurgence of regional economies thus does not translate to the relative decline of urban economies but rather to the resurgence of urbanized regions. These city-regions ... do not always revolve around just one large metropolitan core but should be seen rather as a network of urban nodes nested together in a regionally defined system comprising cities, suburbs, towns, villages, open space, wilderness areas, and other urbanized (and regionalized) landscapes. Perhaps the time has [thus] come to shift the emphasis to the region, to absorb the urban into the regional, to see the urbanization process and the development of urbanism as a way of life as simultaneously a process of regionalization and the production of regionality' (Soja,2000: 179). © Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 200I

Página 10New Regionalism reconsidered 813 economic and cultural processes out of which cities and regions are constituted and governed (see also Brenner, 2001). It could thereby also caution against over-extending theories of agglomeration and 'proximity' to be a full-blown explanation of local-regional ventaja competitiva. Indeed, for certain sectors, particularly in the cultural industries, 'economies of distance' that are enacted through relationally intimate but physically distant webs stretching across nations might be more advantageous (Amin and Thrift, 2001; see also Granovetter 1985 on 'weak ties'). We might also want to consider the extent to which federal/national state policy in a whole range of things like defence programs, tax guarantees and welfare provisions have long been vital in enabling the economic prosperity of celiain regions (Peck and Tickell, 1995; Allen et al., 1998). In thinking through these themes, perhaps we should also consider how and why many of the most successful localities and regions happen to be located within the most robust national economies (Gertler, 1997; Hudson et al., 1997). Lo is exactly these very interscalar and relational webs that are being under-investigated within much New Regionalist scholarship. Thus, for instance, in Storper's discussion there is little allusion to the ways in which certain urban-regional conventions may be tied in to institutional forms such as the education system, itself often related in some way to the nation-state (Gertler, 1997). Similarly, for all Saxenian's skilful unravelling of the comparative role played by dynamic industrial cultures in Silicon Valley and Route 128, we gain little sense of how these relational assets interact with US Federal scales of regulation (Gertler, 1995).

It is in this context that Lovering's (1999: 391) own critique bites deepest, particularly where he accuses the New Regionalism of being 'a poor framework through which to grasp the real connections between the regionalization of business and governance and the changing role of the state', While it would be most unfair to imply that the state has been ignored in New Regionalist accounts (Storper and Salais, 1997; Scott, 1998), to date these otherwise insightful approaches have done little to explore the intricate relations between the regional resurgence and the changing nature of the state. En the remaining sections, I draw on recent theoretical developments that posit a relational approach to the state, the politics of scale and a revitalized regulation approach to offer some possibilities for examining more closely the configuration of a new regime of regional political-economic interests. New states of regionalization, new regionalizations of la estado Currently unfolding transfOlmations in state form have entailed not the withering away of the state but, rather, the re-territorialization of state sociospatial organization as a means to promote profitability and competitive advantage in the intensified interspatial competition of the 1990s. . . . The state [thus] continues to playa central role in the ongoing struggle to command, control, reconfigure, and transform social space, even as the scales sobre which this struggle is organized have been significantly denationalized (Brenner, 1997: 157). the preeminence of the 'global' in much of the literature and political rhetoric obfuscates, marginalises, and silences an intense and ongoing spatial struggle in which the reconfiguration of spatial scales of governance takes a central position (Swyngedouw, 2000: 64). Globalization, post-Keynesian reflexive capitalism and the 'relativization' of state space In retrospective discussions about the era of postwar Fordism, particularly as it relates to western Europe, it is near customary to portray the nation-state as the primary 'geographical scaffolding' of social and economic regulation (Brenner, 1997; see also Lipietz, 1994; Peck and Tickell, 1994; Swyngedouw, 1997; 2000; Jessop, 2000), Here, national state hegemony was in a sense naturalized: politically, in the form of a © Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001

Página 11814 Gordon MacLeod nationally-inscribed system of welfare, but economically too, with national economic space the taken-far-granted object of macro-economic management. However, as implied in many New Regionalist discourses, with the relentless pace of globalization and the concomitant rise of the region as a focal point for economic governance, the nation-state is confronting a series of immense challenges to its erstwhile power and its institutional capabilities, legitimacy and territorial mapping.

Michael Keating (1997; 1998) provides an insightful guide to this encounter, particularly where he traces the rise of the region to three interdependent political economic tensions. La primera se refiere afunctional restructuring. Here, under conditions of intensified economic globalization - not least the 'threat to exit' exercised by capital (Fox Piven, 1995, cited in Kelly, 1999) - nation-states are no longer perceived to be capable of managing their economies through redistributive policies and the strategic placement of public investments. The second refers to institutional restructuring, donde un decentralization of governance might be conducted: (1) in the name of modernization; (2) as a response to pressure from regional political movements; or (3) as a means to mejorar national political power by devolving the responsibility to regional stakeholders. Finalmente, the third identifies political mobilizations enacted by strategically significant commu- nities of interest, whether in the name of nationalism or regionalism. Keating (1998: 14) goes on to argue that 'as the state is penetrated by the market and by international regimes, terTitories are remoulded and regional actors forced into a more direct relationship with the external world'. Scott (1998) raises comparable themes when discussing a 'spatial mismatch' between the sovereign state and the organizational features of modern capitalism, giving rise to a fourfold spatial hierarchy: the global level, multinational blocs like the European Union, sovereign states and regions. Various scholars have sought to map this re-territorialization of political economic activity and to demonstrate how such profound reshufflings represent key moments in an intense struggle to configure qualitatively new political economic spaces (Smith, 1992; Brenner, 1999; Cameron and Palan, 1999; Swyngedouw, 2000). Es en este sentido que perhaps more than any other period in recently recorded history geographical scale has become, in Erik Swyngedouw's (2000: 70) words, a 'deeply heterogeneous and contested' process. Indeed, Boyer and Hollingsworth (1997: 470) view the present era to feature 'a complex intertwining of institutions at all levels of the world, from the global arena to the regional level', with no single hegemonic authority and with causality running in virtually all directions and among all levels of society. Analogous ideas emerge in the 'hollowing out' of the state thesis (Jessop, 1994; 1999) which contends that in contrast to the Fordist era we are witnessing a 'relativization of scale' with no privileged level yet assuming a preeminent role in the metagovernance of socioeconomic asuntos. Such features are provoking some commentators to proclaim the rise of multi- level governance within European political space (Tommel, 1997) and a glocalization of social and economic life (Swyngedouw, 1997; Brenner, 2001). Running parallel to this radical restructuring of state territoriality is a functional retreat of its traditional postwar role as a principled guarantor of welfare and socioeconomic redistribution. Acutely provoked by hegemonic discourses of globaliza- tion and 'business civilization', states have become predominantly concerned to offer supply-side policies to enhance economic competitiveness (Jessop, 1997a): an

entrepreneurial mode of governance whose interventions are largely at the expense of local collective consumption for poorer sections of the working class (Harvey, 1989). En many places, these transformations in the urban and regional fabric are increasingly underwritten by a more tightly autocratic, authoritarian or 'revanchist' political regime (Cf Poulantzas, 1978; Smith, 1998; Swyngedouw, 2000). When contemplating these features, we might also reflect on Storper's (1997) arguments about the possible links between the rise of 'reflexive capitalism' and a regional resurgence. For Storper, post- Fordist reflexive capitalism signals a qualitatively new epoch, where firms, governments © Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 200I

Página 12New Regionalism reconsidered 815 and, indeed, families and individuals are increasingly implicated in constructing context- specific 'frameworks of action' to manage radical economic uncertainty. Uno consequence of which is that many socioeconomic risks originally internalized in the national welfare state are being externalized to localized spaces of governance, from regions right through to the individual body (Mayer, 1994; Beck and Beck-Gernshiem, 1996; MacLeod, 2000). In contemplating all this, though, it must be stressed that any references to hollowing out, entrepreneurial governance and reflexive capitalism are in no way indicative of the state's withering away. Thus, recent calls which associate globalization with the state's imminent demise (eg Ohmae, 1995) are surely premature. Instead, what we are witnessing is a recomposition or qualitative reorganization of the state (Anderson, 1996; Le Gales, 1998b; Peck, 2000), where it actively serves to encode globalization both through political rhetoric and through globalizing accumulation strategies (Panitch, 1994; Brenner, 1997; Weiss, 1997; Yeung, 1998; Kelly, 1999; Peck, 2000). It is in this sense that: The sovereign space of the state retains a very powerful mediating function in delivering the variety of regulatory spaces that is so important for the lubrication of capital flows (Cameron and Palan, 1999: 280). Out of this creative restructuring ofpolitical economic flows, new institutional spaces (Jones, 1999) and new state spaces (Brenner, 1999) are being re-forged with urban and regional scales coming to represent particularly significant strategic sites in the performance of accumulation, regulation and political compromise. This is not least down to the increasing preponderance for nation-state level governments to enhance the global competitiveness of their cities and regions (Jessop, 1998; Keil, 1998; Brenner, 1999; MacLeod and Goodwin, 1999). Furthermore, it is crucial to point out that as part of this re-territorialization, the various properties of the state are fully implicated in the very formation and regulation of regional conventions and in establishing a regional institutional thickness. In this context, and adapting Brenner's (1999: 433) insights, it becomes reasonable to argue that cities, regions and states 'operate not as mutually exclusive or competing geographical configurationsfor capitalist development, but rather as densely superimposed, interdependent forms of territorial organisation'. Uncovering the structuration of 'new regional spaces,16

In view of the above, then, how are we to theorize these emergent superimpositions and interdependencies of territory and social form? Here we might consider introducing Jessop's (1990) institutional-relational'? account of the state (Bertramsen, 1991; Thomson, 1991; MacLeod and Goodwin, 1999). Although recently acclaimed for his work on post-Fordism and state restructuring (Jessop, 1989; 1994; 1999), Jessop's earlier, admittedly more challenging treatise contains a rich vein of theoretical reasoning that could prove instructive towards an investigation of contemporary urban-regional reestructuración. Drawing on a fertile tradition of European postwar thinking on power, politics and the state (Gramsci, Foucault, Luhmann, Poulantzas, Offe and Hirsch), Jessop stresses the contingent nature of the state form, such that it represents: a specific institutional ensemble with multiple boundaries, no institutional fixity and no pre- given formal or substantive unity [and where] [sltate power can only be assessed re1ationally. The state as such has no power - it is merely an institutional ensemble; it has only a set of institutional capacities and liabilities which mediate that power; the power of the state is the 16 The term 'new regional spaces' is a variation on Neil Brenner's (1999; 2000; 2001) extremely innovative account of state restructuring and the changing landscape of urban-regional governance across western Europa. 17 Jessop (1990) usually refers to his approach s 'strategic-relational'. However, for this. article, I have chosen to deFine it as 'institutional-relational' since his work places at the very centre of Its concerns the institutional sedimentation of society (see Bertramsen, 1991). © Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001

Página 13816 Gordon MacLeod power of the forces acting in and through the state. These forces include state managers as well as class forces, gender groups as well as regional interests, and so forth. State power also depends on the fonTIs and nature of resistance to state interventions - both directly and at a distance from the state (Jessop, 1990: 267-70). Although clearly retaining a realist commitment to determination and 'contingent necessity' (Jessop, 1990), this approach does much to transcend the instrumentalist, structuralist and derivationist approaches so close to the heart of much European thought (Jessop, 1977), thereby permitting scholars to comprehend the relativo plurality and fluidity of state spaces. But I stress relative, since Jessop's schema also alerts us to the way that the particular institutional form of any state is simultaneously a medium and an outcome of the political forces that have access to that state. Moreover, the class, gender

and geographical affiliations of these social forces eventually become critical in the political structuration of the state as an arbitrator of 'the public', as an instrument of policy implementation and as a vital means of shaping urban-regional governance and de identidad. In order to unravel the sociopolitical infrastructures that provide any given state with its distinctive institutional form and territorial shape, Jessop introduces six interacting dimensions (1990: 345-6). These have an intrinsic value as a heuristic device with which to consider state restructuring per se. More specifically, however, an appreciation of these dimensions could prove most instructive in the search to explore the relations between the re-territorialization of state structures, the political incorporation of urban-regional interest groups and the uneven geography of 'institutional thickness' and innovative milieux amid the emerging regime of reflexive capitalism. The first dimension relates to the state's permeable avenues of representation and their articulation into a codifiable representational regime. It thus invites us to consider the notable territorial and functional agents, political parties, state bureaucrats, business and labour representatives, community groups, quasi-state development agencies and, more conceptually, the urban and regional regimes and coalitions (Harding, 1994) that are actively incorporated into the state's everyday practices. This is very much the state in its integral or inclusive sense (Jessop, 1997a). Further, and touching on Lovering's (1999) ideas about 'new regional interests', a particular representational regime might incorporate research and professional bodies and local-regional individuals including academics and university vice-chancellors. 18 The second dimension is partly an institutionalized reflection of the representational regime and relates to the interno structures of the state. This is expressed: through the distribution of powers among different parts of the state system considered both territorially and functionally. Of increasing importance in this context are the relations between nation-states and the emergent supra-national state forms and between central government and local, regional and para-statal forms of rule (Jessop, 1990: 345). From the perspective of urban and regional research, this is a vital factor to consider, particularly in unravelling the deeper political processes underpinning any purported regional renaissance, as in the case of those highlighted by Keating (1998). De hecho, un thorough examination of these processes could prove most valuable in establishing a meaningful sense of the regionally-charged relations 'behind' the structuration of newly hollowed-out states and a related rise of 'new state spaces' (MacLeod, 1999b; Brenner, 2001). Lo may also help to uncover the extent to which urban and regional states, and their

respective institutional agents, are engaged in the design and delivery of regional and/or national economic strategies. The intel11al structures of the state might also prove to be the key arena through which actors struggle over the form and function of particular 18 The laUer, in particular, appear to be well represented on the boards of England's Regional Development Agencies (on which see Harding et al., 1999). © Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001

Página 14New Regionalism reconsidered 817 spatial scales of governance (consider here the role of the 'local state' in challenging Thatcherism - Duncan and Goodwin, 1988). An investigation of the third dimension, the patterns of intenJention in the economy and in civil society, might, in turn, reveal the efforts of the state regime to engage or disengage from particular responsibilities and obligations, perhaps most evidently through policies to nationalize or privatize industries or systems of welfare. Estos factores have critical implications for the state's role as a direct employer (Lovering, 1999). However, we also need to be mindful of its authoritative, perhaps authoritarian, role in defining the changing boundaries between the public and private - surely a major source of transformation in the contemporary era of 'reflexive capitalism' (Storper, 1997)? Such changes might be accompanied by intense sociospatial struggle over a whole range of issues from education provision, housing and local economic intervention through to analogous laws on homelessness, citizenship rights and the comprehensive governance of urban-regional space (Kofman, 1995; Mitchell, 1997; Smith, 1998; Swyngedouw,2000). Taking this further, the specific institutional mechanisms available for such patterns of state intervention may be a vital factor to consider in efforts conducted by urban- regional coalitions to redefine cities and regions as 'competitive' (Leitner, 1990; Lauria, 1997; Jonas and Wilson, 1999). Of course, amid all this, the extent to which urban and regionally-based political regimes will seek to challenge any potential erosion of welfare rights in their efforts to retain some degree of social cohesion could provoke some interesting theoretical questions for urban-regional scholarship (Duncan and Goodwin, 1988; Le Gales, 1998b). In this sense, St01l'er and Salais' analysis of France provides a useful illustration of the changing internal structures and patterns of intervention within a major European country. They are particularly keen to uncover the extent to which the French state's traditional role as 'prefect' and as a 'coordinator of national macroeconomic and sectoral policies and distributor of financial incentives has been diminished significantly, [as] local elected officials have begun to go beyond their traditional status as merely 'local' actors' (Stol1Jer and Salais, 1997: 243). Estos cambios resonate with Keating's (1998) reference about regional actors being intell'olated by a more 'external world'. The fourth dimension, the social bases of state power, consolidates the representa- tional regime and refers to the various social classes, territorial interests and urban regimes that are crystallized into the overall state system. These might be strategically

selected by the state via its mode of 'spatial selectivity' (Jones, 1997). Por otra parte, lo might refer to powerful and influential non-territorial interest groups whose constituents are incorporated as part of the 'social selectivity of the state', but who may still be concentrated in specific telTitories, as was clearly the case in the South East of England under Thatcherism (Gamble, 1994; Hudson and Williams, 1995; Peck and Tickell, 1995). Again, some of these processes are explored, albeit from an alternative perspective, in Storper and Salais' (1997) analysis of state intervention in France. Indeed, their work is thoroughly enlightening as a demonstration of exactly how the institutional shape of any political regime is contingent on the extent to which a specific state project (see below) is seeking to establish an 'institutionally thick' mode of support or one that is 'thin' and tightly discriminating. Fifth, we need to be mindful that the state does not exist as a fully constituted, internally coherent, organizationally-pure and operationally-closed system. It is rather an emergent, hybrid, contradictory, relatively open system that is actively performed and constantly in a process of 'becoming'. But of course, this plurality and permeability is dependent on and intricately bound up with the social relations and geometries of power sedimented through the state's representational regime, intemal structures, patterns of intervention and social base. In this sense, just as accumulation strategies are needed to bring a coherence and direction to the circuit of capital, state strategies and state projects @ Joint Editors and J31ackwell Publishers Ltd 2001

Página 15818 Gordon MacLeod are required to bring some coherence to the activities of the state. The net outcome of this process of political structuration is that: Particular forms of economic and political system privilege some strategies over others, access by some forces over others, some interests over others, some spatial scales of action over others, some time horizons over others, some coalition possibilities over others (Jessop, 1997a: 63). Here, it is worth emphasizing the role of state managers (such as politicians and officials) in helping to provide some relative unity to the manifold activities of the state. Again, of course, the role that particular local and regional state managers and growth coalitions may have in shaping both regional and national paths to prosperity can be explored more effectively by considering these state strategies in association with the above four dimensiones. The post-1997 political restmcturing of Britain - featuring a Scottish Parliament, Welsh and Northern Irish Assemblies and English Regional Development Agencies - and, of course, ongoing struggles over a European political space, should provide some fascinating objects of analysis in this regard. Finally, it is important to examine the relationship between regional economies and governance ensembles and their wider ethico-political context. It is here that the effort by a hegemonic state elite to construct a particular hegemonic project, in part through the mobilization of a social base

of support, can prove decisive in resolving the conflicts between particular interests. In sum, the institutional-relational approach sketched out here could prove most instructive in the search to comprehend the wider politically-constructed arena around and through which cities and regions are constituted, governed and endowed with an 'institutional thickness'. For instance, (adapting Amin, 1999) it is clear that in the period of relative postwar prosperity, many older industrial regions witnessed state-level patterns of intervention which often appeared to be premised on short-term economic horizons and conventions. In many respects, this can be traced to the centralized internal structures ofthe state and the extent to which its social base and representational regime assumed the form of an 'untouchable' elite coalition across many regional spaces. Tal regions thereby failed to experience the collectivization and democratization of regional interests that might have institutionalized more sustainable time horizons and considered geographies of intervention. These processes can be contrasted with regions like Emilia- Romagna (Piore and Sabel, 1984), which were to witness a more regionally inclusive (if still selective) representational regime and a related capacity for more geographically- sensitive patterns of intervention and hegemonic projects. The institutional-relational approach might also enable a fuller dissection of what Lovering (1999) terms the 'new regional service class'. Not least in that the six dimensions might unveil the very networks, systems of representation and internal state structures through which regional academics and other professional consultants are enrolled into this purported cadre. All of which raises a more general point about the extent to which New Regionalist perspectives have a tendency to neglect the raw materialization of power. Para instance, even in Storper's highly illuminating work on regionalized conventions, there is a tendency to limit all social relations to those of a horizontal nature. En contraste, el institutional-relational perspective could alert us about the extent to which the regionalization of conventions, untraded interdependencies, institutions and networks represents a politically constructed hierarchized process: one that is often critically influenced by the state in all its contemporary re-scaled manifestations. In doing so, lo podría help instil political agency into Lipietz's (1994) conception of a regional armature: a 'proactive space-for-itself', where a hegemonic social bloc seeks to mobilize particular political apparatuses (for example, central state branches) on matters of political, economic or cultural conflict. It is in these senses too that my argument bears on recent calls for a multiscalar approach to urban-regional restructuring (MacLeod and Goodwin, 1999; Brenner, 2000). Of course, as indicated at the outset, Jessop's is not the only perspective worth considering in this context and it is indeed tremendously encouraging to see the recent © Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 200 I

Page 16New Regionalism reconsidered 819 motivation to integrate urban and regional research with state restructuring (Lauria, 1997; Le Gales, 1998b; Brenner, 1999; 2000). Global neoliberalism, interterritorial competition and the regulation approach

Global neoliberalism and interterritorial competition This penultimate section aims to further advance a geopolitical approach to urban and regional development by raising two interconnecting themes. The first concerns the 'hard' political economy of global capitalism: one within which, as Storper informs us, the regions of reflexive capitalism are more tensely intertwined. Nonetheless, as mentioned earlier, new regional analysis can sometimes sail close to a reified approach, where, in an emphatic quest to uncover the unique properties of particular cities and regions, it might be diverted from the complex multi-scalar re-territorialization of institutional capacity through which globalization is enacted. The theoretical pitfalls of this have already been aludido. But it must also be emphasized that a reification of regions has potentially disturbing policy implications. Not least in that we might lose sight of the global neoliberal amphitheatre and hugely competitive baUgame within which urban-regional coalitions operate and the extent to which the fortunes of cities· and regions are increasingly inscribed into the pitching manoeuvres of globally-mobile transnational corporations (Dicken, 1994; Yeung, 2000). This is particularly evident in the way that cruder versions of the New Regionalism garnish their arguments with a euphemistic discourse of 'innovation', 'associative gover- nance', 'clusters' and 'regional competitiveness' (eg Cooke, 1995). However, as Krugman (1997) has pointed out, competitiveness can become a 'dangerous obsession': one that, as politicians know only too well, conveniently safegllffi'ds us from considering a whole host of awkward questions relating to the uneven power networks that enframe the new regional mundo. Thus, as regional alliances and academics endeavour to convince each other that 'everyone's a winner', it is surely unwise to ignore the spectre of globalized neoliberalism 19 and interterritorial competition and the socioeconomic relations of exploitation and acrimony they entail. Indeed, Harvie (1994) usefully reminds us that, for all its communicative credentials, the mainland European prototype is still very much a 'bourgeois regionalism'. Yet much of the most intluential existing research tells us little about these regions' class, gender and ethnic politics, about the forms of alienation that might result from new labour process technologies and management-labour relations, or about just how 'associative' labour conditions and union rights might be for the majority of employees (Lovering, 1998; Wills, 1999; Stenning, 2001). If we nonetheless follow the customary view that competition - whether economic or territorial - leads to winners and losers, and, furthermore, if we are entering an epoch of multiple, overlapping and superimposing scales of governance, then perhaps we should force ourselves to beg the following basic questions. Many relate to the seemingly now unpalatable theme of uneven development. Which cities and regions are likely to win? (Ignoring, for a moment, my indulgence in a spatial fetishism.) Who 'wins' within these regions, and at what cost socially, politically and envil'Onmentally,20 particularly if we are to fully retlect on the fiscally 19 As Philip Kelly (1999) has revealed, it is often too easy to conflate neoliberalism and globalization. However, it needs to be pointed out that many of the principles underwriting the discourse-ideology of

globalization provide an elective affinity with neoliberal political economic strategy. 20 On this issue, it is worth pointing out that certain New Regionalist accounts provide little sense ofthe fact that prosperity in many of the more illustrious and sunlit regions is highly bifurcated between social groups, and often dependent on the super-exploitation of people on the basis of ethnicity, gender and class (Harrison, 1994). © Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 200 1

Page 17820 Gordon MacLeod austere climate of reflexive capitalism (MacLeod, 2000)'1 Where are these regions located and why did aquellos regions and not others win? Which scales of governance were influential in establishing prosperity and in which particular spheres of governance and regulatory capacity? (Here, we must be mindful that certain actors, like multinational corporations, are endowed with greater capacity to 'jump scales' than others such as place-based workers - Smith, 1992.) What are the future implications for the regions - ranging from the industrial rustbelts of North America and eastern Europe to the less- industrial landscapes of Africa - that might not reconvert quickly enough to win; and what, if anything, can regional armatures and associated partners do about it? ¿Cómo es la emerging 'global mosaic of regions' to be regulated so that it might be somehow dissuaded from pulling so fast ahead of the trailing pack that the latter is left to witness a darkening sunset? Alternatively, could the offer of cheaper labour in the 'new economies' (eg in eastern Europe) radically unsettle the erstwhile sources of prosperity in Europe's 'motors' (Hudson, 1999)'1 What are the implications for the political-economic stability of the future regional world amid the impassioned diffusion of class conflict throughout the furiously industrializing and urbanizing spaces of the 'developing' south (Smith, 2000; Swyngedouw, 2000)'1 What respective roles can be played in the enactment of robust political economic democratic structures by nation-states, supra-national arenas of political-economic regulation like the European Union, and global governance las instituciones? How can globalization be seriously challenged or at least tamed in order to prevent its continuing erosion of democracy (Cerny, 1999)'1 Part of this is bound up with the politics of identity, in that if our political sensibilities are to extend beyond the boundaries of the region we each inhabit - and let's hope that they do - then serious questions must be posed about how we might establish responsive institutions through which political-economic communities can achieve a democratic form of interregional la cooperación. We need, in other words, to destabilize and unsettle quite radically the processes that continue to permit a 'hostile brothers' scenario (Peck and Tickell, 1994). The recent experiences of the European Union provide some testimony to the hopes, possibilities, frustrations and sheer complexities of achieving a multi-scalar system of

governance with which to sanction economic prosperity, political democracy, cultural enlightenment and interscalar political equanimity (Moulaert, 1996; Swyngedouw, 2000). Regulating the emerging 'regional world' The second theme is theoretical but might just have something to say about the questions planteadas anteriormente. As mentioned earlier, a lot of the work now being labelled New Regionalist takes its theoretical inspiration from perspectives in institutional economics, evolutionary political economy and economic sociology, which reveal the economy to be socially constructed and deeply embedded in a variety of seemingly non-rational institutions and tecnologías. One constituent of this institutionalist mode of thought is the French Regulation Approach (RA). The RA is often commended for critiquing neoclassical economics while simultaneously advancing a Marxian perspective on the historical and geographically uneven institutional infrastructures around and through which capitalist development proceeds, in spite of its conflict-ridden and crisis-prone character (Boyer, 1990; Tickell and Peck, 1992; Jessop, 1997b). Yet, in contrast to the earlier debates on post-Fordism and new industrial spaces (Scott, 1988a; Storper and Scott, 1989), it appears that very few New Regionalist perspectives are currently deriving their inspiration from the RA. One could ruminate that there are very good reasons for this, as affirmed in numerous critiques and counter- critiques. Certainly, from the perspective of regional development, concerns have been voiced about the ontological emphasis on nation-states and, relatedly, how a macro-level analysis might hamper effective investigation of the interfirm relations touted to be the foundation of the current regional renaissance. To be sure, the regulationist research © Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers LId 200 I

Page 18New Regionalism reconsidered 821 project was originally rooted in the study of national Fordisms in the USA and France (Aglietta, 1979). In view of which it would seem eminently sensible for Storper (1997) to turn to 'conventions' theory in his search to explore the microfoundations of the emerging regional world. Nonetheless, in recent years, some definitive reforms have taken stock of post-Fordist urban and regional restructuring to the extent that I remain unconvinced that the RA 'ongoing research project' is wholly redundant (Esser and Hirsch, 1989; Moulaert and Swyngedouw, 1989; Peck and Tiekell, 1992; 1995; Lipietz, 1994; Mayer, 1994; Painter and Goodwin, 1995; DiGiovanna, 1996; Moulaert, 1996; Jones, 1997; MacLeod, 1997; 2001; Swyngedouw, 1997; Kratke, 1999)?1 Here, rather than indulging in a form of theoretical imperialism, I only wish to highlight ways in which the insights from certain New Regionalist perspectives and from the state-theoretical account presented above might be positioned within the wider framework of analysis offered by the RA. This is particularly so in view of: (1) the RA's theoretical richness; and (2) recent reformulations to its method and conceptual arsenal (MacLeod, 2001). On the former, it is important to emphasize that its key concept, the mode of regulation, represents more than just another alternative heuristic to describe

social capital, but is instead analysable on five dimensions. These are: (1) the wage relation (individual and social wage-bargaining, labour market regulation); (2) forms of competition (internal organization, ties between firms and banking capital); (3) monetary and financial regulation (the hegemonic banking and credit system, relative allocations to sectors); (4) the state and governance (systems of local and regional governance and all the processes outlined in the above section); and (5) the international regime (trade, investment, monetary settlements and political arrangements that help integrate national and regional economies, states and the world system) (Boyer, 1990: 37-48; Jessop, 1997b: 511-14). Analysed thus, the mode of regulation offers a rich set of tools through whieh to examine the internal governance of regional economies - systems of corporate regulation, labour relations, development agencies - alongside the wider networks of political and economic institutions within which regions are positioned. Estos van desde national corporate and labour laws, patterns of intervention in education and health and cultures of consumption right through to the more radically turbulent territoriality of financial capital (Leyshon and Tickell, 1994; Peck and Tickell, 1995; DiGiovanna, 1996; Swyngedouw, 2000). As part of its continuing reformation, though, some political economic geographers have drawn attention to the way that, rather than forming some neat coherent pattern, thc different elements of the mode of regulation are likely to be situated and regulated at a variety of spatial scales (Peck and Tickell, 1995). In a sense, the mode of regulation assumes a messy geometry, featuring an interlocking network of multiple and superimposing geographies which, importantly, are only enacted out of and performed through a contested politics of scale (Swyngedouw, 1997; 2000). Surely, though, if we are to fully uncover the workings of the contemporary regional world, then we are duty bound to investigate the scalar structuration of a region'S mode of regulation, no matter how messy? As part of this, we could certainly begin by disentangling the state and governance, and, drawing further on the material discussed in the above section, by locating the various 'sites' of a region's political economic regulation (Painter and Goodwin, 1995). Not least would this draw our attention to the existence or otherwise of an elected regional state, of a regional tier of labour representation or of a development agency and how these help to collectivize a region's 21 Indeed, as one New Regionalist writer who has long adopted the language of the regulation approach, Scott calls for a 'pressing need a examine governance issues in a regional context [andl .. , specifically regional forms of economic regulation' (Scott, 1998: 103). Whilst this is a valid point to make, it is nonetheless curious that in making this claim Scott has failed to draw our attention to the work on these issues from the European and North American-based regulation approach sympathizers that I have just en la lista. ( Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 200 I

Página 19822 Gordon MacLeod institutional thickness. Equally, by focusing on forms of competition, we could identify the nature of a region's corporate structures and pose serious questions about whether strategic corporate headquarters are situated locally or in some physically distant but relationally proximate global city (Amin and Graham, 1999). Similarly, the scale at which interfirm cooperation takes place, in tum, shapes the envisioning practices of corporate competition (Swyngedouw, 1997). In addition to which an analytical focus on the wage- relación could alert us as to the extent to which training levies are imposed and wage- bargaining procedures in place, and, if so, at which spatial scale these might be institucionalizada. Crucially, all of these factors can provide valuable insights into a region's wider positioning within the general scale division of labour (K. Cox, 1993). By bringing into play these elements of the regulationist research project, we might be better positioned to locate and analse the economic and political conditions that lie 'behind' the emerging regional world? Certainly, it could alert us to the way that many of the active ingredients in establishing the prosperity and political shape of certain regional economies might well have their roots in other distant but relationally connected urban-regional, national, supra-national and global scales. Swyngedouw's (2000) brief dissection of how certain aspects of governance - monetary regulation, social policy, gender relations, work and migration/citizenship - as being re-scaled across the space of the European Union surely points the way ahead in this regard. Finally, as is clear in Swyngedouw's own account, such arguments transcend the concerns of academia. Por lo is certainly the case that a host of agents - businesses, labour organizations, place-based workers, economic development practitioners - are only too aware of the need for a deeper comprehension of the political economic processes and scales of governance within which their regional economies are often precariously positioned. Conclusión This article has endeavoured to capture a sense of the current debate on regional el desarrollo. In particular, it has sought to provide a circumspect appraisal of so-called New Regionalist research and, in the process, offer something of a rejoinder to John Lovering's (1999) enlightening critique. My own impression is that some of these scholarly readings offer genuine innovations in the ceaseless endeavour to examine how and why certain regions have experienced the creation of sustainable forms of economic integrity and political capacity (see Amin and Thrift, 1994; Storper, 1997). Sin embargo, must also be acknowledged that Lovering's own article exposes a number of domains in which such analysis could conceivably be enhanced. And, in the latter two-thirds of this article, my aim has been to offer some fresh insights for re-theorizing regional change and for re-conceptualizing the emerging forms of regional development and governance. Three key themes have been highlighted. First, in much contemporary academic inquiry and political praxis, the region itself

often appears to be analysed somewhat unreflectively. Sometimes this leads it to be approached as a reified, existentially pre-given and politically neutral entity. Es clearly unsatisfactory as any resolute comparison between England's 'new' regions, the Alemán Lander, and the regional powerhouses of the United States would testify. Es en this context that I recommended an engagement with certain theorizations from the 'new regional geography'. Not least in that such approaches might instil additional sensitivity 22 Not that this is in any way to deny the persistence of serious gaps and unexplored lacunae in the regulation enfoque. For instance, thus far it has yet to successfUlly bring into play a whole series of questions relating to consumption (cf Aglietta, 1979), the micro-physics of governmentality (MacKinnon, 2000), the discursive conslruction and performativity of political-economic regimes, or the ways in which they take on gendered sets of power relations (though see Jenson, 1990). and questions around subjectivity (Jessop, 1997b). © Joint Editors and Blackwell Publishers Ltd 2001

Page 20New Regionalism reconsidered 823 towards understanding the complex processes out of which regions are historically constructed, culturally contested and politically charged. Second, Jessop's institutional- relational approach to the state was introduced as one possible means by which we might unravel the politically constructed nature of the emerging regional world, and, in particular, examine the relations between the territorial structures of the state and the structuration of urban-regional governance. In part, then, this article joins a growing rank of contributions (Brenner, 1997; Yeung, 1998; Jessop, 1999; Kelly, 1999; Jones, 2001) which question the currently fashionable notion that 'economic globalization has reduced the theoretical centrality of the nation- state' (Gereffi, 1996: 64). On the contrary, we need to rethink our theoretical approach to the state so as to unravel its often clandestine role as a key site, function and orchestrator of globalization: a role that indeed lends shape to globalization's own political economic geographies; one of which, in certain contexts, is expressed in and through a resurgence of particularly prosperous cities and regions. My final foray was to contend that recent reformulations of the regulation approach might offer a deeper sense of the current recasting of social, economic and political forms while simultaneously alerting us to their alarmingly uneven economic geographies and sociologies. Gordon MacLeod (Gordon.MacLeod@durham.ac.uk), Department of Geography and International Centre for Regional Regeneration and Development Studies, University of Durham, Durham DHI 3LE, Reino Unido. Referencias

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