Muhammad and the Medinan Jews: A Comparison of the Texts of Ibn Ishaq's Kitab Sirat RasulAllah with al-Waqidi's Kitab al-MaghaziAuthor(s): Rizwi S. FaizerReviewed work(s):Source: International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 28, No. 4 (Nov., 1996), pp. 463-489Published by: Cambridge University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/176149 .Accessed: 01/11/2011 00:04

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Int. J. Middle East Stud. 28 (1996), 463-489. Printed in the United States of America

Rizwi S. Faizer

MUHAMMAD AND THE MEDINAN JEWS: A COMPARISON OF THE TEXTS OF IBN ISHAQ'S KITAB SiRAT RASUL ALLAH WITH

AL-WAQIDSI' KITAB AL-MAGHA Z

This article is based on the assumption that Ibn Ishaq (704-67) and al-Waqidi (747-823) were responsible for my main sources, the compilations entitled Kitab sirat rasul Allah1 and Kitab al-maghdzi,2 respectively. Such an assumption is jus- tifiable. To take Ibn Ishaq's Biography in the recension of Ibn Hisham (d. 834),3 we know that the Ziyad ibn CAbd Allah al-Bakka'i (d. 798) text used by Ibn Hisham was authorized by Ibn Ishaq himself, and indeed had been confirmed by the use of both sam' and Card techniques4 as a correct version.5 At the same time, Ismail K. Poonawala confirms that the redaction of Salama ibn al-Fadl (d. 807) compares closely with the text of Ibn Hisham,6 indicating that the text of Ibn Ishaq had probably been fixed7: Salama's redaction was based on a papyrus manuscript of Ibn Ishaq8 transmitted by Muhammad ibn Humayd ibn Hayyan al-Razi, and was used by al-Tabari in his narration of the Prophet's life, which forms a part of his compi- lation Ta'rlkh al-rusul wa'l-muluk.9 As for the text of al-Waqidi, evidence indicates that it had been established by al-Waqidi himself from beginning to end, for he not only prefaces his work with the names of his chief transmitters of tradition10 but also provides the basic chronology of all the events that are discussed in his work. Moreover, both Ibn Hisham and Ibn al-Thalji (d. 879)1 refer to their recensions as the compilations of Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi, respectively. Significantly, it is these texts that are used by modern biographers of the Prophet to determine the events that constitute his life. It is these very texts that are used by both Marsden Jones and Patricia Crone for their various appreciations of sira and maghizi compilations.12

It is interesting that all of the transmitters and compilers before Ibn Hisham who dealt with material about the period of the Prophet regarded it as maghdzi material. Ibn Hisham appears to have been the first to bring together this material, as for instance in his recension of Ibn Ishaq, in which he uses the term sira in the title. Thereafter the terms sira and maghdzi came to be used synonymously as a generic label for these compilations.13 In my references to the genre I have found it conven- ient to use the term sira-maghazi so as to avoid any confusion.

Rizwi S. Faizer is an independent scholar living in Cornwall, Ontario, Canada.

? 1996 Cambridge University Press 0020-7438/96 $7.50 + .10

464 Rizwi S. Faizer

Modern approaches to sira-maghdzi have been overwhelmingly concerned with evaluating its content for information about the Prophet's life.14 The justification for such an approach has been that these texts are essentially repositories of archaic and therefore authentic traditions. Authenticity, however, does not imply veracity, so that there is much controversy regarding the historicity of these texts and how they should be interpreted. Scholars have tended to isolate traditions and examine how they have been variously recollected by different transmitters in the hope of discovering the facts behind the narrative-or whether indeed there were any such facts. Little weight has been given to analyzing the material in terms of the nature of the genre concerned and what it meant to the persons who compiled it.

Present understanding of sira-maghazi is based largely on J. M. B. Jones's analy- sis. His investigation is primarily a response to Julius Wellhausen, who had noticed two motifs in particular in the Prophet's biography, the raid on Nakhla and the dream of 'Atika, and asserted that al-Waqidi had taken much from Ibn Ishaq with- out acknowledgment-and that in fact he had plagiarized the work of Ibn Ishaq.5l Jones, investigating the motifs for himself, admits that al-Waqidi and Ibn Ishaq made very similar statements, but avers that there is no plagiarism involved, for the lan- guage used reflects the modifications representing the style of the typical storyteller from whom al-Waqidi had probably derived his information. Jones further explains the "close parallels" that exist between the different narratives by claiming that the compilers of sira-maghazi were in fact drawing upon a common reservoir, or cor- pus, of qass-folk tales-and traditional material.16 It is this notion of a "single corpus" that has led Crone to declare:

Waqidi did not plagiarize Ibn Ishaq, but he did not offer an independent version of the Prophet's life, either; what he, Ibn Ishaq and others put together were simply so many selec- tions from a common pool of qass material. And it is for the same reason that they came to agree on the historicity of events that never took place....17

I take issue with the above and propose instead that al-Waqidi was the compiler of a unique statement of sira-maghazi, different from that of Ibn Ishaq. I also sug- gest that the intentions of the compilers when they put together their biographical works were not historical. My argument is that, contrary to the assertion made by Jones, the enormous variety of information which the numerous traditions commu- nicate makes it meaningless to view traditions as belonging within a "single cor- pus." It thus becomes clear that the choice of materials that are ultimately brought together to establish a given compilation is determined by the purpose of the au- thor-compiler. I therefore view as imperative the need to study each particular work as an integral statement shaped by the goals and views of its author, and to attempt to understand how the author has exploited the genre to say what he wants to say. It is the compiler who selects the pieces of information-available in a decontex- tualized state18-with which to compose his text, and it is the compiler who decides the sequence in which to place them. The compilation must be seen as an integral statement that, to be correctly understood, must not be confused by the introduction of material which has not been included in that particular text. It must be appreci- ated as a creative work in its own right.19

According to sira-maghazi, when Muhammad moved to Medina to escape the torment of the Meccans he found that numerous Jewish communities were already

Muhammad and the Medinan Jews 465

settled in that town. Although Muhammad waged frequent wars against the pagan Arabs, it is through the subordination of the Jews that his might and authority are established in this literature. As a result, the Jewish faith is superseded by that of Islam. The portrayal of Muhammad's opposition to the Jews makes sira-maghazi a combination of salvation history and Arab saga.

The subject of Muhammad's relations with the Medinan Jews has received much attention from scholars because of the contentious issues involved. Important in the context of this article is the way in which modern historians have used the narration of the Prophet's biography by al-Waqidi to interpret what has come to be known as the "Constitution of Medina," which is included in the Sira of Ibn Ishaq. From Well- hausen, Arent J. Wensinck, and Leone Caetani to William Montgomery Watt, R. B. Serjeant, Uri Rubin, and Moshe Gil,20 one finds analyses and interpretations which contradict and deny one another. Simultaneously, there has been a rise of Muslim apologetics from scholars such as W. N. Arafat and Barakat Ahmad concerning Muhammad's raids-maghazl-on the Medinan Jews, particularly the B. Qurayza. It has been asserted that the execution of these raids was contradictory to the very essence of Islam.21 M. J. Kister indicates otherwise. In a 1986 article addressing the issue, he tries to discover the facts behind the various traditions.22 In the light of these conflicts, I hope to bring to the study of this topic an understanding of the significance of the motif of Muhammad and the Jews in sira-maghazi, and thus a better understanding of the nature of the genre itself.

In order to appreciate the nature of this literature I have undertaken a case study of the material concerning Muhammad and the Medinan Jews in biographical lit- erature on the Prophet. Using methods of comparative textual analysis, I have in- vestigated the differences between the two compilations, the Kitab sirat rasul Allah and the Kitab al-maghdzi, in terms of theme, sources, chronology, and style, to de- termine whether and to what extent Ibn Ishaq's interpretation of the Prophet's life differs from that of al-Waqidi.

As far as the basic themes of the two compilations are concerned, it is important to notice how each author imposes his bias upon the work he shapes. The main theme of Ibn Ishaq's work is the history of monotheism, and the confirmation of Muhammad as the last prophet of God. The prophetic essence of Muhammad's person is established from the beginning. His noble heritage is indicated by his very genealogy.23 The plausibility of this thesis is further substantiated by the fact that, like Moses, Noah, and Hud before him, Muhammad brings down the wrath of God on those who deny Him-as, for instance, in the cases of the B. Qaynuqac, the B. Nadir, and the B. Qurayza-in order to effect their subjugation. At the same time, we are also introduced to many instances of Christ-like miracles, such as the healing of wounds24 and the feeding of the multitude.25 This prophetic theme is woven together with universal legendary patterns and mnemonic devices linked through citations of asbab al-nuzul-occasions of revelation-to establish that the Qur'an was the message that God had revealed through Muhammad, His last mes- senger to mankind.26

In al-Waqidi's compilation, the account given by Ibn Ishaq of the biography of the Prophet is related as the plain and simple maghdzi, which literally means "raids," but also signifies the achievements of the Prophet. It is interesting to note that unlike Ibn Ishaq, al-Waqidi does not present his reader with the stories of the Prophet's

466 Rizwi S. Faizer

birth, emigration, or death.27 Yet it would be incorrect to argue that this was be- cause al-Waqidi was concerned only with the raids of the Prophet. Al-Waqidi not only narrates other events, such as the various agreements concluded by the Prophet, but also recounts the treaty at Hudaybiya, the conversion of CAmr ibn al-CAs, the destruction of al-'Uzza, and the Prophet's farewell pilgrimage.28 Sometimes the title of the raid is a mere mnemonic label which leads to the recollection of numer- ous other incidents that occurred at the same time.29

The majority of Ibn Ishaq's transmitters of tradition come from Medina.30 His weightiest authorities include his teacher Muhammad ibn Muslim ibn Shihab al- Zuhri (670-742),3l a student and collector of the traditions of CUrwa ibn al-Zubayr (d. 712), whom Ibn Ishaq also cites;32 CAbd Allah ibn Abi Bakr ibn Hazm (675-747), who was supposed to have authored a maghazi work (which was transmitted by his nephew), and who is also known to have transmitted some of the Prophet's messages to his contemporaries, such as the kings of Himyar;33 CAsim ibn CUmar ibn Qatada (d. 746),34 who was ordained by the caliph CUmar ibn CAbd al-CAziz (683-720) to teach maghdzi and manaqib al-sahaba-the virtues and merits of the Companions of the Prophet-at the mosque of Damascus;35 and CAbd Allah ibn Abi Najih (d. 748), a Meccan scholar who was commended for his commentary on the Qur'an.36

Although many of the transmitters cited by Ibn Ishaq are also referred to by al- Waqidi in his Kitdb al-maghdzi, traditions narrated on the authority of Ibn Ishaq himself are not to be found. The traditions used by al-Waqidi (except in the case of traditions in the form of asbab al-nuzul, which are usually cited on the authority of Abu Hurayra or Ibn CAbbas) are generally presented as a more regular chain of au- thorities, or isndd, and are very traditionally stated. They rarely extend back to the Prophet's time, which is just as it would have been in al-Waqidi's day, and generally come to an end at the level of the Tabiiin, the successors to the Companions of the Prophet.37 The question, however, is whether al-Waqidi was merely restating what had been already said by Ibn Ishaq, or whether he was able to bring a new inter- pretation to the essential data of the Prophet's life.

Take for instance the essential materials of which the two compilations are com- posed. Both Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi use a variety of materials that range from docu- ments to poetry and Qur'anic citations but consist most of all of popular stories and traditions. As far as this case study of Muhammad and the Jews is concerned, the documents included are largely lists: of Jewish adversaries,38 of the Jews joined by Ansari hypocrites,39 of participants in the various battles and raids;40 of those who were martyred41 or taken prisoner;42 and of those who were given shares in the booty won in various engagements.43

In addition to the lists, we are told of the writing down of agreements between the Muslims and the Jews. According to both Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi, Muhammad made a written agreement of this sort soon after his entry into Medina: according to Ibn Ishaq, this took place just before the pact of brotherhood was made between the Muhajirun and the Ansar. Ibn Ishaq does not give the precise date, but he in- dicates the moment at which the agreement was made by placing the evidence in that particular position. According to the agreement, Muhammad, together with the Muhajirun and the Ansar, agreed to let specific Jewish tribes-excluding the B. Qay- nuqa', the B. Nadir, and the B. Qurayza44-identified by their relationship to the

Muhammad and the Medinan Jews 467

Medinan Arab tribes live unmolested and as a part of the umma in accordance with their religious beliefs.45

Did Muhammad have the authority to make such a concession, and could the Jews have been forced to live accordingly? According to Ibn Ishaq, it would seem so. The support of the Ansar even at CAqaba, had been vehement and continued to hold in Medina at this point.46 More importantly, Ibn Ishaq shows us that the Jews actually permitted Muhammad to participate in the activities of their community during the first few months after his arrival in Medina. Thus, Ibn Ishaq shows Muhammad passing sentence on an adulterous Jewish couple,47 raising the value of the blood price of the B. Qurayza to equal that of the B. Nadir,48 and becoming in- volved in religious arguments with the Jews.49 An atmosphere of integration and active proselytizing, barely visible in the al-Waqidi text, is indicated. Ibn Ishaq sug- gests that the better moments had encouraged Muhammad to believe that the Jews could be included in an umma, or community, with the Muslims. Unfortunately, the activity led to much religious conflict between the two peoples and, soon enough, Jewish rejection of Muhammad. One sees Muhammad himself turn away from the Jews with the symbolic gesture of changing his qibla from Jerusalem to Mecca.50 But Muhammad's God-given victory at Badr leads him to invite the Jews of the B. Qaynuqac to Islam, for surely such a victory indicated that God was on his side. Inferring the optimism of Muhammad, Ibn Ishaq tells how the Jews, in rejecting the Prophet, declared, "O Muhammad, you seem to think that we are your people."51

By contrast, al-Waqidi barely refers to the religious controversies which arose between Muhammad and the Jews. The issue of the qibla is avoided, and there is no mention of Muhammad giving his verdict regarding the adulterous Jewish couple or interfering to adjust the blood value of the Jews.52 It would appear that, according to al-Waqidi, the Jews of Medina generally lived as an independent community in Medina, and that the notion of the Jews living as an umma with the Muslims, under the common dhimmat Allah, or protection of God, was never considered.

Al-Waqidi does not give us any information regarding a written agreement in which the Muhajirun and the Ansar are key participants, as indicated in Ibn Ishaq's "Constitution of Medina."53 It is possible that al-Waqidi was not aware of the exis- tence of this document, but if he knew the work of Ibn Ishaq, as is established by al- Tabari,54 one must admit that such a possibility is remote. It may be that al-Waqidi believed that the loyalty of both groups-the Muhajirun and the Ansar (comprising the Aws and the Khazraj)-to the Prophet was such that a formal agreement be- tween them was unnecessary.

As portrayed by Ibn Ishaq, the factionalism that existed within one of these two groups, the Ansar, provoked both the undertaking of the Aws to murder KaCb ibn al-Ashraf and the Khazraj agreement to remove Abu RafiC'.s It was fear of the con- sequences of such rivalry that justified the formal contracting of an agreement among the three groups-the Muhajirun, the Aws, and the Khazraj-in the Ibn Ishaq narrative. Al-Waqidi, for his part, does not call attention to these groups' ri- valry, perhaps because he believed that the Prophet had helped them to overcome it. It is interesting that what appears to be a crucial sentence in Ibn Ishaq's narration of the murder of Abu Rafi', "Now Aws had killed Kacb ibn al-Ashraf before Uhud because of his enmity towards the apostle ... so Khazraj asked and obtained the

468 Rizwi S. Faizer

apostle's permission to kill Sallam who was in Khaybar," is absent from al-Waqidi's text.56 The lack of rivalry is also implied in al-Waqidi's interpretation of the events in which the land taken from the B. Nadir is divided among the Muhajirun alone; no apprehension among the Ansar as a result of this action is cited.57 This may be why al-Waqidi does not indicate the conclusion of such an agreement.

According to al-Waqidi, Muhammad desired to establish an agreement with all of the peoples of Medina-with the Aws, the Khazraj, and those who converted to Is- lam on the one hand, and with those who did not convert, such as the pagan Arabs and the Jews, on the other.58 Al-Waqidi provides considerable information regarding written and direct agreements between Muhammad and the Jews. He claims that Muhammad in fact concluded an agreement with the Jews soon after his entry into Medina.59

Al-Waqidi also informs us of a second contract, one that was established be- tween Muhammad and the Jews (of the B. Nadir and the B. Qurayza) when the latter approached him to complain of the insecure conditions he had created when he had Kacb ibn al-Ashraf killed. Interestingly, the tradition even informs us of where the agreement was contracted: "at the house of Ramla bint al-Harith."60 It is significant that al-Waqidi never associates this agreement with the "Constitution of Medina" or any part of it as cited by Ibn Ishaq. That an agreement actually existed between the B. Qurayza and Muhammad, however, is indicated by al-Waqidi in his description of the refusal of the B. Qurayza to help the B. Nadir when the B. Nadir were being besieged by Muhammad61, and in his telling of how the B. Qurayza had lent the Muslims their baskets and spades in preparation for the battle of the Trench.62

In this regard the agreement to protect Muhammad referred to by 'Amr ibn Su'da', who, while disassociating himself from the treachery of the B. Qurayza, nevertheless does not convert to Islam, is extremely pertinent to al-Waqidi's narrative:

O Jewish people, you entered into an alliance with Muhammad according to which you agreed that you would not help one of his enemies against him, and that you would protect him against those who attacked him. ... If you refuse to enter [into an alliance] with him, then remain steadfast in Judaism and give thejizya, though by God I do not know if he will receive it or not.63

What al-Waqidi seems to suggest here, interestingly enough through the voice of a Jew, is that the jizya is a payment which may take the place of Jewish participation in defending the Muslims-a payment made in compensation. It is such a payment that is agreed to by the Jews of Khaybar later on. Thus, al-Waqidi is in fact pre- senting us with a premonition or a foreshadowing of what is to come.

It is certainly true that all of the agreements indicated by al-Waqidi sound similar to the "Constitution of Medina." Thus, Wellhausen prefaces his discussion of the "Constitution of Medina" with citations from al-Waqidi because he believes that they are important for the "interpretation of the purpose of this agreement."64 That al-Waqidi's representation of the agreement is quite different from the "Constitution of Medina" becomes clear when examined more objectively. For instance, while Ibn Ishaq gives the Jews a subordinate place in the "Constitution," al-Waqidi describes a one-to-one agreement between the Muslims and the Jews. Again, while the "Con-

Muhammad and the Medinan Jews 469

stitution" anticipates the recognition of the Jews as a part of the umma under the common protection of a dhimmat Allah, al-Waqidi does not. For al-Waqidi, the agreements are purely political; he does not inform the reader that the Prophet desired to impose such social or religious structures upon the Jews. Finally, while Ibn Ishaq excludes the B. Qaynuqac, the B. Nadir, and the B. Qurayza from his "Constitution," al-Waqidi indicates direct negotiations with these very groups. Thus, rather than assume that al-Waqidi was interpreting the "Constitution" as narrated by Ibn Ishaq, I suggest that both Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi were, in fact, providing the reader with their individual interpretations of an agreement between Muhammad and the Jews which belonged to the genre of sira-maghazi. For Ibn Ishaq, there was no agreement between Muhammad and the main Jewish communities; for al- Waqidi, there were several agreements.65

It appears then that the differences found in al-Waqidi's text are not ill-considered idiosyncrasies but rather carefully thought-out alterations that come together to es- tablish a meaningful statement that is distinct from that of Ibn Ishaq. This distinct- ness is clearly connected to al-Waqidi's more stylistic approach to the compiling of sira-maghazi, which enables him to recontextualize, through the repetition and transference of traditions, the narrative accounts of events and the characterization of personalities as established by Ibn Ishaq.

The contrast can be seen more clearly when specific examples are analyzed in their larger context, such as the two authors' accounts concerning the raid on the B. Qaynuqac, the exile of the B. Nadir, and the raid on the B. Qurayza. These events constitute a unit within the structural framework of the maghazi and indicate Mu- hammad's relations with the Medinan Jews-in mythical terms, the hero's journey away from home to prove himself.66 Although these tribes were not the only Jews in Medina, they were certainly the most significant, and Muhammad is depicted as having been responsible for bringing about their destruction. The way this hap- pened is explained differently by Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi.

Ibn Ishaq represents Muhammad's conflict with the Jews of Medina in a truly eclectic fashion: with the B. Qaynuqac, we have the Prophet inviting the Jews to Islam in typical Biblo-Qur'anic manner; with the B. Nadir, Ibn Ishaq introduces instead the universal mythical pattern of stone-throwing, for we see the B. Nadir plan to drop a rock upon Muhammad in order to kill him;67 and with the B. Qurayza, we see borrowing from the tales of the ayyam, in particular a story which told of how the B. Qurayza had been massacred by Malik ibn Ajlan in the days of the Jahiliya.68 A story similar to this last example is also related regarding the Christians of Naj- ran, who were said to have been massacred according to some pre-Islamic tradi- tions cited by Ibn Ishaq.69 In his depiction of the actual destruction of the tribes, Ibn Ishaq uses a combination of mnemonic70 and Biblo-Qur'anic patterns: the com- munity that rejects Muhammad is obliterated in so decisive a fashion that not only are the better-prepared Jews defeated by the smaller Muslim forces, but none of the Jewish tribes is ever heard of again. As for the actual means of Muhammad's vic- tory, the violence against the Jews is depicted as having escalated from forced submission to exile and execution.

Al-Waqidi, for his part, plays with Ibn Ishaq's account, using repetition, a change of chronology, and new material (as is his wont) to weave a motif about the Jews'

470 Rizwi S. Faizer

abrogation of the agreement with Muhammad. This, too, is an age-old biblical theme: the Jews had not kept their covenant with God. But al-Waqidi does not stop here. He takes aspects of the B. Nadir incident depicted by Ibn Ishaq and presents them during the raid on the B. Qaynuqac as well, so that the hypocrisy of Ibn Ubayy is repeated, as is the notion of the exile of the Jews. Through repetition al-Waqidi emphasizes that the Prophet is honest by character; he is a man who keeps his agree- ments but is forced to attack the Jews because they have abrogated theirs. As for the Jews, they are portrayed as predictably unfaithful. By emphasizing the writing of an agreement with the significant Jewish communities, al-Waqidi introduces his own interpretation of these events. A close comparison of the texts of Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi is necessary to appreciate more fully the contrived nature of this art form.

Compare the way the two authors recall the events that led to the raid on the B. Qaynuqac by the Muslims. According to Ibn Ishaq, the battle of Badr had been won, and God had thus indicated to the Jews that Muhammad was His chosen mes- senger. The time had come for Muhammad to remind the Jews of their covenant with God and to demand that they recognize him as a prophet.71 When the Jews refused to comply with his request, Muhammad attacked them. According to Ibn Ishaq, the Jews of the B. Qaynuqac were not attacked because they had broken an agreement but because they had rejected God's message.

But consider al-Waqidi's interpretation. As always, he begins his chapter on the raid on the B. Qaynuqac with the date of the raid, stating that it happened in the middle of Shawwal. (He places the raid on Sawiq after it, in the month of Dhu'l- Hijja.) As always, he concludes the chapter with a statement about who had been left in charge of Medina during the Prophet's absence. On this occasion, it was Abu Lubaba. Al-Waqidi informs the reader that soon after his entry into Medina, Mu- hammad had made an agreement with the Jews, offering them security in return for their political allegiance. The Jews had invited the Muslim attack when they broke their agreement with Muhammad. It would appear that the aggression started with a small incident in the marketplace, in which a Jew insulted an Arab woman. One of the Arabs, much provoked, killed the Jew in anger, only to be killed himself, thus exacerbating the antagonism that already existed between the two communities.72

The basic structure of the narrative as established by al-Waqidi is quite different from that of Ibn Ishaq. Ibn Ishaq moves immediately into the scene, showing Mu- hammad inviting the Jews to Islam. In contrast, al-Waqidi begins with the agree- ment made between Muhammad and the Jews, moves to the sudden revolt of the B. QaynuqaC, and only then tells of the Prophet's inviting them to Islam-all of this relayed on the authority of CAbd Allah ibn Jacfar from al-Harith ibn Fudayl from Ibn Kacb al-Qurazi. The phrase, "You think that we are your people,"73 included by Ibn Ishaq and indicating that Muhammad may have believed that the Jews would ac- knowledge his authority, is not mentioned by al-Waqidi.

Particularly interesting is the way in which al-Waqidi gives us information par- alleling that reported by Ibn Ishaq on the authority of 'Asim ibn 'Umar ibn Qatada. It is also noticeable that Ibn Ishaq avoids mentioning an agreement between Mu- hammad and the Jews. He informs us that the B. Qaynuqac were the first of the Jews "to destroy what was between them and the Messenger of God."74 "What" was between the Prophet and the Jews may very well have been an understanding or a peace. On the other hand, we observe that by introducing the chapter with

Muhammad and the Medinan Jews 471

information regarding the contracting of an agreement between Muhammad and the Jews, al-Waqidi leaves no room for doubt that the what that was destroyed was indeed the contract. The parallel narrative as reported by al-Waqidi-and here I provide a literal translation so that the reader may appreciate how al-Waqidi makes his point by adding what is probably an interpretative gloss ("of the agreement")- states:

When the Prophet overcame the companions of Badr and arrived in Medina, the Jews acted wrongfully and broke what was between them and the Messenger of God, of the agreement.75

A closer examination of the traditions concerning the raids on the Jewish groups reveals that the isnads in the two parallel passages of Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi are nowhere the same.76 One cannot deny that the tradents used by al-Waqidi have al- ready been made familiar to us by the work of Ibn Ishaq. Nevertheless, they are not identical to the ones that Ibn Ishaq uses as his authorities when he narrates the episode regarding the B. Qaynuqac; in fact, the actual traditions used are also differ- ent. In other words, Jones's statement, "Musa b. CUqbah, Ibn Ishaq, and al-Waqidi were drawing upon a central core of material so well known that verification by conventional isnad was superfluous,"77 implying that the three compilers were using the same traditions and saying the same thing, is based on too simplistic an appre- ciation of the narrative and cannot be accepted.

The difference that emerges when two authors cite different Qur'anic passages as having been revealed on the occasion of the same event is significant. Ibn Ishaq's citation,

One force fought in the way of God; the other, disbelievers, thought they saw double their own force with their very eyes ...,

indicates that the victory at Badr was a miracle from God, a sign that informed the people of Muhammad's role.78 With al-Waqidi, however, who insists that the Jews abrogated their agreement first, the citation is:

If thou fearest treachery from any group, throw back [their Covenant] to them (so as to be) on equal terms: for God loveth not the treacherous.79

Here the reference appears to be to the failure of the Jews to keep the agreement; indeed, Qur'anic exegesis usually explains it this way. Thus, al-Waqidi claims that the Jews had provoked Muhammad's attack by abrogating the agreement.

There are other significant differences between the two narrators. Al-Waqidi in- troduces two new themes into this episode, which in Ibn Ishaq's text are present only in the episode of the raid on the B. Nadir: the hypocrisy of Ibn Ubayy and the pun- ishment by exile to Adhricat inflicted on the Jews after the capture of their weapons. These additional traditions bring a new dimension to the story of the B. Qaynuqac. Al-Waqidi, from this very early stage, portrays Ibn Ubayy as a hypocrite, and we see the author exploit repetition to establish this character trait. The justification for such repetition is based on the understanding that the traditions are, in actual fact, achro- nological and therefore may be placed wherever the compiler desires or even repeated. Certainly, knowing that the B. Qaynuqac have already been exiled makes one more reconciled to this notion when the B. Nadir are later removed from Medina.

472 Rizwi S. Faizer

There is also a difference in the sequential placement of the event. In the com- pilation of Ibn Ishaq the traditions concerning the B. Qaynuqac are placed after a group of traditions concerning the raid on al-Sawiq. It tells of Abu Sufyan and a group of Meccans being entertained and given information about the Muslims by the B. Nadir.80 Essentially, it informs the reader of a breach of contract by the B. Na- dir, in that they were entertaining the enemy of the Muslims, and the reader is left wondering why Muhammad chose to attack the B. Qaynuqac rather than the B. Nadir. In the narrative of al-Waqidi, the raid against the B. Qaynuqac is instead followed immediately by the raid of al-Sawiq.81 To explain why the Prophet's first attack was against the B. Qaynuqac, al-Waqidi deliberately shifts the raid of al-Sawiq from the place that it had been given by Ibn Ishaq, thereby rationalizing the sequence of events-though, interestingly, he too joins Ibn Ishaq in situating the raid of al-Sawiq in the month of Dhu'l-Hijja.

In the scene of Kacb ibn al-Ashraf's murder, al-Waqidi indicates, as does Ibn Ishaq, that Ibn al-Ashraf was killed because he had insulted the Prophet after the Battle of Badr. The different isndds used by al-Waqidi, however, indicate that he is using traditions different from those used by Ibn Ishaq. This difference is also re- flected in al-Waqidi's choice of asbdb al-nuzul. Thus, al-Waqidi indicates that verses from the suras al Clmran and al-Baqara were revealed at this time,82 while Ibn Ishaq (who associates dl CImran with the raid on the B. Qaynuqac) does not indi- cate the revelation of any passages from the Qur'an during his account of the mur- der of Ibn al-Ashraf.83 Instead, he suggests a possible link between Ibn al-Ashraf's murder and the raid on the B. Nadir, which he associates with surat al-Hashr. This association is indicated by Ibn Ishaq's inclusion of poetry about the murder of Kacb at the end of the narrative concerning the raid on the B. Nadir.84 More to the point, whereas Ibn Ishaq simply informs the reader that the Jews were extremely fearful after the killing of Kacb and by the murder of the Jewish merchant Ibn Sunayna by Muhayyisa ibn Mas'ud shortly thereafter,85 al-Waqidi builds on the incident to tell us that the Jews consequently met with the Prophet to protest his action.86

At this point, al-Waqidi has the Prophet make the significant comment that any insults against his person would be punished by death. The Prophet then invites the B. Nadir to make a written agreement with him, and they do so under a date palm at the home of Ramla bint al-Harith.87 Serjeant attempts to reconcile the latter part of the text of the "Constitution of Medina" with this agreement as recorded by al- Waqidi.88 However, the "Constitution" does not include the Jews of the B. Nadir as participants, directly or indirectly; nor does Ibn Ishaq refer to an agreement with the Jews during the episode concerning the B. Nadir. For al-Waqidi, the distur- bance leads the Jews to meet with Muhammad and come to an agreement with him, which is written down.89 It is obvious that Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi are not describ- ing the same situation. Like Serjeant, Martin Lings mistakenly attempts to juxtapose the two narratives. According to Lings, "He then invited them to make a special treaty with him in addition to the covenant, and this they did."90 The fact is that Muhammad's provocative cry permitting the killing of any Jew would have brought to an end any agreement with the Jews, if one existed.91

We are not told the exact nature of the agreement, but it was probably one of neutrality, for when the Jews refuse to join with Mukhayriq on Muhammad's side

Muhammad and the Medinan Jews 473

at Uhud because it is the Sabbath, Muhammad makes no protest. At the same time, we are told by al-Waqidi of an incident at the fortress of Faric in which Safiya bint CAbd al-Muttalib kills one of the Jews in a group she has seen moving toward the fortress.92 Although the incident appears to be a play upon Ibn Ishaq's account of what occurred at the same fortress during the battle of al-Khandaq,93 the repetition in al-Waqidi's narrative serves to deemphasize (as with the notion of exile) the sig- nificance of a similar story in his account of the battle of al-Khandaq.94

The affair of Bi'r Macuna concerns the actions of a Muslim who, not knowing that Muhammad had recently come to an agreement with the B. CAmir, murders two of the tribe's members.95 Muhammad turns to the B. Nadir for help in paying their blood money. This leads to the episode regarding the raid on the B. Nadir. It is im- portant to note that despite the many and varied accounts of this event, al-Waqidi retains much of what is found in the text of Ibn Ishaq, even if he does not cite him. In al-Waqidi's text, as in Ibn Ishaq's, the B. Nadir plot to kill the Prophet while he is visiting the tribe in search of help with the payment of the blood money-com- pensation for the two members of the B. CAmir whom one of his companions had killed. Like Ibn Ishaq, al-Waqidi informs the reader that the destruction of the palm trees of the B. Nadir by Muhammad, in an attempt to force out the Jews, was an act based on inspiration from God. In both accounts Yamin ibn CUmayr willingly pays someone to have his cousin murdered in order to please the Prophet.96

Nevertheless, it seems clear that al-Waqidi and Ibn Ishaq are not using the same traditions, for their isnads are not the same. The difference is significant. To a cer- tain extent, one can account for this difference by noting the differences in the na- ture of the events that lead to the raid in the two narratives. In Ibn Ishaq's account, the murder of Kacb leaves the Jews concerned for their future, but nothing is done about it; it seems that the plot to kill Muhammad is therefore an answer to that problem. In al-Waqidi, the murder of KaCb leads to an agreement between Muham- mad and the Jews. The B. Nadir's plot to kill Muhammad can therefore be looked upon as essentially an abrogation of the agreement, and al-Waqidi indicates this through the words of Sallam ibn Mishkam.97

If one looks more carefully at the narrative, it appears that the emphasis given to the events by al-Waqidi also differs from that given by Ibn Ishaq. Thus, in its discussion of the tradition regarding the Prophet's distribution among the Muha- jirun of the land of the B. Nadir, Ibn Ishaq's version portrays the Prophet as an au- tocratic leader who unhesitatingly gives the acquired land to his own people, for it is God Himself who established that land taken without force is the property of the Prophet, and thus, by extension, the Prophet has the right to divide it among whom- ever he pleases. In al-Waqidi, however, Muhammad is portrayed as a leader acting on nonreligious matters with the approval of the people. This is seen in al-Waqidi's interpretation of the Muslims' decision to move out of Medina during the battle of Uhud,98 and later in the decision to build a trench during the battle of Khandaq.99 In narrating this account about the land of the B. Nadir, al-Waqidi not only pro- vides the reader with several traditions regarding the Prophet's use of that land. He also sets out to explain the circumstances that are supposed to have led to the Prophet's decision to give the land to the Muhajirun alone, and to exclude all but the two indigent among the Ansar. Once again, according to al-Waqidi, Muhammad

474 Rizwi S. Faizer

acted after consulting the community. According to al-Waqidi's view, the Ansar had considered it an honor to have the Muhajirun live with them in their homes from the time they first arrived in Medina. When God granted Muhammad the land of the B. Nadir, which was captured without the use of arms, Muhammad called the Ansar together and offered them a share in the property, in which case the Mu- hajirun would continue to live in their homes, or the right to retain their homes for themselves by letting the Muhajirun alone share the B. Nadir's property. That both Sacd ibn CUbada and Sacd ibn Mucadh should cry out, "[R]ather, you will apportion it to the Muhajirun, but they will stay in our homes just as they were," indicates a warm acceptance of the grant of land to the Muhajirun, an outcome certainly not suggested by Ibn Ishaq.100

As for the exile of the B. Nadir, Ibn Ishaq indicates that while some of the tribe moved to Khaybar, others moved to Syria.101 In his chapter on the B. Nadir's exile, al-Waqidi also informs us that members of the B. Nadir moved to Syria, but only in his section on asbab.102 Indeed, in the course of his narrative on the B. Nadir, al- Waqidi tells us only of their removal to Khaybar.103 Norman A. Stillman, who does not appreciate the interpretative nature of this literature, neglects the asbab and, ig- noring the interpretation of Ibn Ishaq, misrepresents the episode. He asserts that

Two years later, the men of Nadir lost their lives, their wealth, and their women when the Muslims took Khaybar.104

In anticipation of the approaching murder of Abu Rafic, al-Waqidi finds it sensi- ble to provide additional information (compared to that of Ibn Ishaq) in "the raid on the Banu Nadir." He explains that Abu Rafic was an important and powerful leader of that tribe who maintained close associations with the Jews of Khaybar:

Abu Rafic Sallam shouted to them, "If the CAjwa are cut over here, surely to us in Khaybar are CAjwa ... Surely my confederates at Khaybar are ten thousand warriors."105

Al-Waqidi also suggests that Abu Rafic was an influential moneylender, declaring that "Abu Rafic Sallam b. Abi al-Huqayq was owed a hundred and twenty dinars."'06

Regarding the events following the raid on the B. Nadir and leading to the battle of the Trench, the most noticeable difference between the narratives of al-Waqidi and Ibn Ishaq is that the latter places both the murder of Sallam and the raid of Mu- raysica after the battle of the Trench, whereas al-Waqidi places them before. As far as al-Waqidi is concerned, Abu Rafic cannot participate in the battle of the Trench because he has already been killed.

The battle of the Trench-or the battle of al-Khandaq, as it is also known-was according to both Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi inspired by the Jews of the B. Nadir with others of their confession in Khaybar. Importantly, however, it is just prior to his account of the battle (in Dhu'l Qacda, A.H. 5) that al-Waqidi informs us of the dis- sension caused in the community by the scandal about CA'isha,107 an affair which is dated by Ibn Ishaq just previous to al-Hudaybiya.108 Al-Waqidi thus conceives the battle as happening at a quite inopportune moment as far as Muhammad and the Muslims were concerned.

Again, the outline of Ibn Ishaq's narrative is maintained by al-Waqidi: both de- scribe Muhammad's participation in the digging of the trench and the various mira- cles which indicate his prophethood, such as the changing of hard rock into sand by

Muhammad and the Medinan Jews 475

pouring water on it'09 and the increasing of the quantity of dates so that they were sufficient to feed all those working on the trench.110 Both authors tell of CAmir ibn CAbdu Wudd's challenge, which is answered finally by CAli;lll of the Prophet send- ing for CUyayna ibn Hisn in an attempt to bribe him to leave the enemy forces;1l2 and of the mischief of Nucaym ibn Mascud, who aroused anger and hostility against the Jews among the Ghatafan and the Quraysh."3

Yet the two authors differ on significant details. Though both date the battle of Khandaq to A.H. 5, Ibn Ishaq places the event in the month of Shawwal; al-Waqidi in Dhu'l Qacda. Whereas Ibn Ishaq simply indicates that the notion of building a trench was not an Arab one, al-Waqidi explicitly states that the idea was recom- mended by Salman al-Farisi."14 While both authors attribute Sacd ibn Mucadh's in- jury in battle to the shortness of his sleeve, it is Ibn Ishaq who has Sacd ibn Mu'adh cry out at this point against the Jews of the B. Qurayza.115 While both authors tell us that the Prophet sent Hudhayfa to spy on the camp of Abu Sufyan, Ibn Ishaq merely says that "so and so" was seated beside Hudhayfa, while al-Waqidi informs us that CAmr ibn al-CAs sat on one side of Hudhayfa and MuCawiya ibn Abi Sufyan on the other (surely an indication of his anti-Umayyad sentiments). In addition, al-Waqidi characterizes the return of Hudhayfa as a miracle."6

Then there are the traditions that seem to be exclusively al-Waqidi's. It is al- Waqidi who informs us that the Jews participated along with the Quraysh and the Ghatafan in a pagan ritual under the curtains of the KaCba, indicating their obvious ignorance of their own Jewish practices;117 that the B. Qurayza had lent their bas- kets and spades to the Muslims in order to build their trenches, pointing to the existence of an agreement with Muhammad;118 that the two SaCds of the Ansar pleaded with the B. Qurayza to return to the Prophet rather than obey Huyayy;"9 and that the Prophet expressed the hope that he would circumambulate the Kacba and take possession of its key in the near future.120

Interestingly and importantly, both biographers show the B. Qurayza betraying the Prophet at the last moment, preferring to join forces with the unreliable Huyayy and his associates to keeping the accord with Muhammad, who, even in their own assess- ment, had always been fair to them.121 But while Ibn Ishaq's position on the issue is unclear because in his earlier chapter on "The Cow" he establishes the considerable hostility of Kacb ibn Asad to the Prophet,122 al-Waqidi stresses the claim that there was a written agreement between Muhammad and the B. Qurayza. Significantly, the agree- ment as explained by CAmr ibn SuCda123 implies a promise of active support for the de- fense of the Muslims, the betrayal of which, according to al-Waqidi, is the primary act which brings about Muhammad's aggression against them and finally their execution.

Given the above, it is difficult to appreciate the position of M. J. Kister, who declares:

The suspicions that Qurayza attempted to plot with Quraysh against the Prophet would probably not justify the cruel punishment of execution.124

Citing the work of CAli ibn Burhan al-Din, Kister attempts to explain the actions of the Prophet by relating them to his desire to acquire the land of the B. Nadir in order to provide the Muhajirun with property and help them become self- supporting.125 There are two problems with Kister's reasoning, both of which are essentially methodological. First, he has misunderstood the interpretational nature

476 Rizwi S. Faizer

of the work, and therefore has not given sufficient consideration to what both Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi are saying. It seems obvious that according to both portrayals of the incident, the problem was one not of mere suspicion but of clear evidence. The betrayal of the Prophet by the B. Qurayza is depicted as having led to con- siderable insecurity for those on the Prophet's side: witness the inclusion by both compilers of traditions referring to the Jewish advance on the fortress of Faric, in which the Muslim women and children were being housed during the battle of al- Khandaq.126 Moreover, while Ibn Ishaq has the Prophet himself listen to their per- sonal insults and their denial that they had an agreement with him, al-Waqidi goes even further, having the two Sacds plead with the B. Qurayza to return to their agreement with the Prophet. According to al-Waqidi, the pleas of the Medinans were not heeded, and the abrogation of the agreement by Kacb ibn Asad held.127

Kister prefers to ignore all of this evidence. He maintains that the agreement drawn up between Muhammad and the Jews, contrary to what al-Waqidi informs us of through Ibn Sucda, was a simple muwadaca agreement, an agreement of neutral- ity, and then proceeds to explain that the behavior of the B. Qurayza was indeed in accordance with such a neutral position-they did not participate in the war, he says, but they did aid the Prophet with baskets and spades-information that has been carefully selected from the text of al-Waqidi.128

Second, Kister does not appreciate the decontextualized nature of these traditions, which the compilers of sira-maghazi quite confidently seem to have placed where they wished, according to their purposes. It is this ability to move the achronological material around, and even repeat it, that enables al-Waqidi boldly to shift the tradi- tion regarding the exile of the Jews, mentioned in connection with the B. Nadir by Ibn Ishaq, in order also to assert the exile of the B. QaynuqaC.129 It is in a similar spirit that al-Waqidi includes parallel traditions regarding the fortress of Faric in the context of the battles at Uhud and Khandaq, which in the narrative of Ibn Ishaq is found only in his description of the latter event.130 It would appear that in the nar- rative of 'Ali ibn Burhan al-Din to which Kister referred, the tradition concerning the grant of land to the Muhajirun had probably been moved from the position given it by both Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi, who speak of it in connection with the B. Nadir, to the section of his work dealing with the raid on the B. Qurayza.131 Kister's jus- tification for selecting the traditions of 'Ali ibn Burhan al-Din is probably his identification of what he would categorize as "genuine tradition." I believe, how- ever, that Kister misunderstands the fundamental nature of these traditions and, ignoring the interpretations of both Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi, attempts to explain Muhammad's actions as the result of his desire for more land.

The shift in the setting from the battle of the Trench to the raid on the B. Qurayza is immediate in the texts of both Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi. As always, al-Waqidi provides chronological details as well as information regarding who had been left in charge of Medina for that time. He then foreshadows what is to follow through a tradition which tells of the dream of the wife of Nabbash ibn Qays:

She said: I saw the trench, there was no one in it. I saw that the people turned towards us, while we were in our fortresses, and we were slaughtered like goats.132

The rest of the episode is very similar to that presented by Ibn Ishaq: al-Waqidi tells of how the prophet handed over the banner to cAli;133 how cAli attempted to

Muhammad and the Medinan Jews 477

protect the Prophet from the insults of the B. Qurayza;'34 how cAmr ibn Sucda', "a man of God," was rescued for his faithfulness;135 how the Prophet's aunt asked that he spare the life of Rifaca ibn Samaw'al, with whom she had "a relationship";136 and, most importantly, how the Prophet had the consent of the Aws in choosing Sacd ibn Mucadh to pass sentence on their Jewish confederates.137

Yet despite many similarities, some of these traditions are presented by al- Waqidi in a different manner. Thus, both Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi show the Prophet withdrawing from the battle, only to be called out again by the angel Gabriel. Al- Waqidi, however, provides the additional detail that Muhammad withdrew to CA'isha's house.138 Both authors depict the Prophet as alerting those around him to the fact that they had really seen the angel Gabriel, not Dihya al-Kalbi, ride by, but al- Waqidi informs us that it was the B. Najjar whom Muhammad addressed.139 Both relate that Kacb ibn Asad offered his people three alternatives to escape death,140 but interestingly, in the al-Waqidi text, we have already heard of a similar offer being made to the Jews of the B. Nadir by Kinana ibn Suwayra'; thus, a certain fatalism is conveyed.'41 Even as Kacb starts to speak, the reader knows that his advice will not be heeded.

Some traditions that are barely mentioned by Ibn Ishaq are skillfully drawn out by al-Waqidi and extended, I believe, for the purpose of providing a kind of relief- oriented entertainment in the style of the qissa. One example is the tale of Nabbata. Ibn Ishaq informs the reader that a single Jewess was executed, and that she was killed for having committed some unspecified crime. Al-Waqidi gives not only her name but also her exact offense. Nabbata had been persuaded by her husband to drop a millstone from atop their fortress onto the Muslim soldiers below-the very means by which they had earlier attempted to kill the Prophet. One of the Muslims had been killed as a result. Again, by providing more information, al-Waqidi sug- gests that he is the better informed. Both narratives agree concerning the hysterical laughter with which Nabbata faces the knowledge of her impending doom.142

Sometimes the traditions are differently recalled. For instance, al-Waqidi intro- duces Abu Lubaba through traditions describing his behavior even before Uhud143 and relates details about his stubborn and insubordinate attitude toward the Prophet, including his refusal to give a cluster of dates first to Muhammad, so that he might hand it to an orphan, and then directly to the orphan in return for a similar cluster in paradise.144 This episode in al-Waqidi's text devalues the impact of Abu Lubaba's well-known betrayal of God and Muhammad when he goes to advise the B. Qurayza, a narrative which, in the Ibn Ishaq context, evokes the biblical persona of Judas.145

The tradition that probably makes a greater impact, however, is the one regarding Sa'd's prayer. Ibn Ishaq relates this tradition during his narrative of the battle of al- Khandaq, indicating Sa'd ibn Mu'adh's anger at the hostility of the B. Qurayza, who had, since before the coming of Islam, joined with him against his opponents, even when those opponents were the B. Qurayza's fellow Jews.146 Al-Waqidi inserts this tradition into his chapter on the raid on the B. Qurayza. Thus in al-Waqidi's Kitdb al-maghazl, it is in the episode concerning the B. Qurayza that we have Sa'd ibn Mucadh pray after passing sentence on the Jews that every male adult be executed:

O God, if you have anything left of the war with the Quraysh, keep me for it. Indeed there is no tribe that I want to fight more than a tribe which has disbelieved in the Messenger of

478 Rizwi S. Faizer

God, caused injury to him and exiled him. And if the war has ended between us and them, make me a martyr. Let me not die until I have seen my desire upon the B. Qurayza.147

The shift is significant. By placing the prayer of SaCd in the midst of the battle of Khandaq, Ibn Ishaq suggests that Sacd had requested that he himself be permitted to decide the fate of the B. Qurayza. In other words, Ibn Ishaq puts the responsi- bility for the sentence of execution on Sa'd ibn MuCadh. It was this act which re- sulted in his being sanctified, as it were. By placing the tradition after the passing of the sentence upon the B. Qurayza, al-Waqidi removes the responsibility for the verdict from Sacd ibn Mu'adh's shoulders and places it, if indirectly, on those of Muhammad. Of course, according to al-Waqidi, the Jews had broken their agree- ment with Muhammad, and this, together with the fact that the Muslims had been dangerously exposed to the enemy forces, justified the verdict.

At this point, it would be instructive to compare Watt's analysis of this sequence of events. He writes:

Caetani's suggestion that the judgment was attributed to Sacd in order to avoid making Mu- hammad directly responsible for the "inhuman" massacre is completely baseless. In the earli- est period his family and their friends remembered his appointment as judge as an honor ... Caetani's alternative suggestion that SaCd pursued not the course that he thought best but that dictated to him by Muhammad is more difficult to dispose of. The prayer of Sacd for ven- geance might have been introduced to defend him from a charge of subservience.148

The fact is that while Ibn Ishaq indicates that Sacd was responsible for the execu- tion of the Jews by citing Sacd's prayer during the battle of al-Khandaq, al-Waqidi once again projects the notion that it was because the Jews had abrogated their agreement that the Prophet attacked them by displacing that tradition and citing it during the raid on the B. Qurayza. Neither Caetani nor Watt, however, notices how the tradition was manipulated and used by the two authors to suggest subtly differ- ent positions. The reason for this probably lies in the fact that the two historians did not notice the shift in the tradition and that, even if they did, they chose not to regard it as significant. This failure to perceive the nuances in the text results from isolating and selecting particular traditions without taking their context into consid- eration, and from not appreciating sufficiently the essentially interpretative nature of this material. The point is that these traditions are not chronologically fixed. Thus, each author-collator is at liberty to place the traditions where he will in order to establish his interpretation. It is therefore important, if one desires to appreciate sira-maghazi for what it is, to seek out the differences and try to understand them.

As for the course of these events, it was by establishing a sequence for the series of events-a chronology, if not a precise one-that compilers such as Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi determine most effectively their interpretations of the life of Muhammad. Chronology which determines cause and effect is clearly the key to interpretation. In this regard, Ibn Ishaq's insinuation of an essential periodization of the Prophet's life, despite the fact that the Islamic calendar was established several years after the Prophet's death, during the caliphate of 'Umar ibn al-Khattab, is interesting:

[T]he apostle came to Medina on Monday at high noon on the 12th of Rabic al-Awwal. The apostle on that day was fifty-three years of age, that being thirteen years after God called him. 149

Muhammad and the Medinan Jews 479

It is nevertheless important to understand that the day and date stipulated by Ibn Ishaq are at best a rough indication. The fact that according to Ibn Ishaq the Prophet Muhammad was born, emigrated, and died on a Monday suggests that the chronology has become mythologized. Indeed, Ibn Ishaq often indicates his uncer- tainty as to the chronology of specific events. According to him, the Prophet's de- cision to change the direction of the qibla may have occurred in either Rajab or Sha'ban.150 Again, Ibn Ishaq does not seem certain as to when the murder of Ibn al-Ashraf took place, either.151

Al-Waqidi's approach to the chronology of this literature is comparable to Ibn Ishaq's. After commencing his work with a list of the traditionists who constitute his main sources, al-Waqidi goes on to list the various events of the maghdzi of the Prophet in chronological order.'52 The basic structure of al-Waqidi's Kitab al-maghazi resembles in broad lines Ibn Ishaq's. The battles of Badr, Uhud, and Khandaq are followed by the raids on the B. Qaynuqac, the B. Nadir, and the B. Qurayza, respec- tively. Then there are the advances into Khaybar, Fadak, Wadi al-Qura, and Tayma' before the taking of Mecca. But if one scrutinizes the material more thoroughly, one finds a myriad differences in detail.

It has been suggested that al-Waqidi's emphasis on chronological detail is due to his more careful investigation of the traditions. Once again it is necessary to stress the fact that the traditions themselves are not chronologically fixed and that the genre of sira-maghazi does not impose a definite chronology. It is therefore ex- tremely important to recognize that al-Waqidi's chronology is not the outcome of a more thorough investigation of tradition. It is rather a chronology that he devised in order to establish his unique rendition of sira-maghdzi. Such an interpretation is substantiated by the fact that al-Waqidi gives much of his chronology on his own authority, and that he commends Ibn Ishaq as a traditionist even though he differs with him regarding the sequence of events and dates.

Because both Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi date the raid of al-Sawiq in Dhu'l-Hijja, Jones believes that this was indeed when the event occurred.153 This misunderstand- ing of the issue is probably due to Jones's focus on the date per se. He is unable to appreciate the use of chronology as essentially a litmus test of cause and effect rather than a deliberation regarding an exact point in time. Thus, although both Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi declare that the raid on al-Sawiq took place in Dhu'l-Hijja, in Ibn Ishaq the raid on the B. Qaynuqac (for which he does not give a precise date) follows the raid on al-Sawiq, while according to al-Waqidi the raid on the B. Qay- nuqac precedes that on al-Sawiq, around the month of Shawwal. Al-Waqidi is clearly rationalizing the sequence of events in order to justify why Muhammad first at- tacked the B. Qaynuqac rather than the B. Nadir.

As for the traditions concerning the chronology of the assassination of Kacb and the raid on the B. Nadir, Ibn Ishaq has effectively separated the two incidents in his historicizing of these events, placing Kacb's assassination after Badr and before Uhud, and the exile of the B. Nadir after Uhud. He thus maintains the traditions which as- sociate Muhammad's anger toward KaCb with his having been provoked soon after the battle of Badr. According to both Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi, Kacb ibn al-Ashraf had gone to Mecca after Badr and had incited the Quraysh to fight the Prophet. Kacb had also composed verses mourning the death of the brave Meccan victims killed at Badr; on returning to Medina, he had then composed love poems of a

480 Rizwi S. Faizer

nature insulting to some Muslim women.'54 Ibn Ishaq does not refer to any Qur'anic citations, but he does suggest that traditions did exist which linked the assassina- tion of Kacb to the exile of the B. Nadir. This he does by placing a poem apparently composed by the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet, CAli, at the end of the chap- ter on the exile of the B. Nadir, which he associates in turn with the revelation of the surat al-.Hashr. Al-Waqidi, on the other hand, associates the murder with the revelations of verses from the suras al Clmran and al-Baqara.

There are more details to contend with. Early sira literature dates the raid on the B. Nadir as having taken place six months after Badr on the authority of Zuhri from 'Urwa ibn al-Zubayr,155 and Musa ibn CUqba.l56 At the same time, traditions also exist indicating that, according to CUrwa, the conflict with both the B. Qaynuqac157 and the B. Nadir took place around the same time-that is, six months after Badr.

Why then did Ibn Ishaq place the raid on the B. Nadir after the battle of Uhud? Ibn Ishaq may have been falling back on exegetical tradition. In that genre, not only is the assassination of Kacb linked to the exile of the B. Nadir, but both events are chronologically placed after Uhud.158 Moreover, as already explained, Ibn Ishaq, like the exegetes, links the chapter with surat al-.Hashr. On the other hand, it seems that there also existed traditions tying the assassination of Kacb to a subsequent agree- ment between Muhammad and the Jews.159 It is this latter tradition that al-Waqidi makes use of in his Kitab al-maghazi. This tradition implies that there must have been a considerable lapse of time between the assassination of Kacb and the exile of the B. Nadir160-a lapse sufficient to allow for the making of an agreement between Muhammad and the B. Nadir. This justifies al-Waqidi's arrangement, which, like Ibn Ishaq's, sees the placing of KaCb's assassination after Badr but the exile of the B. Nadir after Uhud.

Why then was Ibn Ishaq's narration of the assassination not followed by informa- tion regarding an agreement between Muhammad and the B. Nadir? I suggest that he deliberately left it out, just as, when he described the agreement which has come to be called the "Constitution of Medina," he deliberately left out the names of the three most important Jewish tribes. Significantly, an agreement between Muham- mad and the Jews is never categorically mentioned in Ibn Ishaq's narration of the raid on either the B. Qaynuqac or the B. Nadir. An important theme in his biogra- phy of the Prophet is the representation of Muhammad as a prophet like any other: a prophet who has come as God's messenger and who therefore must be obeyed. Whether an agreement was broken or not was, as far as Ibn Ishaq was concerned, beside the point.

Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi differ regarding the chronology of the murder of Sallam ibn Abi'l-Huqayq as well. Al-Waqidi dates the event sometime in the month of Dhu'l-Hijja in the year A.H. 4, suggesting that Sallam ibn Abi'l-Huqayq was mur- dered for his activities during the raid on the B. Nadir.161 In contrast, Ibn Ishaq places the murder soon after al-Khandaq, implying that Sallam ibn Abi'l-Huqayq was being punished for joining with the Meccans in their attack on Medina.162 Moreover, Ibn Ishaq explains the murder by citing the conflicts and competition that existed between the Aws and the Khazraj.'63 Al-Waqidi makes no reference to the traditions regarding factionalism and indicates that it was the Prophet who took the initiative in sending the expedition out against Abu Rafi'c, just as he did in the case of Kacb. Al-Waqidi's earlier dating-A.H. 4-suggests that the Prophet's

Muhammad and the Medinan Jews 481

actions were such that they did not encourage the development of factionalism. Ac- cording to al-Waqidi, it makes sense to fix the date of the murder at a point closer to the exile of the B. Nadir.164 To justify his chronology, al-Waqidi brings many new details (i.e., information not provided by Ibn Ishaq) into his account of the ex- ile of the B. Nadir, informing the reader of the authority of Abu Rafic and indicat- ing that he had links to the Jews of the formidable fortress of Khaybar, events which explain the attack on Abu Rafic in A.H. 4. Although al-Waqidi mentions an alternative date in A.H. 6,165 the fact that he does not mention Abu Rafic during the battle of al-Khandaq nevertheless gives a certain finality to his original chronology.

As for the chronology of the battle of al-Khandaq, al-Waqidi places the battle soon after the raid on Muraysic. On this occasion, the Prophet's authority is challenged by important members of the community who question his wife's faithfulness. The com- munity's morale seems to have been at a low ebb when the Prophet's enemies decided to attack him at what later came to be known as the battle of al-Khandaq.

Al-Waqidi also differs from Ibn Ishaq with regard to the chronology of many asbab al-nuzul. Ibn Ishaq, who, as we have seen, is not overly disturbed by the ex- istence of contradictory traditions regarding an event, gives two explanations for the occasion of the revelation of the verse

Remember God's favor to you, how a people were minded to stretch out their hands against you, but He withheld their hands from you.166

One explanation, according to Ibn Ishaq, is that this revelation referred to the B. Na- dir's attempt to drop a stone on the Prophet;167 the other explanation is that the verse was revealed on the occasion of the raid on Dhat al-Riqac, when Ghawrath of the B. Muharib failed in his attempt to kill Muhammad.168 Ibn Ishaq seems to be indicating the various situations that may have provoked the particular Qur'anic revelation concerned. Al-Waqidi disagrees: according to his account, the verse was revealed during the raid on Dhu Amarr.169 Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi also have a dif- ference of opinion regarding the verses revealed during the conflict with the B. Qay- nuqac. The point is that these narratives were not inspired by QurDanic verses, as Crone seems to believe; rather, each compiler sought out the Qur'anic citations which best suited the interpretation or bias he desired to impose on various events in the life of the Prophet. For his part, al-Waqidi, seeking a passage that would ac- commodate his interpretation of sira-maghazi, did not blindly include the verses cited by his predecessor. Instead, he carefully selected his own.

As for their styles, there is a striking symmetry to the narratives of Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi.170 The synchronization of the traditions so that the account of the battle of Badr is followed by the raid on the B. Qaynuqac, the battle of Uhud by the raid on the B. Nadir, and the battle of al-Khandaq by the raid on the B. Qurayza is, at the very least, a convenient mnemonic. The similarity may stop there, but the sym- metry does not: for whereas Ibn Ishaq describes an escalation of violence against the Jews, it is a kind of patterned repetitiveness which characterizes the account in al-Waqidi's Kitab al-maghazi. His depiction of Ibn Ubayy as a hypocrite, for in- stance, can be seen in his accounts of the raids on both the B. Qaynuqac and the B. Nadir, a theme which is absent in Ibn Ishaq's discussion of the raid on the B. Qay- nuqac. It is the same style of repetitiveness that leads al-Waqidi to mention the advance of a party of Jews on the fortress of Faric not only in his account of the

482 Rizwi S. Faizer

affair of al-Khandaq (in which Ibn Ishaq brings to the fore the issue of increased risk to the Muslims of Medina, possibly to justify the execution of the B. Qurayza), but also in the earlier sequence of Uhud in which al-Waqidi gives us an early version of Safiya's bravery in the face of Hasan's cowardice.'7 The repetitiveness in al- Waqidi's method brings to the narrative a certain flatness. Sometimes, however- as in the case of Ibn Sucda's reference to the jizya, or the Prophet's reference to his desire to hold the key to the Kacba (made during the battle of al-Khandaq)-al- Waqidi uses repetition to foreshadow what will follow, conveying a ritualistic effect which his audiences must have found attractive. This is quite different from the style of Ibn Ishaq, who tends to cite a number of different accounts while building to a climax.

The originality of al-Waqidi's method lies largely in his restatement of sira- maghazl in the light of his unique interpretation of the Prophet's life. The com- piler, aware of the unattached and decontextualized nature of traditions, assigns to them various and altered positions within the scheme of sira-maghazi to effect a re-creation. The success of such a re-creation depends on the skill with which the traditions are resituated and manipulated within the given genre. By this means al- Waqidi gives the traditions that constitute the story of the maghdzi of the Prophet a new relevance. The changed, and sometimes more detailed, information that he in- troduces stems not from a desire to provide more accurate information, but largely from a stylistic impulse to use the data for his own purposes. In effect, he very suc- cessfully pours old wine into a new bottle, so to speak, to become the compiler of a new and original biography of the Prophet.

Various conclusions may be drawn from the above discussion. What this study has made clear, however, is that the differences established by al-Waqidi are delib- erate and often the result of stylistic considerations. Nevertheless, throughout this analysis I have indicated that despite the differences, there is an extraordinary simi- larity between the two compilations. It is this similarity which has led authors such as Wellhausen to accuse al-Waqidi of plagiarism, and others such as J. N. Mattock to explain the variations in the different compilations as comparable to the oral transmission of Greek epic.172 Yet it is also very noticeable that al-Waqidi never cites Ibn Ishaq. I suggest therefore that al-Waqidi, knowing the work of Ibn Ishaq and being aware of the numerous recensions of it that were being written at the time,173 deliberately set out to compile an original sira-maghazi of his own.

Because Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi are not only using different traditions but are also saying different things, it is therefore incorrect to use the material provided by al-Waqidi to supplement the narrative of Ibn Ishaq. In the works of both compilers, the chronology of events is artificial and imposed; it is based on the purposes of the compiler and the interpretation that he desires to impose on this material rather than on a search for factual data. Moreover, al-Waqidi's interesting technique of foreshadowing, which is a part of his repetitiveness, should be noticed for the chronological ambiguity it introduces.

More importantly, while Qur'anic influence is evident in the way Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi each use the motif, or topos, of Muhammad and the Jews, it is only in this broad sense that such a linkage can be established. To see individual passages of the Qur'an as the inspiration for particular traditions regarding the Prophet used

Muhammad and the Medinan Jews 483

in sira-maghazi would, I believe, be incorrect. Traditions regarding the Prophet seem to have had an origin and evolution of their own. The linking of these tradi- tions with Qur'anic citations is a characteristic of sira-maghazi. But this linkage depended on the compiler concerned, who chose his citations according to his unique interpretation of the Prophet's life.

Finally, I would emphasize that the genre sira-maghazi is not a confused collection of traditional materials, as Crone would have us believe. Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi are not saying the same thing, but we as readers will appreciate this material only if we try to understand each author's work as an integral statement that is distinct from any other. To isolate various traditions and try to understand them out of context as they are transmitted through time is a meaningless exercise and will not produce an appreciation of the processes at work. This unsympathetic approach has, disappoint- ingly, been the nature of most modern research on the biographical literature about the Prophet. What is really required is an approach which places the author-compiler at the center of his work, for it is the author-compiler's interpretation of the Prophet's life, rather than some body of absolute data, that we hold.

NOTES

Author's note: This article is based on my Ph.D. dissertation, "Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi Revisited: A Case Study of Muhammad and the Jews in Biographical Literature" (Montreal: McGill University, 1995). I thank the editor of IJMES, Professor R. S. Humphreys, for the valuable suggestions and comments which have helped make this article a more lucid one.

1Muhammad ibn Ishaq, Kitdb sirat rasul Alldh, in the recension of CAbd al-Malik ibn Hisham, ed. Ferdinand Wiistenfeld, under the title Das Leben Muhammed's nach Ibn Ishdk, 2 vols. in 3 (G6ttingen: Dieterichsche Universitats-Buchhandlung, 1858-60); Muhammad ibn Ishaiq, The Life of Muhammad, ed., trans., and with an introduction by Alfred Guillaume (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1955).

2Muhammad ibn 'Umar al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghdzi, edited with an English preface and Arabic intro- duction by J. M. B. Jones, 3 vols. (London: Oxford University Press, 1966).

3In this article, I refer to this work as either Kitab sirat rasul Allah or Sira by Ibn Ishaq. 4Nabia Abbott explains the nature of learning in the early years of Islam, dividing the students who

attended the "recitals" of shaykhs/lecturers into three groups: (a) those who attended for the purpose of listening only (such a session was termed a sam'); (b) those who had previously read and copied the text of the shaykh's lecture and brought their manuscripts to him to be checked, a process known as the Card; and (c) those who combined the samc and the Card. The correction could be done in any of three ways: by correcting the manuscript from a second reading of the shaykh, either by memory or the use of his own notes, by reading the text back to the shaykh so that he might correct it, or by comparing the text with another authenticated text established by the shaykh himself. See Nabia Abbott, Historical Texts, vol. 1, Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957), 93.

5The Kufan, al-Bakka'i, is recognized as the most reliable transmitter of Ibn Ish.aq because his text is supposed to have been dictated to him twice by the author. See R. G. Khoury, "Sources islamiques de la 'Sira,'" in La Vie du Prophete Mahomet: Colloque de Strasbourg, October 1980 (Paris: Presses Uni- versitaires de France, 1983), 10.

6See the translator's foreword to al-Tabari, The Last Years of the Prophet, vol. 9, The History of al- Tabari, trans. and ed. Ismail K. Poonawala (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990), xi.

7See Gregor Scholer, "Die Frage der schriftlichen oder mtindlichen Uberlieferung der Wissenschaften im fruihen Islam," Der Islam 42 (1985): 201-30, who makes the case for the early existence of fixed texts, as against Sadun Mahmud al-Samuk, who believes that these early authors did not establish a fixed text; see Sadun Mahmud al-Samuk, Die historischen Uberlieferungen nach Ibn Ishaq (diss., Frankfurt, 1978).

8Abbott, Historical Texts, 94. 9Al-Tabari, Ta'rikh al-rusul wa'l-muluk, ed. M. J. De Goeje (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1879), 1:1073-1837.

484 Rizwi S. Faizer

10Throughout this article the terms tradition, transmitter, and tradent have been used in the Islamic sense. I have not used the Arabic terminology, because the terms akhbar and hadlth are subtly different. Distinguishing one from the other is difficult and, as far as this article is concerned, unnecessary.

1 In fact, the Kitdb al-maghazi of al-Waqidi has come down to us through the four Iraqis Ibn al-Thalji, Ibn Abi Hayya (d. 931), Ibn Hayawayhi (d. 992), and al-Hasan ibn CAli al-Jawhari (d. 1062); see Jones, English preface to al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazl, v.

12See J. M. B. Jones, "The Chronology of the Maghdzi-A Textual Survey," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 19 (1957): 245-80; idem, "The Maghiiz Literature," in Arabic Literature to the End of the Umayyad Period, ed. A. E L. Beeston et al. (Cambridge University Press, 1983), 344-51, and Patricia Crone, Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), respectively.

13Martin Hinds, "Maghazl and Sira in Early Islamic Scholarship," in La vie du Prophet Mahomet, 62. 14Leone Caetani, Annali dell'Islam, vol. 1 (Milan: U. Hoepli, 1905); Crone, Meccan Trade; Moshe Gil,

"The Medinan Opposition to the Prophet," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 10 (1987): 65-96; Hartwig Hirschfeld, "Essai sur l'histoire des Juifs de Medine," part 1, Revue des Etudes juives 7 (1883): 167-93 and part 2, Revue des Etudes juives 10 (1885): 10-31; Jones, "Chronology of the Maghazi"; M. J. Kister, "The Expedition of BiDr Macuna," in Arabic and Islamic Studies in Honour of Hamilton A. R. Gibb, ed. George Makdisi (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1965), 337-57; M. Lecker, "Muhammad at Medina: A

Geographical Approach," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 6 (1985): 29-62; R. B. Serjeant, "Haram and Hawtah, the Sacred Enclave in Arabia," in Melanges Taha Husain, ed. A. R. Badawi (Cairo: Al-Maaref, 1962), 41; William Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953); idem, Muhammad at Medina (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956); idem, "Muhammad," in P. M. Holt and Bernard Lewis, Cambridge History of Islam (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 30- 56; Arent Jan Wensinck, Mohammed en de Joden te Medina (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1928), trans. Wolfgang Behn under the title Muhammad and the Jews of Medina (Freiburg im Breisgau: K. Schwarz, 1975).

15Julius Wellhausen, preface to Al-Waqidi, Muhammad in Medina, trans. Julius Wellhausen (Berlin: G. Reimer, 1882), 12.

16j. M. B. Jones, "Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 22 (1959): 41-51.

17Crone, Meccan Trade, 225. 18See, for instance, G. R. Hawting's analysis of the traditions of the fath in "Al-Hudaybiyya and the

Conquest of Mecca," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 8 (1986): 18, in which he discusses the use of hadith. As for the use of akhbdr, see Stefan Leder, "Authorship and Transmissions in Unauthored Literature," Oriens (1988): 67.

19This is essentially the position toward literary analysis taken by Ferdinand de Saussure; see Jonathan Culler, Ferdinand de Saussure (New York: Cornell University Press, 1986).

20Caetani, Annali, 1:391-95; Gil, "The Constitution of Medina," Israel Oriental Studies 4 (1974): 44- 66, 203-24; Uri Rubin, "The 'Constitution of Medina': Some Notes," Studia Islamica 42 (1985): 5-20; R. B. Serjeant, "The Sunnah JdmiCah, Pacts with the Yathrib Jews, and the Tahrim of Yathrib: Analysis and Translation of the documents Comprised in the so called 'Constitution of Medina'," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 41 (1978): 1-42; idem, "The Constitution of Medina," Islamic Quarterly 8 (1964): 3-16; W. Montgomery Watt, "Condemnation of the Jews of Banu Qurayzah," in Early Islam: Collected Articles (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1990), 1-12; Julius Wellhausen, "Muhammads Gemeindeordnung von Medina," in Skizzen und Vorarbeiten (Berlin: G. Reimer, 1889), 4:65-83; Wensinck, Muhammad and the Jews of Medina.

21W. N. Arafat, "New Light on the Story of Banu Qurayza and the Jews of Medina," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1976): 100-107; and Barakat Ahmad, Muhammad and the Jews (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1979).

22M. J. Kister, "The Massacre of the Banui Qurayza: A Reconsideration of a Tradition," Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 8 (1986): 68.

23Ibn Ishaq, Kitib sirat rasul Allah, 3-7. 24Ibid., 552. 25Ibid., 672. 26Rudolf Sellheim, "Prophet, Chalif und Geschichte. Die Muhammed-Biographie des Ibn Ishaq,"

Oriens 18-19 (1967): 3-91.

Muhammad and the Medinan Jews 485

27The Prophet's death is mentioned incidentally in the course of the chapter on the raid on Khaybar, and Usama's raid on Mu'ta, for instance, but these are only references to the event. See al-Waqidi, Kitdb al-maghazi, 678, 1,120. On the other hand, there are other traditions regarding the Prophet's death narrated by al-Waqidi which are recorded for us by Ibn Sacd, but as we are concerned with the Kitdb al-maghdzi, which is essentially a literary genre, these traditions will be considered to have been inten- tionally excluded by al-Waqidi and therefore considered irrelevant for the purposes of this study.

28See al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 571-633, 741-54, 873-74, 1088-1103. 29Thus for instance the ghazwat muraysic is but a mnemonic for the recollection of the traditions

regarding the scandal about CA'isha. See al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 426-40. 30According to Horovitz, Ibn Ishaq cited more than one hundred traditionists from Medina alone. See

Josef Horovitz, "The Earliest Biographies of the Prophet and their Authors," trans. Marmaduke Pikthall, in Islamic Culture 1 (1928): pt. 3, 170.

31Born into notoriety, his father having been one of the Meccans who had sworn to kill Muhammad, Ibn Shihab built up a reputation for his scrupulous scholarship and honesty, and for his collection of traditions of the Prophet. See Horovitz, "The Earliest Biographies of the Prophet," pt. 2, 33-50; and Fuat Sezgin, Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums (GAS) (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1967), 1:280-83.

32Son of CAsma', daughter of Abu Bakr, and sister of CA'isha, the wife of the Prophet, and al-Zubayr, son of al-CAwwam, brother of Khadija, the first wife of the Prophet. See Horovitz, "The Earliest Biog- raphies of the Prophet," pt. 1, 542; and Sezgin, GAS, 1:278.

33Tradition has it that CAbd Allah's great-grandfather was sent by the Prophet as judge to the Yemen, and asked to instruct the inhabitants in the teachings of Islam. His grandfather is said to have been killed at the battle of the harra in A.H. 63, and his father was appointed judge in Medina in A.H. 86, when 'Umar ibn CAbd al-'Aziz took over its governorship. It was he whom 'Umar II is supposed to have sought out to obtain the hadith of the Prophet and write them down. See Horovitz, "The Earliest Biographies of the Prophet," pt. 2, 22-33; Sezgin, GAS, 1:284.

34His grandfather was the famous Qatada whose eyeball was replaced in its socket by the Prophet, and who is reported to have declared that he could see better with that eye than with the one that had not been wounded. See Eduard Sachau, "Studien zur altesten Geschichtsiiberlieferung der Araber," Mitteilungen des Seminars fiur orientalische Sprachen 7 (1904): 168.

35Khoury, "Sources islamiques," 12-13; Sezgin, GAS, 1:279-80. 36Khoury, "Sources islamiques," 13. 37Horovitz, "The Earliest Biographies of the Prophet," pt. 4, 518. According to Horovitz, al-Waqidi

must have been about twenty-five years old or younger when he began to collect traditions, for some of his authorities died only a little after A.H. 150.

38Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 351-52. 39Ibid., 355-61. 4?For the names of those who witnessed Badr, see al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 152. 41As for instance those who were martyred at the battle of al-Khandaq, ibid., 495-96; those who were

killed during the raid on the B. Qurayza, ibid., 529; and those who were martyred at Khaybar, ibid., 699-700.

42Those who were taken prisoner at Badr, ibid., 138-44. 43Portions allotted from what was taken from the B. Nadir, ibid., 379-80. 44That these communities were not included in the "Constitution" is indicated by the fact that when list-

ing the various Jews who opposed the Prophet, he not only mentions the Jewish confederates of the Arab groups mentioned in the agreement, but also includes the B. Qaynuqac, the B. Nadir, and the B. Qurayza. See Ibn Ishaq, Kitaib sirat rasul Allah, 351-52; see also Watt, Muhammad at Medina, 22; and Rubin, "The Constitution of Medina," 10.

45Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 341-44. 46Ibid., 304-5. 47Ibid., 393-94. 48Ibid., 395-96. 49Ibid., 388. 50Ibid., 427. 51Ibid., 545. 52A1-Waqidi, Kitdb al-maghdzi, 454.

486 Rizwi S. Faizer

53"The Prophet wrote a document concerning the emigrants and helpers in which he made a friendly agreement with the Jews...." See Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Alldh, 341; Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Mu- hammad, 231.

54According to al-Waqidi, Ibn Ishaq was "a chronicler, genealogist, and traditionist, ... a man to be trusted." See al-Tabari, Ta'rikh, 3:2512, Ibn Ishaq, The Life of Muhammad, xxxii.

55See Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 714. 56See idem, Life of Muhammad, 482. 57Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 379. 58See ibid., 184. 59Ibid., 176. 60Ibid., 192. 61Ibid., 370-71. 62Ibid., 445. 63Ibid., 503-4. 64Wellhausen, "Muhammad's Constitution of Medina," in Muhammad and the Jews of Medina, 128-29. 65The archaic nature of the language of the information that has been differentiated as the "Consti-

tution of Medina" is not sufficient to establish its historical nature. Such language could very well have been affected to generate the impression of age, and it is interesting that Watt himself should admit this possibility. See Watt, "Condemnation of the Jews of Banu Qurayzah," in Early Islam, 6. It is known that students of law were attempting to simulate documents pertaining to the meaning of the term dhimmi and its legal implications. The document which claims to go back to the time of 'Umar, the second caliph of Islam, is a notorious example. See A. S. Tritton, The Caliphs and Their Non-Muslim Subjects: A Critical Study of the Covenant of 'Umar (London: Oxford University Press, 1930), 12.

66Joseph Campbell, The Hero with a Thousand Faces (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), 30. 67Sellheim, "Prophet, Chalif und Geschichte," 69. 68Hirschfeld, "Essai sur l'histoire," pt. 2, 174. 69Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 24. 70From what we know of earlier sira-maghazi, such as those of Macmar ibn Rashid and Musa ibn

'Uqba, it was the raid on the B. Nadir that took place six months after Badr-the raid on the B. Qay- nuqac not being mentioned. See Kister, "Notes on the Papyrus Text about Muhammad's Campaign against the Banu al-Nadir," Archiv Orientalni 32 (1964), 235; and Jones, "The Chronology of the Maghazi," 249, 268. This episode increases the number of significant Jewish tribes attacked by Muhammad from two to three. Given that three is a well-recognized numerical mnemonic, and that Ibn Ishaq was famous for his oral performances of this collection of traditions about the Prophet's life, the possibility that the inclu- sion of the raid accompanied by the escalation of violence was established for mnemonic reasons must be considered. For the uses of the mnemonic in oral tradition, see Rudolf Bultmann, who writes of the law of repetition in The History of the Synoptic Tradition (New York: Harper and Row, 1963), 191, 314; and Jan Vansina, Oral Tradition as History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985), for an ap- preciation of how oral tradition works. It is important to remember that historical fact is not necessarily behind these incidents. According to S. D. Goitein there is only Arabic literary evidence to support such an opinion; see The Islam of Muhammad, cited in Ronald C. Kiener's review article on Gordon D. Newby, Religious Studies Review (July 1992): 183.

71Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 545-47. I would remind the reader that while al-Waqidi's Prophet also demands conversion of the Jews, he does this only after defeating them in war, and it is an offer made as a last resort.

72See al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 176-77. A similar story is narrated by Ibn Hisham in his recen- sion of Ibn Ishaq's Kitab sirat rasul Allah, but he takes the precaution to add that the woman referred to refused to uncover her face, an implausible situation as the Prophet had not yet prescribed the veil for his women. This leads one to suppose, therefore, that the tradition cited was false. See Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 546.

73See Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 545. 74Ibid., 543-44. 75Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 176. 76Thus, for instance, the isnads used by Ibn Ishaiq are (a) a report about the B. Qaynuqac, (b) a free-

man from the family of Zayd ibn Thabit from Sacid ibn Jubayr from Clkrima from Ibn 'Abbas, (c) 'Asim

Muhammad and the Medinan Jews 487

ibn CUmar ibn Qatada; and (d) Ishaq ibn Yasar from CUbada ibn al-Walid ibn 'Ubada ibn al-Samit. The isnads used by al-Waqidi are (a) CAbd Allah ibn Jacfar from al-Harith ibn Fudayl from Ibn Kacb al- Qurazi, (b) Muhammad ibn CAbd Allah from Zuhri from 'Urwa, (c-d) two traditions that begin "they said," probably referring to the collective tradition given at the beginning of the book, (e) Muhammad ibn Maslama "said," (f) "Muhammad related to me from al-Zuhri, from CUrwa," (g) "Muhammad ibn al-Qasim related to me from his father from al-RabiC ibn Sabra from his father," and (h) "Yahya ibn CAbd Allah ibn Abi Qatada related to me from CAbd Allah ibn Abi Bakr ibn Hazm." See Ibn Ishaq, Life of Muhammad, 363-64, and al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 176-80, respectively.

77Jones, "The Maghazl Literature," 348. 78See Qur'an, 3:10, cited in Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 545. 79Qur'an, trans. Yusuf Ali, 8:58, cited in Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 177. 80Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 543-44. 81Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazl, 181. 82Ibid., 185. 83See Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasil Alldh, 548-53. 84Ibid., 657-58. 85Ibid., 552-54. 86Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghdzt, 192. 87Ibid. 88Serjeant, "The Sunnah Jamicah," 32.

89A1-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazl, 192. 90Martin Lings, Muhammad: His Life Based on the Earliest Sources (London: George Allen and

Unwin, 1983), 171.

91Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazl, 191; Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Alldh, 553. 92Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghdzl, 288. 93Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasil Allah, 680. 94A1-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghdzi, 462. 95Ibid., 346; Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasil Alldh, 648-51. 96Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasil Allah, 652-55; Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghdzi, 363-74. 97Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 365. 98Ibid., 209-13. 99Ibid., 444-45.

100Ibid., 379. 10lIbn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 653.

102Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 380. 103Ibid., 375. 104Norman A. Stillman, The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book (Philadelphia: Jewish

Publication Society of America, 1979), 14. 05A1l-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 373.

106Ibid., 374. 107Ibid., 426-40. 108Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasal Allah, 731-40. 109Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Alldh, 671; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 452. l0Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 672; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 476. 11Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 677-78; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 470. 112Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 676; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghdaz, 477. 13Ibn Ishaq, Kitsb sirat rasul Allah, 680; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghdzl, 480-84. 114Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasil Alldh, 677; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghdzl, 445. 115bn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 678-79; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghdzi, 469. 16Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasil Allah, 683; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghdzi, 489.

117Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 442. 118Ibid., 445. 119Ibid., 458. 120Ibid., 460. Interestingly, this same tradition is repeated in the chapter on the raid on al-Hudaybiya,

but there it is recorded as a vision or dream rather than a mere hope. See ibid., 572.

488 Rizwi S. Faizer

121Ibid., 455. 122Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 396, 399. 123See al-Waqidi, Kitdb al-maghazi, 503-4; for my translation see page 468. 124Kister, "The Massacre of the Banu Qurayza," 94-95. 125Ibid., 96. 126Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 680; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 462. 127A1-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 458. 128Kister, "The Massacre of the Banu Qurayza," 85. 129Ibid., 178. 130Ibid., 288, 462. 13 Ibid., 96. 132A1-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 497. This knack of presenting the reader with a kind of premonition

of what is soon to happen is a characteristic of al-Waqidi's style, which I have commented on. 133Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 684; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 497. 134Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 684; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 499. 135Ibn Ishaq, Kitdb sirat rasul Allah, 687-88; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 504. 36Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 692; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 515. 137Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 688; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 510. 13Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasl Allah, 684; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 497. 39Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 685; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 498-99.

140Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasil Allah, 685-86; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 501-3. 41Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 366.

142Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 690-91; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 516-17. 143We know that it happened before Uhud because the man who bought the fruit from Abu Lubaba

was martyred at Uhud. See al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 505. 144Ibid. 145Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 686-87; Sellheim, "Prophet, Chalif und Geschichte," 62. 146Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 679. 47Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 512. Compare Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Alldh, 679.

148Watt, "Condemnation of the Jews of Banu Qurayzah," 11. 149Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasil Allah, 415; Ibn Ishaq, Life of Muhammad, 281. 15?Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 381, 427. 151See my discussion of the murder of KaCb ibn al-Ashraf on page 479-80. 152A1-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 1-8. 153Jones, "The Chronology of the Maghazi," 261. 154See Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasil Allah, 548-53; al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 184-93. 155'Abd al-Razzaq, al-Musannaf, ed. Habib al-Rahman al-ACzami (Beirut: 1970), 5:357, cited in Rubin,

"The Assassination of KaCb b. al-Ashraf," Oriens 32 (1990): 69, n. 27. 15tSee Kister, "Notes on the Papyrus Text," 235. 157See al-Zurqani, Sharh cald'l mawdhib al-laduniya, 1:551, cited in Jones, "Chronology of the Ma-

ghazi," 247, n. 21. 158Exegetes such as Muqatil ibn Sulayman (d. 767) and Baghawi (d. 1122) are seen to associate the

murder of KaCb with the exile of the B. Nadir and surat al-Hashr. See Rubin, "The Assassination of Kacb b. al-Ashraf," 68.

159Ibid., 68, n. 23.

160A1-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 192. 16IIbid., 391. 162Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Alldh, 714-16. 163Ibid., 714. 164Jones, however, feels that the differences regarding the date of the murder of Abu Rafic was a

matter of simple confusion. See Jones, "Chronology of the Maghazi," 270. 165Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 395. 166QurDan, trans. Yusuf Ali, 5:12. 167Ibn Ishaq, Kitab sirat rasul Allah, 392. 168Ibid., 663.

Muhammad and the Medinan Jews 489

'69Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-maghazi, 196. 170According to Northrop Frye, "Symmetry in any narrative always means that historical content is be-

ing subordinated to mythical demands of design and form." See Northrop Frye, The Great Code (Toronto: Academic Press Canada, 1982), 43.

171Al-Waqidi, Kitdb al-maghdzl, 288, 462.

172According to J. N. Mattock, the compiler is essentially sticking to the key components of the story, but inevitably changes the details to suit the immediate circumstances that he faces. See J. N. Mattock, "History and Fiction," Occasional Papers of the School of 'Abbasid Studies 1 (1986): 96.

173According to Johann Flick there were at least fifteen known recensions of Ibn Ishaq available soon after his death. See Johann Fuck, "Muhammad Ibn Ishaq: Literarhistorische Untersuchungen" (diss., Frankfurt am Main: 1925), 44.